New Flemish Alliance

# New Flemish Alliance

## Abstract

The New Flemish Alliance (Dutch: Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, pronounced, N-VA) is a Flemish nationalist, conservative and Eurosceptic political party in Belgium. The party was established in 2001 by the right-leaning faction of the centrist-nationalist People's Union (VU).

The N-VA is a regionalist and confederalist movement that self-identifies with the promotion of civic nationalism. Within the Flemish Movement, the party strives for the peaceful and gradual transformation of Belgium into a confederal country. In recent years it has become the largest party of Flanders as well as of Belgium as a whole, and it participated in the 2014–18 Belgian Government until 9 December 2018.

The N-VA was established as a centre-right party with the main objective of working towards furthering Flemish autonomy and redefining Belgium as a confederal country through gradually obtaining more powers for both Belgian communities separately with the belief that this will pave the way for eventual Flemish independence. During its early years, the N-VA mostly followed the platform of the former VU by characterising itself as a big tent party with Flemish nationalism as its central theme. Furthermore, it emphasized a pragmatic and non-revolutionary image (as opposed to the far-right character of the other main Flemish pro-separatist party Vlaams Belang) in order to legitimise increased Flemish autonomy. The party also espoused non-interventionalist and pro-individual freedom messages in its original platform. In subsequent years, the N-VA moved to the right and adopted a distinctly conservative identity under the leadership of Bart De Wever, who succeeded the founding leader Geert Bourgeois. The party used to be pro-Europeanist, and previously advocated deepening ties with the European Union (EU) which the N-VA regarded as an important means to give Flanders more international influence, but has since shifted to a "Eurorealist" or "Eurocritical" stance by calling for democratic reform of the EU and opposing a Federal Superstate. The party is known for its insistence on the exclusive use of Dutch, Flanders' sole official language, in dealings with government agencies. The N-VA advocates economic liberalism and immediate tax reductions to stimulate the economy. It also supports stricter law and order and controlled immigration policies, with stronger measures to integrate immigrants in Flanders.

A leading member of the European Free Alliance (EFA), since the 2014 European Parliament election, the N-VA has sat with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) parliamentary group in the European Parliament.

The party announced the creation of a Walloon branch in 2024, although it didn't manage to win any seats in the Belgian elections of that same year.

## History

### Fall of the People's Union

The N-VA stems from the right-leaning faction of the People's Union (Dutch: Volksunie, VU), a Belgian political party and broad electoral alliance of Flemish nationalists from both sides of the political spectrum with the N-VA's founders largely encompassing the more centre-right and pro-independence wing of the VU.

Towards the end of the 20th century, with a steadily declining electorate and the majority of the party's federalist agenda implemented, friction between several wings of the People's Union emerged. In the beginning of the 1990s, Bert Anciaux became party president and led the party in an ever more progressive direction, combining the social-liberal and social democratic ideas of his iD21-movement with the regionalist course of the People's Union. These experiments were opposed by the more traditional right-wing party base. Many of the VU's more ardent national-conservative members defected to the Vlaams Blok after becoming disgruntled with direction of the party, prompting a further decline in support. Around this time, VU member Geert Bourgeois, de facto leader of the VU's traditionalist and centre-right nationalist wing, put together the so-called "Oranjehofgroep" (which would go on to become the bedrock of the N-VA) which included fellow VU members Frieda Brepoels, Eric Defoort, Ben Weyts and Bart De Wever. The Oranjehofgroep opposed the direction in which the party was being taken by Anciaux and wanted the VU to pursue a more conservative, Flemish nationalist and separatist direction, while the wing helmed by Anciaux was looking to merge the Volksunie with its progressive programme with another political party.

Tension rose towards the end of the decade, as Geert Bourgeois was elected chairman by party members, in preference to the incumbent and progressive Patrik Vankrunkelsven who belonged to the iD21 wing. Factions subsequently clashed multiple times, over the future course of the party and possible support for current state reform negotiations. On 13 October 2001, the party openly split into three factions: the progressive wing around Bert Anciaux, which would later become the Spirit party; the conservative nationalist wing around Geert Bourgeois; and a centrist group opposing the imminent split. An internal referendum was held on the future course of the party. The right wing gained a substantial plurality of 47% and inherited the party infrastructure. Since no faction got an absolute majority, however, the name Volksunie could no longer be used under Belgian constitutional law and the VU was dissolved. The centre-right orientated faction of the VU went on to found the N-VA while the remaining centre-left faction reorganized itself as Spirit and the centrist-liberal wing mostly folded into the Open VLD.

### Foundation and the election threshold

In the autumn of 2001, the New Flemish Alliance (Dutch: Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, N-VA) was officially registered. Seven members of parliament from the People's Union joined the new party. The new party council created a party manifesto and a statement of principles. The first party congress was held in May 2002, voting on a party program and permanent party structures. Geert Bourgeois was elected chairman. The N-VA initially continued some of the VU's former policies.

The party participated in elections for the first time in the 2003 federal elections, but struggled with the election threshold of 5%. This threshold was only reached in West Flanders, the constituency of Geert Bourgeois. With only one federal representative and no senator, the party lost government funding and faced irrelevance.

### Cartel with CD&V

In February 2004, the N-VA entered into an electoral alliance, commonly known in Belgium as a cartel, with the Christian Democratic and Flemish (CD&V) party, the traditionally largest party, which was then in opposition. They joined forces in the regional elections in 2004 and won. Both parties joined the new Flemish government, led by CD&V leader Yves Leterme. Geert Bourgeois became a minister, and Bart De Wever became the new party leader in October 2004.

The cartel was briefly broken when the former right-wing liberal Jean-Marie Dedecker left the Open Flemish Liberals and Democrats (Open VLD) and entered the N-VA on behalf of the party executive. However, the party congress did not put Dedecker on the election list, instead preferring to continue the cartel with CD&V, who had strongly opposed placing him on a joint cartel list. Dedecker saw this as a vote of no confidence, and left the party after only 10 days, to form his own party, List Dedecker (LDD). Deputy leader Brepoels, who supported Dedecker, stepped down from the party board afterwards.

In the Belgian federal election of 2007, the CD&V/N-VA cartel won a major victory again, with a campaign focusing on good governance, state reform and the division of the electoral district Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde. The N-VA won five seats in the Chamber of Representatives and two seats in the Senate. Yves Leterme initiated coalition talks, which repeatedly stalled (see 2007–2008 Belgian government formation). On 20 March 2008, a new federal government was finally assembled. N-VA did not join this government, but gave its support pending state reform.

The cartel ended definitively on 24 September 2008, due to lack of progression in state reform matters and a different strategy on future negotiations. N-VA left the Flemish Government and gave up its support of Leterme at the federal level.

### Mainstream party

In the regional elections of June 2009, N-VA won an unexpected 13% of the votes, making them the winner of the elections, along with their old cartel partner CD&V. N-VA subsequently joined the government, led by Kris Peeters (CD&V). Bart De Wever chose to remain party leader and appointed Geert Bourgeois and Philippe Muyters as ministers in the Flemish Government and Jan Peumans as speaker of the Flemish Parliament.

Ahead of the 2010 Belgian federal election, all of the other Belgian parties distanced themselves from the N-VA resulting in De Wever accusing the Belgian political establishment of plotting a new cordon sanitaire against his party. In its election program, the N-VA advocated confederalism for Belgium maximum authority and responsibility for the different regions of the country, whereby the Flemish and Walloon regions and communities are rewarded for good policies and punished for bad policies. The party also campaigned for revisions to Belgium's finance laws and reforms to the health and education systems. De Wever also called on all the Flemish parties to work together to push for confederalism and campaigned for the idea that no government formation in Belgium should exclude a Flemish majority.

The N-VA made a major breakthrough and won the elections with just under 28% of the Flemish votes in the Chamber (31% in the Senate), making it the largest party in Flanders and Belgium. The party acquired 27 seats in the Chamber. As a result, N-VA became the dominant political formation in the Flemish political landscape and took the place that CD&V had occupied for decades as the largest Flemish party. After the election, some media commentators attributed the party's result to the style of De Wever while others argued the N-VA was able to win over conservative and Flemish nationalist supporters of the Vlaams Belang who had supported the VB out of necessity as the main Flemish separatist party but regarded it as extreme by offering a moderate alternative, as well as voters of the Open VLD and CD&V who felt those parties had moved to the left and had not performed well in government.

The N-VA also performed strongly during the 2012 Belgian local elections but was criticized by political opponents for featuring former Vlaams Belang and Vlaams Blok politicians such as Jurgen Ceder and Karim Van Overmeire on their local lists. De Wever responded by stating that only a small number of VB politicians were running as N-VA candidates. The N-VA emerged as the largest party in Antwerp with De Wever being elected as mayor.

### Michel I government

During the 2014 Belgian federal election, the N-VA again emerged as the largest party in both Flanders and Belgium as a whole. In the aftermath of the election, King Philippe nominated De Wever as informateur tasking him with forming a government.

After five months of discussions, a coalition between CD&V, Open Vld, MR and N-VA was formed on 7 October 2014, with Walloon MR politician Charles Michel appointed as Prime Minister of Belgium.

In December 2018, a political crisis emerged over whether to sign the Global Compact for Migration; N-VA was against this, whereas the other three parties in the federal government supported it. On 4 December 2018, Charles Michel announced that the issue would be taken to parliament for a vote. On 5 December, parliament voted 106 to 36 in favor of backing the agreement. Michel stated that he would endorse the pact on behalf of parliament, not on behalf of the divided government. Consequently, N-VA quit the federal government; the other three parties continue as a minority government (Michel II).

### 2019 to present

During the 2019 federal elections, the party again polled in first place in the Flemish region. However, it also saw a decline in vote share for the first time, falling to 25.6% of the Flemish vote with commentators arguing this was due to a revival of the Vlaams Belang.

Ahead of the 2024 federal elections, the N-VA announced it would run candidates in Wallonia for the first time. The party did not see any candidates elected in French-speaking districts, but it remained in first place in the Flemish region in the Federal Parliament despite polls indicating it would be overtaken by Vlaams Belang while it finished joint-first with the VB in the Flemish Parliament.

## Foundation and ideology

The New Flemish Alliance is a relatively young political party, founded in the autumn of 2001. Being one of the successors of the People's Union (Volksunie) party which existed from 1954–2001, it is, however, based on an established political tradition. The N-VA works towards the same goal as its Volksunie predecessor: to redefine Flemish nationalism in a contemporary setting. The N-VA's leader Bart De Wever calls himself a conservative and a nationalist. In its early years, the N-VA argued for a Flemish Republic as a member state of a democratic European confederation. In its initial mission statement, the party stated that the challenges of the 21st century can best be answered by strong communities and by well-developed international co-operation, a position which reflected in their tagline: "Necessary in Flanders, useful in Europe." (Dutch: Nodig in Vlaanderen, nuttig in Europa.)

Presently, the N-VA is generally characterised by political scientists and journalists as conservative, conservative liberal, and economically liberal and positioned towards the right-wing of the political spectrum with Flemish nationalism linked to the core of its policy ideas and messages. The N-VA initially advocated deepening ties with the European Union but in recent years it has been defined as moderately eurosceptic and growing more EU-critical.

During the N-VA's early years, a label for the political orientation for the party was difficult to find. Although the N-VA articulated its ideology as centre-right, it also borrowed from its Volksunie predecessor by presenting itself as a big tent or a catch-all party and a socially liberal nationalist movement that combined left- and right-wing policies but focused on Flemish issues above all else. The N-VA also summed up its initial platform with the motto Evolution, not Revolution, arguing for a more pragmatic and less radical approach to Flemish nationalism. The N-VA first argued that a Flemish nationalist party was needed in the Belgian Federal Parliament both to represent the Flemish people and to work with politicians from all Belgian communities to redefine Belgium as a confederal rather than a federal state by securing more autonomy and political powers for both the Flemish and Walloon regions of Belgium. This strategy assumed that through successive transfers of powers from the federal level to both regions on the one hand, and the European Union on the other, the Belgian state will gradually become obsolete.

In its 2009 election programme, the N-VA described itself as economically liberal and ecologically green. The party supported public transport, open source software, renewable energy and taxing cars by the number of kilometres driven. It wanted more aid for developing countries and more compulsory measures to require that immigrants learn Dutch. The party has generally been supportive of LGBT rights and backed same-sex marriage in Belgium. It calls for measures to protect weaker members of society but also robust welfare reform and limits to welfare benefits to encourage people back into work and reduce unemployment.

Within the decade of its founding, the N-VA has shifted from a big tent to a conservative party by basing some of its socio-economic policies on that of the British Conservative Party. Political scientist Glen Duerr has described the N-VA's current position as evolving to somewhere between that of Vlaams Belang and CD&V, defining itself as a small c conservative party while rejecting radical populism. The N-VA has also been described as part of the "sub-state nationalist" family of parties similar to the Scottish National Party and the Catalan National Call for the Republic and Junts parties with its regionalist platform while also differing from other independence movements in this category like the SNP which tend to hold progressive social and economic agendas since the N-VA promotes more neoliberal policies and stances on immigration and multiculturalism that are more in common with right-leaning European parties. Belgian professor Ico Maly has described the N-VA's current ideology as drawing on the intellectual beliefs of the party's leader Bart de Wever which he terms as "scientific nationalism" that distances the N-VA from the more far-right nationalism advocated by the Vlaams Belang, but on the other, leads the N-VA to use more cultural arguments compared to parties like the SNP such as defending Western values and an ethnically defined Flemish identity.

Since 2014, the N-VA has been described as continuing to move ideologically further to the right under the influence of Bart De Wever and Theo Francken by adopting tougher stances on immigration, integration of minorities, requirements to obtain Belgian citizenship, law and order, national security and repatriation of foreign born criminals and illegal immigrants. In 2015, German weekly Die Zeit published a list of 39 successful radical political parties in Europe. The paper described N-VA as right-wing populist and separatist because it reduces complex political problems to territorial issues. N-VA responded that "foreign media find the party difficult to place, so they just label us as extremists." Some commentators have attributed these shifts as a response to a revival in support for the Flemish nationalist Vlaams Belang. In contrast to other Belgian parties, the N-VA is more critical of the cordon sanitaire placed on the Vlaams Belang party and recently has been more open to negotiating with the VB, although accepting former Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang members as defectors into the N-VA still remains controversial within some ranks of the party.

### Flemish nationalism

The N-VA is part of the broader Flemish nationalist movement and describes its beliefs as combining civic and cultural nationalism. The party promotes what it calls inclusive nationalism not defined by revolutionary or racist sentiments in which newcomers can become part of the Flemish community through compulsory learning of the Dutch language, Flemish history and Western values. In its current mission statement, the party claims that political divides in Belgium are not a xenophobic conflict but due to the political structure, arguing that Belgium has effectively been divided into two separate democracies since the 20th Century. The N-VA believes the solution is to redefine the Belgian state as a confederal union by means of transferring powers separately to both communities with a smaller government in Brussels. The N-VA argues that Flanders should pursue more independent economic, taxation and foreign policies which it believes will lead to gradual Flemish secessionism. The party also supports a review into financial transfers from Flanders to Brussels and the Wallonia region, arguing that such a policy threatens solidarity between different linguistic groups and has been a burden on Flemish tax payers.

### Migration

The party calls for more strict immigration policies and reforms to asylum laws on its platform, proritizing knowledge-based immigration on a points system similar to the Canadian model and including a compulsory "integration contract" for immigrants to learn Dutch and undergo a values and social skills test before receiving Belgian citizenship. It also argues that dual nationals should be stripped of their citizenship if they are convicted of terrorism and other serious crimes and for the removal of illegal immigrants. The party also established a new government position of Minister for Integration in the Flemish Government after becoming the largest party in the Flemish Parliament. In Federal politics, N-VA MP Theo Francken who served as Belgium's Secretary of State for Asylum and Migration sought to tighten laws on family migration and was noted for overseeing a record deportation of illegal immigrants and foreigners with criminal backgrounds. This policy made him the most popular politician in public opinion polls. The party has also recently become critical of multiculturalism, arguing that it prevents inclusiveness and social cohesion among the population, and has accused French-speaking parties of pushing mass immigration and multicultural policies onto Flanders through Belgian state politics. In 2018, the party opposed the UN Global Compact for Migration and subsequently withdrew its participation in the Belgian government in protest of its passing. Some commentators have attributed these shifts as a response to a revival in support for the Flemish nationalist Vlaams Belang, which also campaigned against the Migration Compact. The N-VA also supports increased spending and resources for the police and border forces, as well as more resources for counter-terrorism and national security efforts.

### Climate change

The party has a what it calls a ecorealism stance, arguing for constructive methods and the use of green technology and expanding Belgium's nuclear power stations to mitigate climate change.

However, the N-VA voted at European level against the foundations of the European Green Deal, namely against an extension of the European Union Emissions Trading System to more sectors and against a European carbon border tax. At the Flemish level, the N-VA and the Flemish government are in favor of a 40% reduction in emissions by 2030, while the EU is calling for a 47% reduction, an objective for which Brussels and Wallonia do commit.

### Foreign policy

In terms of foreign policy, the N-VA's stance on the European Union began as strongly pro-European in character (which it regarded as an important means of gaining legitimacy for Flemish nationalism on an international stage); in 2010, the party called for "an ever stronger and more united Europe." However, the party has since moved in a Eurocritical direction and takes a more opposing stance on EU integration by calling for less interference at national decision making levels and for the right for EU members to maintain their cultural identity, more democratic reform of the EU and rejecting a Federal EU Superstate, and arguing that economically unstable nations should leave the Eurozone. The party is critical of the EU's stance on illegal immigration (in particular its handling of the migrant crisis) and the role played by NGOs in picking up migrants. The N-VA argues that the EU should emulate the Australian model of border protection to reinforce its external border and work with nations outside of Europe to stem the flow of illegal migrants arriving by sea.

The N-VA supports continued Belgian participation in NATO and for military cooperation between European states.

The party has supported sending military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine following the Russian invasion of Ukraine and sent a delegation of members to meet with Ukrainian officials in 2022.

### Other policies

On economic policy, the N-VA calls for reduced national debts and balanced budget in the Flemish and Federal Parliaments. It has generally advocated for free-market policies and limits on certain government spending. It also supports increased trade and business investment for Flanders.

The N-VA also supports abolishing the Belgian Senate.

## International affiliations

At European level, the N-VA is part of the European Free Alliance (EFA), a European political party consisting of regionalist, pro- independence and minority interest political parties, of which the People's Union was a founder member. Since the EFA tends to contain parties on the left, the N-VA stands out due to its more centre-right orientation. During the 7th European Parliament of 2009–2014, the N-VA was a member of The Greens–European Free Alliance (Greens/EFA) group in the European Parliament. However, following the 2014 European elections, the N-VA announced it was moving to a new group and chose the conservative and eurosceptic European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) over the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe. Since 2014, the N-VA has served on the bureau for the ECR group and sits alongside the Czech Civic Democratic Party, the Sweden Democrats, Brothers of Italy, Poland's Law & Justice and formerly the British Conservative Party in the European Parliament.

The N-VA is a member of the International Democracy Union.

## Faction leaders

- Party chairman: Bart De Wever

- Chamber of Representatives: Peter De Roover

- Senate: Karl Vanlouwe

- Flemish Parliament: Wilfried Vandaele

- European Parliament: Geert Bourgeois

- Brussels Parliament: Cieltje Van Achter

## Electorate

In the federal elections in 2003, N-VA received 3.1% of the votes, but won only one seat in the federal parliament. In February 2004, they formed an electoral alliance (cartel) with the Christian Democratic and Flemish party (CD&V). The cartel won the elections for the Flemish Parliament. The N-VA received a total of 6 seats. However, on 21 September 2008 the N-VA lost its faith in the federal government and the following day minister Geert Bourgeois resigned. In a press conference he confirmed the end of the CD&V/N-VA cartel.

In the 2004 European elections, N-VA had one MEP elected as part of the cartel with CD&V.

In the 10 June 2007 federal elections, the cartel won 30 out of 150 seats in the Chamber of Representatives and 9 out of 40 seats in the Senate.

In the regional elections of 11 June 2009, N-VA (now on its own after the split of the cartel with CD&V) won an unexpected 13% of the votes, making them the winner of the elections along with their former cartel partner. In the 2009 European elections held on the same day, the N-VA had one MEP elected.

In the 2010 federal elections, N-VA became the largest party of Flanders and of Belgium altogether.

In the 2014 federal elections, N-VA increased their dominant position, taking votes and seats from the far-right Flemish Interest. In the simultaneous 2014 regional elections and 2014 European elections, the N-VA also became the largest party in the Flemish Parliament and in the Belgian delegation to the European Parliament.

In the 2019 federal elections, the party remained in first place in the Chamber of Representatives, European Parliament and Flemish Parliament, but saw a decline of their vote share for the first time, obtaining 16.03% of the votes in the Federal Parliament. With a decline of 24.7% of their votes compared to 2014, the N-VA suffered the biggest election defeat of any Flemish government party in the last fifty years. The decline in votes was in part due to a sudden upsurge in support for the Flemish Interest.

## Election results

## Representation

### European politics

N-VA holds three seats in the tenth European Parliament (2024-2029) for the Dutch-speaking electoral college.

### Regional politics

#### Flemish Government

##### Former Flemish Ministers

- Geert Bourgeois, former Minister-President (2014–2019) and Minister (2004–2014)

- Liesbeth Homans, former Minister-President (2019) and Minister (2014–2019)

- Philippe Muyters, former Minister (2009–2019)


Halchidhoma

# Halchidhoma

## Abstract

The Halchidhoma (Maricopa: Xalychidom Piipaa or Xalychidom Piipaash – 'people who live toward the water') are a Native American tribe now living mostly on the Salt River reservation, but formerly native to the area along the lower Colorado River in California and Arizona when first contacted by Europeans. In the early nineteenth century, under pressure from their hostile Mohave and Quechan neighbors, they moved to the middle Gila River, where some merged with the Maricopa, and others went on to Salt River and maintained an independent identity.

The Halchidhoma currently speak the Maricopa language.

## History

The Halchidhoma entered written history in 1604–1605, when a Spanish expedition coming overland from New Mexico under Juan de Oñate encountered the "Alebdoma" on the lower Colorado River, below its junction with the Gila River. When the Jesuit missionary-explorer Eusebio Francisco Kino returned to the river in 1700, the Halchidhoma had moved to a portion of the river 100 miles farther north.

A system of military alliances and traditional hostilities seems to have prevailed among the relatively warlike tribes of the lower Colorado and Gila rivers. This may account for the Halchidhoma's move during the seventeenth century. The Halchidhoma were part of an alliance that also included the Maricopa and Cocopa, among others, and was opposed by the Quechan and Mohave. In the 1820s, the Halchidhoma were finally driven from the Colorado River. They took refuge with the Maricopa on the middle Gila River. In the following decades, some continued on to Lehi on the Salt River and maintained a separate identity, while others stayed and became assimilated to the Maricopa. The territory on the Colorado River vacated by the Halchidhoma was subsequently occupied by the Chemehuevi.

## Population

Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially. (See Population of Native California.) The Franciscan missionary-explorer Francisco Garcés estimated the Halchidhoma population in 1776 as 2,500. Alfred L. Kroeber (1925:883) put the 1770 population of the Halchidhoma at 1,000.

## Language

Historical records indicate that there once was a separate Halchidhoma language within the Yuman family, in the River Yuman subdivision. Due to war and conflict with European settlers, the Halchidhoma settled in with the Maricopa people, in their current location around Greater Phoenix. The Halchidhoma currently identify themselves with the Maricopa tribe, and many live in Lehi, which is a small community within the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community on the south banks of the Salt River. They continue to speak what they refer to as the Halchidhoma language.

## Modern relationship with Maricopa

Halchidhoma people in the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community nearly universally identify themselves in English as Maricopa, although both groups testify that they are separate, maintaining separate languages and identities (Kelly 1972:264).


Francis Alexander Shields

# Francis Alexander Shields

## Abstract

Francis Alexander Shields Jr. (May 16, 1941 – April 25, 2003) was an American businessman and an executive at Revlon in New York City. He was the father of actress Brooke Shields.

## Early life

Shields was born in New York City. He was the eldest son of Francis Xavier Alexander Sr., a top-ranking American tennis player and Davis Cup winner, and Italian Princess Donna Marina Torlonia di Civitella-Cesi. He was of Italian, German, Cherokee, French and English ancestry. After his parents' divorce, his father married Katharine Mortimer in 1949.

He attended the Buckley School in Manhattan and St. Paul's School in Concord, New Hampshire. He attended in the University of Pennsylvania. While at Penn, he captained the crew that rowed in the Henley Royal Regatta in 1962 and was a member of St. Anthony Hall.

## Career

Shields started his career with Loeb Rhoades. He then worked in sales and marketing for Revlon and Estee Lauder and was a part time exotic car mechanic. He also worked for Handy Associates, an executive recruiting firm in New York City.

He formed his own real estate firm, Frank Shields Associates, in Palm Beach, Florida in 1989.

## Personal life

In 1964, Shields married Maria Theresia "Teri" Schmon. They had a daughter, Brooke Christa Shields in 1965. They divorced when their daughter was five months old.

In 1970, he married Diana "Didi" Lippert, former wife of Thomas Gore Auchincloss (son of Hugh D. Auchincloss). They had three daughters: Marina Torlonia Shields, Olympia Torlonia Shields, and Christina Torlonia Shields.

An avid hunter and fisherman, Shields spent much of his free time at Canoe Creek, at a camp he owned in rural west Florida.

He was a longtime member of The Brook, The Bath and Tennis Club in Palm Beach, Florida, Piping Rock Club, and The Racquet and Tennis Club.

In 1980, Shields founded the Power Ten, a New York nonprofit organization supporting youth rowing and making contributions to the U.S. National rowing team and U.S. Olympic rowing team through the National Rowing Foundation and Row New York.

In 2003, Shields died in Palm Beach, of a "protracted illness" at the age of 61. After his death, the National Rowing Foundation offered the Frank Shields Fellowships.


2024 Go Bowling at The Glen

# 2024 Go Bowling at The Glen

## Abstract

The 2024 Go Bowling at The Glen is an upcoming NASCAR Cup Series race that will be held on September 15, 2024, at Watkins Glen International in Watkins Glen, New York. Contested over 90 laps on the 2.45-mile (3.94 km) road course, it will be the 28th race of the 2024 NASCAR Cup Series season, the second of the 2024 NASCAR playoffs, and the second race of the Round of 16.

## Report

### Background

Watkins Glen International (nicknamed "The Glen") is an automobile race track located in Watkins Glen, New York at the southern tip of Seneca Lake. It was long known around the world as the home of the Formula One United States Grand Prix, which it hosted for twenty consecutive years (1961–1980), but the site has been home to road racing of nearly every class, including the World Sportscar Championship, Trans-Am, Can-Am, NASCAR Cup Series, the International Motor Sports Association and the IndyCar Series.

Initially, public roads in the village were used for the race course. In 1956 a permanent circuit for the race was built. In 1968 the race was extended to six hours, becoming the 6 Hours of Watkins Glen. The circuit's current layout has more or less been the same since 1971, although a chicane was installed at the uphill Esses in 1975 to slow cars through these corners, where there was a fatality during practice at the 1973 United States Grand Prix. The chicane was removed in 1985, but another chicane called the "Inner Loop" was installed in 1992 after J.D. McDuffie's fatal accident during the previous year's NASCAR Winston Cup event.

The circuit is known as the Mecca of North American road racing and is a very popular venue among fans and drivers. The facility is currently owned by NASCAR.

#### Entry list

- (R) denotes rookie driver.

- (P) denotes playoff driver.

- (i) denotes driver who is ineligible for series driver points.

## Practice

Tyler Reddick was the fastest in the practice session with a time of 1:12.018 seconds and a speed of 122.469 mph (197.095 km/h).

## Qualifying

Ross Chastain scored the pole for the race with a time of 1:12.130 and a speed of 122.279 mph (196.789 km/h).

## Race

### Race results

#### Stage results

Stage One Laps: 20

Stage Two Laps: 20

### Final Stage results

Stage Three Laps: 50

## Media

### Television

USA will cover the race on the television side. as part of a Radio style Broadcast for the race. Leigh Diffey and Steve Letarte will call the race from the broadcast booth. MRN broadcaster Mike Bagley will call the race from the Esses, Dillon Welch will have the call from Turn 5 to Turn 9, and Jeff Burton will call the race from Turn 10 & 11. Kim Coon, Parker Kligerman and Marty Snider handled the pit road duties from pit lane.

### Radio

Motor Racing Network will have the radio call for the race, which will also be simulcast on Sirius XM NASCAR Radio. Alex Hayden, Jeff Striegle, and former crew chief Todd Gordon will cover the action when the field raced down the front straightaway. Dave Moody will call the race when the field raced thru the esses. Kyle Rickey will cover the action when the field raced thru the inner loop and turn 5 and Jason Toy will cover the action in turn 6 & 7. Steve Post, Brienne Pedigo, Chris Wilner & Jacklyn Drake will call the action from the pits for MRN.


USS Farragut (DDG-99)

# USS Farragut (DDG-99)

## Abstract

USS Farragut (DDG-99) is an Arleigh Burke -class destroyer in the United States Navy. She is the fifth Navy ship named for Admiral David Farragut (1801–1870), and the 49th ship of the Arleigh Burke class.

Farragut ' s keel was laid down on 9 January 2004 at the Bath Iron Works in Bath, Maine. She was christened on 23 July 2005, with Senator Susan Collins of Maine as her sponsor. Farragut was commissioned on 10 June 2006 in Mayport, Florida.

Farragut is equipped with the "Smart Ship" data distribution and control system.this is easy boys ship boji fire.

## Deployments and ship history

Farragut departed Naval Station Mayport for her maiden deployment on 7 April 2008 in support of the Partnership of the Americas 2008 (POA 08). She returned home after six months on 5 October 2008.

Farragut departed Naval Station Mayport again in January 2010 for her second deployment, heading for the CENTCOM Area of Responsibility (AOR). After a quick transit through the Mediterranean Sea, she made her way south through the Suez Canal and into the Red Sea en route Djibouti, Djibouti to embark and become the flagship for Combined Task Force 151, the task force responsible for Counter-Piracy in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean. Farragut then enjoyed a port visit to Port Victoria, Seychelles. After turning over the duties of CTF 151, Farragut enjoyed port visits to Salala, Oman and Manama, Bahrain, before rendezvousing with USS Dwight D. Eisenhower to assume shotgun duties for the aircraft carrier. Once complete with all tasking in CENTCOM, Farragut sailed back west through the Red Sea and the Mediterranean Sea to enjoy port visits in Santander, Spain and Lisbon, Portugal, before returning home to Naval Station Mayport in August 2010.

Farragut departed Naval Station Mayport once more in June 2012 for her third and latest deployment, to be spent in the Northern Atlantic Ocean, Mediterranean Sea, and CENTCOM AOR. Her first port visit was to Port Mahon, Menorca where the officers and crew visited the Admiral David Farragut Memorial and participated in a ceremony honoring the ship's namesake. From there the ship traveled to Riga, Latvia; Tallinn, Estonia; Bodø, Norway; Severomorsk, Russia; Wilhelmshaven, Germany; and La Rochelle, France. During these port visits, Farragut welcomed over 50 foreign dignitaries on board for seven receptions, crew members provided numerous ship tours to hundreds of visitors, and Sailors took part in ten community relations projects. While in 6th Fleet, Farragut participated in exercises with the French, Italian, Norwegian, and Russian navies. She also embarked 15 foreign midshipmen and naval officers from Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Lithuania, and Sweden. When Farragut crossed the Arctic Circle on the way to her port visit in Russia, crew members participated in a very chilly, but memorable, Blue Nose ceremony on board. In the fall of 2012, Farragut transitioned to the 5th Fleet AOR and served with both the Dwight D. Eisenhower Carrier Strike Group and the USS John C. Stennis Carrier Strike Groups. Farragut again served as the Combined Task Force (CTF) 151 flagship and embarked 17 Officers and Sailors for 3 months. As the CTF 151 flagship, Farragut was responsible for providing maritime security against piracy and securing freedom of navigation to vessels in the Gulf of Oman, Gulf of Aden and Somali Basin. While serving in the 5th Fleet, Farragut made port visits to Manama, Bahrain; Jebel Ali, UAE; and Muscat, Oman. She also completed naval exercises with the Saudi Arabian, Russian, and Australian navies. In November 2012, Farragut participated in joint exercises in the Persian Gulf during which she embarked the Combined Task Force 55 staff and provided vital inputs to the development of new surface warfare tactics. Farragut ' s visit, board, search and seizure (VBSS) team conducted multiple training exercises, supported maritime interdiction operations, and completed rescue and assistance boardings of two vessels in distress. After Farragut departed the 5th Fleet, she made her final port visit to Bar, Montenegro. While in Bar, four "E's" were painted on the bridge wings to signify Farragut ' s selection for the 2012 Battle Efficiency Award and three Command Excellence Awards. These awards recognized the hard work and dedication displayed by Farragut ' s crew during the past year.

Farragut left Mayport on 6 August 2022 for a deployment with the USS George H.W. Bush Carrier Strike Group.

5 February 2024: The Farragut, along with the “Valkyries” of HSM-50 Helicopter Maritime Strike Squadron (HSM) 50 — deployed in September 2023 to support Joint Interagency Task Force-South’s counter-narcotics operations in the Caribbean Sea returned back to Mayport.

## Engagements

On 21 February 2010, a SH-60B Seahawk helicopter from Farragut disrupted two attempts by Somali pirates to attack the Tanzanian vessel MV Barakaale 1. The helicopter then stopped the pirate skiff as it attempted to speed away, by firing warning shots across its bow. A Visit, Board, Search and Seizure (VBSS) team from Farragut boarded the vessel and the eight suspected pirates were taken aboard Farragut.

For the majority of her 2010 deployment the CENTCOM AOR, Farragut served as flagship of Combined Task Force 151 (CTF-151), on an anti-piracy mission. On 1 April 2010, three suspected pirate boats fired on a Sierra Leone flagged tanker, MV Evita, north-west of Seychelles. Evita was fired on, but managed to escape, in part by crew firing flares at their attackers. They reported the attack to CTF-151, and Farragut responded. After boarding the pirate skiffs, and moving the pirates to the smaller, less capable skiffs, Farragut destroyed the pirate "mother" skiff.

On 29 January 2013 Yemeni authorities working alongside Farragut intercepted a ship in the Arabian Sea carrying an illegal-arms cache. The cache included surface-to-air missiles, C-4 explosives, rocket propelled grenades and other weapons.

On 28 April 2015, Farragut responded to a distress call from MV Maersk Tigris, which was travelling through the Strait of Hormuz when she came under fire from an Iranian patrol boat.

On 14 January 2020, the Farragut and a Russian warship nearly collided with one another in the North Arabian Sea.

## Awards

- Navy Meritorious Unit Commendation - (Apr-Oct 2008, Oct 2011-Jul 2013, Apr-Dec 2018)

- Battle "E" - (2008, 2012, 2016, 2017)

- Retention Excellence award - (2018)


East Haven, Connecticut

# East Haven, Connecticut

## Abstract

East Haven is a town in New Haven County, Connecticut, in the United States. As of the 2020 census, the town population was 27,923. The town is located 3 miles (5 km) east of New Haven, and is part of the South Central Connecticut Planning Region. East Haven is 35 miles (56 km) from Hartford, 82 miles (132 km) from New York City, 99 miles (159 km) from Providence, Rhode Island, and 140 miles (230 km) from Boston.

## History

The Connecticut Colony granted the town petition for Township in May 1707 and colonists changed the name from Iron Works Village to East Haven. Some outstanding land issues with New Haven and a minor feud with Governor Gurdon Saltonstall resulted in the rescinding of the township status; the area was made a parish of New Haven.

Once home to a large Italian population, New Haven and neighboring towns such as East Haven have been destinations for a new wave of immigrants since the late 20th century, the majority of whom in East Haven are Latinos from Ecuador. In the 2010 census, Hispanics and Latinos made up more than 10% of the town's population.

On August 9, 2013, a Rockwell International Turbo Commander 690B crashed on approach, hitting two houses in an East Haven residential neighborhood near the airport. The impact and the resulting fires destroyed both houses. The private plane had taken off from Teterboro Airport in New Jersey. The incident resulted in four deaths: the pilot of the plane; his passenger, the pilot's 17-year-old son; and two children in one of the houses. They were girls of 13 years and one year of age.

## Geography and climate

According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 13.4 sq mi (34.8 km)， of which 12.3 sq mi (31.8 km) of it is land and 1.19 sq mi (3.08 km) of it (8.57%) is water. East Haven also contains Stony Island, approximately 660 yards (600 m) from East Haven Town Beach in Long Island Sound.

The shape of East Haven on a map is taller than it is wide. It is bordered on the south by Long Island Sound, on the west by New Haven, on the north by North Haven, and on the east by Branford, Lake Saltonstall, and North Branford. East Haven shares with New Haven the land belonging to local Tweed New Haven Airport and Alling Memorial Golf Course.

### Geology

During the Paleozoic Era, 450 to 250 million years ago, several tectonic plates collided to form the supercontinent called Pangaea. East Haven was located in the middle of this collision, and the results can be seen today with the schists, gneisses and granites which are exposed.

When Pangaea was broken up, during the Triassic and Jurassic periods, volcanic activity occurred, depositing basalt or trap rock. Earthquakes can still be felt in the area. In February 2001 the area was rocked by a 1.8 magnitude earthquake originating in Madison, Connecticut.

It is estimated that Connecticut was covered by glaciers at least two times. The last glacier is estimated to have been 1,800 feet (550 m) thick in the New Haven area. 22,000 years ago, the glacier moved south, eroding mountains and pushing through East Haven to deposit large amounts of glacial till to form Long Island. 14,000 years ago the glacier retreated and shaped the coastline, formed Long Island Sound and created Lake Saltonstall. It also deposited glacial till, soil, sand, rocks and boulders that the ice carried south from the north.

The coast is primarily covered by gneiss rock (including granite), schist and quartzite. The remaining sections are part of the Central Valley of Connecticut and are covered with clastic sedimentary rock (redbeds, conglomerate, sandstone, brownstone and shale). This soft surface has been resedimented by a number of floods, making the soil soft and fertile and ideal for farmland.

Brownstone, a sedimentary rock that erodes easily, was easily dug into by glaciers and carved out many lakes and valleys. The area surrounding Farms River and Lake Saltonstall on the East Haven and Branford border is an example of this. The brownstone that did not erode was used for building foundations and rock fences found throughout New England.

Deposits of basalt (lava flow) can be found in the north and northeast sections of East Haven. Several quarries can be found in this area. Traprock (basalt) is turned into crushed stone. It is primarily used in construction and in the bedding of roads. Sand and gravel from glacial till is the second most profitable quarried rock. They are used as fill, in concrete, leach fields or for road sand.

### Animals and plants

When Pangaea was broken up, East Haven had forests. Dinosaurs, reptiles and mammals roamed the area. Dinosaur trackways like those found in Rocky Hill at Dinosaur State Park were recently found at a construction site near Lake Saltonstall. The tracks were made by Eubrontes. Fossils of Triassic period reptiles have been found in the area. Stegomus was covered with armor plates and looked similar to an armadillo.

Today, East Haven is mostly covered with broadleaf, hardwood trees. There are a few conifer (evergreen) forests, mostly around Lake Saltonstall. Salt marshes are located in areas around Long Island Sound.

Dinosaurs were long ago succeeded by deer, coyotes, squirrels, foxes, chipmunks and rabbits. Garter snakes can be found in the area. Pheasants, grouse, ducks and wild turkeys can be found in East Haven, as well as cardinals, blue jays, warblers, crows, sparrows, parrots, woodpeckers and sea gulls. Trout can be found in the fresh water lakes. Bluefish, bass, flounder, blackfish, sand sharks, eels, lobsters, crabs and clams can be found in Long Island Sound.

## Communities

The residents of the town divide it into three large "sections" rather than smaller neighborhoods. These sections are:

### Foxon

The area borders Branford and North Branford on the east, New Haven on the west to about Grannis Pond in the south, and surrounds State Route 80. This is the hilliest section of town. It counts among its landmarks the town high school, Foxon Park Beverage (a locally famous soda manufacturer), and Camp Murray, a Girl Scouts day camp. Grannis Pond used to host a YMCA camp until the land was sold and developed.

### Momauguin

The area is located in the southern section of East Haven, from the Caroline Creek section of East Haven on the west to Branford on the east and starting at Short Beach Road in the north. This section includes the town beach, numerous condominiums, and summer cottages. The area near Tweed New Haven Airport has an industrial park that includes Town Fair Tire Centers Headquarters and Calabro Cheese Corporation.

### "The Center"

The Center is not the geographical center of town but the hub of the administrative facilities. Landmarks include the Town Hall, Fire Department Headquarters, Hagaman Memorial Library, the "old" East Haven High School, and other administrative buildings. The old high school has been adapted for use by the East Haven Historical Society, and a teen center. The Police Department and Public Works Department reside on the "Center" – Foxon line.

The most recognizable landmark in East Haven is the Old Stone Church. Built in 1774, the steeple of the church stands out against the low horizon.

The Town Green is a 2.4-acre (9,700 m) park located at the eastern end of the central business district (two blocks east of the town hall) and is mostly covered by trees. Monuments are dedicated to honor war veterans and firefighters. The focal point of the green is the gazebo or bandstand. The Green is the site of the annual East Haven Fall Festival and summer concerts.

Margaret Tucker Park is considered the second East Haven Green, with its location across the street from Town Hall and the Old Stone Church. They have developed additional land to the park, along with a water fountain.

Included in this section is the "West End", which borders New Haven. Since the late 20th century, conditions have declined in this area of older housing. Efforts are underway to revitalize the area that most residents think have been overlooked with all the focus of the re-development efforts in the center of town.

The Senior Center is located one block from Town Hall. The town has a weekly Farmers' Market held at the Town Hall on Sundays. This market features fresh produce, flowers, baked goods and crafts. Some weeks feature fundraising for town institutions.

## Climate

East Haven's climate is tempered by its location on Long Island Sound; it has a humid subtropical climate according to the Koppen climate system. Winters are usually mild, with less snow accumulation, than those found inland. In a normal winter East Haven averages 27 inches (68.58 cm) of snowfall. It is not unusual to have a dusting of snow by the coast and an inch of snowfall in the northern areas of East Haven. The town is vulnerable to Nor'easter weather systems that can drop heavy rain or snow in the region. The Blizzard of 1888 dropped about 40 inches of snow, while the Blizzard of 1978 dropped almost 2 feet (0.61 m).

Summers are warming with hotter days, though cooler than inland. Though rare, the region does experience high heat waves and some 100 °F (38 °C) days. Precipitation is evenly spread throughout the year.

East Haven enjoys a fairly long growing season with the last frost occurring in mid April and the first frost occurring in mid October. On average, East Haven has 207 sunny days and 158 cloud or rainy days.

Severe weather does occur in East Haven. The area has been hit by several hurricanes, most recently in August 2011 when Hurricane Irene severely damaged numerous shore areas, destroying houses along Cosey Beach. In 1985, the eye of Hurricane Gloria came across state 22 west of East Haven. The area was without electricity, telephone and cable TV service for 7 days.

Tornadoes sometimes occur in Connecticut. Though the town was not directly affected, a tornado touched down in Hamden on July 10, 1989, 7 miles (11 km) away. On August 11, 2016, a tornado touched down in North Haven, 5 miles (8.0 km) away.

## Demographics

As of the census of 2020, there were 27,923 people and 11,028 households residing in the town. The population density was 2,270.9 inhabitants per square mile (876.8/km).

The total gender makeup of the town is 13,599 (48.7%) male and 14,324 (51.3%) female. Age distribution of the estimated 2020 population of the town is as follows:

- ages 0 to 4 years old – 1,088 (3.9%)

- ages 5 to 17 years old – 4,803 (17.2%)

- ages 18 to 64 years old – 16,573 (58.9%)

- ages 65 and above – 5,459 (20.0%)

The racial makeup of the town is 78.6% White, followed by 13.4% Hispanic or Latino, 5.2% African American, 2.1% Asian,.7% from other races and 0.1% Native American.

The median age of a house is 40.0 years. The median house purchase price is $262,600.00 and median monthly rental is $1,342.00.

The town is primarily considered a Democratic town, though it has elected a Republican mayor in the last 6 of 7 elections. There are 19,038 registered voters in East Haven. 6,236 registered Democrats, 3,966 Republicans, 8,836 unaffiliated,.

The median income for a household in the town was $83,489. About 7.3% of the population were below the poverty line.

92.3% of the adult population (25 years and old) possess a high school diploma or higher,and 23.6% have bachelor's degree or higher.

## Geography

According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 39.9 square miles (103.3 km), of which 39.0 square miles (101.1 km) is land and 0.9 square miles (2.2 km), or 2.16%, is water.

The town of East Haven sits astride the Quinnipiac River in southeastern New Haven County. It is 5 miles (8 km) south of Northford and about 1.3 miles (2.1 km) north of New Haven. Towns bordering East Haven are Branford, North Branford New Haven, and North Haven. East Haven is traversed by U.S. Route 1, Interstate 95, and State Highways Route 100, Connecticut Route 142 and Route 80

East Haven has a labor force of 16,244. 15,591 are employed and 653 are not. East Haven has an unemployment rate of 4.0%. There are 527 work units in East Haven, employing 6,260 staff members.

## Government

### Town Government

Beginning in the late 1990s, Republican Joe Maturo, Jr. served as mayor for a decade, being repeatedly re-elected to the two-year terms, serving from 1997 to 2007. In 1998 he appointed Leonard Gallo as Police Chief, who served until January 2012.

Maturo was defeated on November 6, 2007, by Democratic challenger, April Capone Almon, by an apparent 21 votes. The slim margin of victory forced an automatic recount, and two were required. On November 14, 2007, Capone Almon was certified as the winner over Maturo by 25 votes. She was the first female mayor of East Haven and the youngest at age 32. She was re-elected in 2009, serving for two terms. After receiving a preliminary report in 2010 of a Department of Justice investigation of police department mistreatment of Latino residents, she put Police Chief Gallo on administrative leave pending completion of the investigation. That year a separate class action civil rights suit was filed on behalf of Latino residents against the city by Yale Law School ’s Worker and Immigrant Rights Advocacy Clinic, naming 20 defendants, most with the police department.

Former mayor Joe Maturo had defeated incumbent mayor Almon on November 8, 2011, by an apparent 31 votes. The slim margin of victory forced an automatic recount. On November 12, 2011, Maturo was certified as the winner over Almon by 34 votes. By winning a sixth term, Maturo became the longest-serving mayor in the town's history. He reinstated Gallo. DOJ submitted its final report to the city in December 2011, detailing a pattern of harassment against Latinos. Four officers were arrested on January 24, 2010, under the Department of Justice criminal investigation, charged with harassing Latinos. Police Chief Gallo was allowed to resign in late January 2012. Two of the officers pleaded guilty in 2012, and two were convicted at trial in 2013, being sentenced in 2014 to varying terms in prison. In 2013, Maturo easily defeated Jack Stacey to earn a seventh term.

Joe Maturo retired after his term ended in 2019. 2019 election saw Democratic Candidate Joseph Carfora defeat Republican candidate Steve Tracey and Independent candidate Bonifacio Sioson, 3865 votes to 3169 and 292 respectively. Joseph Carafora was elected to a second term when he defeated Republican challenger Salvatore Maltese 4208 votes to 1866 votes.

Based on the separate 2010 class action civil rights suit, the city reached a settlement in June 2014 to pay $450,000 to the Latino class members and change immigration enforcement to clearly separate it from regular policing. The city "will no longer detain undocumented people for immigration authorities unless they have a judge-signed criminal warrant." The city admitted no wrongdoing.

The 2006 Mill Rate was 31.20. Total revenue in 2022 was $117,049,457 with total expenditures of $123,548,617.00 for an overbudget total of $26,808,566. Total Indebtedness was $38,493,587. Moody's Bond rating (2019) for the town was A3 and Standards and Poor A.

## Emergency services

### Police Department

The East Haven Police Department employs over 50 uniformed officers. Since the late 20th century, the department has been the center of incidents related to racial harassment and profiling of minorities.

In 1997, an East Haven police officer, Sergeant Robert Flodquist, was accused of using excessive force in a police action which killed Malik Jones, an African-American suspect. Subsequently, state and federal prosecutors failed to find enough evidence for criminal charges against Flodquist. His shooting of Jones was ruled justified; Flodquist testified in the investigation that Jones tried to run him over. Police Chief Leonard Gallo, who had been hired in 1998 from New Haven by Mayor Joseph A. Maturo, Jr., appointed Flodquist as the department's public spokesman.

Neither the family nor civil rights activists were satisfied with the failure by the state and federal government to prosecute in the Jones case. Activists have used the case "to argue successfully for new state legislation aimed at limiting racial profiling" by local and state police departments.

The Jones family filed a civil suit in US District Court, saying that Malik Jones civil rights were violated and seeking damages. In July 2003 a federal jury ruled in their favor and awarded them $2.5 million in punitive damages. Because in such a case the city was not liable for punitive damages, another hearing was held to settle whether there should be compensatory damages; the award was reduced in October 2010 to $900,000. The East Haven city attorney said the town intended to appeal this decision.

Separately, in September 2009, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) began investigating the East Haven Police for racial profiling and harassment of Latinos following the "unwarranted arrest" of Father Paul Manship, a Catholic priest who was trying to study complaints by Latino parishioners that they were victims of police discrimination. That year the police arrested Mayor April Capone Almon and her assistant for allegedly interfering with a ticketing action at the beach. The DOJ investigation later reported having found that records related to Capone Almon's arrest and that of Manship had been altered numerous times.

With civil and criminal investigations underway, DOJ issued a preliminary report to the city in 2010, saying that the police appeared to have a pattern of discrimination and harassment against Latinos. Mayor April Capone Almon put Police Chief Leonard Gallo (in office since 1998) on administrative leave until the investigation was concluded.

After Joseph A. Maturo, Jr. was elected as mayor in November 2011, he reinstated Gallo. On his first day, the police chief barred police commission members, who were investigating an officer about whom they had received complaints, from police headquarters and the parking lot without his permission. A few days later, the commission established a policy requiring its members be given free access to the police headquarters and any members of the department.

The Department of Justice submitted its "scathing" final report of the civil investigation to the city in December 2011, saying the police department had shown a pattern of discrimination against Latinos, and Gallo had "resisted efforts to root out problems." Its report concluded that "EHPD has engaged in a pattern or practice of discrimination against Latinos, a violation of the Constitution and federal law."

On January 24, 2012, Sergeant John Miller and three officers were arrested by the FBI on a ten-count indictment, on charges of conspiracy, false arrest, and excessive force and obstruction of justice in connection with the investigation. A local businessman had complained to the mayor's office that the officers stopped his employees to check their documentation as they entered and left his place of business. Numerous other charges were detailed in the indictment. Numerous other complaints had been collected. Press reports indicated a suspicion among the investigators that the chief of the department, Leonard Gallo, was involved in obstructing justice and had tried to hinder the investigation.

Several other East Haven officers attended the arraignment to show support. Mayor Joseph Maturo and the police union also stood by the officers pending results of prosecution. The government asked that Officer Dennis Spaulding be barred from entering the town for fear he would intimidate possible witnesses; officer Zullo was also barred from the town until the cases were resolved. Police Chief Leonard Gallo was allowed to resign in late January 2012.

In September 2012, Miller pleaded guilty to having struck a handcuffed person. In October 2012, Officer Jason Zullo pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice under a deal that will require him to serve one or two years in jail. David Cari continued to fight the charges.

Maturo replaced police chief Gallo with Brent Larrabee, formerly the police chief of Stamford. On October 23, 2012, the Associated Press reported that the city had reached a settlement with the DOJ on its "claims that officers engaged in a pattern of discrimination and abuse toward Latinos." The settlement will require actions in seven major areas to improve conditions, including policy and training related to search and seizure, management and supervision of officers, civilian control and resolution of complaints, racial sensitivity training, community outreach and development of trust with all residents.

Convicted at trial in October 2013, on January 23, 2014, Officer Dennis Spaulding was sentenced to five years in prison. At his sentencing, he insisted he had done nothing wrong. Cari was also convicted at trial; in January 2014 he was sentenced to two and a half years in prison.

### Crime

2019 is the last reported year. Statistics are published yearly by the FBI.

### East Haven Fire Department

The East Haven Fire Department was established in 1900. It was started as an all volunteer fire department with one engine company. The town is covered by four fire stations:

- Station 1 (Headquarters Center District)

- Station 3 (Foxon)

- Station 4 (Momauguin)

- Station 6 (Short Beach Rd)

In total there are 3 active Engines, 1 Quint, 2 Squads, and 4 Rescues. There are both career and volunteer firefighters within the department.

## Economy

Retail services dominate three stretches of roads in East Haven; Main Street and U.S. 1 in the center of town and State Route 80 in the Foxon Section. East Haven has two industrial parks on land adjacent to Tweed New Haven Airport which house many manufacturing and distribution companies.

There are approximately 527 companies that employ 6,260 employees in East Haven. The top five employers are Super Stop & Shop, Thermatool Corporation, Village at Mariners Point (healthcare), Laurel Woods (healthcare) and Talmadge Park Health Care.

East Haven Grand List (2008) was $2,968,044,077.00. Retail sales from 2007 was $296,138,827.00. East Haven Labor Force (those of working age) is 16,751 residents. 15,128 are employed while 1,623 of the employable residents are unemployed.

## Education

### Schools

Education in the New Haven Colony was important. The colony had required that each parish provide a common school. Prior to 1700, the parish education was being provided by the Congregational Church. The town voted in 1706 to build the first public school. The school was located around what is now 260 Hemingway Avenue. In 1707 the town established a school board to oversee the education system. By 1728 East Haven had split their system into 4 school districts.

The first town high school was opened on September 28, 1936, in the "Center" of town. Prior to the building of the high school, students had to apply to local town high schools for acceptance into their school system. A new junior high school complex was built in 1957. In 1997, a new high school campus was built in the Foxon section of town.

Today the school system operates 9 schools. In 2014 there were 2,933 students enrolled in the East Haven Public School system, with 232 teachers for a student/teacher ratio of 13:1. The town's budget allocated for FY 2014 was $46,410,357.00. The cost per student was approximately $18,495.00 per student.

- Adult Learning Center

- Deer Run School enrolls 312 students and a student/teacher ratio of 14:1 in Grades K–2

- Grove J Tuttle School enrolls 178 students and a student/teacher ratio of 12:1 in Grades 3–5

- Momauguin School enrolls 147 students and a student/teacher ratio of 11:1 in Grades 3–5

- Dominick H. Ferrara School enrolls 178 students and a student/teacher ratio of 13:1 in Grades 3–5

- Overbrook School enrolls 183 students and a student/teacher ratio of 17:1 in Grades K–2

- Joseph Melillo Middle School enrolls 582 students and a student/teacher ratio of 12:1 in Grades 6–8

- East Haven Academy, located at Carbone School enrolls 265 students and a student/teacher ratio 13:1 in Grades 3–8

- East Haven High School enrolls 880 students and a student/teacher ratio of 13:1 in Grades 9–12

St. Vincent de Paul School in East Haven closed in 2016. That year enrollment was 89.

### Library

The East Haven Library was established in 1909. The library occupied several locations in the center of town before a gift from Isaac Hagaman allowed for a permanent building to be built. On September 22, 1928, the East Haven Library was opened. During the years of 1973 and 1974, the library added a two-story addition to the complex. Today the Hagaman Memorial Library, named to honor of Isaac Hagaman, holds approximately 65,290 books, 2,065 Audio Materials, 4,128 Video Materials and 90 serial subscriptions. The library has an extensive children's library, and facilities are available for community meetings.

## Infrastructure

### Health and medicine

East Haven does not have its own hospital; the area has several facilities within 3 to 5 miles (5 to 8 km) in New Haven: Yale-New Haven Hospital, a major teaching hospital affiliated with the Yale School of Medicine, Yale-New Haven Children's Hospital, and Yale-New Haven Psychiatric Hospital. A VA medical center is located in West Haven. An urgent care center is located in Foxon.

### Transportation

East Haven is served by Tweed New Haven Regional Airport, which is located on the border between East Haven and New Haven.

Though East Haven does not have a train station, there are two stations within close driving distance. Union Station is located 3 miles (5 km) from the center of town in New Haven, and a commuter station is located an equal distance away in Branford. Both offer commuter railroad service to New York and to coastal Connecticut towns, and New Haven's Union Station has Amtrak train service to Boston and many other cities.

Interstate 95 runs from east to west through the central portion of East Haven. Interstate 91, which is located west of the town, connects with State Route 80 which passes through the town in Foxon, running east to west. State Route 100 connects Foxon with the town center, running north to south. U.S. 1 crosses the town through the "Center", paralleling Interstate 95.

The Connecticut Transit Bus Company, a state-run mass transportation system, serves the town.

### Utilities

Water supply is provided by the Regional Water Authority. Lake Saltonstall, located on the border between East Haven and Branford, provides drinking water to the south section of East Haven and is a recreational facility for hiking and fishing. The northern section of town is served by Lake Gaillard in North Branford. The New Haven Regional Water Pollution Control Authority is responsible for sewage-disposal services with facilities located in New Haven.

United Illuminating is the exclusive distributor of electric power to the town. Natural gas is distributed by the Southern Connecticut Gas Company with several sections being served by local propane distribution companies. AT&T is the primary wired telephone service provider for the area. Phone service is also available from various national wireless companies and the local cable television provider. Cable television is available from Comcast and AT&T. Satellite television is available from AT&T (Dish Network) and DirecTV.

## People and culture

### Media and newspapers

- Newspapers: The town is served by one daily newspaper and two weekly newspapers. The New Haven Register is printed seven days a week. The East Haven Courier is the weekly paper.

- Media: The town is served by ETV, a local public-access television cable TV channel on the Comcast system. A local ABC affiliate is in New Haven, WTNH TV Channel 8 and New Haven's IntrigueTV WTXX TV Channel 34. East Haven can receive 16 on-air television channels, 13 AM radio stations, and 20 FM radio stations.

### Museums

- East Haven Historical Society

- The Shore Line Trolley Museum was founded in 1945 as the Branford Electric Railway Association (BERA). The Branford Electric Railway Association was founded to preserve the heritage of the trolley car, as well as artifacts and documents from the trolley era. The museum holds nearly one hundred trolley vehicles. The Shore Line Trolley Museum, just past the East Haven Green, operates the Branford Electric Railway, a National Historic Site. The railway is the oldest continuously operating suburban trolley line in the United States.

### National Register of Historic Places

East Haven has three nationally registered historic sites:

- East Haven Green Historic District (added April 11, 2002)

- First Congregational Church of East Haven (added March 25, 1982)

- The Shore Line Trolley Museum (added May 23, 2019)

### Town events

- Every fifth year the town hosts the Columbus Day Parade (which is shared between New Haven, West Haven, North Haven, and Hamden).

- The town of East Haven sponsors a town-wide beach party to celebrate Independence Day.

- The town also hosts the Fall Festival, which is patterned after a New England town fair.

## Notable people

- Cy Bentley (1850–1872), Major League Baseball player for one season with the Middletown Mansfields, born in East Haven

- Kori Gardner and Jason Edward Hammel of the pop music duo Mates of State

- Henry Winkler, actor and director who played " The Fonz " on the hit show Happy Days, resided in the Momaugin area of East Haven while he attended the Yale School of Drama.


Richard Imbernón

# Richard Imbernón

## Abstract

Richard Imbernón Ríos (born 21 December 1975) is an Andorran football manager who manages CF Esperança d'Andorra.

## Career

He started his playing career with FC Andorra B. In 1996, he signed for CE Principat. In 1999, he signed for Constel·lació Esportiva. In 2001, he signed for UE Sant Julià. In 2004, he signed for FC Santa Coloma. In 2005, he returned to UE Sant Julià. In 2007, he signed for Atlètic Club d'Escaldes. After that, he signed for UE Extremenya.

In 2008, he was appointed manager of FC Andorra. In 2013, he was appointed manager of FC Santa Coloma. He helped the club win the league. In 2018, he returned as manager of FC Andorra. In 2019, he was appointed manager of Inter Club d'Escaldes. After that, he was appointed manager of the Andorra national under-19 football team. In 2022, he was appointed manager of Penya Encarnada d'Andorra. In 2023, he was appointed manager of CF Esperança d'Andorra.

## Personal life

He was born on 21 December 1975 in Andorra la Vella, Andorra. He is of Spanish descent through his parents. He has four older siblings. He has regarded Spain international Lobo Carrasco as his football idol. He attended film school in France. After that, he studied business management. He has published books.


Soilwork

# Soilwork

## Abstract

Soilwork is a Swedish melodic death metal band from Helsingborg. They are signed to Nuclear Blast. Formed in late 1995 by Björn Strid and Peter Wichers, originally under the name Inferior Breed, the band changed their name in late 1996 to Soilwork (meaning "working from the ground up").

## History

### Early years (1995–2000)

The band was formed in late 1995, originally under the name Inferior Breed. Their sound, as explained by "Speed" was influenced by such bands as Pantera, Meshuggah, and Carcass. Upon changing their band name in late 1996 to Soilwork, they began to make more melodic music. Soilwork began work on a demo entitled In Dreams We Fall into the Eternal Lake. Before the recording ever took place, bassist Carl-Gustav Döös left the group, leaving guitarist Peter Wichers to handle the bass tracks on the demo. In a chance encounter, Soilwork met Michael Amott of Arch Enemy fame, who owned a record store in Helsingborg, and gave him a copy of their demo. This ultimately led to the band signing with Listenable Records. The band had huge changes which saw them change dramatically, giving rise to the guitar mastery of David Andersson.

In 1998, Soilwork added keyboardist Carlos Holmberg and bassist Ola Flink. The band recorded and released their debut album Steelbath Suicide in May of that year. Soon after, guitarist Ludvig Svartz and drummer Jimmy Persson left, citing "different musical opinions". Persson (now guitar and vocals in Faithful Darkness) was replaced by Henry Ranta, while Svartz was replaced by Peter Wichers' uncle, Ola Frenning. The band toured throughout Europe in support of the album with bands such as Darkane, Naglfar, and Krisiun.

In 1999, Soilwork recorded their second full-length album, The Chainheart Machine but it was released in 2000. The album received critical acclaim and eventually landed them a recording contract with label Nuclear Blast, allowing the band to tour with acts such as Defleshed, Cannibal Corpse, and even, briefly, with fellow melodic death metallers Dark Tranquillity.

### Rise to popularity (2000–2006)

In 2000, after exhausting themselves with touring, Soilwork returned to the studio to record their third full-length album, A Predator's Portrait. The release was well received and brought Soilwork to the forefront of the melodic death metal scene, alongside label mates In Flames. The band played at Wacken Open Air that year, and toured extensively with Annihilator and Nevermore.

Following up on their success, Soilwork entered the studio again in late 2001 to record the follow-up to A Predator's Portrait with Devin Townsend and Fredrik Nordström. Natural Born Chaos was released in early 2002, to much acclaim as well. Soilwork toured throughout Europe to support the album, and, for the first time, throughout the United States, first with bands Hypocrisy, Scar Culture, Chimaira, Unearth and Killswitch Engage during the summer, then alongside label mates In Flames during the fall. After touring, they started writing and recording their fifth album.

In December 2002, Soilwork entered the studio to begin recording their fifth album. After recording, the band began a European tour with Children of Bodom and Shadows Fall throughout April and May. That same month, Figure Number Five was released. In early June, drummer Henry Ranta left the band, to focus more on his personal life, and was replaced a week later by Richard Evensand. The band then embarked on another North American tour with In Flames, Chimaira, and Unearth. In September, Soilwork toured Japan with Children of Bodom. Merely days after a short mini-trek tour through Japan, Soilwork also toured Australia briefly. Later that year, they again toured North America with Chimaira, As I Lay Dying and Bleeding Through. After the tour, Richard Evensand left the band to replace drummer Andols Herrick who had recently left Chimaira. Soilwork initially announced his temporary replacement as Dirk Verbeuren of Scarve. Verbeuren would later become the full-time replacement. In early 2004, singer Björn "Speed" Strid laid down tracks with Italian melodic death metal band Disarmonia Mundi. During April, the band announced that it had extended its contract with record label Nuclear Blast Records. That same month the band again toured Australia alongside Anthrax, Embodiment 12:14, and Killswitch Engage. In mid-2004, Soilwork toured Japan for a second time alongside Dark Tranquillity.

Soilwork entered Dug Out Studios on 14 September 2004 to begin recording their sixth full-length album, Stabbing the Drama. A week later the band changed venues and recorded at Fascination Street Studios. Stabbing the Drama was released in early March 2005. The album entered the Finnish charts at number 19, and in Sweden at number 14. The band also began to gain minor commercial success in the United States. Stabbing the Drama reached No. 12 and No. 21 on the Billboard Heatseeker and Independent album charts, respectively. The band partook in the 2005 Ozzfest, performing on the second stage. In November the band toured stateside with Fear Factory. In late 2005, guitarist Peter Wichers left the band due to tour exhaustion and other personal issues. The same month, Strid announced he was working on a second album with Disarmomia Mundi. In May 2006, Daniel Antonsson was announced as the replacement for Peter Wichers. Soilwork spent the summer appearing at festivals throughout Europe. In September they toured throughout the UK and Turkey. The band later pulled out of the Turkish dates, due to terrorist attacks and bombings that had recently occurred to tourists there. In October the band trekked North America, this time with Darkest Hour, Mnemic and Threat Signal.

### Transitional period and continued popularity (2007–2015)

In early March 2007, Soilwork began laying down the tracks for their seventh album, Sworn to a Great Divide Late in June, Ola Frenning announced that the album was finished. Soilwork toured in the fall alongside Caliban, Sonic Syndicate, and Dark Tranquillity in a tour dubbed, ' Eastpak Antidote' tour. The album was released on 19 October 2007 through Nuclear Blast. The album sports a sound closer to thrash than their previous albums, though still backed by their trademark synth elements. The band took part on an American tour with co-headliners Lamb of God and Killswitch Engage, as well as DevilDriver. The tour began on 28 November 2007 at the Tsongas Arena in Lowell, Massachusetts, and ended at the Santa Ana Star Center in Rio Rancho, New Mexico on 17 December 2007. The tour, dubbed The Clash of the Titans Tour 2007, appeared in Grand Prairie, TX at the Nokia Live Theatre on 8 December 2007 to play for the entire Dallas/Fort Worth metroplex. On 12 February 2008, an official statement was posted on Soilwork's official website that Ola Frenning and Soilwork had decided to part ways, his replacement came in the form of Sylvain Coudret. In another statement on 18 September 2008, it was revealed that guitarist Daniel Antonsson would be replaced with the return of former guitarist and founding member Peter Wichers and also that Sylvain Coudret from the band Scarve who has been doing session work as second guitarist during 2008 Summer festivals became permanent guitar player for the band.

The band returned to the studio in early 2010 to write and record their eighth album, later on with Strid announcing on 22 January 2010 in a MySpace bulletin that the new album would be entitled The Panic Broadcast. On 30 June 2010, The Sledgehammer Files: The Best of Soilwork 1998–2008 greatest hits comlilation album was released, followed shortly by the band's new album The Panic Broadcast on 2 July in Europe, and 13 July in North America.

Soilwork announced on 26 June 2012 that Peter Wichers has left Soilwork for the second time. Following the departure, Peter was replaced by David Andersson.

Strid began to think of the band's next album as a double album during a 2011 tour. He wanted to challenge himself, instead of releasing a single album after Wicher's departure. He also wanted to show that the band could release a great album with one of their main composers gone. He wrote two songs by the end of the year, and began writing with the band in March 2012. Soilwork announced they would begin recording 23 August 2012.

The album, titled The Living Infinite, was released on 27 February 2013 in Asia, 1 March in Europe, 4 March in the UK and 5 March in North America.

On 24 September 2014, Soilwork released an EP, Beyond the Infinite only in Asia. The EP consists of 5 unreleased tracks from the band's The Living Infinite album sessions.

On 5 December 2014, Soilwork frontman Strid confirmed that work had begun on a new album when he posted a picture on Facebook of him listening to new demos. Strid also stated that Soilwork are sounding "better than ever". It was also confirmed that Soilwork had teamed up with Testament frontman Chuck Billy 's Breaking Bands LLC management company for the album.

In June 2015, Soilwork announced that longtime bassist Ola Flink and the band had parted ways and that he would be replaced by new bassist Markus Wibom.

Soilwork supported Soulfly on their 2015 We Sold Our Souls To Metal Tour. Decapitated and Shattered Sun also joins the tour, scheduled for a 27 concert trek starting on 30 September and ending in Albuquerque, NM on 30 October. Then, Soilwork goes on a European tour as headliner with HateSphere and French band T.A.N.K.

### Departure of Dirk Verbeuren, death of David Andersson and more albums (2016–present)

On 15 July 2016, it was announced that long time drummer Dirk Verbeuren had left the band to join Megadeth.

On 19 August 2016, Soilwork released a compilation album, Death Resonance, which featured a number of B-sides and rarities from five of their previous albums in addition to two new songs.

On 11 January 2019, Soilwork released Verkligheten, their first album with new drummer Bastian Thusgaard, and their first album in nearly four years. On 14 June 2019, the band officially released the Underworld EP, which consists of bonus tracks originally previously only available on physical editions of the band's recent Verkligheten album.

On 4 December 2020, Soilwork released an EP A Whisp of the Atlantic, which is composed of songs the band recorded and released from late 2019 to mid 2020, along with the ambitious 16-minute title-piece that opens the EP.

Soilwork announced in early 2022 that bassist Rasmus Ehrnborn had joined the band officially and contributed to the band's twelfth studio album, Övergivenheten, which was released on 19 August 2022.

On 14 September 2022, it was announced that guitarist and songwriter David Andersson, who had been in the band for 10 years, died at the age of 47. Touring guitarist Simon Johansson who had been touring with the band since 2019 was made a permanent member on 13 March 2023.

## Band members

Current members

- Björn "Speed" Strid – vocals (1995–present)

- Sven Karlsson – keyboards (2001–present)

- Sylvain Coudret – guitars (2008–present)

- Bastian Thusgaard – drums (2016–present)

- Rasmus Ehrnborn – bass (2022–present; touring 2019–2022)

- Simon Johansson – guitars (2023–present; touring 2019–2023)

## Discography

Studio albums

- Steelbath Suicide (1998)

- The Chainheart Machine (2000)

- A Predator's Portrait (2001)

- Natural Born Chaos (2002)

- Figure Number Five (2003)

- Stabbing the Drama (2005)

- Sworn to a Great Divide (2007)

- The Panic Broadcast (2010)

- The Living Infinite (2013)

- The Ride Majestic (2015)

- Verkligheten (2019)

- Övergivenheten (2022)


Yannick Quesnel

# Yannick Quesnel

## Abstract

Yannick Daniel Quesnel (born 24 October 1973) is a French retired footballer who played as a goalkeeper.

Most of his professional career was spent in Portugal, notably playing in two Primeira Liga seasons with Alverca. He also represented Benfica for five months.

## Football career

Born in Libourne, Aquitaine, Quesnel's early professional career in his country was highly unsuccessful, as he only managed to appear with FC Sochaux-Montbéliard and FC Girondins de Bordeaux 's reserve teams over five seasons combined, eventually moving to Ligue 2 club AS Cannes. In 2000, he began an adventure in Portugal that would last five years, starting with second division 's Associação Naval 1º de Maio and signing with F.C. Alverca in the following year.

After stellar performances at Alverca, at the time S.L. Benfica 's farm team, which included winning the Goalkeeper of the Year award in 2001–02 even though the former suffered Primeira Liga relegation, Quesnel signed with precisely the latter on a three-year contract. Being only third-choice behind José Moreira and Quim, however, he would spend the next one and a half seasons loaned, one of those back in his country with Olympique de Marseille.

After an unassuming campaign with AS Monaco FC, having already cut ties with Benfica (he did not manage to appear once in the league with both Ligue 1 sides combined), Quesnel played the remainder of his career in French amateur football.

## Honours

### Club

Marseille

- UEFA Intertoto Cup: 2005

Benfica

- Supertaça Cândido de Oliveira: Runner-up 2004

### Individual

- Primeira Liga: Goalkeeper of the Year 2002


Elbert Weinberg

# Elbert Weinberg

## Abstract

Elbert Weinberg (May 27, 1928 – December 27, 1991) was an American sculptor.

He was born in Hartford, Connecticut. Displaying an early interest in art, he enrolled at the Hartford Art School at night while attending Weaver High School. After two years he transferred to the Rhode Island School of Design. At the young age of 23, he was awarded the prestigious Prix de Rome, which allowed him to perform further art study in Italy. Upon returning to the U.S., he became a teacher at the Yale School of Design. There he produced a wood carving that caught the eye of a trustee from the Museum of Modern Art, and this sculpture was shown on the cover of Art in America.

In 1959, he was awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship and he decided to return to Rome, where he remained for the next eleven years. Returning to the U.S., he taught sculpting at Dartmouth College, Boston University, Temple University (while in Rome) and Union College. He became Professor of Sculpture at Boston University in 1983.

His early works were influenced by themes of mythology, religion and the Holocaust. They have been displayed at multiple museums, including the New York Museum of Modern Art, the Boston Museum ofFine Arts and the Wadsworth Atheneum in his home town of Hartford. Among his most acclaimed works are the Joie de Danse in the Portman San Francisco hotel and the 1980 Holocaust Memorial at Freedom Plaza in Wilmington, Delaware. His work Procession was displayed at the Jewish Museum of New York, Jacob Wrestling with the Angel was shown at Brandeis University, the Procession 2 at Beth El Temple in West Hartford, and Justice at the Boston University School of Law.

Despite being widely recognized as a talented sculptor, Elbert Weinberg never attained financial success during his lifetime, in part because he did not prefer the abstract form of sculpture that sold more readily during this period. He died of myelofibrosis and was survived by his daughter Julia and mother Rose Apter Weinberg. The Elbert Weinberg Prize was established in his memory out of a trust fund set up in his name.

## Awards

- Prix de Rome, 1951

- Award for Achievement in the Arts, Yale University, 1959

- Guggenheim Foundation Award, 1960

- American Academy of Arts and Letters Sculpture Award, 1968

- Elizabeth H. Watrous Gold Medal for Sculpture, 1989, National Academy of Design

- Lifetime Achievement in Sculpture, Alex Ettl Grant, 1991, National Sculpture Society