The Blackcoat's Daughter

# The Blackcoat's Daughter

## Abstract

The Blackcoat's Daughter (also known as February) is a 2015 supernatural psychological horror film written and directed by Osgood Perkins. The film stars Emma Roberts, Kiernan Shipka, Lucy Boynton, Lauren Holly, and James Remar.

The film premiered at the 2015 Toronto International Film Festival before it was released through video-on-demand on February 16, 2017, by DirecTV Cinema. It was released theatrically in the United States on March 31, 2017, by A24. The film received generally positive reviews.

## Plot

The plot is split into three timelines. The first two, "Rose" and "Joan", intercut between each other before a third timeline, "Kat", is introduced and comprises the film's climax.

Rose

In February, students at the prestigious Bramford Academy, a Catholic boarding school in upstate New York, are about to be picked up by their parents for a week-long break. Kat, a freshman, and Rose, a senior student, are left behind. Suspecting she may be pregnant, Rose has lied to her parents about the vacation dates to buy time. Kat has a premonitory dream of her parents dying in a car crash. That night, Rose departs with her boyfriend to inform him of the pregnancy. Meanwhile, Kat receives a call. Hours later, Rose returns and finds Kat in the boiler room, repeatedly prostrating before the boiler. Kat speaks cryptically and claims her parents are dead, disturbing Rose. After Rose leaves, Kat's body starts convulsing and contorting in bed.

The next morning, Rose and a sickly-looking Kat join the nuns for breakfast, where Kat behaves erratically, vomits, and curses at the nuns. After receiving an alarming phone call, the nuns order Rose to shovel the driveway "down to the earth" for the abrupt return of Headmaster Gordon. Gordon arrives with a policeman; as they enter the nun's cabin, a bloodstain is seen on the wall, and the men react with shock to something offscreen.

Joan

A young woman, Joan, arrives at a bus stop after escaping a mental institution. A friendly older man named Bill offers her a ride with him and his wife Linda. They stop at a motel and Joan showers, revealing a scar on her shoulder. A flashback shows her being shot by a policeman. Bill tells Joan that he picked her up because she reminded him of his deceased daughter, revealed to be Rose – the next day will be the ninth anniversary of Rose's death, on which her parents visit Bramford every year. Joan recognizes Rose's name and retreats to the bathroom, where she suppresses laughter. Joan is revealed to be a fake name; the real Joan was a woman she killed to steal her ID.

Kat

During the days leading up to winter break, Kat is in contact with an entity depicted alternately as a horned shadow and a gravelly voice on the phone. This entity informs her of her parents' impending death, and instructs her to kill everyone. After breakfast, the nuns receive a phone call informing them that Kat's parents have died. After Rose is dismissed to shovel the driveway, Kat murders both nuns. She pursues Rose; shortly after Rose has her period, confirming she is not pregnant, Kat stabs her to death and beheads her. Gordon and the policeman find Kat prostrating in front of the boiler again, with the severed heads of her three victims next to her. She exclaims " Hail Satan !" before the policeman shoots her in the shoulder, revealing that "Joan" is Kat. Kat is detained in a mental hospital, where a priest performs an exorcism. The exorcism is seemingly successful, but Kat begs the demon not to leave her before it vanishes.

"Joan", the Kat of nine years later, murders Bill and Linda when they pull over in Bramford. She beheads their corpses and brings the heads to the boiler room of the academy, seemingly in an effort to summon the demon she lost years ago. However, she finds the boiler cold and unused. Now completely alone, she leaves the academy and breaks down crying in the middle of the road.

## Cast

- Emma Roberts as Joan, an asylum escapee traveling with Bill and Linda.

- Kiernan Shipka as Katherine, an awkward and creepy freshman who is being haunted by a dark spirit while she is at school with Rose.

- Lucy Boynton as Rose, a daring young woman in her senior year of high school who fears she might be pregnant. She is joined by Kat during the winter break while they are stuck at school.

- Lauren Holly as Linda, Rose's mother and Bill's wife who dislikes Joan.

- James Remar as Bill, Rose's father, a kind man who is married to Linda and shows kindness to Joan through driving her to her destination.

- Greg Ellwand as Father Brian, a priest at the boarding school.

- Elena Krausz as Ms. Prescott, a nurse at the boarding school.

- Heather Tod Mitchell as Ms. Drake, a nurse at the boarding school.

- Peter James Haworth as Mr. Gordon, the headmaster of the boarding school.

- Peter Gray as Rick, Rose's boyfriend.

- Emma Holzer as Lizzy, Rose's friend who finds out first that Rose might be pregnant.

## Production

Although the film only received a wide release after I Am the Pretty Thing That Lives in the House was shown, The Blackcoat's Daughter was filmed first, making it Perkins' debut film. Perkins noted that he intended to "tell a sad story" about loss, and used the horror genre and the possession subgenre, as a " Trojan Horse ". Perkins noted that he could have made the film without this but felt its omission would have resulted in the audience's engagement with the story being different. Financing the film was particularly difficult, and Perkins attributed this to the "slumping" success of the horror genre, since the script was completed in 2012 but filming did not begin until 2015. IEven though those to whom Perkins showed the script were enthusiastic about it, many of them believed that it would be impossible to make. After the casting of Kiernan Shipka and Emma Roberts was announced in April 2014 and the casting of Lucy Boynton, Lauren Holly, and James Remar was announced in February 2015, production began

Principal photography for the film began in February 2015 in Kemptville, Ontario, Canada and the film's soundtrack was scored by Perkins' brother, Elvis Perkins, a singer-songwriter. Perkins had never written a film score before, and he found the medium confining, noting that the restrictions "almost killed him".

## Release

The film had its premiere at the Toronto International Film Festival on September 12, 2015. Shortly after, A24 and DirecTV Cinema acquired US distribution rights to the film. The Canadian distribution rights were acquired by ABMO Films. The film had its US premiere at the Fantastic Fest on September 24, 2015. In November 2015, it was announced that the film had sold to various international territories at the AFM, including the United Kingdom, France, Australia, New Zealand, Latin America, Poland, the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and the Middle East. The film was retitled from February to The Blackcoat's Daughter. The film was scheduled to be released by DirecTV Cinema on July 14, 2016. This was pushed back to August 25, 2016, before opening in a limited release on September 30. The film was then pulled from the schedule and pushed back to an undisclosed 2017 date. It was released on February 16, 2017, through DirecTV Cinema, before being released on March 31, 2017, in a limited release and through video on demand by A24. On Netflix UK, it was released under the title February.

## Reception

On Rotten Tomatoes the film has an approval rating of 75%, based on 75 reviews, with an average rating of 6.6/10, and the site's consensus of the film reads: "Slow-building and atmospheric, The Blackcoat's Daughter resists girls-in-peril clichés in a supernatural thriller that serves as a strong calling card for debuting writer-director Oz Perkins." On Metacritic, the film has a score of 68 out of 100, based on reviews from 17 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".

Leslie Felperin of The Hollywood Reporter wrote: "As with so many of the best mystery-horror films, the optimum way to enjoy a first viewing of this is try to remain as ignorant as possible about what happens. That said, it also brims with tiny, blink-and-you'll-miss-them details that will repay repeat viewings." Joe Leydon of Variety magazine wrote: "In addition to everything else he does right in "The Blackcoat's Daughter," Perkins plays fair: When you replay the movie in your mind after the final fadeout, you realize that every twist was dutifully presaged, and the final reveal was hidden in plain sight all along." It was included in The New York Times ' list of "13 Scariest Horror Movies to Watch" in 2020.


2024 Cincinnati Bengals season

# 2024 Cincinnati Bengals season

## Abstract

The 2024 season is the Cincinnati Bengals ' 55th season in the National Football League (NFL), their 57th overall and their sixth under head coach Zac Taylor. They will attempt to improve on their 9–8 record from last year and make the playoffs after a one-year absence.

## Offseason

### Free agents

### Trades

- March 12 – Running back Joe Mixon was traded to the Houston Texans for a seventh-round pick (No. 224 overall).

## Draft

Notes

- Pick 97 and 214 were compensatory draft picks.

- Pick 224 was acquired as part of Joe Mixon trade from Houston Texans.

## Preseason

### Game summaries

#### Preseason Week 1: vs Tampa Bay Buccaneers

at Paycor Stadium, Cincinnati, Ohio

- Date: August 10

- Game time: 7:00 p.m. EDT

- TV announcers (WXIX): Mike Watts (play-by-play), Anthony Munoz (color analyst), and Marisa Contipelli (sideline reporter)

## Regular season

### Schedule

Notes

- Intra-division opponents are in bold text.

- Networks and times from Weeks 5–16 are subject to change as a result of flexible scheduling.

- The date, time and network for Week 17 will be finalized at a later date.

- The date, time and network for Week 18 will be finalized at the end of Week 17.

### Game summaries

#### Week 1: vs. New England Patriots

at Paycor Stadium, Cincinnati, Ohio

- Date: September 8

- Game time: 1:00 p.m. EDT

- Game weather: Sunny, 66 °F (19 °C)

- Game attendance: 66,214

- Referee: Land Clark

- TV announcers (CBS): Ian Eagle, Charles Davis, and Evan Washburn

- Recap, Game Book

#### Week 2: at Kansas City Chiefs

at Arrowhead Stadium, Kansas City, Missouri

- Date: September 15

- Game time: 4:25 p.m. EDT/3:25 p.m. CDT

- Game weather: Mostly sunny, 88 °F (31 °C)

- Referee: Alex Kemp

- TV announcers (CBS): Jim Nantz, Tony Romo and Tracy Wolfson

- Preview

### Standings


The Blazing World (film)

# The Blazing World (film)

## Abstract

The Blazing World is a 2021 American fantasy horror - thriller film written and directed by Carlson Young (in her feature film directorial debut) and co-written by Pierce Brown. The film stars Udo Kier, Dermot Mulroney, Vinessa Shaw, Soko, John Karna, Young and Edith González in her final film role before her death in 2019. The film is loosely inspired by Margaret Cavendish 's 1666 work of the same name. In 2018, Young wrote, directed and starred in the short film of the same name, prior to expanding the basis and ideas for the full-length film. It is the first in a planned trilogy of films entitled Saturn Returns.

## Cast

- Udo Kier as Lained

- Dermot Mulroney as Tom Winter

- Vinessa Shaw as Alice Winter

- Soko as Margot

- John Karna as Blake

- Carlson Young as Margaret Winter

- Liz Mikel as Dr. Cruz

## Release

The film had its world premiere at the 2021 Sundance Film Festival on January 31, 2021 in the Next section.

## Reception

The review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes had it with a 59% rating based on reviews from 49 critics. The site's consensus reads, " The Blazing World's scattershot script isn't always able to support writer-director-star Carlson Young's ambitions, but its arresting visuals hold the attention". On Metacritic it has a score of 33% based on reviews from 9 critics, indicating "generally unfavorable reviews".

Meagan Navarro of Bloody Disgusting wrote "Young's debut is ambitious and refuses to adhere to commercial conformity. It may not hit its emotional marks or substantially reinvent trauma depictions, but it's hard to ever be bored by a film that plays like a whimsical horror-fairy tale on acid".

Monica Castillo and Kristy Puchko of RogerEbert.com had a different take on the film. According to Puchko, the film "is impressive" and "awe with outrageousness", while Castillo's take is that " The Blazing World falls short narratively and visually".

The Hollywood Reporter ' s Frank Scheck commented that "There's plenty of imagination on display in The Blazing World, but it's buried amidst the narrative and stylistic self-indulgence that assumes we'll be interested in going on this very strange and ultimately enervating journey".

Guy Lodge of Variety expressed a mixed reaction, stating that the film "throws an ornate heap of production design at an anemically scripted psychological metaphor, and counts on a combination of fairy dust and sheer determined nerve to make the whole contraption fly".

Sarah Jane of The Austin Chronicle, called the film "overstuffed and overextended". She praised the soundtrack (especially the songs by Isom Innis and Sean Cimino as Peel), which (along with Soko 's appearance) "buoyed" the film.


1858 in Germany

# 1858 in Germany

## Abstract

Events from the year 1858 in Germany.

## Incumbents

- King of Bavaria – Maximilian II

- King of Hanover – George V

- King of Prussia – Frederick William IV

- King of Saxony – John of Saxony

## Events

- William I of Prussia becomes regent for his brother, Frederick William IV, who has suffered a stroke.

- January 25 – The Wedding March by Felix Mendelssohn becomes a popular wedding recessional, after it is played on this day at the marriage of Queen Victoria 's daughter Victoria, Princess Royal, to Prince Friedrich of Prussia in St James's Palace, London.

## Births

- January 10 – Heinrich Zille, German illustrator, photographer (d. 1929)

- February 18 – Wilhelm Schmidt, German pioneer of superheated steam for use in locomotives (d. 1924)

- February 24 - Friedrich Schrempf, German editor, politician (d. 1913)

- March 18 – Rudolf Diesel, German inventor, automotive pioneer (d. 1913)

- March 23 – Ludwig Quidde, German pacifist, recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize (d. 1941)

- March 27 – Richard Friedrich Johannes Pfeiffer, German physician, bacteriologist (d. 1945)

- April 23 – Max Planck, German physicist, Nobel Prize laureate (d. 1947)

- July 9 – Franz Boas, German anthropologist (d. 1942)

- November 10 – Heinrich XXVII, Prince Reuss Younger Line (d. 1928)

- December 19 – Adolf Schiel, German-born officer in Boer armed forces (d. 1903)

## Deaths

- February 13 – Hermann Heinrich Gossen, economist (b. 1810)

- March 20 – Johannes Gossner, theologian and philanthropist (b. 1810)

- June 3 – Julius Reubke, German composer (b. 1834)

- December 13 – Karl Ludwig Philipp Zeyher, German botanist (b. 1799)


The Bolero

# The Bolero

## Abstract

The Bolero is a 1973 American short documentary film directed by Allan Miller and William Fertik. It won an Oscar at the 46th Academy Awards in 1974 for Best Short Subject.

## Film content

The film captures the behind-the-scenes preparations of the musicians from the Los Angeles Philharmonic Orchestra as they get ready to showcase Maurice Ravel 's orchestral masterpiece, Boléro. Some musicians share their thoughts while adjusting their chairs and music stands. Conductor Zubin Mehta also provides insights, and the film conveys the atmosphere of the rehearsals. The pinnacle of the documentary is the breathtaking performance of Boléro by the talented musicians.

## Cast

- Zubin Mehta as Himself, Conductor

- Ernest Fleishman as Himself, Executive Director L.A. Philharmonic

- Anne Diener Giles as Herself, Flute

- Michele Zukovsky as Herself, Clarinet

- Merritt Buxbaum as Himself, E. Flat Clarinet

- Alan Goodman as Himself, Bassoon

- Robert DiVall as Himself, Trumpet

- Franklin Stokes as Himself, Saxophone

- Henry Sigismonti as Himself, French Horn

- H. Dennis Smith as Himself, Trombone

- Miles Zentner as Himself, Piccolo

- Los Angeles Philharmonic Orchestra

## Availability

The Bolero was released on DVD by First Run Features alongside In Search of Cezanne, another documentary short, this time about French pre-cubist artist Paul Cézanne, on May 22, 2007.


2024 Cincinnati Bengals season


Florya railway station

# Florya railway station

## Abstract

Florya railway station (Turkish: Florya istasyonu) is a railway station in Bakırköy, Istanbul. The station was built in 1955 as a stop on the Istanbul suburban commuter rail line until 2013, when the entire line was closed down for expansion and renovation. Florya station was demolished and rebuilt in order to accommodate for a third track. The new station entered service in the beginning of 2019 and became a stop on the Marmaray commuter rail line.

The station was used by the public to access the Florya beach, a popular city beach in Istanbul.


Box Hill railway station, Wellington

# Box Hill railway station, Wellington

## Abstract

Box Hill railway station is one of eight stations on the Johnsonville Branch, a commuter branch railway north of Wellington in New Zealand 's North Island. It serves the suburbs of Khandallah and Te Kainga. It is the only station on the line to be set below street level, and one of four on the line which is on a curve. The station is usually called Box Hill, but was signed by Tranz Metro as Boxhill on their platform signage.

Electric multiple unit trains are operated under the Metlink brand through this station in both directions to Johnsonville (to the north) and Wellington (to the south).

## History

Box Hill is one of the more recent stations on the Johnsonville Branch, having been opened in 1956.

As part of the Johnsonville line upgrading in 2009–10, the Box Hill Station was closed for about two months from 3 May 2010 while the station platform was resurfaced and extended to the south.

## Services

Trains run in both directions through this station, departing at half-hourly intervals, supplemented by a 13/13/26 schedule at peak times on week days.

The nearest bus routes are #25 and #26 which pass through Khandallah Village.

## Facilities

This station has a single side platform and passenger shelter. Pedestrian access is from Cockayne Road, and from the north end of the platform to Box Hill by a footpath under the adjacent road overbridge. There is no dedicated station car park available.


The Book of Stars

# The Book of Stars

## Abstract

The Book of Stars is a 1999 American drama film directed by Michael Miner and starring Mary Stuart Masterson and Jena Malone as two sisters, both of whom are on the down slopes of their lives but in entirely different ways. It received its world premiere as part of the 1999 South By Southwest Film Festival.

## Plot

Penny and Mary are sisters living together in a tenement apartment in a seedy section of an unnamed city. The responsibility of caring for fifteen-year-old Mary has fallen on Penny due to the death of their parents years before.

Mary has cystic fibrosis, and the deterioration of her lungs is rapidly worsening. Forced to spend most of her time indoors, she has tracked her life and dreams and hopes in an artistic scrapbook which she calls her "Book of Stars and Lovely Things." In it, she fashions herself an astronaut, cut adrift in space and slowly and helplessly drifting towards the sun and her eventual doom. Penny is a once-promising poet who has turned to a life of prostitution and drugs to help numb her from the grim reality of her job and the impending loss of her sister.

There is a quiet young man who has moved in next door. He is from war-torn Eastern Europe and walks with a limp. Penny gets a letter from a prisoner, who was moved by her poetry and writes her admiring letters. She won't answer, or even read the letters, so Mary does it for her.

Mary arranges things and events to keep her sister human. Together, they all face life, death, and the universal need to reach out for someone.

## Soundtrack

The soundtrack was released on August 23, 2005 on La-La Land Records.

### Track listing

- "Main Title" – 3:03

- "The Meeting / Refuge" – 2:23

- "The Prisoner's First Letter / Mary's Dream" – 3:18

- "Painted Lady / Mary's World / The Fight" – 3:32

- "New Friend" – 1:40

- "Storm Warnings" – 4:35

- "Tellmeaboutthebeach / Ticklefight / Solar Plunge" – 4:04

- "Picnic" – 2:41

- "Overdose / Grim Reaper / The Hospital" – 4:51

- "Torn Letter" – 4:56

- "Happy Birthday" – 1:57

- "Samuel's Story" – 2:51

- "The Book is Finished / Afterlife / The Beach" – 5:44

- "Transcendence" – 3:42

- "End Credits" – 4:52

- "Alternate End Credits" – 5:40


2024–25 Ferencvárosi TC season

# 2024–25 Ferencvárosi TC season

## Abstract

The 2024–25 season is Ferencvárosi Torna Club 's 121th competitive season, 16th consecutive season in the Nemzeti Bajnokság I, where they will be competing as six-time defending champions and 126th year in existence as a football club. In addition to the domestic league, Ferencváros participate in this season's editions of the Magyar Kupa, UEFA Champions League and UEFA Europa League.

## Kits

Supplier: Macron / Sponsor: Magyar Telekom / Tippmix

### Kit usage

We indicate in parentheses the number of round.

## First team squad

Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules. Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality.

## Transfers

### Summer

Sources:

### Out on loan

Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules. Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality.

Sources:

## Friendlies

Win Draw Loss Fixtures

### Pre-season

### Mid-season

Source:

## Competitions

### Overall record

In italics, we indicate the Final position achieved in competition(s) that have not yet been completed.

Last updated: 15 September 2024 Source: Soccerway

### Nemzeti Bajnokság I

#### League table

#### Results summary

Last updated: 1 September 2024. Source: Soccerway

#### Results by round

#### Matches

Win Draw Loss Postponed

Source:

#### Results overview

All results are indicated from the perspective of Ferencvárosi TC. We indicate in parentheses the number of round. Win Draw Loss Postponed

### Magyar Kupa

#### Round of 64

The draw for the Round of 64 was held on 26 August 2024. Budafok also started the Magyar Kupa competitions in this round.

#### Round of 32

The draw for the Round of 32 will hold on 16 September 2024.

### UEFA Champions League

#### Second qualifying round

Ferencváros won 7–1 on aggregate.

#### Third qualifying round

Midtjylland won 3–1 on aggregate.

### UEFA Europa League

#### Play-off round

1–1 on aggregate, Ferencváros won 3–2 on penalties.

#### League phase

The draw for the League phase was held on 30 August 2024. The team for League Phase: Goalkeepers: Dibusz, Á. Varga – Defenders: Botka, Cissé, Ćivić, Gartenmann, Gustavo, Kaján, Ramírez, Szalai – Midfielders: Abu Fani, Ben Romdhane, Kady, Maïga, Makreckis, Rommens, A. Tóth, Zachariassen – Forwards: Saldanha, Gruber, Misidjan, Pešić, Traoré, B. Varga

## Squad statistics

### Appearances

Includes all competitions for senior teams. We indicate the number of the player's appearances as substitute by the combination of a plus sign and a figure.

Notes: GK: goalkeeper; DF: defender; MF: midfielder; FW: forward

### Goal scorers

Includes all competitions for senior teams. The list is sorted by squad number when season-total goals are equal. Players with no goals not included in the list. We indicate in parentheses how many of the goals scored by the player from penalties.

### Assists

Includes all competitions for senior teams. The list is sorted by squad number when season-total assists are equal. Players with no assists not included in the list.

### Goalkeppers

#### Clean sheets

Includes all competitions for senior teams. The list is sorted by squad number when season-total clean sheets are equal. Numbers in parentheses represent games where both goalkeepers participated and both kept a clean sheet; the number in parentheses is awarded to the goalkeeper who was substituted on, whilst a full clean sheet is awarded to the goalkeeper who was on the field at the start of play.

### Disciplinary record

Includes all competitions for senior teams. The list is sorted by red cards, then yellow cards (and by squad number when total cards are equal). Players with no cards not included in the list.

### Captains

Includes all competitions for senior teams. The list is sorted by squad number when season-total number of games where a player started as captain are equal. Players with no games started as captain not included in the list.

## Attendances

Home stadium: Groupama Arena, Budapest – Capacity: 23,700 (22,122 in international matches)

## Awards and nominations

### Weekly awards

#### Player of the Round

Player of the Week by Nemzeti Sport and Round Selection of Nemzeti Bajnokság by Nemzeti Sport and Csakfoci websites.

#### Goal of the Round

Goal of the Round of Nemzeti Bajnokság by the M4 Sport website.

- Score – The score at the time of the goal. Ferencvárosi TC's score listed first.

- Final score – The score at full time; Ferencvárosi TC's listed first.

### Monthly awards

#### Player of the Month

Player of the Month by Ferencvárosi TC (Sponsored: HSA Group).

### Yearly awards

## Milestones

Debuts

The following players made their competitive debuts for Ferencvárosi TC's first team during the campaign.

50th appearances

The following players made their 50th appearances for Ferencvárosi TC's first team during the campaign.

First goals

The following players scored their first goals for Ferencvárosi TC's first team during the campaign.

- Score – The score at the time of the goal. Ferencvárosi TC's score listed first.

- Final score – The score at full time; Ferencvárosi TC's listed first.


Alberto Fujimori

# Alberto Fujimori

## Abstract

Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto (26 July 1938 – 11 September 2024) was a Peruvian politician, professor, and engineer who served as the 54th president of Peru from 1990 to 2000. Fujimori, of Japanese descent, was an agronomist and university rector before entering politics. Generally recognized as a dictator, his government was characterized by its use of propaganda, neoliberal economic reforms, widespread political corruption and human rights violations.

Fujimori's tenure began with his unexpected victory in the 1990 general election. He quickly implemented neoliberal economic reforms to address hyperinflation and economic instability, which won him initial support from international financial institutions, the military, and the Peruvian upper class. His administration soon became known for its authoritarian practices. In 1992, he carried out a self-coup, dissolving Congress and assuming extraordinary powers. After the coup, it was revealed that his government applied the directives of the military's Plan Verde. His government was linked to forced sterilizations and the violent suppression of the Shining Path insurgency. He was re-elected in 1995 and controversially again in 2000 amid allegations of electoral fraud.

In 2000, facing mounting allegations of widespread corruption, crimes against humanity, and human rights abuses in his government, Fujimori fled to Japan. He was later arrested in Chile in 2005 and extradited to Peru, where he was tried and convicted on multiple charges, including human rights violations and embezzlement. He was sentenced to 25 years in prison but was released in December 2023 following a controversial court order. He died from cancer nine months later in September 2024. He remains a polarizing figure in Peruvian politics, with a visible legacy in his political movement called Fujimorism, and in his daughter, Keiko Fujimori, who has run three times for president.

## Early life, education and early career

According to government records, Fujimori was born in 1938, in Miraflores, a district of Lima. His parents, Naoichi Fujimori (né Minami), who was adopted by a childless relative, and Mutsue Inomoto, were natives of Kumamoto, Japan, who migrated to Peru in 1934. Fujimori claimed to have been born on 28 July, the anniversary of Peru's independence from Spain, but other documents have listed a birth date of 26 July; Fujimori cited the latter date in a court hearing in Japan in 2001.

In July 1997, the news magazine Caretas alleged that Fujimori was born in Japan, in his father's hometown of Kawachi, Kumamoto Prefecture. Because the constitution requires the president to have been born in Peru, this would have made Fujimori ineligible to be president. The magazine, which had been sued for libel by Vladimiro Montesinos seven years earlier, reported that Fujimori's birth and baptismal certificates might have been altered. Caretas also alleged that Fujimori's mother declared having two children when she entered Peru; Fujimori was the second of four children.

Caretas ' s contentions were hotly contested in the Peruvian media; the magazine Sí described the allegations as "pathetic" and "a dark page for journalism". Latin American scholars Cynthia McClintock and Fabián Vallas note that the issue appeared to have died down among Peruvians after the Japanese government announced in 2000 that "Fujimori's parents had registered his birth in the Japanese consulate in Lima". The Japanese government determined that he was also a Japanese citizen because of his parents' registration in the koseki.

Fujimori obtained his early education at the Colegio Nuestra Señora de la Merced and La Rectora School. Fujimori's parents were Buddhists, but he was baptized and raised Catholic. Aside from Spanish, he also spoke Japanese, the primary language in his childhood home. In 1956, Fujimori graduated from La Gran Unidad Escolar Alfonso Ugarte in Lima.

He went on to undergraduate studies at the Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina in 1957, graduating in 1961 first in his class as an agricultural engineer. The following year he lectured on mathematics at the university. In 1964 he went to study physics at the University of Strasbourg in France. On a Ford scholarship, Fujimori also attended the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee in the United States, where he obtained his master's degree in mathematics in 1969.

In 1974, he married Susana Higuchi, also Japanese Peruvian. They had four children, including a daughter, Keiko, and a son, Kenji, who followed him into politics and were both elected to Congress.

In recognition of his academic achievements, the sciences faculty of the National Agrarian University offered Fujimori the deanship and in 1984 appointed him to the rectorship of the university, which he held until 1989. In 1987, Fujimori also became president of the National Assembly of University Rectors (Asamblea Nacional de Rectores), a position that he held twice. He also hosted a TV show called Concertando from 1988 to 1989, on Peru's state-owned network, Canal 7.

## Presidency (1990–2000)

### First term

#### 1990 general election

During the first presidency of Alan García, the economy had entered a period of hyperinflation and the political system was in crisis due to the country's internal conflict, leaving Peru in "economic and political chaos". The armed forces grew frustrated with the inability of the García administration to handle the nation's crises and began to draft Plan Verde as a plan to overthrow his government. According to Rospigliosi, lawyer and friend of Fujimori, Vladimiro Montesinos was not initially involved with the Plan Verde, but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted with the armed forces tasking Montesinos with implementing the plan with Fujimori, while Schulte-Bockholt would say that both General Nicolás de Bari Hermoza and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori. Mario Vargas Llosa, Fujimori's final opponent in the election, later reported that United States Ambassador to Peru, Anthony C. E. Quainton, personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic. Rendón writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos, who had previously been charged with spying on the Peruvian military for the CIA.

During the second round of elections, Fujimori originally received support from left-wing groups and those close to the García government, exploiting the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposed neoliberal economic reforms of his opponent, novelist Mario Vargas Llosa. Fujimori won the 1990 presidential election as a dark horse candidate under the banner of Cambio 90 ("cambio" means "change") defeating Vargas Llosa in a surprising upset. He capitalized on profound disenchantment with outgoing president Alan García and the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance party (APRA).

During the campaign, Fujimori was nicknamed el chino, which translates to "the Chinese guy" or "the Chinaman "; it is common for people of any East Asian descent to be called chino in Peru, as elsewhere in Spanish-speaking Latin America, both derogatively and affectionately. Although he was of Japanese heritage, Fujimori suggested that he was always pleased by the nickname, which he perceived as a term of affection. With his election victory, he became the third person of East Asian descent to govern a South American state, after Arthur Chung of Guyana and Henk Chin A Sen of Suriname.

#### Economic shock

According to news magazine Oiga, the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup d'etat to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration. The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios, titled "Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy", Fujimori was to be directed on accepting the military's plan at least 24 hours before his inauguration. Fernando Rospigliosi states "an understanding was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in the Plan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration. Montesinos and SIN officials ultimately assumed the armed force's position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles. Fujimori went on to adopt many of the policies outlined in the Plan Verde. Fujimori was sworn in as president on 28 July 1990, allegedly his 52nd birthday.

After taking office, Fujimori abandoned the economic platform he promoted during his campaign, adopting more aggressive neoliberal policies than those espoused by Vargas Llosa, his opponent in the election. During his first term in office, Fujimori enacted wide-ranging neoliberal reforms, known as the Fujishock. It was Fujimori's stated objective to pacify the nation and restore economic balance. This program bore little resemblance to his campaign platform and was in fact more drastic than anything Vargas Llosa had proposed. Hernando de Soto, the founder of one of the first neoliberal organizations in Latin America, the Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD), began to receive assistance from the U.S. government under Ronald Reagan, with the National Endowment for Democracy 's Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) providing his ILD with funding and education for advertising campaigns. Between 1988 and 1995, de Soto and the ILD were mainly responsible for some four hundred initiatives, laws, and regulations that led to significant changes in Peru's economic system. Under Fujimori, de Soto served as "the President's personal representative", with The New York Times describing de Soto as an "overseas salesman" for Fujimori in 1990, writing that he had represented the government when meeting with creditors and United States representatives. Others dubbed de Soto as the "informal president" for Fujimori. De Soto proved to be influential to Fujimori, who began to repeat de Soto's advocacy for deregulating the Peruvian economy. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) was content with Peru's measures, and guaranteed loan funding for Peru. Inflation rapidly began to fall and foreign investment capital flooded in. Nonetheless, the Fujishock restored Peru to the global economy, though not without immediate social cost; international business participated in crony capitalism with the government. The privatization campaign involved selling off of hundreds of state-owned enterprises, and replacing the country's troubled currency, the inti, with the nuevo sol. Fujimori's initiative relaxed private sector price controls, drastically reduced government subsidies and government employment, eliminated all exchange controls, and also reduced restrictions on investment, imports, and capital. Tariffs were radically simplified, the minimum wage was immediately quadrupled, and the government established a US$400 million poverty relief fund. The latter seemed to anticipate the economic agony to come: the price of electricity quintupled, water prices rose eightfold, and gasoline prices 3,000%.

#### Military regime

During Fujimori's first term in office, APRA and Vargas Llosa's party, the FREDEMO, remained in control of both chambers of Congress —then composed of a Chamber of Deputies and a Senate—hampering the enactment of economic reform. Fujimori also had difficulty combatting the Maoist Shining Path (Spanish: Sendero Luminoso) guerrilla organization due largely to what he perceived as intransigence and obstructionism in Congress. By March 1992, the Congress met with the approval of only 17% of the electorate, according to one poll; in the same poll, the president's approval stood at 42%.

Fujimori and his military handlers had planned for a coup during his preceding two years in office. In response to the political deadlock, Fujimori, with the support of the military, carried out a self-coup on 5 April 1992, also known as the autogolpe (auto-coup) or Fujigolpe (Fuji-coup) in Peru. Congress was shut down by the military, the constitution was suspended and the judiciary was dissolved. Without political obstacles, the military was able to implement the objectives outlined in the Plan Verde while Fujimori served as president to project an image that Peru was supporting a liberal democracy. Vladimiro Montesinos would go on to adopt the actual function of Peru's government.

According to numerous polls, the coup was welcomed by the public as evidenced by favorable public opinion in several independent polls; in fact, public approval of the Fujimori administration jumped significantly in the wake of the coup. Fujimori often cited this public support in defending the coup, which he characterized as "not a negation of real democracy, but on the contrary... a search for an authentic transformation to assure a legitimate and effective democracy". Fujimori believed that Peruvian democracy had been nothing more than "a deceptive formality—a façade". He claimed the coup was necessary to break with the deeply entrenched special interests that were hindering him from rescuing Peru from the chaotic state in which García had left it.

Fujimori's coup was immediately met with near-unanimous condemnation from the international community. The Organization of American States (OAS) denounced the coup and demanded a return to " representative democracy ", despite Fujimori's claim that the coup represented a "popular uprising". Foreign ministers of OAS member states reiterated this condemnation of the autogolpe. They proposed an urgent effort to promote the reestablishment of "the democratic institutional order" in Peru. Negotiations between the OAS, the government, and opposition groups initially led Fujimori to propose a referendum to ratify the auto-coup, but the OAS rejected this. Fujimori then proposed scheduling elections for a Democratic Constituent Congress (CCD), which would draft a new constitution to be ratified by a national referendum. Despite a lack of consensus among political forces in Peru regarding this proposal, an ad hoc OAS meeting of ministers nevertheless endorsed this scenario in mid-May. Elections for the Democratic Constituent Congress were held on 22 November 1992.

Various states individually condemned the coup. Venezuela broke off diplomatic relations, and Argentina withdrew its ambassador. Chile joined Argentina in requesting Peru's suspension from the Organization of American States. International lenders delayed planned or projected loans, and the United States, Germany, and Spain suspended all non-humanitarian aid to Peru.

Fujimori, in turn, later received most of the participants of the Venezuelan coup attempt of November 1992 as political asylees, who had fled to Peru after its failure.

Peru–United States relations earlier in Fujimori's presidency had been dominated by questions of coca eradication and Fujimori's initial reluctance to sign an accord to increase his military's eradication efforts in the lowlands. Fujimori's autogolpe became a major obstacle to relations, as the United States immediately suspended all military and economic aid, with exceptions for counter-narcotic and humanitarian funds. Two weeks after the self-coup, the George H. W. Bush administration changed its position and officially recognized Fujimori as the legitimate leader of Peru, partly because he was willing to implement economic austerity measures, but also because of his adamant opposition to the Shining Path.

With FREDEMO dissolved and APRA leader Alan García exiled to Colombia, Fujimori sought to legitimize his position. He called elections for a Democratic Constitutional Congress, to serve as a legislature and as a constituent assembly. The APRA and Popular Action attempted a boycott of this election, but the Christian People's Party (PPC) and many left-leaning parties participated in this election. Fujimori supporters won a majority of the seats in this body and drafted a new constitution in 1993. In a referendum, the coup and the Constitution of 1993 were approved by a margin of less than five percent.

On 13 November 1992, General Jaime Salinas Sedó led a failed military coup. Salinas asserted that his intentions were to turn Fujimori over to be tried for violating the constitution.

In 1994, Fujimori separated from his wife Susana Higuchi in a noisy, public divorce. He formally stripped her of the title First Lady in August 1994, appointing their eldest daughter Keiko as first lady in her stead. Higuchi publicly denounced Fujimori as a "tyrant" and claimed that his administration was corrupt. They formally divorced in 1995.

In Fujimori's first term of office, over 3,000 Peruvians were killed in political murders.

### Second term

The 1993 Constitution allowed Fujimori to run for a second term, and in April 1995, at the height of his popularity, Fujimori easily won reelection with almost two-thirds of the vote. His main opponent, former UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, won only 21 percent of the vote. Fujimori's supporters won comfortable majority in the new unicameral Congress. One of the first acts of the new congress was to declare an amnesty for all members of the military and police accused or convicted of human rights abuses between 1980 and 1995.

During his second term, Fujimori and Ecuadorian President Sixto Durán Ballén signed a peace agreement over a border dispute that had simmered for more than a century. The treaty allowed the two countries to obtain international funds for developing the border region. Fujimori also settled some issues with Chile, Peru's southern neighbor, which had been unresolved since the 1929 Treaty of Lima.

The 1995 election was the turning point in Fujimori's career. Peruvians began to be more concerned about freedom of speech and the press. Before he was sworn in for a second term, he stripped two universities of their autonomy and reshuffled the national electoral board. This led his opponents to call him "Chinochet", a reference to his previous nickname and to Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet. Modeling his rule after Pinochet, Fujimori reportedly enjoyed this nickname.

According to a poll by the Peruvian Research and Marketing Company conducted in 1997, 40.6% of Lima residents considered President Fujimori an authoritarian.

In addition to the fate of democracy under Fujimori, Peruvians were becoming increasingly interested in the myriad allegations of criminality that involved Fujimori and his chief of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), Vladimiro Montesinos. Using SIN, Fujimori gained control of the majority of the armed forces, with the Financial Times stating that "n no other country in Latin America did a president have so much control over the armed forces".

A 2002 report by Health Minister Fernando Carbone later suggested that Fujimori was involved in the forced sterilizations of up to 300,000 indigenous women between 1996 and 2000, as part of a population control program. A 2004 World Bank publication said that in this period Montesinos's abuse of the power Fujimori granted him "led to a steady and systematic undermining of the rule of law".

### Third term, flight to Japan and resignation

By the arrival of the new millennium, Alberto Fujimori became increasingly authoritarian, strengthening collaboration with Vladimiro Montesinos and the National Intelligence Service. Shortly after Fujimori began his second term, his supporters in Congress passed a law of "authentic interpretation" which effectively allowed him to run for another term in 2000. A 1998 effort to repeal this law by referendum failed. In late 1999, Fujimori announced that he would run for a third term. The electoral authorities, which were politically sympathetic to Fujimori, accepted his argument that the two-term restriction did not apply to him, as it was enacted while he was already in office.

Exit polls showed Fujimori fell short of the 50% required to avoid an electoral runoff, but the first official results showed him with 49.6% of the vote, just short of outright victory. Eventually, Fujimori was credited with 49.9%—20,000 votes short of avoiding a runoff. Despite reports of numerous irregularities, the international observers recognized an adjusted victory of Fujimori. His primary opponent, Alejandro Toledo, called for his supporters to spoil their ballots in the runoff by writing "No to fraud!" on them (voting is mandatory in Peru). The OAS electoral observation mission pulled out of the country, saying that the process would be neither free nor fair.

In the runoff, Fujimori won with 51.1% of the total votes. While votes for Toledo declined from 37.0% of the total votes cast in the first round to 17.7% of the votes in the second round, invalid votes jumped from 8.1% of the total votes cast in the first round to 31.1% of total votes in the second round. The large percentage of invalid votes in the election suggests widespread dissatisfaction with the electoral process among voters.

Although Fujimori won the runoff with only a bare majority (but 3/4 valid votes), rumors of irregularities led most of the international community to shun his third swearing-in on 28 July. For the next seven weeks, there were daily demonstrations in front of the presidential palace. As a conciliatory gesture, Fujimori appointed former opposition candidate Federico Salas as prime minister. Opposition parties in Congress refused to support this move, and Toledo campaigned vigorously to have the election annulled. At this point, a corruption scandal involving Vladimiro Montesinos broke out, and exploded into full force on the evening of 14 September 2000, when the cable television station Canal N broadcast footage of Montesinos apparently bribing opposition congressman Alberto Kouri to defect to Fujimori's Peru 2000 party. The video was originally presented at press conference by Fernando Olivera and Luis Iberico of the FIM (Independent Moralizing Front); many other similar videos were released in the following weeks.

Fujimori's support virtually collapsed, and a few days later he announced in a nationwide address that he would shut down the SIN and call new elections, in which he would not be a candidate. On 10 November, Fujimori won approval from Congress to hold elections on 8 April 2001. On 13 November, Fujimori left Peru for a visit to Brunei to attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. On 16 November, Valentín Paniagua took over as president of Congress after the pro-Fujimori leadership lost a vote of confidence. On 17 November, Fujimori traveled from Brunei to Tokyo, where he submitted his presidential resignation via fax. Congress refused to accept his resignation, instead voting on 22 November 62–9 to remove Fujimori from office on the grounds that he was "permanently morally disabled".

On 19 November, government ministers presented their resignations en bloc. Fujimori's first vice president, Francisco Tudela, had broken with Fujimori and resigned a few days earlier. This left second vice president Ricardo Márquez Flores as next in line for the presidency. Congress refused to recognize him, as he was an ardent Fujimori loyalist; Márquez resigned two days later. Paniagua was next in line, and became interim president to oversee the April 2001 elections.

### Corruption

Fujimori was accused of a series of offences, including embezzlement of public funds, abuse of power and corruption during almost 10 years as president (1990–2000), especially when he gained greater control after the self-coup. The network operated as a kleptocracy in three spheres: business, politics and the military.

With multimillion-dollar annual expenditures in 1992 (five billion dollars in public spending plus another five billion in state enterprises), part of the funds were diverted to political and military institutions. According to the National Anti-Corruption Initiative (INA) in 2001, they corresponded to 30–35% of the average budget expenditure in each year, and 4% of the average annual GDP during the same period.

One of those responsible for maintaining an image of apparent honesty and government approval was Vladimiro Montesinos, head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), who systematically bribed politicians, judges and the media. That criminal network also involved authorities of his government; furthermore, due to privatisation and the arrival of foreign capital, companies close to the Ministry of Economy were allowed to use state money for public works tenders, as in the cases of AeroPerú, JJC Contratistas Generales (of the Camet Dickmann family) and the Banco de Crédito.

Although in 1999 the opposition made a public denunciation that ended in the resignation of five ministers, this network was later revealed in 2000, just before the president resigned, when the Swiss embassy in Peru informed the Minister of Justice Alberto Bustamante and the attorney general José Ugaz of more than US$40 million coming from Montesinos, in which he was denounced for "illicit enrichment to the detriment of the Peruvian state". Ugaz was in charge of the investigation until 2002.

According to Transparency International in 2004, Fujimori was listed as the seventh most corrupt former leader in history.

#### Counterterrorism efforts

When Fujimori came to power, much of Peru was dominated by the Maoist insurgent group Sendero Luminoso (" Shining Path "), and the Marxist–Leninist group Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA). In 1989, 25% of Peru's district and provincial councils opted not to hold elections, owing to a persistent campaign of assassination, over the course of which over 100 officials had been killed by the Shining Path in that year alone. That same year, more than one-third of Peru's courts lacked a justice of the peace due to Shining Path intimidation. Labor union leaders and military officials were also assassinated throughout the 1980s.

By the early 1990s, some parts of the country were under the control of the insurgents, in territories known as "zonas liberadas" ("liberated zones"), where inhabitants lived under the rule of these groups and paid them taxes. When the Shining Path arrived in Lima, it organized "paros armados" ("armed strikes"), which were enforced by killings and other forms of violence. The leadership of the Shining Path largely consisted of university students and teachers. Two previous governments, those of Fernando Belaúnde Terry and Alan García, at first neglected the threat posed by the Shining Path, then launched an unsuccessful military campaign to eradicate it, undermining public faith in the state and precipitating an exodus of elites.

According to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Shining Path guerrilla attacks claimed an estimated 12,500 lives during the organization's active phase. On 16 July 1992, the Tarata bombing, in which several car bombs exploded in Miraflores, Lima's wealthiest district, killed over 40 people; the bombings were characterized by one commentator as an "offensive to challenge President Alberto Fujimori". The bombing at Tarata was followed up with a "weeklong wave of car bombings... Bombs hit banks, hotels, schools, restaurants, police stations and shops... uerrillas bombed two rail bridges from the Andes, cutting off some of Peru's largest copper mines from coastal ports."

Fujimori earned credit for ending the Shining Path insurgency. As part of his anti-insurgency efforts, Fujimori granted the military broad powers to arrest suspected insurgents and try them in secret military courts with few legal rights. This measure has often been criticized for compromising the fundamental democratic and human right to an open trial wherein the accused faces the accuser. Fujimori contended that these measures were both justified and also necessary. Members of the judiciary were too afraid to charge the alleged insurgents, and judges and prosecutors had very legitimate fears of reprisals against them or their families. At the same time, Fujimori's government armed rural Peruvians, organizing them into groups known as rondas campesinas ("peasant patrols").

Insurgent activity was in decline by the end of 1992, and Fujimori took credit for this abatement, claiming that his campaign had largely eliminated the insurgent threat. After the 1992 auto-coup, the intelligence work of the DINCOTE (National Counter-Terrorism Directorate) led to the capture of the leaders from MRTA and the Shining Path, including notorious Shining Path leader Abimael Guzmán. Guzmán's capture was a political coup for Fujimori, who used it to great effect in the press; in an interview with documentarian Ellen Perry, Fujimori even notes that he specially ordered Guzmán's prison jumpsuit to be white with black stripes, to enhance the image of his capture in the media.

Critics charge that to achieve the defeat of the Shining Path, the military engaged in widespread human rights abuses, and that the majority of the victims were poor highland countryside inhabitants caught in a crossfire between the military and insurgents. The final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, published on 28 August 2003, noted that the armed forces were also guilty of destroying villages and murdering countryside inhabitants whom they suspected of supporting insurgents.

The Japanese embassy hostage crisis began on 17 December 1996, when fourteen MRTA militants seized the residence of the Japanese ambassador in Lima during a party, taking hostage some four hundred diplomats, government officials, and other dignitaries. The action was partly in protest of prison conditions in Peru. During the four-month standoff, the Emerretistas gradually freed all but 72 of their hostages. The government rejected the militants' demand to release imprisoned MRTA members and secretly prepared an elaborate plan to storm the residence, while stalling by negotiating with the hostage-takers.

On 22 April 1997, a team of military commandos, in the operation codenamed " Chavín de Huantar ", raided the building. One hostage, two military commandos, and all 14 MRTA insurgents were killed in the operation. Images of President Fujimori at the ambassador's residence during and after the military operation, surrounded by soldiers and liberated dignitaries, and walking among the corpses of the insurgents, were widely televised. The conclusion of the four-month-long standoff was used by Fujimori and his supporters to bolster his image as tough on terrorism.

#### Human rights violations

Several organizations criticized Fujimori's methods against the Shining Path and the MRTA. Amnesty International said "the widespread and systematic nature of human rights violations committed during the government of former head of state Alberto Fujimori (1990–2000) in Peru constitute crimes against humanity under international law". The 1992 La Cantuta massacre and the 1991 Barrios Altos massacre by members of the Grupo Colina death squad, made up solely of members of the armed forces, were among the crimes that Peru cited in its request to Japan for his extradition in 2003.

The success of the military operation in the Japanese embassy hostage crisis was tainted by subsequent allegations that at least three and possibly eight of the insurgents were summarily executed by the commandos after surrendering. In 2002, the case was taken up by public prosecutors, but the Supreme Court ruled that the military tribunals had jurisdiction. A military court later absolved them of guilt, and the Chavín de Huantar soldiers led the 2004 military parade. In 2003, MRTA family members lodged a complaint with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) accusing the Peruvian state of human rights violations, in that the MRTA insurgents had been denied the "right to life, the right to judicial guarantees and the right to judicial protection". Although the IACHR's ruling did not directly implicate Fujimori, it did fault the Peruvian state for its complicity in the La Cantuta massacre.

#### Forced sterilizations

Reportedly following socioeconomic objectives calling for the " total extermination " of "culturally backward and economically impoverished groups" determined by the Peruvian military in the Plan Verde, from 1996 to 2000, the Fujimori government oversaw a massive forced sterilization campaign known as the National Program for Reproductive Health and Family Planning (PNSRPF). According to Back and Zavala, the plan was an example of ethnic cleansing as it targeted indigenous and rural women. The United Nations and other international aid agencies supported this campaign. USAID provided funding and training until it was exposed by objections by churches and human rights groups. The Nippon Foundation, headed by Ayako Sono, a Japanese novelist and personal friend of Fujimori, supported it as well. In the four-year Plan Verde period, over 215,000 people, mostly women, entirely indigenous, were forced or threatened into sterilization and 16,547 men were forced to undergo vasectomies during these years, most of them without a proper anesthetist, in contrast to 80,385 sterilizations and 2,795 vasectomies over the previous three years. Some scholars argue that these policies and acts were genocidal.

## Post-presidency (2000–2024)

### Summary

In 2000, facing charges of corruption and human rights abuses, Fujimori fled Peru and took refuge in Japan. He maintained a self-imposed exile until his arrest while visiting Chile in November 2005. He was extradited to face criminal charges in Peru on 22 September 2007. In December 2007, Fujimori was convicted of ordering an illegal search and seizure and was sentenced to six years imprisonment. The Supreme Court upheld the decision on appeal. In April 2009, Fujimori was convicted of human rights violations and sentenced to 25 years imprisonment for his role in kidnappings and murders by the Grupo Colina death squad during his government's battle against the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement in the 1990s. Specifically, he was found guilty of murder, bodily harm and two cases of kidnapping. The verdict marked the first time that an elected head of state was tried and convicted of human rights violations.

In July 2009, Fujimori was sentenced to 7 + 1 ⁄ 2 years imprisonment for embezzlement after he admitted to giving US$15 million from the Peruvian treasury to Montesinos. Two months later, he pleaded guilty in a fourth trial to bribery and received an additional six-year term. Transparency International determined the money embezzled by the Fujimori government—about US$600 million or about US$ 861 million in 2021—to be the seventh-most for a head of government active within 1984–2004. Under Peruvian law, all the resultant sentences must run concurrently; thus, the maximum length of imprisonment remained 25 years.

In December 2017, Fujimori was pardoned by President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, shortly after Fujimori's son, Congressman Kenji Fujimori, helped President Kuczynski survive an impeachment vote. The pardon was overturned by the Supreme Court on 3 October 2018, and Fujimori was sent back to prison in January 2019. The Constitutional Court of Peru in a 4–3 ruling on 17 March 2022 reinstated the pardon. On 8 April 2022, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori. The Constitutional Court ordered on 5 December 2023 that he be immediately released.

### Resignation, arrest, and trial

Alberto Fujimori left Peru in November 2000 to attend a regional summit in Brunei. He then traveled on to Japan. Once there, he announced plans to remain in the country and faxed his resignation letter to Congress.

After Congress rejected Fujimori's faxed resignation, they relieved Fujimori of his duties as president and banned him from Peruvian politics for a decade. He remained in self-imposed exile in Japan, where he resided with his friend, the Catholic novelist Ayako Sono. Several senior Japanese politicians supported Fujimori, partly because of his decisive action in ending the 1996–97 Japanese embassy crisis.

Alejandro Toledo, who assumed the presidency in 2001, spearheaded the criminal case against Fujimori. He arranged meetings with the Supreme Court, tax authorities, and other powers in Peru to "coordinate the joint efforts to bring the criminal Fujimori from Japan". His vehemence in this matter at times compromised Peruvian law: forcing the judiciary and legislative system to keep guilty sentences without hearing Fujimori's defense; not providing Fujimori with representation when Fujimori was tried in absentia; and expelling pro-Fujimori congressmen from the parliament without proof of the accusations against them. Those expulsions were later reversed by the judiciary.

Congress authorized charges against Fujimori in August 2001. Fujimori was alleged to be a coauthor, along with Vladimiro Montesinos, of the death-squad killings at Barrios Altos in 1991 and La Cantuta in 1992, respectively. At the behest of Peruvian authorities, in March 2003 Interpol issued an arrest order for Fujimori on charges that included murder, kidnapping, and crimes against humanity.

Meanwhile, the Peruvian government found that Japan was not amenable to the extradition of Fujimori; a protracted diplomatic debate ensued, when Japan showed itself unwilling to accede to the extradition request. Fujimori had been granted Japanese citizenship after his arrival in the country, and the Japanese government maintained that its citizens would not be extradited.

In September 2003, Fujimori and several of his ministers were denounced for crimes against humanity, for allegedly having overseen forced sterilizations during his regime. In November, Congress approved an investigation of Fujimori's involvement in the airdrop of Kalashnikov rifles into the Colombian jungle in 1999 and 2000 for guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Fujimori maintained he had no knowledge of the arms-trading, and blamed Montesinos. By approving the charges, Congress lifted the immunity granted to Fujimori as a former president, so that he could be criminally charged and prosecuted.

Congress also voted to support charges against Fujimori for the detention and disappearance of 67 students from the central Andean city of Huancayo and the disappearance of several residents from the northern coastal town of Chimbote during the 1990s. It also approved charges that Fujimori mismanaged millions of dollars from Japanese charities, suggesting that the millions of dollars in his bank account were far too much to have been accumulated legally.

In 2004, the Special Prosecutor established to investigate Fujimori released a report alleging that the Fujimori administration had obtained US$2 billion though graft. Most of this money came from Vladimiro Montesinos's web of corruption. The Special Prosecutor's figure of two billion dollars is considerably higher than the one arrived at by Transparency International, an NGO that studies corruption. Transparency International listed Fujimori as having embezzled an estimated US$600 million or about $ 861 million in 2021, which would rank seventh in the list of money embezzled by heads of government active within 1984–2004.

Fujimori dismissed the judicial proceedings underway against him as "politically motivated", citing Toledo's involvement. Fujimori established a new political party in Peru, Sí Cumple, working from Japan. He hoped to participate in the 2006 presidential elections, but in February 2004, the Constitutional Court dismissed this possibility, because the ex-president was specifically barred by Congress from holding any office for ten years. Fujimori saw the decision as unconstitutional, as did his supporters such as former congress members Luz Salgado, Martha Chávez and Fernán Altuve, who argued it was a "political" maneuver and that the only body with the authority to determine the matter was the National Elections Jury (JNE). Valentín Paniagua disagreed, suggesting that the Constitutional Court finding was binding and that "no further debate is possible".

Fujimori's Sí Cumple (roughly translated, "He Keeps His Word") received more than 10% in many country-level polls, contending with APRA for the second-place slot, but did not participate in the 2006 elections after its participation in the Alliance for the Future (initially thought as Alliance Sí Cumple) had not been allowed.

By March 2005, it appeared that Peru had all but abandoned its efforts to extradite Fujimori from Japan. In September of that year, Fujimori obtained a new Peruvian passport in Tokyo and announced his intention to run in the upcoming 2006 national election. He arrived in Chile in November 2005, but hours after his arrival there he was arrested. Peru then requested his extradition.

While under house arrest in Chile, Fujimori announced plans to run in Japan's Upper House elections in July 2007 for the far-right People's New Party. Fujimori was extradited from Chile to Peru in September 2007.

On 7 April 2009, a three-judge panel convicted Fujimori on charges of human rights abuses, declaring that the "charges against him have been proven beyond all reasonable doubt". The panel found him guilty of ordering the Grupo Colina death squad to commit the November 1991 Barrios Altos massacre and the July 1992 La Cantuta massacre, which resulted in the deaths of 25 people, as well as for taking part in the kidnappings of opposition journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer Ampudia. As of 2009 Fujimori's conviction is the only instance of a democratically elected head of state being tried and convicted of human rights abuses in his own country. Later on 7 April, the court sentenced Fujimori to 25 years in prison. Likewise, the Court found him guilty of aggravated kidnapping, under the aggravating circumstance of cruel treatment, with respect to journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer Ampudia. The Special Criminal Chamber determined that the sentence was to expire on 10 February 2032. On 2 January 2010, the sentence to 25 years in prison for human rights violations was confirmed.

### Further trials

He faced a third trial in July 2009 over allegations that he illegally gave US$15 million in state funds to Vladimiro Montesinos, former head of the National Intelligence Service, during the two months prior to his fall from power. Fujimori admitted paying the money to Montesinos but claimed that he had later paid back the money to the state. On 20 July, the court found him guilty of embezzlement and sentenced him to a further 7 + 1 ⁄ 2 years in prison.

A fourth trial took place in September 2009 in Lima. Fujimori was accused of using Montesinos to bribe and tap the phones of journalists, businessmen and opposition politicians—evidence of which led to the collapse of his government in 2000. Fujimori admitted the charges but claimed that the charges were made to damage his daughter's presidential election campaign. The prosecution asked the court to sentence Fujimori to eight years imprisonment with a fine of US$1.6 million plus US$1 million in compensation to ten people whose phones were bugged. Fujimori pleaded guilty and was sentenced to six years' imprisonment on 30 September 2009.

### Pardon requests and release

Press reports in late 2012 indicated that Fujimori was suffering from tongue cancer and other medical problems. His family asked President Ollanta Humala for a pardon. President Humala rejected a pardon in 2013, saying that Fujimori's condition was not serious enough to warrant it. In July 2016, with three days left in his term, President Humala said that there was insufficient time to evaluate a second request to pardon Fujimori, leaving the decision to his successor Pedro Pablo Kuczynski. On 24 December 2017, President Kuczynski pardoned him on health grounds. Kuczynski's office stated that the hospitalized 79-year-old Fujimori had a "progressive, degenerative and incurable disease". The pardon kicked off at least two days of protests and led at least three congressmen to resign from Kuczynski's party. A spokesman for Popular Force alleged there was a pact that, in exchange for the pardon, Popular Force members helped Kuczynski fight ongoing impeachment proceedings.

On 20 February 2018, the National Criminal Chamber ruled that it did not apply the resolution that granted Fujimori the right of grace for humanitarian reasons. Therefore, the former president had to face the process for the Pativilca Case with a simple appearance. On 3 October 2018, the Peruvian Supreme Court reversed Fujimori's pardon and ordered his return to prison. He was rushed to a hospital and returned to prison on 23 January 2019. His pardon was formally annulled on 13 February 2019.

The Constitutional Court, in a 4–3 ruling on 17 March 2022, reinstated the pardon, though it was not clear if or when he might be released. Those ruling in approval of Fujimori's release argued that a pardon, no matter how unconstitutional it may be, can be issued by the President of Peru and that previous rulings annulling the pardon were "subjective". Constitutional Court judges ruling in favor of releasing Fujimori ignored the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ' opinion that criticized Kuczynski's reported pardon pact with Fujimori's son and pointed out that the disease cited in the pardon was possibly diagnosed by Fujimori's personal doctor, not an independent physician.

On 8 April 2022, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori.

On 5 December 2023, he was ordered to be released immediately following an order by the Constitutional Court. This followed a previous order by the court that mandated the decision in the hands of a lower court in Ica, which returned the case to the Constitutional Court citing lack of authority. The following day, he was released from Barbadillo Prison in Lima, after spending 16 years in prison, whereupon he was met by his children Keiko and Kenji as well as a crowd of supporters.

### Forced sterilizations trial

In May 2023, the Supreme Court of Chile ordered Fujimori to testify regarding forced sterilizations that occurred between 1996 and 2000 during his government, with Chile attempting to decide if they would expand extradition charges against Fujimori to include the sterilizations, which would allow him to be prosecuted in Peru. On 19 May 2023, Fujimori participated in a video call from Barbadillo Prison with justice officials in Chile defending his actions regarding sterilizations.

### 2026 general election

Two months before his death, on 14 July 2024, Keiko Fujimori announced her father's candidacy for the 2026 Peruvian general election, despite his legal impediments and difficulties related to old age and poor health.

## Illness and death

For some years before his death, Fujimori had gastrointestinal issues, heart problems and cancer. He made his last public appearance at a hospital after undergoing a CT scan on 4 September 2024. He died in San Borja, Lima, on 11 September, at the age of 86, at the home of his daughter Keiko. His doctor, José Carlos Gutiérrez, said he had trouble breathing on 9 September, lost consciousness on 10 September, and died from complications of tongue cancer. The Peruvian government declared three days of mourning and granted him a state funeral. From 12 to 14 September 2024, he lay in state at Peru's Ministry of Culture headquarters. Fujimori's state funeral was then held on 14 September 2024 at Lima's National Theatre. His funeral was attended by the incumbent president, Dina Boluarte, who offered a salute. Fujimori was then buried at Campo Fe Cemetery in Huachipa, Lima.

## Legacy

### Economics

Fujimori was credited by many Peruvians with bringing stability to the country after the violence and hyperinflation during the García administrations.

Neoliberal reforms under Fujimori took place in three distinct phases: an initial "orthodox" phase (1990–92) in which technocrats dominated the reform agenda; a "pragmatic" phase (1993–98) that saw the growing influence of business elites over government priorities; and a final "watered-down" phase (1999–2000) dominated by a clique of personal loyalists and their clientelist policies that aimed to secure Fujimori a third term as president. Business was a big winner of the reforms, with its influence increasing significantly within both the state and society.

High growth during Fujimori's first term petered out during his second term. The 1997–98 El Niño event had a tremendous impact on the Peruvian economy during the late 1990s and exacerbated a recession during that time. Nevertheless, total GDP growth between 1992 and 2001, inclusive, was 44.60%, that is, 3.76% per annum; total GDP per capita growth between 1991 and 2001, inclusive, was 30.78%, that is, 2.47% per annum. Also, studies by INEI, the national statistics bureau show that the number of Peruvians living in poverty increased dramatically (from 41.6% to more than 70%) during Alan García's term, but decreased greatly (from more than 70% to 54%) during Fujimori's term. Furthermore, FAO reported Peru reduced undernourishment by about 29% from 1990 to 1992 to 1997–99.

Peru was reintegrated into the global economic system, and began to attract foreign investment. The mass selloff of state-owned enterprises led to improvements in some service industries, notably local telephone, mobile telephone, and internet services, respectively. For example, before privatization, a consumer or business had to wait up to 10 years to get a local telephone line installed by the state-run telephone company at a cost of US$607 for a residential line. Peru's physical land-based telephone network had a dramatic increase in telephone penetration from 2.9% in 1993 to 5.9% in 1996 and 6.2% in 2000, and a dramatic decrease in the wait for a telephone line: the average wait went from 70 months in 1993 (before privatization) to two months in 1996 (after privatization). Privatization also generated foreign investment in export-oriented activities such as mining and energy extraction, notably the Camisea Gas Project and the copper and zinc extraction projects at Antamina.

### Criticism

Fujimori has been described as a dictator. His government was permeated by a network of corruption organized by his associate Montesinos. Fujimori's style of government has also been described as "populist authoritarianism". Numerous governments and human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, welcomed the extradition of Fujimori to face human rights charges. As early as 1991, Fujimori had himself vocally denounced what he called "pseudo-human rights organizations" such as Amnesty International and Americas Watch, for allegedly failing to criticize the insurgencies targeting civilian populations throughout Peru against which his government was struggling.

Some of the GDP growth during the Fujimori years actually reflects a greater rate of extraction of nonrenewable resources by transnational companies; these companies were attracted by Fujimori by means of near-zero royalties, and, by the same fact, little of the extracted wealth has stayed in the country. Peru's mining legislation, they claim, has served as a role model for other countries that wish to become more mining-friendly.

The sole instance of organized labor 's success in impeding reforms, namely the teacher's union resistance to education reform, was based on traditional methods of organization and resistance: strikes and street demonstrations.

In the 2004 Global Corruption Report, Fujimori made into the list of the World's Most Corrupt Leaders. He was listed seventh and he was said to have amassed $600 million, but despite years of incarceration and investigation, none of these supposed stolen funds have ever been located in any bank account anywhere in the world.

### Support

Fujimori did have support within Peru. The Universidad de Lima March 2003 poll, taken while he was in Japan, found a 41% approval rating for his administration. A poll conducted in March 2005 by the Instituto de Desarrollo e Investigación de Ciencias Económicas (IDICE) indicated that 12.1% of the respondents intended to vote for Fujimori in the 2006 presidential election. A poll conducted on 25 November 2005, by the Universidad de Lima indicated a high approval (45.6%) rating of the Fujimori period between 1990 and 2000, attributed to his counterinsurgency efforts (53%). In a 2007 University of Lima survey of 600 Peruvians in Lima and the port of Callao, 82.6% agreed that the former president should be extradited from Chile to stand trial in Peru.

In the 2006 congressional elections, his daughter Keiko was elected to the congress with the highest vote count. She came in second place in the 2011 Peruvian presidential election with 23.2% of the vote, and lost the June runoff against Ollanta Humala. She again ran for president in the 2016 election, narrowly losing the runoff to Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, and again in the 2021 election, losing the runoff to Pedro Castillo.


Jamilud Din Ahsan

# Jamilud Din Ahsan

## Abstract

Jamilud Din Ahsan is a retired major general of Bangladesh Army and former ambassador of Bangladesh to Libya.

## Career

Ahsan fought in the Bangladesh Liberation War and was awarded Bir Protik, the fourth highest gallantry award of Bangladesh military. He was the Charlie Company Commander of the 4th East Bengal Regiment and fought in the Battle of Salda.

From 19 October 1991 to 26 July 1996, Ahsan was the Director General of Special Security Force. From 7 March 2000 to 13 October 2001, he was the director general of Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies.

Ahsan was the Master General of Ordnance of Bangladesh Army. On 11 September 2005, he was appointed ambassador of Bangladesh to Libya.

Ahsan was the coordinator of the Sector Commanders Forum-Muktijudda 71.


Black and White (audio drama)

# Black and White (audio drama)

## Abstract

Black and White is a Big Finish Productions audio play based on the long-running British science fiction television series Doctor Who.

## Plot

The search for the Doctor continues. The Black TARDIS brings Ace and Aristedes to the setting of the classic, epic, Anglo-Saxon poem, Beowulf. The White TARDIS brings Hex and Sally to the same location, but sixteen years later.

## Cast

- Seventh Doctor – Sylvester McCoy

- Ace – Sophie Aldred

- Hex – Philip Olivier

- Captain Lysandra Aristedes – Maggie O'Neill

- Private Sally Morgan - Amy Pemberton

- Garundel – Stuart Milligan

- Young Beowulf – Michael Rouse

- Old Beowulf – Richard Bremmer

- Weohstan – John Banks

- Wiglaf – James Hayward

## Continuity

- Aristedes was first heard in the 2010 story, Project Destiny, where she was working for The Forge, just before its destruction.

- Sally met the Doctor in the 2011 story House of Blue Fire. She also features in Project: Nirvana, alongside Captain Aristedes.

- The exterior of the TARDIS was rendered white during the events of the 2009 story, The Angel of Scutari. It remained as such in the stories, Project: Destiny, A Death in the Family, Lurkers at Sunlight's Edge and Protect and Survive.

- Ace and Hex discovered that the Doctor was missing at the start of the previous story, Protect and Survive.

- The TARDIS with the black exterior was inexplicably seen in a trilogy of solo Seventh Doctor stories, Robophobia, The Doomsday Quatrain and House of Blue Fire, which, for the Doctor, take place between Lurkers at Sunlight's Edge and Protect and Survive. It is also in Project: Nirvana, which takes place just before Black and White.

- Aristedes recalls unheard adventures with the Doctor and Sally, fighting Elder Gods such as The Animus (encountered by the First Doctor in the television story The Web Planet) and The Great Intelligence (encountered by the Second Doctor in the television stories The Abominable Snowmen and The Web of Fear). She also mentions The Mi’en Kalarash, which Sally fought in House of Blue Fire. Ace recalls her encounter with The Celestial Toymaker in the audio The Magic Mousetrap.

- The Fast Return Switch was used in the 1964 First Doctor television story, The Edge of Destruction. It has also featured in Big Finish audios such as Seasons of Fear and Neverland.

- The Doctor is heard in several scenes that take place at other points in time. He is heard obtaining the Black TARDIS, just after the events in Alaska in Lurkers at Sunlight's Edge. He is then heard taking it on its first three trips, (Robophobia, The Doomsday Quatrain and House of Blue Fire). He is also heard recruiting Sally, in a scene taken from the end of House of Blue Fire. And he is heard recruiting Captain Aristedes, just after House of Blue Fire.


Legendrea loyezae

# Legendrea loyezae

## Abstract

Tag

Legendrea loyezae is a rare species of freshwater anaerobic ciliate. Only six accounts of L. loyezae specimens have been published as of 2022.

## Taxonomy

Phylogenetic analysis of a partial L. loyezae 18S ribosomal RNA sequence indicate it is a member of the Family Spathidiidae and Order Haptorida. It is also more closely related to the species Apertospathula oktemae of the family Apertospathulidae and Arcuospathidium sp. than other Spathidiidae. The sequence is also a sister group to a clade of three Epispathidium sequences.

## Description

Legendrea loyezae are unicellular organisms 75–120 micrometres (0.0030–0.0047 in) long and 40–55 micrometres (0.0016–0.0022 in) wide, and are ovoid and slightly flattened in shape. It has uniform cilia on its body and a complete oral bulge (bulge located at its mouth) with dense rows of extrusomes. It possesses one elongated, horseshoe-shaped macronucleus and a contractile vacuole at its posterior end.

Legendrea loyezae possesses 15–30 tentacles protruding from an indentation in its posterior, with 5–8 cilia in a ring and densely-packed, curved, needle-shaped extrusomes protruding from a vacuole on each tentacle tip. When swimming, these tentacles retract and trail behind the cell, which is heart-shaped due to the indentation; when stationary, the cell flattens against a surface such that it takes on a rounder shape and the tentacles fully extend, becoming narrower and reaching up to twice the length of the body. The vacuole also expands when the tentacles extend.

## Habitat and distribution

Legendrea loyezae occurs in freshwater anoxic (oxygen-free) sediments, such as that found in freshwater ponds. Fauré-Fremiet's first account of their existence states they were first found in a pond near Paris, France. In the second account of their existence, published by Eugene Penard, they were discovered in a marsh in Rouelbeau, Geneva. In 2014, specimens were found in freshwater ponds in Germany. In 2021 and 2022, specimens were found in woodland freshwater lakes in Warsaw, Poland.

## Behavior

### Feeding phase

When feeding, L. loyezae assumes its stationary form for days at a time to wait for prey. The cilia at the tip of the extended tentacles perform a "beating" motion, while the tip with extrusomes moved like "fish bait". In their 2022 article, Weiss et al. theorized that the tentacles capture prey in the extrusomes, then move it to the cytostome (mouth) to be ingested.

### Movement

During the feeding phase, L. loyezae were observed as not reacting to tapping or short bursts of UV light on the microscope slides they were residing on. However, it did move in response to the nearby presence of Monomorphina sp., a photosynthetic organism, likely in reaction to its production of oxygen. In such an event, L. loyezae can contract its tentacles in about 30 seconds, changing from its stationary form to its swimming form as it moves to an anoxic location where it may resume its feeding phase.

### Ecology

Legendrea loyezae is a free-living, non-parasitic organism. Endosymbiotic prokaryotes are present inside its cytoplasm.


The Boy Who Cried Bitch

# The Boy Who Cried Bitch

## Abstract

The Boy Who Cried Bitch is a 1991 American independent drama film directed by Juan Jose Campanella and starring Harley Cross, Karen Young, Jason Biggs (in his first speaking role), Jesse Bradford and Adrien Brody. It was Campanella's feature film debut. It was based on real events.

## Plot

The story focuses on Dan Love (Harley Cross), a young boy with misdiagnosed (or undiagnosed) mental condition(s), who slowly plunges the life of his mother, Candice (Karen Young), into an unbridled chaos.

## Cast

- Harley Cross as Dan Love

- Karen Young as Candice Love

- Jesse Bradford as Mike Love

- J.D. Daniels as Nick Love

- Adrien Brody as Eddie

- Jason Biggs as Robert

- Moira Kelly as Jessica

- Gene Canfield as Jim Cutler

- Dennis Boutsikaris as Orin Fell

- Reathel Bean as Dr. Goldstein

- Edwina Lewis as Ann Marie, R.N.

- Ru Flynn as Ruth Nussbaum

- Kario Salem as Dr. Habib

- John Rothman as Stokes

- Samurel Wright as Richard

- Perry Moore as William

- Sean Ashby as Gene

- Chris McKenna as Ross

- Michael Miceli as Chet

- Judd Trichter as Jay

- Bruce McCarty as Gary

- Sally Kaye Kaufman as Fern

- Leslie Shenkel as Eddie's Father

## Production

Much of the filming was done at the McGovern residence in Bronxville.

Campanella said that the script was mostly based on the real life of screenwriter Catherine May Levin.

## Release and sequel

Originally exhibited at the Boston Film Festival in 1991, the film contained an alternate ending. It was never given to the MPAA for examination, and thus remains unrated.

It was followed by a semi-sequel called The Boy Who Cried Bitch: The Adolescent Years (2007), without the participation of many of the crew members of the original film, with the exception of scriptwriter Catherine May Levin.


Manukau railway station

# Manukau railway station

## Abstract

Manukau railway station is located at the heart of the campus of the Manukau Institute of Technology in Manukau, a suburb of Auckland, New Zealand. It is the terminus station for Eastern Line services between Manukau and Waitematā in central Auckland.

Access from the station to ground level and to surrounding streets is by stairs, lift or escalator to the ground floor of the 7-level campus building.

Station works were essentially finished by October 2011, and the Manukau Branch line, a 2.5 km spur line off the North Island Main Trunk railway, opened on 15 April 2012. Manukau station is the only station on the branch line.

The Eastern Line was the second passenger rail line in Auckland to receive electric train services, following the Onehunga Line in April 2014. Electric trains began running on some Eastern Line off-peak services on 15 August 2014, and were gradually rolled out onto all services over the following month.

In December 2014, all trains using the Eastern Line began terminating at Manukau rather than alternating between Manukau and Papakura. Similarly, all Southern Line trains began terminating at Papakura or Pukekohe.

In April 2018, Manukau was the 11th busiest train station on the Auckland network with an average of 1,650 passengers on a typical weekday.

## Services

Auckland One Rail, on behalf of Auckland Transport, operates suburban services from Manukau to Waitematā along the Eastern line via Glen Innes and Panmure. At off-peak, three trains per hour depart Manukau during weekday inter-peak, decreasing to two trains per hour in the evening and on weekends. At peak times, as many as six trains per hour depart Manukau.

Bus routes AirportLink, 33, 35, 36, 313, 325, 352, 353, 355, 361, 362, 365 and 366 serve Manukau station.

## Bus station

In 2016, work began on the 23-bay Manukau bus station adjacent to the train station. It was officially opened on 7 April 2018, and bus services from the facility began the following day.