For more information on course contents (goals, expected learning outcomes, topics, working methods and assessment), please refer to the Detailed Curriculum.
The first semester in Austria will start with an induction phase and will then include modules that will built the foundation of studies in research, innovation and HE management.
A series of three modules over three semesters called "Systems in Transition" is dedicated to Analysis and Comparison of HE systems worldwide. It will start in first semester with "Systems in Transition 1", which is dedicated to History of Higher Education and Regional Focus on Europe (current issues in EHEA and European Research Area/ERA).
Two modules "Research Methods" 1 and 2 (in first respectively second semester) prepare students for conducting management and social scientific research, applying both quantitative and qualitative methods.
Building up on the knowledge and competences acquired in the first semester, the second semester in Finland will offer orientation to students in more specific and applied management topics: Theories of Organisation and Change in HEIs and Research Institutions, Research and Innovation Management, Financial Management and Funding in HE, Research and Innovation, Entrepreneurship, Innovation and Education. This will help students in further shaping their learning path and deciding for a specialisation.
The module "System in Transition 2" in second semester is dedicated to globalization and internationalisation in HE, and has a regional Focus on Africa and North and South America. The module "Entrepreneurship, Education and Innovation" will foster entrepreneurship education in the programme, with a specialisation on the educational field. "Research Methods 2" will again prepare students for independent research in the field of research, innovation and HE management.
Between the second and the third semester, students will acquire work experience in their internship with an organisation in the field.
After this they will decide for either China or India for their destination of the field trip to Asia. This field trip will include the module Systems in Transition 3, which has a regional focus on Asia. The second module on this fieldtrip, "Insights from Practice in Chinese HE/in Indian HE" will give students the possibilities to meet and discuss with practitioners such as leaders and managers from HEIs or public authorities. In the case of India, this will be combined with addressing the sector of business school education as an additional focus.
After the fieldtrip to Asia, the last part of the third semester will form the start of students' specialisation. They will go to either to Austria, Finland, Germany or Hungary and will accomplish two modules in the specialisation. For the fourth semester, they will stay at the same host institution and write their master thesis in their field of specialisation (for more information on specialisations, see the section on specialisations here).
N.B.: Until 2018, MARIHE was conducted according to the old curriculum.


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BIOFILTRO ANNOUNCES PARTNERSHIP WITH ORGANIX FOR NORTHWEST EXPANSION
PATENTED WASTEWATER TREATMENT PROCESS DELIVERS INNOVATIVE SOLUTIONS TO REGION'S WATER CHALLENGES.
SANTIAGO, CHILE, March 27, 2017 – BioFiltro, a global company who offers a wastewater treatment technology that uses worms and microbes to rapidly treat water, announced that they have recently completed an agreement with Organix, Inc. of Walla Walla, Washington to act as distributor for their patented water treatment system in the region.
Matias Sjogren, BioFiltro CEO, explains, "New regulations are currently under review in Washington State to address wastewater management which will significantly impact ag-related industries such as food processors, dairies, and wineries. Our motivation is to implement practical, economically viable, and environmentally sustainable water treatment systems that reduce dependency on Washington's precious freshwater sources while improving the environment in which our clients operate. Organix has a significant presence in the markets we are pursuing – this is a natural fit for both of our companies."
Russ Davis, Organix President, agrees, and confirms the need for solutions like BioFiltro. "We are very excited about representing the BioFiltro technology. From our position as a composter of solid waste from dairies, we have seen firsthand how liquid waste management has become somewhat of an urgent situation. The dairy industry continues to be pressed by more and more regulation; much of this recent pressure revolves around the timing and rate of nutrient application. BioFiltro's BIDA® System is a brilliantly-designed tool for dairies with land constraints. Similar regulations appear to be in store for other ag producers like wineries, fruit and vegetable processors – just about anyone who uses water in their manufacturing process. BioFiltro offers an innovative technology that needs to be considered."
BioFiltro´s patented BIDA® System is a passive aerobic bioreactor which combines the digestive power of worms, microbes, and bacteria with the physical filtration of natural medias to remove up to 99% of contaminants within a four hour natural process. "BioFiltro enables clients to filter water onsite, converting it into a reusable asset and contaminants into a natural, nutritious and valuable fertilizer – known as worm castings," Sjogren says, "Thanks to the tireless dedication of microbes and worms, our natural systems function 24/7 yet consume up to 95% less energy than traditional wastewater systems."
Founded in Santiago Chile S.A., BioFiltro is now an international wastewater filtration company with subsidiaries and clients in the United States, New Zealand, and Chile. The Company currently operates over 140 plants and has filtered billions of gallons of sanitary and industrial organic liquid waste everywhere – including extreme locations like Antarctica and the Atacama Desert. BioFiltro has appeared in The Wall Street Journal, Forbes, the Guardian, Reuters, and won the Global Clean Tech Open in Silicon Valley in 2011.
Organix has been working with agricultural residuals in the northwest U.S. since 2002. The Company works with dairies to process over 150,000 tons of organic residuals annually. Much of this material is made into OMRI and WSDA organically certified compost and delivered to farms, vineyards, orchards, nurseries and landscape supply yards in Washington, Oregon and Idaho.
KCRA Sacramento NBC
Biofiltro recibe el premio PwC Innovación 2017

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The Center for the Study of Globalization and Cultures (CSGC)  and the Department of Comparative Literature  convened a summit composed of women involved in teaching, research, and administration related to film production and cinema studies in Hong Kong higher education on November 23, 2018, at the University of Hong Kong. Because of HKU's commitment to action furthering gender equality through initiatives such as HeForShe,  the Women's Studies Research Centre (WSRC),  the Faculty of Arts Committee on Gender Equality and Diversity (CGED),  the CSGC contributed by opening a conversation about the current state of women in film production, research, and education in Hong Kong.
The summit recognizes a change in leadership at several Hong Kong universities as women with backgrounds in film studies and/or film production take up key administrative roles. At Baptist University, for example, Professor Mette Hjort serves as the Dean of Arts. Earlier, Dean Hjort served as the Associate Vice-President (Academic Quality Assurance and Internationalisation) and Head and Chair Professor of the Department of Visual Studies at Lingnan University. Before moving to Lingnan, she chaired the Department of Comparative Literature at the University of Hong Kong. In addition to her myriad publications on world cinema, Professor Hjort edited The Education of the Filmmaker in Europe, Australia, and Asia (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). Thus, she brings together expertise in film education with years of administrative experience in leadership roles in Hong Kong higher education. Her return to Hong Kong from her native Denmark opens up a valuable opportunity to discuss the role women can and do play in advancing film studies scholarship and training filmmakers in the region.
Even if Dean Hjort were the only woman leader in attendance, this event could be called a "summit" because of the high position she has achieved as a scholar and an educator. However, Baptist University also boasts Eva Man, Director of the Academy of Film and Chair Professor in Humanities, as well as Professor Zhu Ying, Ying, Director of the Centre for Film and Moving Image Research, as leaders in film education and research on campus.
Indeed, Baptist is not the only local institution to reach this peak for female film professors. At Lingnan University, acclaimed film scholar Yeh Yueh-Yu (Emilie) is the Dean of the Faculty of Arts, as well as Lam Wong Yiu Wah Chair Professor of Visual Studies, and Director of Centre for Cinema Studies. Although she does not pursue film as her main object of scholarly inquiry, Tejaswini Niranjana, Professor and Head of Department of Cultural Studies, does lead a department that includes outstanding women film educators, including Denise Tse-Shang Tang, film festival director with the Hong Kong Lesbian and Gay Film Festival and a guest curator at Women Make Waves Film Festival, Taiwan. In addition, Lisa Yuk-ming Leung serves as Programme Director, Master of Cultural Studies (MCS) in the department.
Other Hong Kong universities also have women serving in key administrative positions. For example, Katrien Jacobs directs the MA in Visual Culture Studies at Chinese University of Hong Kong. Kimburley Choi (Wing Yee) serves as Programme Leader of the Master of Arts in Creative Media (MACM) at City University of Hong Kong. Helen Ko is the Head of Screen Production, Projects and Partnerships (Film/TV), at the Academy for Performing Arts (APA).
The University of Hong Kong currently has an unprecedented number of women serving as school heads, program directors, and department chairs overseeing teaching, research, and knowledge exchange activities involving film studies, media production, and related creative arts. In the Faculty of Arts, for example, these leaders include Yoshiko Nakano (Acting Head of the School of Modern Languages and Cultures), Wu Cuncun (Head of the School of Chinese), Julia Kuehn (Head of the School of English), and Miranda Legg, Acting Director of the Centre for Applied English Studies/CAES.
The Department of Comparative Literature offers the preponderance of the film studies courses at HKU, and it has several women serving in academic leadership roles. Nicole Huang chairs the department, and Esther Yau heads the Master of Arts in Literary and Cultural Studies, which includes an academic stream devoted to screen studies. Honorary Professor Maureen Sabine, former Associate Dean for Research and Postgraduate studies in the Faculty of Arts, Head of Comparative Literature, Chair of History, and author of Veiled Desires: Intimate Portrayals of Nuns in Postwar Anglo-American Film (Fordham, 2013), continues to take an active role in feminist film scholarship in Hong Kong.
Other female academic leaders in film scholarship and media arts also work at HKU. Shu-mei Shih, who has a fractional appointment in the Faculty of Arts as the Hon-yin and Suet-fong Chan Professor of Chinese Academy, has written extensively on women in Sinophone cinema and media arts. Award-winning documentarist, Ruby Yang, is the Hung Leung Hau Ling Distinguished Fellow in Humanities at the Journalism and Media Studies Centre. Petula Ho, from the department of Social Work and Administration, has done pioneering using digital film to explore gender and sexuality in Hong Kong and mainland China, and Sylvia Martin, author of Haunted: An Ethnography of the Hollywood and Hong Kong Media Industries, teaches in Sociology.
While not all of these female film leaders were able to attend the summit, we supplemented the gathering with noted film scholars (e.g., Vivian Lee/City University), filmmakers (e.g., Louisa Wei/City University), festival programmers (e.g., Gulfire Ekrem/China Women's Film Festival), and critics (e.g., Joyce Yang, Hong Kong Critics Society). Documentary filmmaker and educator Tammy Cheung, founder of Visible Record and the Chinese Documentary Film Festival, based in Hong Kong, also attended the summit. Moreover, we were delighted to welcome Professor Dina Iordanova from the University of St. Andrews in Scotland, who was at the University of Hong Kong under the Visiting Research Professor (VRP) scheme. As former Provost of St. Leonard's College and Director of Research at the Institute of Global Cinema and Creative Cultures, she contributed a global perspective by wedding her familiarity with European film education to her extensive knowledge of Hong Kong cinema, Asian film festivals, and world cinema.
An informal survey conducted at the beginning of the summit confirmed that we had representation from most of the University Grants Council (UGC) institutions in the territory, including HKU, Chinese University, City University, Lingnan University and Baptist University. Nine of the thirty-nine attendees identified themselves at the highest rank of "professor" with ten in senior administration. We also had a cross-section of attendees from other educational institutions, film production houses, and related creative industries. Undeniably, the participants gathered for the summit brought a wealth of knowledge and experience to the discussion of gender equality in Hong Kong film education.
Even though few women serve at the top levels of Hong Kong university administration, this wealth of female talent in the middle ranks directly connected to film scholarship and education provides an ideal foundation for furthering the goal of eliminating discrimination and bias from the classroom to the film studio. Thirty-nine women working in Hong Kong film and/or higher education attended the summit with the aim of identifying challenges faced by women in film in Hong Kong higher education, sharing data and best practices related to gender equity in film education, and initializing actions to further these goals.
The summit took place at a moment when global film culture came under enormous scrutiny because of high profile cases involving sexual harassment in the industry as well as in the academy. Thus, a sense of urgency added to the importance of the gathering. Although Tarana Burke coined "Me Too" in 2006, #MeToo went viral in 2017 after accusations involving high profile film industry figures such as Harvey Weinstein surfaced. In mainland China, #MeToo unearthed cases connected to the Beijing Film Academy,  and women in the Hong Kong industry became increasingly vocal about the pervasiveness of sexual harassment in film circles.  In her essay, "The Visual Language of Oppression: Harvey Weinstein Wasn't Working in a Vacuum,"  filmmaker and educator Nina Menkes argues that film teachers too often neglect to provide their students with the critical tools necessary to push beyond the structural bias at the heart of the depiction of gender on screen.
The summit provided an opportunity to look at the constellation of issues surrounding women in Hong Kong film education as an outgrowth of #MeToo, and it parallels other initiatives such as EDIT (Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion in Teaching Media),  which emerged from the University Film and Video Association, and the Women's Caucus of the Society for Film and Media Studies (SCMS). Starting with the depiction of women on screen and behind the scenes, the summit took up women's representation in the classroom as well as the gender balance at the upper echelons of the industry and the universities that set the agenda for what is seen on screen and studied on campus.
Our initial survey of participants uncovered strikingly similar words used to describe the challenges facing women working in Hong Kong film and in higher education. The marginalization of women emerged as the single biggest problem closely followed by lack of recognition and structural bias and inequality.
Summit participants divided into three groups to examine research, academic advancement, and Hong Kong female film professionals. Each group took up the task to state the main challenges faced by women, provide evidence of the magnitude of the problem, consider the need for further data to illuminate the issue, brainstorm possible next steps and solutions, and, finally, propose immediate action for change. Professor Mette Hjort, Dr. Vivian Lee, and Dr. Sonia Wong spoke on behalf of each group, which articulated the problem using strikingly similar words and phrases spotlighting women's lack of inclusion, visibility, and recognition; the isolation of female filmmakers and researchers; and, the inaccessibility of films and scholarship by women. A vicious cycle exists in which women's films do not circulate as broadly as those by their male peers, so researchers may not be aware of them and presses may be reluctant to publish books and articles on films that are not widely seen. Competition for limited funding also makes it difficult to cooperate on projects across academic institutions and within the film industry. Evidence of institutional policies regarding pregnancy, lack of policies involving inclusive language, and specific difficulties women face in developing their careers emerged as factors in limiting women's full participation in higher education.
The importance of looking at Hong Kong in relation to global standards led to the discussion of the feasibility of employing a model similar to the Athena SWAN (Scientific Women's Academic Network) charter locally. Started in the United Kingdom in 2005 to promote women in STEM, the charter expanded in 2015 to include non-STEM fields and institutions committed to gender equality across disciplines. With badges used to mark progressive change, the charter has demonstrated favorable results in several institutions in the UK.
In addition to exploring the Athena SWAN model for Hong Kong, other steps emerged for further consideration, including networking suggestions for academics, filmmakers and other cinema professionals, the expansion of publication venues for scholarship on women filmmakers, digital circulation of information on women in film, sharing of library resources including film prints, and interventions such as unconscious bias training.
Professor Dina Iordanova concluded the summit with several practical suggestions on getting to know women's academic and filmmaking work better through expanded publication venues, digital distribution (e.g., VIMEO), encouraging more women to become film critics, mentoring junior women more effectively, and expanding boards to provide places for female participants. For Professor Iordanova, the dissemination of information through networking was key. She also underscored the need for women to take themselves seriously as public intellectuals with impact outside of the academy and beyond niche film circles.
The Center for the Study of Globalization and Cultures (CSGC) promised to construct a directory of women in film in Hong Kong higher education with an additional section devoted to other film professionals, including critics, programmers, festival directors, publishers, among others. The directory also connects to the Hong Kong Women Filmmakers website, which includes regular updates on women active in Hong Kong filmmaking as directors, scriptwriters, editors, producers, and in other creative capacities across fiction, documentary, experimental, and related media arts. The directory includes news, calls for papers, festival information, and links to other resources as well. Launch date: Early 2019.
Hong Kong Baptist University will host an event early in the spring semester 2019 to explore possible formal ties to the Athena SWAN initiative in Hong Kong.
An Alliance of Women in Film will convene its first meeting in the spring semester 2019.
For more information on the summit and related initiatives, contact Gina Marchetti, Director, Center for the Study of Globalization and Cultures, Comparative Literature Department, University of Hong Kong, at marchett@hku.hk.


Please select one or more vouchers you would like to purchase then checkout to complete your order.
PLEASE NOTE – There is very limited Saturday accommodation available throughout spring and summer and into mid-April 2019. However, gift vouchers are valid for one year from date of purchase. If needed, gift vouchers can be extended for a further 3 months after expiry date.


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When coups advance democracy
https://michaelrubin.org/13506/coups-advance-democracy
Just hours after the Egyptian army deposed Mohammed Morsi on July 3, President Obama expressed "deep concern" at the ouster of Egypt's first democratically elected leader and reiterated U.S. support for "the democratic process and respect for the rule of law." He instructed the State Department to re-evaluate more than 1 billion dollars in aid earmarked to Egypt.
Now is not the time to punish Egypt, however. If democracy is the goal, then the United States should celebrate Egypt's coup.
Morsi may have won an election, but he despised the democracy which propelled him to power. Rather than consult and build coalitions, he sought to dominate.
Last November, just five months into his presidency and with deliberations over a new constitution deadlocked, Morsi seized dictatorial power. As guardian of the revolution, he argued, his power should trump the judiciary. If the Egyptian people wanted constitutional order, his allies suggested, they should approve the constitution the Muslim Brotherhood drafted in the absence of any quorum.
The Egyptian people — forced to choose between a one-man dictatorship or a flawed constitutional order — narrowly approved the constitution, ending Morsi's brief autocracy but giving him what he wanted even more: Imposition of the Brotherhood's religious agenda on a population that wanted jobs, not Islamic law. One article, for example, charged the state with protecting public morality, which Morsi interpreted in the most conservative, religious manner.
Too often, policymakers equate democracy only with elections. Hence, George W. Bush's administration blessed elections in Palestine and Lebanon, never mind that Hamas and Hezbollah maintained military wings to seize by force what they could not win at the ballot box.
The broader truth — elections are just one pillar of democracy. The others are protection of human rights, equality under the law and active public participation.
Morsi trampled human rights and denied women and minorities equality. The public did participate, but not in the way Morsi hoped: 20 million Egyptians signed petitions calling for the president's ouster.
Nor did the coup end democracy, for it had yet to take root. The late Harvard theorist Samuel Huntington wrote that countries could only be considered democracies when they had had two consecutive changes of government via free elections.
Building democracy from scratch is never easy. For every Nelson Mandela — willing to step down at the end of his term — there are politicians like Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas or Iraqi Kurdish leader Masud Barzani, both of whom refused to relinquish power at the end of their term. Abbas is currently in the ninth year of his four-year term, while the term-limited Barzani just canceled elections which would end his final term.
When leaders overreach, and checks and balances are lacking, the only recourse is to force their removal. In 2009, the Honduran army ousted President Manuel Zelaya after he violated the constitution and rebuffed the Supreme Court. While the White House condemned the Honduras coup, the military relinquished power and scheduled new elections; Honduran democracy is stronger today as a result.
South Korea, a country in which America invested thousands of lives and billions of dollars, faced both coups and dictatorship into the 1980s. With time, however, democratic culture took root and today, South Korea is among Asia's most vibrant democracies.
Taiwan's transition from brutal military rule to democracy followed more than a decade of slow reform. Perhaps more than elections, it was the slow speed of reform that allowed democracy to sink roots that Taiwanese today consider unshakable.
The White House praises Turkey's democracy, but democratic tradition did not come easily to Turkey, which weathered four coups between 1960 and 1997. Each coup prevented Turkey's descent into authoritarianism.
In 1960, President Adnan Menderes threatened to move Turkey into the Soviet sphere, a trajectory for dictatorships, not democracies. In both 1971 and 1980, civil unrest threatened to tear Turkey apart, and in 1997, Erdogan's Islamist predecessor sought to undermine the constitution.
Coups may be signs of failure, but they can also be signs of rebirth. It is an irony of history that too much emphasis on the process of democracy sometimes leads to the opposite result. The Egyptian military may have ended Morsi's ambition, but it has offered Egypt its last best chance to avoid Islamist dictatorship.
Rather than punish the perpetrators, Obama should offer two cheers for Egypt's generals and help Egyptians write a more democratic constitution to provide a sounder foundation for true democracy.


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Deranged naked 22 y/o wanna be Sasquatch attacks Hunter in OR Woods ~ Call Michael A. Haber, Esq. @ 1-888-SHARK-8-1
Deranged & Naked 22 y/o wanna be Sasquatch attacks Hunter in Oregon Woods
Meet 22 y/o Linus Norgren of Manning, Oregon.
In the pic above Linus seems a peaceful enough young man, but on Tuesday, March 10th, 2015 he was sentenced to ten (1) years in prison for attempted murder and three (3) counts of second degree assault, and his "time of arrest" and mugshots (both below) are apparently more reflective is his more primal state.
Tuesday's conviction stems from an October, 2013 incident where a one Jeff McDonald (picture unavailable) had gone out hunting for deer near his home in Manning, Oregon. While in the woods Jeff, who was was carrying his high powered rifle, came across Linus, whom Jeff believed to have been dressed in "tan clothing", but who was in fact - pardon the bad pun - "buck" naked. Jeff asked Linus for his name and had received a normal response before Linus said that he was "a sasquatch from a family of sasquatches".
Jeff offered to help take Linus home but instead was struck on the head with a rock, causing him to black out. When Jess came to Linus was on top of him and squeezing his hands tightly around his neck. Jeff, who had suffered two dislocated shoulders, asked Linus why he was trying to kill him, to which Linus replied: "Sasquatch kills the hunter". At that Jeff, in an act of desperation, managed to bite one of Linus' knuckles before Linus appeared to "pass out" on top of him. After a further struggle Jeff managed to free himself, reach his gun, and call 911 while pointing his rifle at his attacker. According to reports Jeff told authorities that they needed to get to the scene quickly "because I only have one option here and you know what it is". It took deputies ninety (90) minutes to eventually found the duo in thick forest, and when they arrived Jeff had Linus at gunpoint. Apparently old McDonald was not...
At his sentencing hearing Linus' defense lawyer argued that his client had been suffering from "catastrophic mental disturbances" at the time of the incident, including experiencing symptoms of "untreated bipolar disorder", and Linus testified that that he had been acting in self-defense. Linus testified that "I was injured already, I was naked and I was terrified... Not to make excuses for myself, but Mr. McDonald's presence was absolutely terrifying. I truly believed I needed to defend myself to get out of that situation and go home. I didn't want to hurt him, I didn't want to hurt Mr. McDonald. I didn't want to kill him. I didn't want anything to happen to either of us. I couldn't help it." But the self defense argument was rejected by jurors and Linus was convicted of attempted murder and three (3) counts of second-degree assault, although he was acquitted of further charges of first degree assault and unlawful use of a weapon.
Self defense (in Florida at least) must be both subjective and objectively reasonable - meaning that the person claiming it must have believed that s/he was in sufficient imminent danger so as to justify her/his use of force (the subjective element) but the Defendant's acts, given the facts and circumstances as known to the Defendant, must also present as reasonable to Jane and Joe Average citizen (the objective element - meaning that, Jane or Joe Average may have acted as the Defendant did were they confronted with the same facts and circumstances). If either prong fails then so too does the self-defense claim...
Not withstanding the small success percentage, Linus may have been better advised to run with the Sasquatch thing and attempt a straight up insanity defense. In fact, his defense lawyer could have helped the cause...
But, I suppose that in Linus's case....
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I am Jeff's wife. Linus refused to cooperate while he was housed at the Oregon State Hospital to determine if he was fit to participate in his own defense. Rumor was that he was stonewalling the prosecutions Psychiatrist. I can assure you that the boy was nutty as a fruitcake. It's tragic that he is in prison and not in a mental health facility. But... it was his own hubris that handicapped his defense.
I was helping to locate them and was in the first car with police when we rolled up on the scene. It was very strange to me that Linus was not only unremorseful, he was smiling and smug. There was speculation that he may have, in addition to a bi-polar manic high, been on Bathsalts.
Michael A Haber said...
Sounds like the speculation may be spot on.
I hope he is amenable to receiving help... that would lessen the tragedy.


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Testing for Benzene
Sunscreen Testing
Cosmetics and Beauty Products
Method Development and Validation
Contaminants and Impurities Testing Services
GCMS
ICPOES/ICPAES
GMP Regulatory Consulting
Lanolin Faces the Test
When the FDA Demands Product Testing
How to handle regulatory problems with ease.
Triggered by an FDA inspection and subsequent questioning of the vendor COA, the personal care products division of a major pharmaceutical company was suddenly faced with having to test the lanolin they had been using in a variety of products for "foreign substances".
Who would have thought that LANOLIN, the safe and innocuous substance that's been around for years…would draw so much attention!
Unfortunately, "foreign substances" isn't very specific. But the main concern from the USP was, specifically, pesticide residue that can naturally bio-accumulate from the food supply of the sheep. And the probable pesticides listed by the USP is daunting. Some aren't in use today…and some have been banned for years. Where would they find a reliable testing service that understood pesticide residue analysis techniques…for a pharmaceutical product?
Pesticide residue testing isn't just unique, it is a formidable challenge. Especially in a situation where a natural product, like lanolin, is tested using the USP-required GC detectors. Suffice to say, neither the customer nor the actual manufacturer of the lanolin possessed the equipment or the experience to perform any pesticide residue analysis… much less possess a validated method that the FDA would approve.
Quantum Analytics Group was asked to provide a validated method for testing the lanolin that followed USP requirements. In short, give regulatory an allowable solution they can stand by for years to come and let the client (and the manufacturer) go back to doing what they do best.
"Years of impurities testing, especially for pesticides, has taught us a lot. One of our principal scientists spearheaded the team that performed the original conversion of the FDA pesticide manual to the EPA pesticide manual, including validation that the transferred methods worked for the specific intended purposes. This knowledge and experience was ideal for a situation like these lanolin tests."
The Quantum Team began by looking at the list of requirements. "We were required to…"
Prepare the sample a certain way
Clean it up in a certain way
Concentrate the sample down to a certain point
Analyze the concentrated extract via gas chromatography with a specific detector, specific GC conditions, and USP-recommended, pesticide-specific column
"We had no issues with these initial, high-level requirements…until we thought about #4…and we definitely have some insight on that"
"We knew that using electron capture and flame photometric detection would require us to run two different instruments running simultaneously. Obtaining the proper dilutions to get the sample on scale and within the calibration range of each instrument would be tricky."
"We wanted to use a single mass spectrometer. Not only to simplify the process but to take advantage of the fact that we were looking for pesticide levels in low parts per million – not nearly the minute concentration levels associated with food product or environmental testing which are typically in parts per billion."
"The mass spectrometer, either quadrupole or MS/MS for pesticide work, would be the definitive mechanism for the job at hand. We would have the ability to see underneath an interfering peak to look for the 3 or 4 key ions that are specific to the impurities we would be looking for. And obtain the mass spectral fingerprint of each pesticide which is absolutely confirmatory."
"The amount of work we performed up front was incredibly valuable."
"We scheduled special meetings with their QA people and analytical team who would gain approval of our method, submit our data to regulatory and approve the subsequent testing. Our goal was to develop a high degree of confidence with a broad range of stakeholders, including the executives from the manufacturing side. "In a demonstration of the data we recovered pre-test, we showed the teams"…
All the pesticides from the USP list that we would be looking for
A reproduction of each pesticide in a matrix highly similar to lanolin
All the recoveries we got off our custom GPC column, as specified
After review, the client team concurred that the method is accurate, precise, linear, reproducible and suitable for intended purpose. They agreed that the change from USP standard devices to a single mass spectrometer would most likely be approved. The team presented the data to the regulators and gained approval for the optimized method.
With approvals in hand, the official testing began and the team was able to confirm safe levels of pesticides across the entire USP list from data pulled over a 2-week period."
Use of the single mass spectrometer was key in reducing the entire testing timeline and allowed production to continue as planned. Approved documentation is used by the product division and the lanolin manufacturer today.
Most successful solutions you read about in our industry usually provide value in terms of time and money saved. And while that is certainly true for this lanolin test work, there was something more.
The knowledge base and effort from the Quantum team provided a permanent solution to an ongoing problem. It virtually eliminated the recurring regulatory issues associated with lanolin testing for this client and allowed the QA and QC teams to return to their work with a higher level of focus and gave the lanolin manufacturer a trusted, independent resource they can rely on for years to come.
Call (908) 300-8381 for more information on our Consulting and Testing Services
Copyright © 2021 Quantum Analytics Group, Inc.
Analytical, Chemical, Product Testing and Development Specialists
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NHS for Sale: Myths, Lies & Deception
By Jacky Davis, John Lister, David Wrigley
In 1926 when I was a small lad my sister Marion contracted TB and died in a workhouse infirmary because my dad, who had worked as a miner since the age of twelve, was too poor to provide medical care for his daughter on a working-class salary.
I can even remember as a boy hearing the piercing cries from open windows on our street of people dying from cancer who didn't have the dosh to buy morphine to ease their passage from life.
The society of my youth believed that only the well-to-do or well-connected deserved medical care.
I am one of the last remaining people that can remember the cruelty of life before the NHS, and I can assure you that it is essential for Britain's prosperity and social well-being that my past doesn't become your future. (Harry Smith)
When the then Health and Social Care Bill was passing through parliament I used the pages of the British Medical Journal to ask whether anyone actually understood what the government was hoping to achieve.
It is very difficult to write legislation in clear English when you are trying to conceal what you are really seeking to achieve.
Consequently, despite a convincing argument that what was being proposed actually met all the accepted definitions of privatisation, somehow this word was redefined by ministers to ignore whether health services were delivered by a public or a private provider.
The Act emphatically did not promote privatisation, we were told.
It came as a surprise to many to learn that what they thought were core NHS services were instead being transferred to large international corporations, such as Serco and G4S.
In British politics it is very rare for politicians to be held accountable for their failures.
The combination of austerity, transitional costs, and organisational chaos mean that the NHS is suffering almost unprecedented pressures.
Morale among health workers is at rock bottom after four years of pay freezes and, in some areas, general practice is nearing collapse.
In this new book, Jacky Davis, joined by John Lister and David Wrigley, look at the continuing threats to the NHS and demolish the myths that have been widely promulgated by those who seek to undermine it.
It is not that we cannot afford the NHS. Rather, we cannot afford to do without it.
This book brings together the evidence of how recent policies have undermined the NHS. It concludes with a challenge to us all. (Martin McKee).
It's hard to believe, but it was not so long ago that the Conservative Party was saying – 'We'll cut the deficit, not the NHS'. All of those promises were worthless.
To make matters worse Cameron's government forced through the biggest top-down reorganisation in the history of the NHS.
Clause 1 of the Act was the key factor in giving away control, abolishing as it did the duty of the Secretary of State to provide universal and comprehensive services in England.
Vital cash from NHS budgets is flowing out of the NHS into private companies seeking profits from health care.
Emergency services and care of the most seriously ill suffer cuts, while managers have to focus their attention on tenders offering the easiest elective and community services to profit-hungry companies.
NHS management time and resources which should be concentrated on patient care are increasingly being squandered on complex contractual arrangements.
What has all this done to our NHS? One of the first casualties has been the accountability of the service.
Vast amounts of money are involved here, £95.6bn in the case of NHS England alone, and it is simply not acceptable that there is no clarity or clear accountability for that kind of public expenditure.
NHS England has also been found in the High Court to have repeatedly departed from the provisions of the HSC Act by imposing changes in primary care services without any mechanism to consult or engage with patients and public in the affected localities.
It's all getting out of hand, but it's important to remember that the new drive towards privatisation and fragmentation is not the only aspect of government policy that threatens the future of the NHS.
The fragmentation certainly began under Tony Blair's Labour government, but it has been vastly accelerated and deepened by the impact of the Health and Social Care Act.
Despite the Tory rhetoric before and since, the election of 2010 brought not only a change of government, but the start of a new era of frozen real terms budgets, which will have risen by a total of just 0.1 per cent above general inflation in five years.
Estimates of the rising cost pressures vary – but it is commonly assumed that increases in spending above inflation of 3-4 per cent each year are needed to maintain and grow services and maintain performance.
The NHS budget had never before been frozen for any sustained length of time. We are in unexplored waters.
The Care Quality Commission is warning that more than three quarters of trusts are failing to deliver adequate safety for patients.
The NHS Confederation has pointed out that one consequence could be reopening the question of charging patients to see GPs or for stays in hospital.
The more right-wing 'think tanks' have of course wheeled back out their vintage plans to impose charges for treatment, for a £10 per head annual 'membership fee' for the NHS, or to drive those who can afford it towards private health insurance.
Health spending has to go up, or services have to be cut.
Of all the scams pulled by the Conservatives in 18 years of power – and there were plenty – the Private Finance Initiative was perhaps the most blatant…. If ever a piece of ideological baggage cried out to be dumped on day one of a Labour government it was PFI.
By the spring of 1998, PFI had become: 'A key part of the (Labour) Government's 10 year modernisation programme for the health service.'
The latest overall figures published on the Treasury website show £11.6bn worth of NHS schemes in England are set to cost almost £80bn over the lifetime of their contracts, averaging seven times the capital cost.
Amersham Hospital, a £45m development, is costing 11.6 times the capital cost: the Trust has already paid almost five times the cost, and still has 15 years left to pay.
From 2012 onwards it became clear that spending on mental health services was actually declining for the first time in over a decade.
As a result of the years of cutbacks 87 per cent of councils have so far restricted eligibility for social care to service users with 'substantial' or even more severe needs.
Growing pressures on the diminishing hospital services result in increasing and underfunded demand on A&E, the return of lengthening waiting times, and more delays in discharging patients from hospital for lack of suitable support in the community.
We have an NHS to win back – or lose. Which will it be?
For two decades politicians have introduced policies for the NHS that ran against the wishes of the vast majority of voters.
The biggest myth has been that the NHS is expensive and inefficient leading to the useful and inevitable conclusion that 'it can't go on like this'.
This part of the book takes the myths one by one and exposes them for what they are – convenient lies to conceal the continued attempts by an alliance of politicians and commercial interests to dismantle the NHS as a publicly funded, publicly provided and publicly accountable service.
Successive governments have lied repeatedly about the NHS and their lies have taken many forms.
Increasingly they hide inconvenient facts behind 'commercial confidentiality' or they have just stopped gathering data all together so that they can claim with justification that they don't have the facts.
When the Labour government left power in 2010 patient satisfaction levels were the highest since surveys began.
Along with the specific lies about outcomes, the coalition has waged a more general campaign against the NHS. They declared the service to be 'unsustainable'.
But a major international survey showed them to be liars about this too.
Many in the media, led by the Daily Mail, were content to keep repeating government lies in their headlines.
It was notable that the government was quite prepared to see patients suffer while NHS money was returned to the treasury, and that while able to bail out bankers to the tune of billions the government chose not to do the same for the NHS for relatively trivial sums.
'That's the standard technique of privatisation: defund, make sure things don't work, people get angry, you hand it over to private capital.'
Since Thatcher introduced an NHS market – the so-called purchaser/provider split – NHS administration costs have escalated.
The Commons' Health Select Committee declared it to be a costly failure.
Tendering, billing, accounting, chasing fees, legal costs all use up the precious NHS budget and divert money away from frontline care, and these costs have only been exacerbated by the Health and Social Care Act.
The future of healthcare in England lies in the hands not of politicians and professionals but of competition lawyers.
There seems to be no political will to abandon the English NHS market and use the billions that would be freed up for patient care instead.
Having an NHS market in place is necessary to enable the privatisation of the English NHS.
PFI projects are crippling many hospitals and the debate is now raging about how to reclaim hospitals and the eye watering PFI repayments.
The NHS budget is going to shareholders and tax havens instead of frontline care.
Repeated assertions that it is unsustainable and unaffordable have no foundation.
If we can't afford the most cost-effective health service in the world what can we afford?
Patient choice is integral to patient dignity and respect and lies at the heart of the doctor-patient relationship.
Politicians have exploited that fact to produce their own version of patient choice, which serves their ideological direction for the NHS rather than the patient.
The Health and Social Care Act has facilitated competition and marketisation of the NHS, always in the name of patient choice. But patients and their doctors have less choice now than they did when the NHS was first founded.
Patient choice is important but only when it is meaningful to patients, not when it is a means of facilitating a political agenda.
From 1948 until 1991 (which saw the creation of the NHS internal market) patient choice was a reality, it was not the sort of choice that served the purposes of right-wing politicians and the private sector.
It did not allow private companies to get a foot in the door of the NHS and their hands on its guaranteed budget. That required the creation of a market.
Thus began the process of marketising the NHS, for which political intervention was required.
Politicians were turning the NHS into a market, with health as its commodity, and open to the private sector who were after their holy grail, the guaranteed funds of the NHS budget.
'Patient choice' has been used by successive governments as the Trojan horse and ironically the more politicians have championed it the less of it there has been.
The covert conversion of the NHS into a business started with the Griffiths report in 1983. Then in January 1988 Thatcher used an interview on television to announce that she was going to conduct a 'review' of the NHS.
Just over 12 months later the review: a new NHS White Paper 'Working for Patients'.
So began the 25-year non-evidence-based experiment to turn the NHS into a market-based system, and the emphasis on choice as a justification.
Thatcher's reforms were pushed through Parliament in 1990 as the National Health Service and Community Care Act.
Choice was not an immediate priority for the new Labour Government when it came to power.
However in 2000 Alan Milburn, as Health Secretary, signed a 'Concordat' with private hospitals under which the NHS would pay for the treatment in private wards of waiting list patients.
Payment by Results introduced a fixed tariff payment per case treated and was a further mechanism for diverting NHS money to the private sector.
The Blair government, egged on by Milburn, Stevens and others, was artificially creating a new market in health care.
By the time the Labour Government lost power in 2010, the concept of patient choice in the NHS was firmly established.
In May 2010 the coalition government launched their white paper 'Liberating the NHS'.
The Health and Social Care Bill (2012) introduced the concept of 'Any Willing Provider', which allows private companies and other non-NHS bodies to bid for lucrative NHS contracts.
The term 'Any Willing Provider' was quietly changed with no fanfare to 'Any Qualified Provider' (AQP) to try and make the process sound more professional.
The cost of imposing competition on the English NHS is high both in terms of the money wasted on running a market (upwards of £5bn a year), and in the deleterious affect it has on the service.
Competition, so destructive and expensive, was never necessary to provide choice, and indeed as the privatisation of the NHS proceeds choices available to patients will reduce.
Andrew Lansley presented the Health and Social Care Bill emphatic that the intention was to hand power and money to GPs.
The reality has proved to be quite different. Few GPs have the enthusiasm, time or expertise to take on the work involved.
Contrary to firm government promises CCGs now have to tender out almost all services, wasting money and clinical time and resulting in an increasing number of contracts going to the private sector.
The majority of GPs now believe that they have been set up to take the blame for rationing health care.
These promises have turned out to be worthless, a deliberate deception of GPs and the public.
Lansley's promise that GPs would decide whether to tender services has proved to be yet another lie.
Most CCGs believe that almost all services now have to go through the lengthy, tedious, expensive and bureaucratic formal NHS tender process.
Hunt 'presses ahead Thatcher-like, wilfully ignorant, skipping around every tiresome obstacle, using new tools like Clause 118 to take more power and control away from the people who have paid for the NHS and who need it the most'.
How did GPs in particular and medical professionals in general end up as the victims of legislation that promised so much and delivered so little?
The BMA leaders failed to recognise the dangers inherent in the Lansley Bill and wasted months when they should have been campaigning against it pursuing a policy of 'critical engagement'.
The BMA's failures – either to consult their members or to understand the Bill – allowed Lansley to get away with his legislation.
In one 2014 survey, a shocking six out of ten GPs were considering retiring early due to the pressures and to constant denigration of the profession.
One could be forgiven for thinking that the politicians are setting primary care up to fail.
Despite promises to the contrary the Treasury has clawed back about 拢5bn from the NHS budget at a time when care is being rationed and waiting lists are growing.
The Health and Social Care Act has increased bureaucracy and complicated lines of accountability.
In July 2014 the cost of redundancy payments for NHS managers had reached almost £1.6bn as a result of the new legislation.
It has been estimated that it costs an additional £5-10bn a year to run the English NHS as a competitive market.
The minimum estimate of £5bn currently wasted on pointless market activities would fund both the £4bn annual increase in NHS spending with some left over to contribute to free critical social care for everyone who needs it
The coalition government simply turned a blind eye to the additional costs of their expanding market or lied about them.
Regulations impose countless procurement competitions on the NHS, and cause vast resources to move from patient care into administration.
The concern that the HSC Act would lead to a 'tsunami of bureaucracy' proved well founded.
The average doctor and nurse spent ten hours a week on bureaucracy, more than a quarter of their working week.
A survey by the RCN found that nurses were 'drowning in paperwork' including filing, photocopying and ordering supplies.
Lansley's promises about reduced bureaucracy and lower costs have proved as empty as the NHS coffers under the coalition government.
Real patient voice has become politically inconvenient as more NHS 'reforms' have been pushed through against the wishes of the public.
The more political rhetoric there has been about patient voice the less genuine engagement there has been with the public.
Many people feel that legitimate avenues of enquiry and complaint have been closed to them, leaving little option but to take to the streets in order to be heard.
Campaigners – lacking any regular democratic access to express their views – are obliged to resort to street protests and petitions,
For the past thirty years or more NHS 'consultations' have often been seen as little more than a pointless ritual.
The last fifteen years have seen the abolition of the statutory bodies which once gave local people much more influence.
The proliferation of private and confidential contracts and tendering processes has led to increased secrecy due to 'commercial confidentiality'.
There has seldom been more official rhetoric about 'engagement' with patients and the local public and less actual engagement with anything other than supportive views.
The 'hospital closure clause,' section 119 of the HSC Act, gives carte blanche for a future TSA to ride roughshod over local communities where they find it politically expedient to do so.
Now various CCGs have been seeking costly legal advice on how NOT to consult local people on substantial changes knowing that there will be no popular support for their proposals.
So what of the bodies that we might expect to represent the views of local people? Healthwatch, which is organised at local and national level, was established under the HSC Act.
The new bodies were designed from the outset to be toothless, with a limited frame of reference, primarily offering advice, and with no independent role.
Healthwatch in its current form is unlikely to deliver an effective voice for local communities.
The invisibility and impotence of Healthwatch is rivalled by Health & Wellbeing Boards, which were also established under the HSC Act.
The whole sorry history of the erosion of the public voice since the late 1990s has been accelerated dramatically by the HSC Act and the cash pressures of the freeze on spending.
The proliferation of commercial secrecy, from the very top right down to local commissioners and competing NHS trusts, means local people are even less likely to be aware of issues on which they might expect a say.
This is incompatible with democratic accountability and a strong independent voice for the public in influencing decisions.
There was an early indication of Lansley's real attitude to transparency when he refused to publish the risk register despite having been ordered to do so by the Information Commissioner.
A Secretary of State for health can criticise the NHS without offering solutions or acknowledging responsibility for problems arising from government policy.
New bodies created by the Act do not have to meet in public or publish their minutes. Information about their costs, profits and outcomes is unavailable.
The NHS is now considerably less transparent and accountable than it was before the HSC Act came into force.
The 'voice of the public' has never been more marginalised than it has been since the HSC Act took effect. The public would have no chance to hold commissioners or providers to account either.
Clause 1 of the HSC Act ended the duty of the Secretary of State to secure or provide a universal and comprehensive health service in England. This responsibility was transferred to the body now known as NHS England.
The HSC Act can be seen as a way of 'liberating' ministers – to attack it whenever they feel it politic to do so.
Tory bosses have forced through legislation that puts all of the financial control in the hands of commissioners.
However not one of these bodies, which are supposed to be the vehicle for accountability and transparency, is either accountable or transparent.
The HSC Act has put the entire NHS at arm's length from any democratic accountability.
All this is set to get worse if more contracts are awarded to private providers under the HSC Act section 75.
There is no evidence that the private sector is cheaper or more cost effective when it delivers public health care.
A blind faith in the power of the market to work its wonders is no substitute for evidence of benefit and there is none. Indeed the reverse is the case.
Private companies take the profits while society underwrites the risks.
One of the great strengths of the NHS is that until relatively recently it has been largely publicly delivered. The importance of public delivery cannot be overstated.
This means that taxpayers' money goes back into the public purse to be spent on the NHS rather than being diverted to shareholders' profits and tax havens.
Evidence of the inherent superiority of the private sector in delivering public services is non-existent. Indeed the available evidence points to quite the reverse.
But such hard facts have never been allowed to dent ideological commitment to the private sector and to the market.
Commercial confidentiality continues to trump every other interest including that of the patients.
We are left guessing as to whether the horror stories that surface give us the whole picture or are just the tip of an iceberg that the government, despite their calls for openness and transparency, would rather keep submerged.
The potential for fraud and corruption in the NHS has traditionally been low. That is set to change after the HSC Act.
Adequate oversight of the increasingly fragmented system is nigh on impossible. For the first time a culture has been created in which fraud and corruption are possible.
Many of the companies moving in on the NHS have already been successfully indicted in the US.
Private companies have only one legal requirement and that is to make a profit for their shareholders.
The other unanswered question is whether the private sector can ever make a profit by taking over the running of a cost-effective health service without it resulting in deterioration in clinical services. The answer at the moment would appear to be not.
PFI has proved to be a costly disaster for the NHS with the financial problems of a number of trusts being traced to their crippling PFI debts.
'as many as 270 PFI projects were based offshore avoiding millions in tax. These involve more than 70 NHS projects.'
It means that when taxpayers fund these NHS PFI projects the money is not recycled back into the UK economy but instead goes to tax havens abroad as well as into shareholders pockets.
Complaining that the private sector maximises profits at the expense of public services is tantamount to complaining that cats kill birds.
No one would leave their cat in charge of the canary. Equally private companies cannot be trusted to behave well when delivering public services.
Few people have any idea of the suffering that many endured from untreated illness before the advent of the NHS, nor is there a collective memory of the fear that people once had of the financial consequences of illness.
The first duty of the private sector is to its shareholders and it shows.
The malign effects of privatisation on those who provide health care are insidious as the corruption of the 'industry' in the USA demonstrates.
By 2013 outsourcing scandals were becoming commonplace.
It emerged that neither the Cabinet Office nor any other department knew how much public money was being spent on outsourcing
The record of the private sector delivering NHS care is not a happy one.
There is no doubt that the primary intention of the Health and Social Care Act was the accelerated privatisation of the NHS.
The HSC Act was passed in March 2012 but the final piece of the privatisation jigsaw was put in place in early 2013 with the passage of the infamous section 75.
This piece of secondary or 'enabling' legislation in effect requires all NHS contracts to be put out to tender.
For a long time traditional primary care presented a solid face against the private sector but a number of factors have combined to change that.
It will be impossible to avoid a situation where the private sector is buying care from itself. The privatisation of the NHS will have come full circle, and Dracula will be in charge of the blood bank.
Bed numbers have been cut, and in April 2014 an OECD study reported that only Sweden had fewer hospital beds per capita than the UK.
Once again the private sector was being proposed as the solution to NHS woes resulting from government mismanagement.
Those who can pay will either queue jump through buying access to the service or will get treatments that aren't available to those who can't pay, or both.
Patients who can't afford to pay to bypass the system will find themselves in the queue behind those who can.
This shows there is no limit to the willingness of the government to replace NHS services with those from profit-driven companies.'
The process of privatisation has also been helped along by the outsourcing of NHS policy decisions to private companies.
One the most alarming and insidious encroachments of the private sector into the NHS has been via the 'privatisation of policy making'
The public has never voted for privatisation of the NHS and certainly doesn't want it.
According to a 2013 YouGov poll, 84 per cent of the public would prefer to see the NHS run as a not-for-profit public service, whilst just 7 per cent favour privatisation.
Hundreds of GP surgeries are now owned by private companies and billions of pounds worth of contracts have been awarded to the likes of Serco and Virgin.
Privatisation is proceeding apace and will do irreparable damage to the NHS and our patients.
No closure plans are ever honestly presented as cuts: they are painted up as 'reconfigurations' to centralise services in other hospitals, and treat patients 'closer to home'.
The passing of their Health and Social Care Act and the imposition of massive financial cuts have had a very damaging effect on the NHS.
Legislation has also opened up opportunities for big profits to be made and political favours to be called in.
It really does not suit them for the voters to know the truth about what is being done to the NHS.
The Conservative manifesto made no mention of the assault on the NHS that had been planned for many years by Tory politicians.
The HSC Act was a stark betrayal of Cameron's clear promise that he would not reorganise the NHS but, worse than that, it was a betrayal of the NHS itself. A reflection of the 'tragic reality' of current politics.
Some 225 parliamentarians had recent or current financial interests in private health care. 145 peers had recent or present financial connections to companies or individuals.
The conflicts of interest constitute a running sore in a country with pretensions to democracy.
Lord Popat donated over £320,000 to the Conservative party and was subsequently made a peer. Lord Popat's wife now owns the company which has won contracts worth £4.43m since the HSC Act was passed.
Private companies with financial links to 24 Tory MPs and peers had won NHS contracts worth £1.5bn under the new legislation.
Type 'politicians lies NHS' into Google and pages of links come up. Successive governments have lied and lied again about the NHS and their intentions for it; they have had to.
The lies have been necessary to conceal the true privatising agenda from the voting public.
The biggest lie of all was Cameron's pre-election promise that 'the NHS will be safe in my hands'.
One of the most serious aspects of the lies and cover ups is that the voting public does not have anywhere near the full facts.
Successive governments have ignored evidence and manipulated statistics to suggest that the NHS market is beneficial. Based on the evidence, withheld from the public, it should have been abandoned years ago.
The Secretary of State should take back responsibility for the NHS.
There is no place for a competitive market in delivering health care.
The NHS must be adequately funded.
The bulk of the cost should flow from collecting the £120bn of unpaid tax each year.
There needs to be proper investment in NHS staff and their training.
The main job of managers should be to facilitate clinical activity and not to chase political targets.
The NHS was doing very well and its current problems can largely be traced to misjudged political interference and inadequate funding.
Labour unfortunately built the bridge across which the Tories have stormed the NHS and there are still too many at the heart of the party who don't think they did anything wrong.
The billions wasted on marketising the NHS could and should have been spent on patient care.
The result is money squandered, opportunities lost and harm to the system which we all rely on.
It's time to end the failed market experiment and return to an NHS which is publicly funded, publicly provided and publicly accountable.
That's the standard technique of privatisation: defund, make sure things don't work, people get angry, you hand it over to private capital.
It's our job to make sure they don't get away with it.


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New Davis ad accuses Abbott of 'siding with a corporation over a rape victim'
Local // Texas Politics
Brian M. Rosenthal and Peggy Fikac Aug. 7, 2014 Updated: Aug. 8, 2014 9:55 a.m.
AUSTIN - Wendy Davis is taking the gloves off.
The Democratic nominee for governor announced Thursday night that her first general-election TV ad will accuse Republican rival Greg Abbott of "siding with a corporation over a rape victim" as a state Supreme Court justice in 1998.
The 60-second spot uses grainy video of a man entering a house to recount the case of Mickey Carter, a Seguin vacuum salesman who allegedly raped a woman after being allowed into her home for a demonstration.
The victim sought to sue vacuum manufacturer The Kirby Co. after learning the man, who worked for an independent local distributor, had a criminal conviction the company did not know about after not conducting a background check. The case went to the state Supreme Court, with then-associate justice Abbott joining two others in a 1998 minority opinion that the company "owed no duty" to the woman. Six justices disagreed, and the woman won $160,000.
"Thank God this time Greg Abbott lost," says the ad's narrator over ominous music that plays throughout the spot.
The ad then shows a red tricycle on its side in the house's yard before flashing the words "Greg Abbott: Another insider. Not working for you."
Abbott's campaign dismissed the ad as "despicable."
"This ad is a continuation of the type of rhetoric we've seen from a candidate who is paper-thin on substance and running a failing campaign devoid of any real vision for the future of Texas," spokeswoman Amelia Chasse said in a statement. "Texans deserve better."
Chasse added, "no one has a stronger record fighting the heinous crime of sexual assault than Greg Abbott."
As attorney general, a position he assumed in 2002 after serving as a justice between 1995 and 2001, Abbott has put more offenders in jail than all of his predecessors combined, she said.
Case raised before
Davis spokesman Zac Petkanas said the campaign was not concerned about the ad's harsh tone and is paying to run it in English and Spanish in multiple media markets. He would not elaborate on how much the campaign is spending or how long it will air.
Petkanas said the ad reinforces a theme of the Davis campaign: that the Fort Worth state senator would represent all Texans, while Abbott would only protect fellow corporate and political insiders.
"It's another example of Greg Abbott protecting insiders, even when it involves the victim of a brutal rape," Petkanas said.
Democrats have raised the Carter case before. The Lone Star Project, a pro-Democratic group directed by a longtime Davis adviser, issued a news release in October that cited the case.
Davis, who decided to run after conducting a filibuster against last summer's anti-abortion House Bill 2, has made a strong appeal to women a centerpiece of her campaign.
Forced to respond?
Mark Jones, a Rice University political scientist, called the ad a "stark and vicious" reminder of what's been long expected in the race: Davis going negative in the final months. Jones said he doesn't think the commercial will change the dynamic of the race but will force Abbott to respond
Democratic strategist Harold Cook said the ad "hits hard and goes for the jugular, which is exactly what an underdog race needs to do."
"For a ny Democrat to win statewide in Texas, the candidate must throw the concept of playing it safe out of the playbook," Cook said. "The ad signals that Wendy Davis absolutely intends to take the fight to Abbott."
The latest campaign finance reports showed that Abbott had nearly a three-to-one cash advantage over Davis, who has trailed in polls as she seeks to become the first Democrat elected to statewide office in two decades.
Cook added the ad is especially effective because Davis championed legislation in the Senate to address a rape-kit backlog.
"The contrast is perfect," Cook said.
'Predictable ... smear'
But GOP consultant Matt Mackowiak said the ad ignores the work Abbott has done to protect women.
"The predictable effort to smear Greg Abbott by turning him into a scary monster has begun," said Mackowiak, adding that "an ad like this comes from a place of desperation and Wendy Davis went hard negative, early. I don't expect it to work."
The Davis ad came hours after Abbott released his second spot, a 30-second commercial featuring the attorney general's mother-in-law. That ad will start airing statewide Friday in English and Spanish, the campaign said.
Staff reporters Patrick Svitek and Mike Ward contributed.
Brian M. Rosenthal
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Steve Lohr, Mike Isaac and Nathaniel Popper, New York Times
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Do you want to live in Europe? Find out how to become a Portuguese citizen
Vicente Nunez – Correspondent
published on 07/31/2022 07:00 / updated on 07/31/2022 19:19
In order to attract the descendants of the Portuguese who left the country, many of whom escaped poverty, the grandchildren of these citizens were given the opportunity to directly apply for their original citizenship – (photo: Pixabay)
Lisbon – Plastic artist Lenne Russo, 51, is on her way to fulfilling her dream of becoming a Portuguese citizen. More than having a coveted EU passport that allows free travel to more than 120 countries, she wants to regain her original family name, which was lost in the Brazilian civil service bureaucracy at the beginning of the last century. century. Between 1907 and 1908, her grandfather, Eduardo dos Santos Russo, then three years old, landed at the port of Santos with his family, who were looking for better living conditions in Brazilian lands.
Lined up, each of the Portuguese who arrived in promising Brazil was registered under federal control. But the haste and carelessness of the servers at the time led to gross errors in the notes. Surnames were changed without objection from the immigrants, many of whom were illiterate. In the case of Lenne Russo's grandfather, Russo disappeared from the list. Only Eduardo dos Santos remained. "So much so that my official name is Aedileen Aparecida Mora dos Santos," she says. He was left to use a Russian surname when he pursued his artistic career.
However, a legislative change introduced by the Portuguese government in 2018 gave Lenne hope. In order to attract the descendants of Portuguese exiles, many of whom were fleeing poverty, the grandchildren of these citizens were given the opportunity to directly apply for their original citizenship. Prior to this, the grandchildren of Portuguese born abroad could only apply for derivative citizenship. That is, they received the right from their parents, but could not transfer the benefit further. With the change in the law, Portuguese citizenship has become a right of inheritance, and they will be able to pass it on to future generations.
portuguese migraine
(photo: Pacifico)
But let's be clear, warns lawyer Renato Martins, CEO of Lisbon-based firm Martins Castro: "If the grandchildren of Portuguese people don't apply for citizenship, their descendants won't be able to apply for it. the rope broke." Therefore, it is important to apply for citizenship while those who qualify are still alive. This is Lenny's case. "I have no children, but my sister Elaine Aparecida has three. Therefore, she and I are applying for Portuguese citizenship so that my nephews and their children can benefit," he notes. "Better: in all documents issued by the Portuguese government, our surname will be Rousseau," he celebrates.
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There are no contemporary estimates of how many Portuguese-born descendants born in Brazil are eligible for the citizenship of a European country. Data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGS) for the mid-2000s showed that 21 million Brazilians were of Portuguese descent. Most of these citizens are scattered throughout Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Para and Goiás. However, not everyone is able to prove a connection with their ancestors, even out of ignorance. "Therefore, serious professional oversight is necessary," recommends lawyer Joana Nunez from the office of Garcia, Silva, Nunes e Associados.
The biggest challenge, adds Renato Martins, is to collect all the documentation required by the Portuguese government. He recalls that until 1911 there was no registration of acts of civil status in the country. Births were cataloged in churches. And much was lost along the way. Thus, a thorough search is required. "There are people who have been doing this for more than 10 years without success," he says, who, along with partners Martins Castro, created an artificial intelligence program that can identify information in a shorter time.
"Today we have over 1 million metadata in the genealogy bank that can be read and searched," explains the lawyer. This process includes searching for information in churches and greenhouses (notary offices) in Portugal, as well as in ports and municipalities, since many Portuguese have gone to work in agriculture and even in hostels in Brazil. With this information, we collate the data and we can come up with what we are looking for," emphasizes Martins. He emphasizes that not everything is digitized, but digitization alone is no guarantee of success in the efforts of those who claim to have Portuguese citizenship.
According to the lawyer, it is necessary to convert every piece of information – name, gender, parents' names, location and date of birth – into searchable data. "We call it metadata. From there, the AI does its part of the job as it can read the documents," he clarifies. He adds that the time it takes to complete the entire citizenship process depends on the quality of the information. When they are more available, the necessary documents can be found within five working days. However, the whole process can take about two and a half years. An important detail: no candidate for Portuguese citizenship can be sentenced to three or more years in prison.
Foreign trade analyst Maria Ligia de Melo, 35, is looking for records of her Portuguese ancestors from 2019. However, her case is more complicated. She claims to have connections with Sephardic Jews expelled from Portugal by the Inquisition in the 15th century. A large number of these Jews moved to Recife, where their names were changed so that they could live in peace. The citizenship advantage of Sephardic origin was created in 2015, but this year the Portuguese Citizenship Law was amended to make it more difficult for those who intend to acquire citizenship in this way.
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In addition to the documents of origin, it will be necessary to demonstrate a real and lasting connection with Portugal through regular travel within the country, or to have a document of ownership of real property rights, in case of inheritance. Maria Ligia has been in Portugal for three years now, where she works and studies. Despite the difficulties, she does not give up. "My family is from the hinterland of Pernambuco, who have very bad papers. That's why I haven't been able to find the data I need yet. But, God willing, I will get Portuguese citizenship because I am Sephardic. origin," he says.
Lenne Russo even considered giving up her Portuguese citizenship when her parents died in 2014. However, last year a friend convinced her to renew her dream of applying for citizenship, restoring her last name and living in Europe. And he went to fight. After a long search, he found in the National Archives records of the arrival of his great-grandfather Augusto Cesar Russo with his grandfather. "Everything was there, his full name and the name of his wife," he says. "Once my citizenship is revealed, I want to visit my family's hometown, in Tras os Montes," she emphasizes, who will pay 11,200 reais for the process of nationalizing her and her sister.
marriage and children
Lawyer Joana Nunez says that Brazilians who are married or in a stable union with the Portuguese can also apply for citizenship in Portugal. The relationship, however, cannot be less than three years. All documents must be certified and apostilled in The Hague, which guarantees international recognition. Children of foreigners born in Portugal are among those who can transfer citizenship in this case to their parents if they have been living on Portuguese lands for more than five years.
"Portuguese citizenship has many advantages," says the lawyer. "Portuguese identity card (citizen card) entitles you to free movement and residence in all countries of the European Union. It also makes it easier to access a bank loan (including for buying a home)," he adds. However, she emphasizes that the naturalization process is not easy, mainly due to bureaucracy and lack of staff in government agencies such as the Foreigners and Border Guards Service (SEF). "Demand for citizenship is growing, but government infrastructure is not keeping up with this movement."
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Joana gives another warning: "Before you apply for citizenship, you need to seek the help of serious professionals registered with the Portuguese Bar Association." The warning makes sense. The Portuguese government is investigating at least 22 Brazilian digital influencers who were selling citizenship properties but were actually scamming the unsuspecting. "Professionals registered to provide this type of service can be sued if they harm someone and are liable for it. In the case of false consultants, the punishment is more severe, and losses are inevitable," he says.
It is estimated that at least 1 million Brazilians live in Portugal, including those with dual citizenship. There are almost 300,000 legal foreigners, of whom 47,000 received permission to develop the country in the first half of this year. In addition to these groups of Portuguese and Brazilian descendants who have received residence permits, the Portuguese government wants to attract labor to the country and stimulate the economy. For this, a temporary 180-day visa was created so that those who wish could look for work in local companies. The new law should come into force by the end of August.
Economy and xenophobia
The funds created to attract the descendants of Portuguese and foreigners are not limited to Portugal, says lawyer Renato Martins, CEO of Martins Castro. He notes that Spain, Germany, France and Luxembourg, which recently naturalized 15,000 Brazilians, are following the same path. And this is the result of what the authorities call a "demographic winter," when the elderly become the majority of the population, and there are no longer enough young people in the labor market to guarantee the support of social security systems. "I, like scientists from the European Union and the United Nations (UN), prefer to call this reality demographic suicide," he says.
In his opinion, countries that relax immigration rules are very specific about the problems that arise in connection with the aging of the population, and pursue policies aimed at repopulating them. "No nation can support itself when its economically active population is shrinking," he says. In Portugal, even with the arrival of foreigners, the number of inhabitants is falling every year. There are just over 10 million of them.
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Gairynzvl escaped captivity among the DemonFey, who had abducted him as a child through a daring act of treason and was rescued by Light Loving Fey. Now, he wants to return to the dark realm of The Reviled to attempt a rescue of the innocent Childfey trapped there.
It will take more than one Fey to breach the borders of The Uunglarda and to slip past the legions of Dark Fey who abide there. It will take magic and strength, courage and military strategy, and it will shake the foundations of everything The Fey of The Light have accepted as truth for thousands of years. But Gairynzvl knows the secret ways in and out of the dark realm; he is able to open portals and through his gifts of telepathic empathy he can find the Childfey standing, waiting, in the shadows.
Slipping into the darkness through darkness is easy. Escaping out again with terrified Childfey is another matter. If they are captured his band of liberators will pray for death long before it comes and their success could spark a full-scale war, unleashing the barbaric hatred and viciousness of The Reviled upon the peace-loving Fey of The Light.
Can Gairynzvl convince the Fey of the Light to allow him to return to the Uunglarda, the realm of The Reviled? Who will join him to aid the Innocent Childfey trapped in the realm of shadows and fear? And Will the Fey of the Light risk a savage war to rescue them?
Dark Fey: Standing in Shadows is book number two in the Dark Fey trilogy. Because Standing in Shadows gives light to the characters and the plot, I would recommend that Dark Fey: The Reviled be read first.
The story opens with an introduction to The Uunglarda and the torment found there inflicted upon Childfey by the Reviled, a grotesque, loveless, and evil population that lives in the realm of dark shadows.
On the other side, in the mystical realm of Jyndari, where the Fey of Light live, we learn of a former Dark One, who has undergone the Integration, the process to renounce the Reviled and join the Fey of Light. Gairynzvl enlists the help of the confidence of the Temple Elders and Ayla, a Guardian of Childfey, to rescue those kidnapped, neglected, and tortured Childfey living in The Uunglarda against their will.
What I loved about this second book is that the characters have developed greater maturity. Yes, we see some jealousy between Marden and Gairynzvl, but they are able to rise above that and work together. Ayla has found an inner strength she didn't previously possess for the sake of the Childfey. The descriptions are rich and detailed though not to the point that the reader becomes bored. On the contrary, they give depth to the story so the reader can visualize Jyndari and The Uunglarda and those who live there. I loved the easy flow of words in this and the previous book, which is so characteristic of the author, whether writing fiction or poetry or, just telling about her day.
What I didn't like about Dark Fey: Standing in Shadows is the manner in which the Child Malefey and Shefey were treated, even though a lot was through intimation, such treatment was difficult reading, but this is my personal view and it does not impact my review. There are a lot of movies that I don't watch for the same reason. I won't go into more detail to avoid giving away spoilers.
I recommend Dark Fey: Standing in Shadows to anyone who enjoys fantasy or young adult fantasy. On a scale of 1-5 stars, I would award this book 4 ½ stars. I am looking forward to reading book three in the Dark Fey Trilogy.
Cynthia A. Morgan is the creator of the mythical realm of Jyndari and author of the epic fantasy, Dark Fey: The Reviled, Book One of the Dark Fey Trilogy. "The Reviled" draws the reader into a mystical realm of primordial forests, magic and the lives of Light-loving and Darkness-revering Feykind. Not to be confused with pixies or "Tinkerbell" type fairies, the Feyfolk of Jyndari are winged beings the size of any human who live in a realm where tradition, magic, and spirituality are fundamentals of everyday life. Reviews of Dark Fey continue to earn 5 stars by lovers of fantasy as well as readers who do not typically enjoy that genre. Compared to a fantasy version of a play by Shakespeare, Dark Fey The Reviled is a brutally beautiful story of Love, Hope, and finding Peace in the Darkness.
Dark Fey: Standing In Shadows, Book Two of the Dark Fey Trilogy continues the story of Gairynzvl, who escaped captivity among the DemonFey, who had abducted him. Now, he wants to return to the dark realm of The Reviled to attempt a rescue of the innocent Childfey trapped there, but it will take more than one Fey to breach the borders of The Uunglarda and to slip past the legions of Dark Fey who abide there. It will take magic and strength, courage and military strategy and it will shake the foundations of everything The Fey of The Light have accepted as truth for thousands of years. Can Gairynzvl convince the Fey of the Light to allow him to return to the Uunglarda, the realm of The Reviled? Who will join him to aid the Innocent Childfey trapped in the realm of shadows and fear? And Will the Fey of the Light risk a savage war to rescue them?
Morgan is also the author of the popular blog "Booknvolume" where her over 15K following is regularly treated to Morgan's own brand of poetry, English Sonnets, and musings about life. She is a current member of the Poetry Society of America; is ranked among the top authors on the Independent Author Network; has had poetry published on numerous poetry websites and is rapidly becoming an Author to keep your eye on.
Some of her other interests include a deep love of animals and the environment. She loves music; is frequently heard laughing; finds the mysteries of ancient times, the paranormal and the possibilities of life elsewhere in the cosmos intriguing, and Believes in the power of Love, Hope, Peace and Joy, all of which is reflected in her lyrically elegant writing style.
Book Three: Breaking Into The Light is currently underway.
Thank you for commenting Teagan. It means a lot to me that you stopped by to check out my blog post. Hugs, dear friend.
Right back at you ❤ 🙂 I don't get to visit nearly as much as I'd like… work, and the "second job" of looking for work where I'd like to live. Then of course the blogging. Sigh… suddenly I'm tired. LOL. 😀 More hugs.
If you read fantasy, you would enjoy this trilogy. I don't read a lot of it, but I definitely enjoyed reading both books and am looking forward to number three.
Me too, Sacha. Chances are, if the cover isn't attractive, I won't open the book, unless it has come to me with a recommendation.
When the book is dark, it certainly is dark but I do like that juxtaposition with the light though, it does make it more visceral. Book three promises to be a bit epic.
If you enjoy fantasy, you will enjoy reading the Dark Fey trilogy.
You always have such great reviews!
Man do you read everything, or what?! I love checking out your reviews.
Awww, thanks so much. Have a wonderful rest of the week.
Thank You so much for your Honest Review, Michelle. I am glad you enjoyed the story, even in spite of it's darker twist. I confess there were a few times I broke into tears after writing some of these scenes involving the childfey, but my point in writing such horrible scenes is to convey the desperate need for them to be rescued and the harsh differences between the Fey of the Light and the Reviled. Thankfully, now that this segment is complete, there will be no further need for such grim detail.
I am sure you did. I had a really tough tough time reading some of it.