Bruce Palmer and Charles W. Macune, Jr.
MACUNE, CHARLES WILLIAM (1851–1940). Charles William Macune, leader of the Texas and National Farmers' alliances, was born on May 20, 1851, at Kenosha, Wisconsin, the third child and only son of William and Almira S. (McAfee) Macune. His father, a blacksmith and minister, was evidently a native of Saratoga County, New York. His mother came from the Ontario village of Bertie. The family moved to the Iowa frontier in 1843. They then lived in northwest Illinois until 1852, when Charles's father was lured by the prospects of the California gold fields, where he died of cholera. Charles Macune was thus reared by his widowed mother in Freeport, Illinois, where he acquired limited public-school education. At the age of ten he went to work for a nearby German farmer. In 1866, at the age of fifteen, he began employment as an apprentice in a pharmacy, the first step toward his later profession as a physician. In 1869 he went to California, where he worked as a ranch hand. By the fall of 1870, however, he was in Kansas working with a circus. By the summer of 1871 he had moved to North Texas, where he spent several years as a cattle drover between Fort Worth and Mineral Wells. By the spring of 1874 Macune had moved to Burnet, where he briefly supported himself painting houses. Between September 1874 and the spring of 1875, he made his initial venture into journalism as editor of the Burnet Bulletin, a Democratic weekly newspaper. He called himself a Jeffersonian Democrat and was a vigorous critic of radical Reconstruction. In June 1875 he was elected secretary of the county Democratic party executive committee. In September 1875 he married Sallie Vickrey, the Kentucky-born daughter of a Salado, Texas, stonemason engaged in building the Burnet County Courthouse. Six children were born of this marriage. After a brief attempt in 1875 to manage a hotel in Georgetown, Macune moved to San Saba and reportedly continued painting houses while he studied medicine with a local physician. By 1878 he was in Junction City, where in 1879 he was certified by a state medical examiner to practice medicine. He worked for several months as a doctor in Junction City, then in Fredericksburg, before finally setting up his practice in 1881 in Cameron. There he invested in town and nearby farm properties, including a farm at Ad Hall, where he and his family lived. Another man, however, operated the farm. In the summer of 1886 Macune and local physician Thomas A. Pope purchased the Cameron Herald.
Macune had also become a charter member of the local chapter, formed sometime in the spring of 1886, of the state Farmers' Alliance. He was promptly named one of the county organization's three delegates to the annual state convention in Cleburne in August 1886. There he was elected chairman of the state executive committee. At that tumultuous gathering the delegates split over a series of resolutions demanding radical economic reforms by the state and national governments. As acting president, Macune sought to stave off division of the order with a two-pronged program, which he offered at a special conference he summoned in Waco in January 1887. He proposed to expand the level of cooperative activity within the alliance and to expand the state Farmers' Alliance across the whole South with a new national organization, the National Farmers' Alliance and Cooperative Union.
The cooperative efforts of the Texas Farmers' Alliance grew out of alliance farmers' efforts to get better prices for their cotton and escape the burden of the crop-lien system, a mechanism for financing the cotton crop with crop mortgages. It produced a capital-starved South in the years after the Civil War and drove millions of southern farmers, black and white, into severe poverty and loss of land. The difficulty local alliance stores had in defeating the concentrated opposition of local merchants and banks, as well as the savings promised to the farmers by large-scale cooperative purchasing and sales, underlay Macune's plans for the Farmers' Alliance Exchange of Texas. The exchange, with Macune as business manager, opened in September 1887 with very little capital in a building donated by the city of Dallas. The first year of the exchange's operation demonstrated that the benefits of statewide cooperation could not reach most lien-harassed farmers without some adjustment. In November 1888 the Texas Farmers' Alliance announced the "joint note" plan, developed primarily by Macune. This plan called for more prosperous farmers to take mortgages on the crops of their less prosperous neighbors, including tenants and sharecroppers. It failed when Texas and regional bankers refused to take the notes as collateral on loans, although these institutions had been doing the same thing with merchants for years. Despite an effort to raise the money within the Texas alliance in the summer of 1889, by the early fall of that year the Farmers' Alliance Exchange of Texas had collapsed. Inspired nonetheless by this precedent, exchanges were established by alliances in other southern states.
The other half of Macune's 1887 proposal succeeded enormously. The National Farmers' Alliance and Cooperative Union spread rapidly across the South and into the West between 1887 and 1889 and claimed 1,200,000 members by the summer of 1890. Macune served as president until the alliance convention at St. Louis in December 1889. In March of 1889, with $10,000 borrowed from wealthy Texas alliance man R. J. Sledge, Macune established the National Economist in Washington, D.C., and opened the Alliance Publishing Company to go with it. The National Economist became the official voice of the National Farmers' Alliance and Cooperative Union, which at St. Louis in December 1889 was renamed the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union.
Macune's final effort to solve the farmers' credit problem was his subtreasury plan. The plan, written into the alliance platform and amended slightly by the national council meeting at Ocala, Florida, in December 1890, provided for government owned and operated warehouses to store nonperishable agricultural commodities. Farmers depositing commodities could borrow, in United States Treasury notes, up to 80 percent of the market value of their stored crops or their land from the federal government, with a minimal charge for handling and operation. The national government would replace the lien system. Ironically, this plan led to Macune's defeat within the National Farmers' Alliance. The Democrats' refusal to support the subtreasury plan allowed Macune's opponents within the alliance to push the organization closer and closer to independent politics. In February 1892, at the St. Louis convention held to plan for the new People's party, Macune apparently gave in. He supported the new party until late October 1892, when he permitted his associate J. F. Tillman to send out Democratic campaign literature to alliance members. At the December 1892 meeting of the National Farmers' Alliance, Macune lost his bid for the presidency to Henry L. Loucks of the Dakota Farmers' Alliance. In the wake of the revelation of his last-minute switch to the Democratic party and questions about his finances as editor of the National Economist, Macune resigned his position on the national executive committee. The National Economist lost its status as the official organ of the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union in February 1893 and folded soon after Macune left the newspaper.
Macune reputedly remained in Washington, D.C., as an editor with the Evening Star until 1895, when he moved his family back to Cameron, Texas. There he founded, edited, and published a twice-weekly newspaper, the News, until it failed after a few months. Simultaneously, in May 1895 he was licensed in Cameron by the district court of the Twentieth Judicial District to practice law in Texas. Around 1896 he opened a law office in Beaumont. After a brief effort to recapture control of the National Farmers' Alliance during a trip to Washington, D.C., Macune reportedly returned to Beaumont determined to enter the ministry of the Methodist Church. When his daughter developed tuberculosis, he moved his family in 1900 back to Central Texas. At Star Mountain, near Goldthwaite, and then at Center, Macune practiced medicine for about a year, waiting for an opening in the ministry. He received his license to preach in June 1901 and in 1902 took his first pastorate at Copperas Cove. For approximately the next sixteen years, Macune served as a supply preacher in a number of small Central Texas communities, including Florence, Rising Star, Thurber, Wortham, Coolidge, and Hillsboro. In 1918, during World War I, he sought appointment as a naval chaplain but was refused permission because of his age. He then turned his attention to foreign mission work, joining in 1919 his youngest son, Rev. Dennis Macune, in Piedras Negras, Mexico. He also worked in Ciudad Acuña, farther up the Rio Grande. In 1920 he wrote a history of the Farmers' Alliance and deposited the manuscript in the University of Texas library. Macune served as pastor of a Methodist church in Miami, Arizona, in 1923 before retiring to Fort Worth. In that city he resided until his death on November 3, 1940. He was buried there in Mount Olivet Cemetery.
Dictionary of American Biography. Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976). Robert C. McMath, Jr., Populist Vanguard: A History of the Southern Farmers' Alliance (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975). Charles W. Macune Papers, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin. Charles W. Macune, Jr., "The Wellsprings of a Populist: Dr. C. W. Macune Before 1886," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 90 (October 1986). James C. Malin, "The Farmers' Alliance Subtreasury Plan and European Precedents," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 31 (September 1944). W. Scott Morgan, History of the Wheel and Alliance and the Impending Revolution (Fort Scott, Kansas: Rice, 1889). Fred A. Shannon, "C. W. Macune and the Farmers' Alliance," Current History 28 (June 1955). Ralph A. Smith, "`Macuneism,' or the Farmers of Texas in Business," Journal of Southern History 13 (May 1947).
Handbook of Texas Online, Bruce Palmer and Charles W. Macune, Jr., "MACUNE, CHARLES WILLIAM," accessed April 18, 2019, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/fma09.


He is Jesus Christ to Christians and Prophet Isa to Muslims.
Christians and Muslims believe he will return to earth (also known as The Second Coming) and restore justice.
Immediately Jesus reached out his hand and caught him. "You of little faith," he said, "why did you doubt?" – Matthew 14:31.
"According to your faith let it be done to you." – Matthew 9:29.


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Scholarships, Financial Aid and More for Students, Parents and Teachers
Home What Are Scholarships? Top 100 Scholarship Tips Women Scholarships Minority Scholarships Resources
Boys and Girls Clubs "Youth of the Year" Scholarship
The Boys and Girls Clubs "Youth of the Year" Scholarship is awarded each year to Boys and Girls Clubs of America members. Eligible youth must be between the ages of 14 to 18.
Winners are chosen at the local club level, state level, regional level and one national winner is selected. Local club winners are chosen as Youth of the Month winners. From these winners, one youth each is selected as Youth of the Year and goes on to compete at the state level. State winners each receive a scholarship and go on to participate at the regional level. Five regional winners each receive a scholarship and compete on the national level. One student will be chosen at the national level.
The winner at the national level receives a scholarship and recognition as the National Youth of the Year. The award is given to the student by the President of the United States.
Youth have been recognized every year since 1947 for their academic and leadership qualities as well as personal growth and character by the Boys and Girls Clubs of America. The organization began in 1860 in Connecticut and by 1906 had formed 53 member organizations. The organization received a U.S. Congressional Charter in 1956. In addition to helping youth become responsible citizens, the organization provides opportunities for educational advancement through scholarships and other programs.
The deadline for this scholarship VARIES each year, and the award amount is usually $1,000 - $50,000.
For more details, visit www.bgca.org/whatwedo/characterleadership/Pages/YoY.aspx
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California Prof Claims Israel will put Non-Jews 'In Mass Prisons' amid Coronavirus [incl. As'ad AbuKhalil
by Eduardo Neret
https://www.meforum.org/campus-watch/60637/california-prof-claims-israel-will-put-non-jews
A California State University-Stanislaus professor claimed Israel will have different medical procedures during the coronavirus pandemic for "Jews and non-Jews."
"Israel will—I am sure—have different medical procedures for Jews and non-Jews," AbuKhalil wrote in a tweet. "Non-Jews will be put in mass prisons."
According to the CSU Stanislaus website, AbuKhalil is a professor in the "Political Science and Public Administration" department at CSU Stanislaus. He teaches courses in American government and Middle Eastern politics.
AbuKhalil told Campus Reform that his comment was "sarcastic."
"I made a sarcastic comment about both Saudi Arabia and Israel," AbuKhalil wrote in an email. "I said: Israel will be putting Arabs in prisons if infected by Corona and said that Saudi Arabia would behead patients of Corona. Obviously those were not 'information' but the kind of sarcasm I use on my Twitter account to refer to two states (states not people, mind you) with history of discrimination."
AbuKhalil also argued that his comments were not discriminatory.
"My comments were directed against states and not against the Jewish people or the Islamic people," AbuKhalil continued. "If you bother to look for several days on my twitter account you will see denunciation of anti-Semitism: and even in this Corona crisis, I warned against hatred and prejudice and reminded readers of how Europeans during the "Black Death disgustingly punished Jewish people in Europe because they insanely blamed them for the plague."
"I am somebody with a long track record of writings (in Arabic and English) against anti-Semitism and am deeply offended for the attempt to conflate criticisms of Israel (or mockery of Israel) with anti-Semitism," he added. "There are anti-Semites who support Palestinians and there are anti-Semites who support Israel: I abhor them both equally. Anti-Semitism, racism, misogyny, and prejudice are plagues that we need to rid the world of. That has been my stance since I was a teen in Lebanon."
Campus Reform has reported on other professor comments on the coronavirus, which included an American University professor calling for Trump's resignation, a Harvard medical professor calling Trump's response to the crisis a "catastrophic failure," and a Boston College professor wondering if Trump's handling of the coronavirus is "Putin's work."
Related Topics: As'ad AbuKhalil, California State University, Stanislaus receive the latest by email: subscribe to the free mef mailing list


The Project Apollo Archive has released thousands of photos from past lunar missions.
Breathtaking NASA photos taken by Apollo astronauts have appeared on Flickr.
Check out some of our favourites from the over 11,000 shots of our world, outer space, and those who got the opportunity to explore it.


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Posted 30th July 2019 by comicbookjoint	Lists
10 Hottest Marvel Female Superheroes
We've already covered the Hottest DC Supervillains, so it was only a matter of time, before we put Marvel under the microscope. This list compiles ten of the Hottest Marvel Female Superheroes with pictures to prove it.
Without dragging this introduction any further, let's start with number ten.
10. Ms. Marvel
In 2012, Carol Danvers took the alias of Captain Marvel, made popular to the mainstream audience by her MCU appearances. Before that, however, she was known as Ms. Marvel and that's the part of her fictional biography that made its way into our list.
As Ms. Marvel, Carol's wardrobe contained two distinctive outfits. When she first became the superhuman warrior, Ms. Marvel slipped into a red-and-blue Kree uniform that consisted of knee-high boots, red top with a logo on her chest and a skimpy bottom. Years later, after coming into her own as a superhero, Carol changed her costume to a leather-based one, still much racier than her current uniform. Whether you like the first or the second getup better, it's undeniable that her Ms. Marvel persona focused on sex appeal much more than Captain Marvel does.
Click here to check out Avengers: Infinity War on Blu-Ray and DVD!
9. Storm
Thanks to her ability to control any atmospheric phenomena, Ororo Munroe ranks among the most powerful mutants on the planet. Even though she was born in Kenya, she was raised in New York and Cairo.
Storm's wardrobe choices differ vastly, ranging from full-body X-Men uniform to a skimpy bikini-like outfit. Even the King of Wakanda couldn't resist her charms and eventually married her in Black Panther #18.
8. Emma Frost
Emma Frost, also known as the White Queen, is capable of not only turning her body into diamond, but she's also one of the most powerful telepaths on the planet, that could give Charles Xavier a run for his money. To be fair, though, Professor X never looked this good in a revealing white outfit.
As it quite often happens in the world of comics, Emma Frost belongs to one of the villains who turned to the good side. It worked out for the best, since otherwise the White Queen wouldn't have earned a number eight spot on the list of the hottest marvel female superheroes.
7. Scarlet Witch
This iconic character has always been really popular among the comic book fandom. However, Scarlet Witch's popularity boomed after her multiple appearances in the Marvel Cinematic Universe, which introduced her to regular movie-goers.
Wanda Maximoff, Quicksilver's sister and Vision's ex-wife, is a mutant with various magical and manipulation abilities. Despite how powerful this character is, she's still a pleasure to the eye, beaming with her sex appeal.
6. Psylocke
Elizabeth Braddock is a British knockout, born and raised in England. In the beginning she was a supportive character to her brother, Captain Britain. She even took his mantle for a short while. Her character, however, was firmly established as the one X-Men fans know and love.
After moving to USA, she joined Charles Xavier's team of mutants and eventually put on her signature costume. The rest of the X-Men frowned upon her willingness to kill enemies, but even despite that one flaw, she remained a prominent member of the team. After all, who wouldn't want Psylocke in their ranks?
5. Elektra
One of Frank Miller's best-known creations, Elektra, is one of the deadliest assassins of the Marvel Universe. Similar to Emma Frost, Elektra started off as a Daredevil's villain. With time, however, Marvel writers started pushing her the opposite way.
Being a bounty hunter, who kills for money, may not look too good to authorities, but the Scarlet Assassin's code in accepting her targets, as well as occasionally allying with other heroes, lands her a spot on the hero side.
Apart from being armed with a pair of sai, and being a master martial artist, Elektra possesses low-level mind control abilities. Not to mention one of her most characteristic weapons – a costume showing more than some can handle.
4. Mary Jane
Mary Jane is possibly the most popular love interest that ever graced the pages of Marvel Comics. This red head's winning personality, intelligence and cleverness are too much to resist, even if you're Spider-Man himself.
Her tenacity and stubbornness, comparable to those of Lois Lane, could let her keep up with other superheroes and superheroines of the Marvel Universe, but there are more tricks up her sleeve. Using her experience with spider powers she possessed in the Spider-Island storyline, she was able to control the Iron Spider suit in order to help Spider-Man defeat Regent. Those two incidents fully earned her the name of a superheroine.
3. Black Widow
Natasha Romanoff is a yet another example of a villain-turned-hero. Initially a KGB spy and an enemy of Iron Man, Black Widow was armed with a wide range of weaponry hidden in her gauntlets and a black leather suit that very few wear as well as she does.
After moving to the United States, Black Widow was chosen to be an agent of S.H.I.E.L.D. and quickly exceled to being one of the best the agency ever had. Apart from being a permanent member of the main Avengers team, she's worked in other factions, like Mighty Avengers and Secret Avengers, as well.
Check out Black Widow's Avengers: Endgame statue here!
2. She-Hulk
In the beginning, Jennifer Walter's rage would trigger her transformation into a savage, yet gorgeous, monster. It wasn't until Morbius cured her blood disease, when She-Hulk gained full control of her powers.
That's when Jennifer became one of the most powerful, confident and independent Marvel ladies. She's unashamedly in touch with her female nature. She-Hulk loves to party, dress up, hitting the beach and flirting, which is most likely why she quickly became a fan favorite and a number two on our list of hottest Marvel female superheroes.
Want to see She-Hulk on your desk? Click here to check out her action figure!
1. Black Cat
Felicia Hardy, without a doubt, deserves the top spot when it comes to the sexiest Marvel ladies. In a skin-tight black leather suit, with cat-like grace, she would cause constant trouble for Spider-Man, till eventually their hero-villain relationship would take a romantic turn. It was the key ingredient in helping Felicia become a crime-fighting superhero, much like Catwoman, who belongs to the competition's team.
Black Cat doesn't hide the fact that she enjoys expensive things and treating herself to luxury. Neither does she shy away from flirting with Peter and using her charms to get what she wants.
Click here for a beautiful 9 inch statue of Black Cat!
◊ ◊ ◊
This wraps up the Top 10 Hottest Marvel Female Superheroes list. If we didn't mention your favorite character, don't feel bad. There are many attractive and interesting Marvel ladies out there and they all deserve the attention, but we only have ten spots here. That raises the opportunity to make the list bigger in the future, so stay tuned for more content!
As always, don't forget to leave your suggestions for the Top 10s you would like to see next. What other stories would you like to see us cover? Feel free to mention this in the comments, as well. If we pick your idea, we'll give you a shout out at the top of that very article, so don't miss out!
Click here for more Marvel content!
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Firedoglake Campaigns
Firedoglake.com (FDL) is a leading progressive news site, online community, and action organization consistently ranked as one of the most influential political websites.
Stop the Keystone XL Pipeline
President Obama is expected to make his final decision on whether to approve the massive, controversial Keystone XL oil pipeline in the coming weeks. Unfortunately, the State Department's review of the project laughably concluded that increasing access to the 'third-largest proven crude oil reserve in the world' would not have a significant effect on global warming. It's clear that meaningful resistance to the Keystone XL pipeline will not come from inside the Obama administration; we the people will have to continue to make the case ourselves. Eight other federal agencies have until May to weigh in on the State Department's report, at which point the secretary of State will make a recommendation and then President Obama will be tasked with making a final decision.
Call Gov. Martin O'Malley: Sign Marijuana Decriminalization Into Law
Great news: the Maryland House of Delegates voted to approve marijuana decriminalization! Now that the bill has passed the House and Senate, it's on its way to Governor Martin O'Malley's desk, and we need to make sure he signs it into law. The governor has previously supported marijuana reforms, signing medical marijuana legislation for the state in 2013. However, his office maintains they haven't quite made up their mind about decriminalization.
Call Sen. Tim Kaine: Tell Him To Advocate for John Kiriakou
Virginians like you are in a special position to help torture whistleblower John Kiriakou.
We want members of Congress to pressure the Bureau of Prisons to relocate John to a halfway house ASAP. John is a resident of Virginia and we need to urge his senator, Tim Kaine, to speak out on his behalf.
Call Sen. Kaine and ask him to support one of his most patriotic constituents in this time of great need.
Call Sen. Mark Warner: Tell Him To Advocate for John Kiriakou
We want members of Congress to pressure the Bureau of Prisons to relocate John to a halfway house ASAP. John is a resident of Virginia and we need to urge his senator, Mark Warner, to speak out on his behalf.
Call Sen. Warner and ask him to support one of his most patriotic constituents in this time of great need.
Tell Senator Wyden You Won't Support Fast Track in Disguise
Senator Ron Wyden is pushing something called "Smart Track" that could seriously undermine our work to stop secretive deals like the Trans-Pacific Partnership from being railroaded into law.
According to Senator Wyden, Smart Track will woo Democrats who previously voted against Fast Track by including so-called environmental and human rights protections.
From what we know about Smart Track, it seems like a wolf in sheep's clothing. Any trade promotion authority -- including Smart Track -- that lets a president sign a trade agreement before Congress debates and approves the deal is unacceptable.
Call Sen. Wyden and tell him to stop his push for 'Smart Track' trade authority.
Tell Senator Leahy to Restore Real NSA Reforms to the Freedom Act
The House of Representatives recently passed a watered-down version of the USA Freedom Act. This bill does not end bulk data collection and may actually help bolster NSA surveillance powers.
The Senate still has an opportunity to correct this - especially the Judiciary Committee which is headed by Sen. Pat Leahy, the co-author of the original Freedom Act.
Call Senator Leahy and tell him to fix the Freedom Act so that it truly reins in NSA abuse, or kill the bill.
Tell the Bureau of Prisons Not to Renew Troubled For-Profit Immigrant Prison Contract
Corrections Corporations of America -- the nation's largest private prison company -- is bidding to renew its contract with the Bureau of Prisons for a troubled immigrant detention center in Youngstown, OH.
But a new study uncovered insect-infested and overcrowded cells, understaffed medical personnel, and a 'warehouse and forget' attitude at for-profit prisons like this one.
More recently, 140 prisoners refused to return to their cells to protest these conditions. It's possible Warden Mike Pugh may have tried to keep it under wraps, for fear of hurting the prison's bid renewal cahc
Call BOP Director Charles Samuels Jr. today to voice your concern for the protesting prisoners and oppose renewing CCA's contract in Youngstown.
Sample Script
Hello, my name is {YOUR NAME} and I'm calling today to ask the Bureau of Prisons not to renew Correction Corporation of America's contract for the Northeast Ohio Correctional Center in Youngstown.
I am deeply concerned by reports of violence and substandard living conditions under CCA's watch at this facility. NEOCC was already forced to close once before due to violence and mismanagement. The city of Youngstown has also had to sue CCA on behalf of inmates to improve their squalid living conditions.
Just recently, the prison was put on lockdown after 140 prisoners protested their conditions., and the mayor and police only found out about it after an inmate's family member called 911.
CCA's questionable track record is not isolated to NEOCC. The state of Idaho just ended its contracts with CCA to run the Idaho Correctional Center, which was so plagued with violence that it was nicknamed "gladiator school."
Please consider the health and safety of prisoners serving in for-profit institutions. Do not renew CCA's contract for the Northeast Ohio Correctional Center in Youngstown.


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Việt Nam, Morocco join hands to promote tourism
Koutoubia Mosque, a beautiful spot in Marrakech. — Photo moroccotraveldirectory.com
HÀ NỘI — Travel companies and authorities of Việt Nam and Morocco joined together at a seminar held in Hà Nội to discuss potential co-operation between two countries in promoting tourism.
This round table is organised by the Embassy of the Kingdom of Morocco and the Việt Nam National Administration of Tourism (VNAT). It provided the gateway, for foreign travel agents, tour operators, airlines, tourism organisations, hotels and resorts in other international destinations to promote their products and services to potential customers in Việt Nam.
This is the first-time ever seminar for promoting tourism co-operation between Morocco and Việt Nam.
This event aims to showcase myriads of opportunities that Morocco and Việt Nam offer, in term of tourist attractions and the hospitality industry, both within the two countries and wider, as gateways, respectively to Africa and South East Asia.
"It is an occasion to explore Morocco and Việt Nam prospects of co-operation, by promoting the exchange of information on tourist products of both countries, and exploring innovative ways for jointly developing new forms of co-operation in the tourism and hospitality sector," said Ambassador Azzeddine Farhane.
"Morocco's foundations lie in its history and give the country all the authenticity; diversity and mixing that make the nation's singular identity so strong. Hence, the Moroccan people are synonyms with the image of their country as well as being rich in their diversity and tolerance."
"Both our two countries have developed fruitful and efficient tourism strategies, as leverage for the national economy, laying the foundation for more private and public involvement to lift Morocco and Việt Nam's tourism industries into a new height," he said.
Salim Mikram, director of Marketing Department at the Moroccan Agency for Tourism Development, said the target is to place Morocco into the world's top 20 tourist destinations, double tourist numbers and enhance sustainable and responsible tourism with custody of the environment and respect to the Moroccan authenticity, social and cultural life.
In 2017, Morocco received 11.3 million tourists, while Việt Nam reached 13 million, during the same year.
Hà Văn Siêu, vice chairman of the VNAT, said Morocco and Việt Nam share a variety of tourism similarities and potentials, in term of stability, geographic position, wide and long sea shores, and hospitality and tourism infrastructure.
Morocco ranked top tourism destination in Africa in 2017, while Việt Nam ranked first in Asia, one the world's fastest growing tourist destinations for the same year.
This shows the dynamism of their tourism sectors and their resilience to international market turbulent conditions, Siêu said.
The event was part of the co-operation agreement signed between the two countries, on June 15, 2012, which set the framework to promote bilateral co-operation in the tourism sector. — VNS
VITM


Rachel Notley is mad as hell and she's not taking it anymore: "…with Trans Mountain halted, until the federal government gets its act together, Alberta is pulling out of the federal climate plan." She certainly got Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's attention, but will it make a difference?
The Alberta premier was responding to a decision by the Federal Court of Appeal, released Thursday, that overturned the federal approval for the Trans Mountain Expansion pipeline project based upon inadequate consultation with indigenous peoples and lack of a plan to protect Southern resident killer whales off the West coast.
"In coffee shops, on shop floors and in boardrooms around the country, I have heard directly from thousands upon thousands of our fellow citizens who understand that a strong Alberta equals a strong Canada and a pipeline to the coast is critical to that," she said at a live media conference.
She didn't flinch when naming those she believes are responsible for the frequent delays to the 590,000 b/d project that will carry diluted bitumen to the Westridge Terminal in Burnaby, BC where it will be loaded onto tankers bound for Asia and California.
"The combined result of the actions taken by the Harper government, the current federal government, the National Energy Board and the Federal Court of Appeal means that the current state of affairs in Canada is such that building a pipeline to tidewater is practically impossible," she said.
Yesterday, Finance Minister Bill Morneau also blamed the Conservatives under Stephen Harper for a "flawed environment review process," and there government insiders have told Energi News that little indigenous consulation had been done when the Liberals formed government in late 2015.
But that doesn't let Trudeau off the hook.
The reason Phase III failed is that the Baird panel was limited by its mandate from Ottawa to only listen and take notes. Despite the federal government's promise at the outset of the Phase III process, the panel was never empowered to enage and consult in a way that would meet the legal threshold.
Basically, the Liberals took a short cut and were caught out by the appeal court.
Amarjeet Sohi, natural resources minister.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau should admit responsibility for that mistake. He hasn't. Nor has Morneau or Natural Resources Minister Amarjeet Sohi.
The best Trudeau could was a Thursday Tweet repeating what he has said all along: "Today I spoke with Premier RachelNotley – and reassured her that the federal government stands by the TMX expansion project and will ensure it moves forward in the right way," Trudeau tweeted Thursday.
In a recent interview with Energi News, Alberta Environment Minister Shannon Phillips provided some insight into the Trudeau Government's Trans Mountain Expansion strategy, which was that once the decision to approve was announced in late Nov. 2016 there were no attempts to persuade or negotiate support from the BC government or indigenous communities.
"I know that the federal government's position was simply that the pipeline was approved and that it's a project in the national interest and it shall proceed," she said in an exclusive interview.
Shannon Phillips, Alberta environment and climate change minister.
Notley is using the only leverage she has to finally spur Trudeau and Morneau to quickly change their "the decision is the decision" approach: the Prime Minister's cherished national climate strategy.
"There was always an understanding at my level that our support for the Pan-Canadian framework [for energy and climate policy] hinged on the approval of the pipeline," said Phillips.
And let's be clear – without Alberta, that plan isn't worth the paper it's written on. I don't take this decision lightly. Every Canadian has a stake in climate action – no one more so than my kids, your kids and the generations who will follow us. But Alberta, and indeed Canada, can't transition to a lower carbon economy, we can't build a more just, equal and prosperous society – we can't do these things if we can't provide the jobs and prosperity that comes from getting fair value for our resources.
In practical terms, not much changes.
The federal climate plan is designed to act as a backstop for provincial climate plans that would only apply if a province refused to act, such as Saskatchewan's resistance to carbon pricing. Since Alberta under Notley has implemented climate policy far in advance of other provinces, the federal plan was never going to apply.
But Alberta's support means everything to Trudeau's political efforts to sell his climate approach to Canadians and other premiers.
She says that Alberta used that leverage to get Trans Mountain Expansion and the Line 3 project approved in 2016.
First, the federal government must immediately launch an appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada. Even more importantly, Ottawa must immediately recall an emergency session of Parliament to assert its authority and fix the NEB process as it relates to this project to make it clear that marine matters have been and will be dealt in a different forum. Then Ottawa needs to roll up its sleeves and continue its work to protect our coast and improve consultation and accommodation relating to Indigenous peoples in the way they deserve.
She has no choice, according to political scientist Keith Brownsey.
"This plays right into [UCP leader] Jason Kenney's hands. With a provincial election likely next spring, decisive action was the only option left to the Premier," he said in an interview.
Expect Notley to keep up the pressure. She called Alberta the "economic engine of this country" and promised to aggressively defend her province's interests.
She needs Trudeau to move quickly and decisively. If he doesn't, Albertans can expect more fiery rhetoric from the Premier and action similar to the BC wine ban of last year.


Statement by H.V. Evatt, President of the United Nations General Assembly in 1948. As the Sri Lankan case indicates, these words are as compelling today as when they were originally stated in 1950.
The road to peace will undoubtedly involve the need to address the complex causes of the conflict, as well as triggers that may undermine progress towards peace. Much of this will involve commitment to addressing sensitive issues such as ethnicity, religion, political participation, land distribution and economics. The extensive number of civilian casualties sustained during the fighting also needs investigation. All parties must be willing to commit themselves to a peaceful, comprehensive and sustainable post-conflict solution.
Human rights will play an important role in this road to peace by providing a politically and ethnically neutral set of principles for negotiation and fostering trust. Human rights can also offer a framework for commitment to a lasting and just peace. While acknowledging the fundamental differences between Aceh and Sri Lanka, human rights formed a vital component of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement in 2005. The MoU emphasized the need for political participation by the Acehnese and strengthening the rule of law, as well as the need to secure the economic rights of former combatants, political prisoners and affected civilians. It also acknowledged the commitment of the Indonesian government to the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights, and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Sri Lanka has also ratified these Covenants, which mandate the enjoyment of rights such as the right to political participation, freedom of expression and movement, the right to food, water and housing, without distinction of any kind.
It is the government of Sri Lanka that must (and must be seen to) take the vital steps of respecting, protecting and fulfilling such basic rights for all. This will include guaranteeing free and fair provincial elections, freedom of movement for internally displaced persons once they have completed security screenings, and the rule of law that needs to be re-established throughout the country. It will also mean new and equitable land titling, distribution and policies for conflict resolution. Participation is also a cornerstone of human rights, especially important are information flows that facilitate meaningful public consultation. The international community, in particular multilateral donors, should continue to stress the important role that international humanitarian and development workers can play. Local NGOs and community activists must also play a vital role in ensuring that there are no detours around the road to peace.
At the same time, according to the International Crisis Group, donors and development agencies need to "establish stronger procedures to understand the political dynamics in the east and in the north and to monitor the effects and uses of their development projects, so as to limit the risk that their assistance will aggravate existing conflicts or provoke new ones." Given the relief expressed by international organizations and foreign governments at the final stage of military operations, it would be nothing short of a tragedy if the international community in fact contributed to the aggravation of existing conflicts and the provocation of new ones.
On May 19, 2009, the President of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa began the long road to peace on a conciliatory tone, starting his victory speech to parliament in Tamil. He stated: "We should live in this country as children of one mother. No differences of race, caste and religion should prevail here… All the people of this country should live in safety without fear and suspicion. All should live with equal rights. That is my aim. Let us all get together and build up this nation." The emphasis on human rights is clear here. The road ahead also needs such clarity to ensure mutual confidence and trust, and the achievement of a peaceful, comprehensive and sustainable solution to the conflict with dignity for all.


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text:
Opportunities and Challenges of Religious Tourism Development in Uganda: Policy, Planning and Institutional Perspectives
Jim Ayorekire, Makerere UniversityFollow
Joseph Obua, Makerere UniversityFollow
Francis Mugizi, Makerere UniversityFollow
Bruce Micheal Byaruhanga, Makerere UniversityFollow
Religious tourism is a steadily growing tourism product niche in Uganda after wildlife-based tourism. However, limited research has curtailed planning and development of religious tourism in the country. As a contribution to knowledge on his subject, this paper analyses the tourism policy, planning and institutional frameworks as a precursor to harnessing the potential of religious tourism in the country. Applying a mixed methods approach, the evolution of religious tourism in Uganda was reviewed. To examine actor perceptions and benefits of religious tourism, two case studies were undertaken with the help of a structured questionnaire and key informant interviews. A SWOT analysis was conducted to analyse the policy, planning and institutional frameworks of religious tourism. Findings reveal that in spite of limited institutional input, religious travel has organically evolved since the 1880s. Worshipers, visitors and neighbouring community at the religious sites concur that religious tourism can be developed as it generates socio-religious and economic benefits. The SWOT analysis indicates that Uganda has a high religious tourism potential with a number of sites located in different parts of the country. However, their potential is not yet fully realised due to a number of gaps in policy, planning and institutional frameworks. The paper recommends the establishment of a comprehensive policy, planning and institutional framework to guide actor coordination, infrastructure and facilities development, product diversification, sustainable financing and research.
Ayorekire, Jim; Obua, Joseph; Mugizi, Francis; and Byaruhanga, Bruce Micheal (2020) "Opportunities and Challenges of Religious Tourism Development in Uganda: Policy, Planning and Institutional Perspectives," International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage: Vol. 8: Iss. 3, Article 12.
doi:ttps://doi.org/10.21427/v3jj-zg88
Available at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/ijrtp/vol8/iss3/12
ttps://doi.org/10.21427/v3jj-zg88
Tourism and Travel Commons


text:
La Marea es un medio de comunicación en español, editado en papel y de carácter mensual. Asimismo cuenta con un diario digital. La Marea surge de la cooperativa periodística MásPúblico Sociedad Cooperativa fundada por extrabajadores de la edición en papel del diario Público. El primer número salió a la venta el 21 de diciembre de 2012.

Orígenes de la Cooperativa MásPúblico
Tras imprimirse el último ejemplar de Público, el 23 de febrero de 2012, sus dueños despidieron al 85% de los trabajadores, algunos de los cuales decidieron fundar una cooperativa para comprar la cabecera que había salido a subasta. El 22 de junio de 2012, se celebra la subasta de la cabecera que finalmente es ganada por una inmobiliaria formada por prácticamente los mismos accionistas de Mediapubli, anterior dueño de la cabecera.

La cooperativa, inspirada en el éxito del diario alemán Die Tageszeitung, está compuesta de trabajadores y lectores con la intención de crear un medio de masas libre de intereses empresariales y políticos, al contar con una base financiera independiente creada por miles de socios y lectores.

Tras la creación de la cooperativa, 500 personas se unieron al proyecto mediante la compra de participaciones 1000 euros, o campañas de microfinanciación.

Dossier

2013
 N.º 1 | enero — Leyes al servicio del capital. La convivencia entre gobiernos, la banca y grandes empresas se traduce en normas que perjudican a la ciudadanía.
 N.º 2 | febrero — Felipe VI. El heredero aprovecha sus fundaciones para diseñar una corte de grandes empresarios afines con vistas a la sucesión.
 N.º 3 | marzo — El dinero que se esfuma. La evasión de impuestos a países como Suiza supone una sangría para el Estado español. La lucha contra el fraude y los paraísos fiscales es la alternativa a los recortes.
 N.º 4 | abril — El Estado blinda la 'caja B' de la Iglesia. Las demandas de transparencia no afectan a las finanzas millonarias de la curia.
 N.º 5 | mayo — España se entrega al petrodólar. Juan Carlos I lidera el desembarco de multinacionales y comisionistas en el Golfo Pérsico, mientras el Estado cierra los ojos ante las violaciones dederechos humanos de estos regímenes.
 N.º 6 | junio — El Gobierno agota sus parches contra el paro. Los recortes de derechos, la bajada de salarios y el autoempleo son las únicas recetas de un Ejecutivo sordo a propuestas alternativas.
 N.º 7 | julio / agosto — Claves para un pacto de las izquierdas. Los partidos progresistas, frente al espejo: definen sus objetivos y evalúan al resto de fuerzas políticas de cara a una posible alianza electoral.
 N.º 8 | septiembre — A la caza del negocio de la educación. Fondos de inversión y empresarios como Arturo Fernández y Florentino Pérez se lucran con la privatización de la escuela pública.
 N.º 9 | octubre — La industria nuclear sobrevive a Fukushima. Iberdrola y Endesa se reparten el negocio del átomo, subvencionado por el Estado a costa del bolsillo de los consumidores.
 N.º 10 | noviembre — La trampa de los seguros de salud privados. El Gobierno fomenta la contratación de pólizas, a pesar de que éstas remiten a los enfermos más graves a la Sanidad pública.
 N.º 11 | diciembre — Así espía el Estado español a los ciudadanos. En la era digital el acceso a nuestros datos personales es casi absoluto y desborda la capacidad de control de los jueces. SIGO, SITEL, Hispalis y otros sistemas permiten a las fuerzas de seguridad realizar pinchazos masivos.

2014
 N.º 12 | enero — 2013 RIP Recortes Imputados Paro. Nuestr@s lector@s hacen balance.
 N.º 13 | febrero — Mazazo a la Justicia. Gallardón prepara reformas que protegen a corruptos mientras limita el acceso a los tribunales.
 N.º 14 | marzo — Regate a las arcas públicas. El fútbol español sobrevive gracias a pelotazos urbanísticos y el trato privilegiado de Hacienda.
 N.º 15 | abril — ¿Se puede cambiar Europa a través del voto? El Parlamento de la UE gana poder pero carece de competencias para controlar organismos como la troika.
 N.º 16 | mayo — Sindicatos en crisis. La mala gestión de las cúpulas, los cambios en el mercado de trabajo y la reforma laboral provocan la erosión de su base social.
 N.º 17 | junio — Plan de rescate para la Cultura. Nacho Vegas, Paco León, Belén Atienza, Manuel Borja-Villel, Enrique González Macho, Miguel Aguilar y Yolanda Romero proponen soluciones.
 N.º 18 | julio / agosto — El turismo sostenible se enfrente a los viejos vicios del sector. Especial República: Hoja de ruta tras la proclamación de Felipe VI.
 N.º 19 | septiembre — ¿Hasta cuándo? Cataluña vive con incertidumbre la cuenta atrás hasta el 9 de noviembre, la fecha escogida para la consulta soberanista. La falta de diálogo y las tensiones entre el Govern y el Ejecutivo central salpican a una ciudadanía que manifiesta su hartazgo.
 N.º 20 | octubre — La banca contraataca. El lobby financiero se infiltra en las instituciones europeas para impedir que la UE le imponga más normas restrictivas.
 N.º 21 | noviembre — ¿Podemos? Pablo Iglesias prepara su asalto a La Moncloa con un partido todavía en construcción.
 N.º 22 | diciembre — Régimen del 78: el árbol podrido. La dramática proliferación de casos de corrupción ha puesto en evidencia que no se trata de malas conductas individuales sino de un fracaso del sistema.

2015
 N.º 23 | enero — El boicot como arma política. La ciudadanía reivindica su poder como consumidores para forzar cambios.
 N.º 24 | febrero — TTIP. La presión de la sociedad civil está abriendo grietas en las opacas negociaciones entre la UE y EE. UU. para el tratado de libre comercio (TTIP) y contrarresta la influencia del lobby empresarial.
 N.º 25 | marzo — El PSOE, en la lucha final. Los socialistas intentan recuperar la credibilidad perdida por sus errores del pasado y un discurso de izquierdas para evitar pasar a la irrelevancia.
 N.º 26 | abril — Un país sin memoria. Los 130.000 desaparecidos por el franquismo son ignorados sistemáticamente por políticos, jueces y administraciones.
 N.º 27 | mayo — El cambio arranca en los municipios. Los ayuntamientos son el escenario propicio para poner en marcha los modelos de democracia participativa que demanda la nueva política.
 N.º 28 | junio — Cambio de cromos. Un año después de la proclamación de Felipe VI, la Casa Real ha salido del bache y ha dejado de ser un tema de debate. Pero detrás de la renovada imagen del monarca, poco ha cambiado.
 N.º 29 | julio / agosto — El calor que nos espera. La próxima Cumbre de París multiplica las voces que reclaman políticas efectivas para paliar los efectos del cambio climático.
 N.º 30 | septiembre — El puto amo. Desde el palco del Real Madrid y los despachos de ACS, Florentino Pérez cultiva provechosas relaciones con la política. La llegada al poder de nuevos partidos pone en cuestión su modelo.
 N.º 31 | octubre — Del machismo se sale. Hombres y mujeres reclaman medidas para combatir las estructuras que perpetúan la violencia de género.
 N.º 32 | noviembre — La derecha POP. Retrato de Ciudadanos, el partido que se propone conquistar el centro para dar relevo al PP.
 N.º 33 | diciembre — Las piezas del puzzle yihadista. Tras los últimos atentados se han intensificado los bombardeos contra el ISIS en Siria. Se repiten los errores del pasado en Irak, Libia y Afganistán.

2016
 N.º 34 | enero — Filosofía para ser libres. ¿Cómo se potencia el pensamiento crítico? ¿Cuáles son nuestros temores en el siglo XXI? ¿Es la empatía la solución? Entrevistas a Amelia Valcárcel y Marina Garcés.
 N.º 35 | febrero — Un negocio seguro. Las guerras, el terrorismo y la creciente inestabilidad en varias zonas del globo dan un nuevo empuje a la industria de las armas.
 N.º 36 | marzo — La batalla de las pensiones. Los jubilados sufren recortes en las prestaciones y los jóvenes temen que nunca las tendrán. Al sector financiero le interesa que el sistema público vaya a menos.
 N.º 37 | abril — Lo que queda de la izquierda en Sudamérica. Los progresos de una década están en peligro ante el cambio de ciclo político.
 N.º 38 | mayo — La propaganda en la era web. Diarios digitales, redes y blogs son los nuevos soportes de las empresas, cuya publicidad se confunde, cada vez más, con información.
 N.º 39 | junio — Despedida digna. Ha llegado el momento de abordar el debate sobre la muerte y la disponibilidad de la propia vida en España. Profesionales, pacientes y familiares reclaman poder afrontar los últimos momentos con naturalidad.
N.º 40 | julio / agosto — A mi bola. Las mujeres que viajan solas se enfrentan a los prejuicios y agresiones machistas que amenazan su libertad.

Números especiales

Antes de lanzar el primer número de La Marea en enero de 2013, la cooperativa ha publicado dos números especiales en papel. El primero, en mayo de 2012 con motivo del aniversario del 15-M y el segundo, en junio de 2012, para explicar las consecuencias del rescate a la banca española.

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Sitio web de La Marea
 Página de MásPúblico en Facebook

Periódicos digitales de España
Sitios web en español
Publicaciones fundadas en 2013
Periódicos digitales de izquierda

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Part of the power trio that formed DreamWorks in 1994, Jeffrey Katzenberg has now joined the Board of Directors at FarmVille's Zynga.
Katzenberg shocked the world when he quit Disney in 1994 to join Steven Spielberg and David Geffen to form DreamWorks Pictures and head up the animation division. Since then he's produced Shrek, Madagascar and countless other technically decent computer animated films. Zynga is most well-known for FarmVille on FaceBook but is hardly a one-trick pony with FrontierVille and Mafia Wars still entertaining the masses. By adding Katzenberg to the board, we will surely see more Hollywood marketing tie-ins with Zynga games such as the Rango themed quest in FrontierVille.
"Jeffrey redefined storytelling when he launched DreamWorks Animation," said Mark Pincus the CEO of Zynga CEO in a statement. "He turned an independent studio into a brand name and his vision will be an asset as we work to define the future of play."
The boardmembers of companies do not always directly affect the business, but the credibility and name-recognition that Katzenberg brings to the table for Zynga's possible Hollywood deals is huge.
What would be the strangest cross-promotional campaign that Zynga and DreamWorks could come up with? A Shark Tale set of items in FishVille, or even Mafia Wars for that matter? How 'bout a Megamind take over of Cafe World?


There is a lot of discussion in the market research community surrounding the application of behavioral science to survey research. This dialogue has challenged the insights community to address several methodological shortcomings that have long plagued the field. Such weaknesses include a general lack of predictive validity, and the inability to isolate and replicate insights outside of the survey context.
To researchers, these pitfalls often reflect the status quo. To a client, these caveats determine whether a decision based on consumer insights will become a success, or fail with spectacular fashion. The interjection of behavioral science has challenged both parties to think critically about the insight collection process and the application of valuable learnings to solve business challenges.
This change in vantage point is spurring innovation in areas that have traditionally gone unchallenged since their inception. The namesake field of behavioral science has lent the most impact to market research, more so in the rigorous approach than any specific methodologies used. At its core, behavioral science utilizes the scientific method to understand the drivers of behavior and introduce theories to guide an observed behavior towards a targeted alternative.
On a broad scale, behavioral insights are applied to reduce the consumption of unhealthy food, increase the amount of those who sign up for organ donation, and ensure that retirement funds are endowed well for the future. In the consumer context, behavioral science is used to increase the adoption or uptake of new products, and strengthen the relationship that consumers have with brands.
Designing quantitative questionnaires with a pre-defined, testable hypothesis in mind ensures that the insights uncovered in the study are in line with the stated business objectives. Just as scientists develop hypotheses before testing theories in a lab setting, market researchers should work cooperatively with their clients to identify the underlying factors that answer the fundamental business question. Defining the business problem upfront and ideating solutions supports the creation of clear and concise deliverables that are actionable. Reframing research briefs from "what would we like to uncover" to "what sort of behavior do we think we can change" brings traditional market research one step closer to its social science brethren.
Consumers struggle with predicting their behavior thirty, sixty, or ninety days into the future. This fact challenges the convention of traditional survey logic where researchers use their one touch point with consumers as a be-all, end-all data capturing moment. One way to circumvent this future prediction inability is to ask survey respondents questions that they can answer at the moment. Asking consumers to choose one product over the other in a forced choice fashion, or to "invest" game-like currency into one concept or another starts to replicate how consumer choices are made in the real world, rather than evaluating them in a speculative bubble.
Common reactions to this recommendation are often immediately followed by questions of: Use a control group? For what? How will that enhance my current concept testing study design? When testing concepts of any sort, utilizing control groups isolates the potential effects that a new concept may have on the parent brands' perception. Without an unexposed control group, it is nearly impossible to identify the extent to which the concept alters brand perceptions. Control groups are a valuable addition that can help explain how well one concept iteration performs over another and the impact that it has on the brand.
There are countless crossover applications to market research one can borrow from behavioral science. The underlying scientific method-based approach ensures that there are accountability and confirmatory powers in consumer research; two components that researchers have struggled achieving in recent years when utilizing the present approach.
The first step in uncovering actionable insights is ensuring that the data patterns discovered are representative of human behavior in the marketplace. Additionally, insights should be easily replicated across large populations to ensure that the responses observed reflect how a majority of consumers will act in a given situation. Methods used in traditional online surveys should not be asked in an isolated research bubble either; instead, successful researchers must employ tools that bring the insights uncovered closer to the reality of how consumers make decisions.
Applying the three takeaways listed above is not the final chapter to this story; instead, it is where the challenge to expand the horizon of market research begins.


text:
A 'RAY' OF SUNSHINE
Published 12:04 am Wednesday, October 5, 2016
Mary Ellen Ray (far left) smiles as she is pushed around Tom Byrne Park's walking and running path Saturday night. | Andrew Garner/Atmore Advance
Fun run held to raise funds for local's surgery
Mary Ellen Ray couldn't hold back her excitement when she arrived at Tom Byrne Park on Saturday night.
Ray arrived to a gathering of supporters who participated in a Fun Run to help raise funds for her new teeth and some grafts.
Her mom, Jeni Lynn Ray, said Ray — who is wheelchair bound — rolled down some steps and busted her teeth out, along with her upper bridge that holds the teeth.
"The resulting injury knocked out five teeth and caused multiple fractures to her bridge," Jeni said. "She has had reconstructive surgery on her bridge and now needs dental implants, a bone graft to her gum line and an artificial bridge to complete her recovery.
"Medicaid covers the operation, but won't cover the implants (for the teeth) and some grafts," she said.
From an early age Ray, now 19, has been dealing with adversity. At birth, she weighed 1 pound, 2 ounces.
Since then, Ray has struggled to maintain a healthy weight, which this surgery will help toward maintaining, Jeni said on her GoFundMe page.
The preliminary cost for the oral surgical team is $21,641, which does not include costs associated with anesthesia, periodontal dentistry, or the bridge, Jeni wrote.
Additional expenses may also be incurred, as this is a special case with some unknown difficulties possible.
Jeni, her husband, Joe, are members of Robinsonville Baptist Church.
The fun run was organized by the Southern Angel Fundraisers of Atmore.
To learn more about Ray and to donate, visit her GoFundMe page at https://www.gofundme.com/maryellenray?ssid=758724221&pos=2.
Alaina McDonald talks about bees during the Atmore Public Library's adult reading program last Wednesday. | Andrew Garner/Atmore Advance Alaina... read more


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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Take a closer look at our art deco uniquely designed pub. We've got private dining (available for hire), a huge garden and patio together with kids play equipment to give the adults some down time! Of course the only way to truly appreciate the design is by visiting…..


text:
Hace más de tres mil años que la civilización llegó a la isla de Chipre. Desde entonces los hititas, fenicios, griegos, asirios, persas, egipcios, romanos, árabes, católicos, bizantinos, otomanos, y luego los ingleses conquistaron la isla.

Antigüedad hasta la conquista del Imperio Romano

Chipre, fue sucesivamente invadida ya que su situación estratégica es un punto de encuentro entre Europa, Asia y África. Se conocen más de cien yacimientos arqueológicos que datan entre 3000 a. C. y 2500 a. C. La primera noticia histórica se encuentra en los archivos comerciales de Mari (ciudad estado en el Éufrates) que registran envíos de cobre procedentes de Chipre a fines del  a. C. o inicios del .

Durante los siglos XVI a. C. y XIII a. C. mantuvo estrecha relación con los semitas de Ugarit (costa de Siria), los hititas (indoeuropeos en el centro de la actual Turquía) y los egipcios. Fue afectada por otras civilizaciones cuando, sobre la región, se abatieron los Pueblos del Mar, entre ellos los primeros griegos hacia el 1200 a. C. Durante estos contactos albergó colonias fenicias y conoció las dominaciones asiria, egipcia y persa.

Entre 333 a. C. y 325 a. C., Alejandro Magno derrota a Persia, y Chipre pasa a formar parte de su imperio. Después de las luchas por la sucesión entre los generales de Alejandro, integró el reino de los Ptolomeo de Egipto hasta que, a mediados del ], pasó a dominio romano.

Durante el , estuvo San Pablo en Chipre. Éste y San Bernabé, considerado el fundador de la Iglesia en Chipre, introdujeron el cristianismo en la isla.

El Imperio Bizantino

Tras la división del Imperio Romano en dos mitades, oriental y occidental, Chipre estuvo bajo el dominio de Bizancio, o Imperio Romano de Oriente. Las ciudades de Chipre fueron destruidas por dos terremotos sucesivos en el 332 y 342 d. C. y esto marcó el fin de una era y, al mismo tiempo el comienzo de una nueva, más conectada con la vida moderna en Chipre. La mayoría de las ciudades no fueron reconstruidas, salvo Salamina que fue reconstruida en una escala más pequeña y renombrada Constantia en honor del emperador romano Constancio II, hijo de Constantino el Grande, que residía en Constantinopla. La nueva ciudad se convirtió en la capital de la isla. Fue principalmente cristiana y debido a esto algunas alteraciones se hicieron durante la reconstrucción. La palestra fue convertida en un lugar de encuentro y muchos elementos arquitectónicos fueron utilizados para construir amplias iglesias decoradas con murales, mosaicos y mármoles de colores.

El evento principal en Chipre en este período fue la difusión de la fe cristiana. En ese momento, su obispo, aun sujeto al Papado, se hizo autocéfalo por el Concilio de Éfeso. Las personas se volcaron en materia de fe, especialmente en la lucha contra los esfuerzos del Patriarca de Antioquía por poner a la Iglesia de Chipre bajo su control. Esta lucha fue finalmente un éxito, cuando en 488 el arzobispo Antemio guiado por un sueño descubrió la tumba de Bernabé con el cuerpo del santo en un ataúd y en su pecho una copia del Evangelio de Mateo escrito por el propio Bernabé. Con las reliquias, Antemio corrió a Constantinopla y las presentó al emperador Zenón. Este último quedó muy impresionado y no sólo confirmó la independencia de la Iglesia de Chipre, pero también le dio al arzobispo a perpetuidad tres privilegios que son tan vivos hoy como lo fueron entonces, a saber, llevar un cetro en lugar de un equipo pastoral , firmar con tinta roja y de llevar un manto púrpura durante los servicios. Tal fue el peso que adquirió la Iglesia de Chipre que a principios del siglo séptimo, el patriarca de Alejandría era Juan el Misericordioso de Amathus. Otro chipriota importante de la época es el escritor eclesiástico Leoncio de Neápolis.

Las Cruzadas
En 1191 fue conquistada por Ricardo Corazón de León, cuya flota se dirigía a Tierra Santa durante la Tercera Cruzada. Posteriormente, la vendió por cien mil denarios a los caballeros Templarios que la revendieron al mismo precio al caballero cruzado Guy de Lusignan.

Así se estableció un reino cristiano (Reino de Chipre) y la Iglesia católica reemplazó a la ortodoxa, pero las anteriores costumbres se siguieron practicando. La dinastía Lusignana terminó cuando la última reina, Caterina Cornaro, cedió la isla a la República de Venecia en 1489.

Chipre pasó a ser uno de los centros comerciales más activos del Mediterráneo, perteneciendo entre 1489 y 1571 a los venecianos, hasta que fueron expulsados por Lala Mustafa Pasha, súbdito del Imperio otomano.

A partir de la conquista del Imperio otomano
Durante el período veneciano, los otomanos intentaron conquistar la isla de Chipre varias veces. En 1489, durante el primer año del control veneciano, los otomanos atacaron la península de Karpas, saqueándola y tomando rehenes para su venta como esclavos, práctica común en todo el Mediterráneo en esa época. En 1539, la flota turca atacó y destruyó Limassol. Ante tal situación, los venecianos fortificaron Famagusta, Nicosia y Kyrenia.

En el verano de 1570, los otomanos iniciaron una invasión con unos 60.000 hombres bajo el comando de Lala Mustafa Pasha, desembarcando el 2 de julio de 1570 en Limassol y sitiando luego Nicosia. La ciudad cayó el 9 de septiembre de ese año: murieron veinte mil griegos y las iglesias y edificios públicos fueron saqueados. Posteriormente, Mustafa tomó Kyrenia sin oposición; sin embargo Famagusta resistió entre septiembre de 1570 y agosto de 1571.

La caída de Famagusta indica el inicio del período otomano en Chipre. Dos meses después, las fuerzas navales de la Liga Santa, compuesta por buques venecianos, españoles y papales, bajo el comando de Juan de Austria, derrotaron a la flota turca en la batalla de Lepanto, una de las más decisivas de la Historia. Sin embargo esto no modificó la situación de Chipre, que se mantuvo bajo el dominio otomano por tres siglos.

Con la ocupación turca, Lala Mustafa Pasha pasó a ser el primer gobernador otomano de Chipre. En 1573, los venecianos se retiraron totalmente, finalizando así la influencia de la Iglesia católica en la isla.

El dominio turco
La ocupación otomana trajo dos cambios radicales en Chipre: la composición de un nuevo grupo étnico y la consolidación de la influencia de la Iglesia ortodoxa.

El Imperio otomano concedió timars —concesiones de tierra— a los soldados turcos bajo la condición de que ellos y sus familias permanecieran en el lugar. Estos grupos pasaron a ser el núcleo de los turco–chipriotas y provocó que durante el  la población turca creciera rápidamente. Dicha población permaneció en su mayoría cuando la administración pasó a manos británicas en 1878. Para 1970, los turco-chipriotas representaban solo el 18% de la población total (el resto, junto a las pequeñas minorías maronita y armenia era greco-chipriota.

Simultáneamente, la comunidad griega fue autorizada a adquirir y trabajar la tierra. Los otomanos también aplicaron el Sistema Millet (nación) en Chipre, la cual permitía a las autoridades religiosas gobernar sus propias comunidades no musulmanas. Este sistema reforzó la posición de la Iglesia Ortodoxa y la cohesión de la comunidad griega.

Gradualmente, los arzobispos se transformaron no solamente en líderes religiosos sino étnicos. La Iglesia pasó a ser, también, un guardián del legado griego, algo que mantiene hasta el día de hoy aunque algo mitigado desde la independencia.

Muchos de los greco-chipriotas, a los efectos de escapar a los altos impuestos determinados por los otomanos, se convirtieron al Islam.

Con el comienzo de la ocupación se iniciaron movimientos de liberación. Entre 1572 y 1668, ocurrieron unos 28 levantamientos sangrientos, sin el esperado resultado. En 1660, para finalizar con el descontento griego, el sultán reconoció al arzobispo y a los obispos como "los protectores del pueblo".

En 1670, Chipre dejó de ser un "pasaliki" para el Imperio otomano pasando a la jurisdicción del Almirante de la Flota Turca. Este envió un oficial para su gobierno. En 1703, pasa a jurisdicción del Gran Vizier que mandó a la isla un administrador civil y militar.

Durante la larga presencia otomana, los turcos dejaron unas pocas obras arquitectónicas: el pequeño puerto de Pafos que data de fines del , la tumba construida donde Umm Haram, un familiar de Mahoma, murió a mediados del , el acueducto construido por Pasha Abu Bekr en 1747 para transportar el agua a Lárnaca, etc. En Nicosia, se construyó un albergue en el  llamado Khan y la mezquita de Ahmet Pasha en el .

Dominio británico

Muchos chipriotas apoyaron la Guerra de independencia de Grecia, la que tuvo muchas consecuencias en Chipre. La administración otomana, con autorización del Sultán, bajo el gobierno de Kuchuk Mehmed, ejecutó a 486 cristianos el 9 de julio de 1821, acusados de conspirar junto a los rebeldes de Grecia. Ellos incluían el Arzobispo Kyprianos, obispos, sacerdotes y civiles.

A partir de la independencia de Grecia en 1829, se inicia el reclamo de unión (enosis) con dicho país.

En 1869 se finalizó la construcción del canal de Suez por lo que el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda comenzó a tener un mayor interés en la isla. Estos y el Sultán firman secretamente el 4 de junio de 1878 la Convención de Chipre por la que la administración de Chipre era cedida al Reino Unido. Como contraprestación, ésta apoyaría al Imperio Otomano en la guerra Ruso-Turca de 1877–1878.

El hecho de que a principios del , Creta se uniera a Grecia, generó un movimiento en pos de una acción similar en Chipre. La Iglesia Ortodoxa Griega, tomó el partido político a favor de la unión.

Esta idea, que se había formado y existido clandestinamente durante la ocupación otomana, se expresó abiertamente durante la ocupación británica pues fue permitida por la libertad de expresión otorgada por las autoridades británicas. Maduró así la idea de enosis.

En 1925 se le otorgó el estatuto de colonia, y el Alto Comisario fue sustituido por un gobernador.

En 1933 se constituyó un consejo asesor, compuesto por los miembros del Consejo Ejecutivo, cuatro miembros oficiales, otros dos particulares y otros seleccionados anualmente entre la población. El poder ejecutivo quedaba en manos del Consejo Ejecutivo, mientras que el poder legislativo lo ejercía el Gobernador.

En la Segunda Guerra Mundial, estallaron motines que obligaron a los británicos a declarar el estado de emergencia y comenzó a crecer la agitación a favor de la enosis. En 1951 se realizó un plebiscito clandestino, dando opinión favorable a la anexión. Los greco-chipriotas consideraron siempre a Grecia como su madre patria.

Contrariamente, los turco-chipriotas, preferían la partición (Taksim) de la isla, antes que ser considerados minoría bajo un gobierno greco-chipriota.

El arzobispo Makarios III, que en 1951 se había sucedido a Makarios II como arzobispo y primado de la Iglesia Ortodoxa Chipriota, se convirtió consecuentemente en etnarca (jefe religioso y civil de la comunidad). Partidario de la enosis, fundó el 1952 la Organización Juvenil Panchipriota. En 1956 fue acusado por los británicos por incentivar el terrorismo y por lo que lo confinaron a las islas Seychelles siendo liberado al año siguiente.

Mientras tanto, se conformó un elemento clandestino con componentes griegos, la Organización Nacional de Combatientes Chipriotas (EOKA), bajo la conducción del coronel Georgios Grivas con el objeto de recurrir al uso de la fuerza para persuadir a los ingleses a retirarse de la isla.

La guerrilla de la EOKA operó inicialmente en las ciudades pero luego se trasladó a las montañas donde Grivas estableció su cuartel general. La mayor parte de la actividad de la organización fue dirigida contra instalaciones y personal británico empleando la táctica de golpear y huir. Esto permitirá aferrar a un contingente de 25000 hombres que lograron solamente un moderado éxito a través del arresto, toques de queda y deportaciones. Pero la EOKA no se propuso una victoria completa sino buscaba un desgaste que trajera un costo inaceptable a los británicos.

En 1958 se convino una tregua para dar inicio a las negociaciones entre las partes en conflicto. En 1959, después de las conferencias entre delegados británicos, turcos (interesados por la suerte de su comunidad) y griegos en Zúrich y en Londres, se logró un acuerdo por la independencia.

Independencia
La República de Chipre nace el 16 de agosto de 1960 e ingresa en las Naciones Unidas un mes después. La Constitución de la República, que entró en vigor el día de la independencia, pretendía equilibrar los intereses de las comunidades greco-chipriota y turco-chipriota.

Entre algunas medidas constitucionales, se pueden destacar:
 se constituirían una presidencia greco-chipriota y una vicepresidencia turco-chipriota;
 el consejo de ministros sería conformado por siete greco–chipriotas y tres turco–chipriotas;
 el poder legislativo lo ejercería la cámara de representantes (35 greco-chipriotas y 15 turco–chipriotas) y sería elegido en forma independiente por ambas comunidades mediante sufragio universal y por cinco años.

Asimismo, en los acuerdos de independencia se fijó que Gran Bretaña mantendría la soberanía en las bases militares de Acrotiri y Dhekelia y en otros 15 territorios retenidos.

Makarios regresó a Chipre y fue elegido presidente siendo el vicepresidente Dr. Fazıl Küçük, líder de la minoría turco-chipriota.

Sin embargo, la aplicación de las disposiciones de la Constitución se complicó desde el principio y condujo a una serie de crisis constitucionales que derivarán en el retiro de los turco-chipriotas del gobierno.

La invasión turca (20 de julio de 1974)

Antecedentes
La tensión acumulada entre las dos comunidades hizo estallar la violencia en la isla el 21 de diciembre de 1963, cuando violentos enfrentamientos armados ocasionaron decenas de muertos. El 27 de diciembre, el Consejo de Seguridad se reunió a fin de estudiar la queja de Chipre contra Turquía por intervenir en sus asuntos internos y por agresión. Turquía sostuvo que los dirigentes greco-chipriotas llevaban más de dos años intentando anular los derechos de la comunidad turcochipriota y negó todos los cargos de agresión.

En febrero de 1964 se reanudaron los enfrentamientos armados, con nuevas muertes. El 15, tras el fracaso de todos los intentos por restablecer la paz en la isla, los representantes de Chipre y del Reino Unido solicitaron acción urgente del Consejo de Seguridad. El 4 de marzo de 1964, el Consejo adoptó unánimemente la resolución 186, en virtud de la cual recomendaba el establecimiento de la Fuerza de las Naciones Unidas para el Mantenimiento de la Paz en Chipre (UNFICYP). Aun así la tensión fue máxima, cuando Turquía amenazó con invadir la isla y movilizó sus tropas, siendo respondido con igual medida por Grecia. La llegada el 14 de marzo los primeros soldados de las tropas de interposición y su despliegue operacional el 27 de marzo alivió la tensión entre los dos países, pero no desapareció. A mediados de abril, hubo fuertes combates en las montañas de Kyrenia, cuando los grecochipriotas atacaron para desalojar a sus enemigos que habían cortado la carretera que unía Nicosia con la capital del distrito del mismo nombre. Desde entonces, el mandato de la UNFICYP ha sido prolongado periódicamente.

En el mes de agosto se produjeron nuevos incidentes intercomunales. Los mismos tienen lugar en proximidades de San Hilarión, en otros puntos de las montañas Kyrenia y sobre las montañas de Beşparmak al noroeste de la isla. El enfrentamiento de Kokkina fue el más intenso desde el punto de vista militar.

Para fines de 1964, los turcochipriotas habían abandonado 136 de las 226 aldeas turcochipriotas o mixtas. Desde ese año hasta 1974, muy pocos regresaron.

En noviembre de 1965 se produjo un nuevo enfrentamiento cuando los greco-chipriotas atacaron un barrio turco en Famagusta y nuevamente en 1967 con incidentes en diversos lugares de la isla.

En 1968, Makarios fue reelecto y decretó el fin del bloqueo de los enclaves turco-chipriotas y la libertad de movimiento de sus miembros.

Durante 1973 se reiniciaron los enfrentamientos por la búsqueda de la anexión a Grecia que, en esta etapa, contaba con la oposición de Makarios por el temor de invasión turca.

Invasión
El 15 de julio de 1974 se produce un golpe de estado contra el Gobierno de Makarios por parte de militares greco-chipriotas y griegos liderados por Nikos Sampson que se hicieron con el poder. Su objetivo era imponer la unión con Grecia (enosis). Roto de este modo el delicado equilibrio con la minoría turca, cinco días después se produjo la reacción militar turca denominada Operación Atila. El Consejo de Seguridad hizo un llamamiento de alto el fuego y sentó las bases para las negociaciones entre Grecia, el Reino Unido y Turquía. Un alto el fuego de facto entró en vigor el 16 de agosto de 1974.

Alto el fuego y statu quo militar

Como respuesta a las hostilidades de julio y agosto de 1974, el Consejo de Seguridad adoptó una serie de resoluciones que han afectado al funcionamiento de la UNFICYP y han hecho necesario que la Fuerza realizase una serie de funciones adicionales relacionadas, en particular, con el mantenimiento del alto el fuego.

Tras el alto el fuego de facto, la UNFICYP inspeccionó el despliegue de la Guardia Nacional de Chipre y las fuerzas turcas y turco - chipriotas y se establecieron líneas de alto el fuego y una zona de amortiguación entre las zonas controladas por las fuerzas enfrentadas.

A Sampson lo sustituyó Glafcos Klerides, quién había participado activamente en las negociaciones con Turquía durante las operaciones. Estas provocaron un masivo desplazamiento de turco - chipriotas hacia el norte (controlado por las FFAA turcas) y de greco - chipriotas hacia el sur (bajo control gubernamental).

Cuando Makarios regresó a Chipre, siguió como líder del país desde 1974 hasta el año 1977, cuando murió. Fue sustituido por Spyros Kyprianou, quien fue fiel al ideario de Makarios y trató de defender la idea de un Chipre independiente y reunificado y como activo miembro del Movimiento de Países No Alineados.

Denktash y Makarios habían acordado cuatro bases para las negociaciones de paz:

 a) el establecimiento de una república federal independiente, no alineada y binacional
 b) la precisa determinación de los territorios que administraría cada comunidad
 c) la discusión de cuestiones tales como libertad de circulación interna, derecho de propiedad y otras cuestiones de principio en el marco de un sistema federal que reconoce iguales derechos a ambas comunidades
 d) aplicación de los poderes del gobierno federal para salvaguardar la unidad de Chipre.

Pero las conversaciones no prosperaron por negarse Turquía a retirar sus tropas, condición indispensable para los greco - chipriotas. El 15 de noviembre de 1983 se proclamó la República Turca del Norte de Chipre (RTNC), reconocida únicamente por Turquía.

A partir de 1983, la isla tuvo un período de auge económico, fruto del desarrollo del turismo, de la ayuda internacional y su conversión en un centro financiero internacional, en sustitución del de Beirut, paralizado por la guerra civil.

En el lado norte de la isla, mientras tanto, se registró una fuerte inmigración de colonos turcos, que se estima en más de 40.000. Si se agrega la presencia de por lo menos 35.000 soldados turcos y la emigración de unos 20.000 turco - chipriotas, se ha producido un cambio en el perfil de la población, que, a comienzos de los años noventa, marcaba la existencia de un turco continental por cada turco - chipriota.

En mayo de 1985 se llevó a cabo un referéndum para la adopción de la Constitución de la RTNC. Un 65% de los votantes dieron su apoyo a la nueva carta magna, pero hubo un 30% de abstención entre los autorizados a sufragar. Esto fue considerado como un serio cuestionamiento a la legitimidad de ese estado.

En febrero de 1987 el gobierno griego suspendió la visita de su primer ministro a los Estados Unidos, ante los constantes gestos de acercamiento de este país con Turquía y en protesta por la revelación de que posiblemente se estaban instalando armas estadounidenses en la parte turca de Chipre.

Giorgis Vassiliu fue elegido presidente de Chipre en 1988. Vassiliu restableció las negociaciones con Rauf Denktash, que habían sido suspendidas en 1985. Los líderes políticos de ambos sectores y representantes de los 350.000 chipriotas en el exilio pidieron una "flexibilidad constructiva" de parte de los dos líderes. La comunidad griega –respaldada por su prosperidad económica y en el hecho de que eran mayoría– pretendía que la independencia fuera garantizada por Naciones Unidas. También buscaban libertad de movimiento y derecho a la propiedad en toda la isla. Por otro lado, los turco - chipriotas -basados en su statu quo y en la superioridad militar turca – demandaban una federación binacional, bajo la protección de Ankara.

La economía de la isla creció 6,9% en 1988 y 6% en 1989. En abril de 1990, Rauf Denktash fue reelecto presidente de la RTNC. En 1991, Turquía propuso, con el apoyo del presidente estadounidense George H. W. Bush, una cumbre con representantes de Ankara, Atenas y ambas comunidades chipriotas. El apoyo de Washington a esta iniciativa fue considerado por Grecia y las autoridades grecochipriotas como una compensación a la ayuda brindada por Turquía durante la Guerra del Golfo.

En abril de 1992, la ONU declaró a Chipre país bicomunitario y birregional, con iguales derechos políticos para ambas comunidades. A principios de 1993, Glafcos Klerides derrotó al presidente Giorgis Vassiliu en las elecciones presidenciales. Las elecciones de mayo de 1996, en las que el Partido de los Trabajadores ganó un tercio de los votos, le restaron sustento parlamentario al gobierno de Klerides.

A fin de tratar de incorporar la isla a la Unión Europea, Klerides y Denktash se entrevistaron repetidamente a lo largo de 1997. Estos encuentros, auspiciados por las Naciones Unidas, tenían por objeto alcanzar a mediano plazo la reunificación de la isla, previo a su ingreso en la UE. Sin embargo, conversaciones directas entre la Unión Europea y las autoridades greco - chipriotas estancaron el diálogo dentro de Chipre y la reunificación no prosperó. La rivalidad entre Grecia y Turquía, sobre este punto, también contribuyó al entorpecimiento de las negociaciones.

Frente a este estancamiento, la Unión Europea consideró que, de no reunificarse la isla, la parte griega del país podría ser admitida como si se tratase de un estado independiente, dejando afuera a la parte turca. Por su parte, Denktash consideraba que la Unión Europea debía reconocer la legitimidad política de la parte turco - chipriota y admitir en la Unión a todo Chipre.

En marzo de 1998, los ministros de Relaciones Exteriores de los 15 países miembros de la Unión Europea, después de tres días de difícil discusión, acordaron autorizar el inicio de las negociaciones para la incorporación de la parte griega de Chipre (y no de la turca) a la Unión.

En 1999, la decisión de Grecia de levantar el veto al ingreso de Turquía a la Unión Europea, más el auxilio que brindó al gobierno turco luego del devastador terremoto de ese año, señaló el cambio de clima político en relación con la situación de Chipre. En el marco de la ONU, se reanudaron en febrero de 2000 las negociaciones entre Klerides y Denktash. Las conversaciones se desarrollaron según el método de "discusiones en proximidad" que evitaban todo contacto directo entre las partes.

La tercera ronda de negociaciones finalizó en agosto sin progreso alguno. En septiembre, Klerides boicoteó el inicio de negociaciones indirectas en Nueva York en protesta por una declaración del secretario general de la ONU, Kofi Annan, en la que otorgaba igual autoridad a la RTNC que al gobierno chipriota internacionalmente reconocido. Annan modificaría su opinión, señalando que cualquier acuerdo sobre Chipre se basaría en la premisa de una soberanía única. Las posiciones entra las partes seguían irreconciliables en el tema de la futura estructura de Chipre: la parte chipriota abogaba por una federación bicomunal reunificada; la turco-chipriota por una basada en igual soberanía. En noviembre, finalizada una nueva ronda en Ginebra, Denktash amenazó con no volver a las negociaciones mientras la RTNC no obtuviera reconocimiento internacional.

En 2001, como muestra de voluntad para superar diferencias con Grecia, Turquía levantó, con ciertas condiciones, el veto al acuerdo entre la UE y la OTAN, que bloqueaba crear una nueva estructura de defensa europea. Poco después, los jefes de estado de Chipre mantuvieron un encuentro histórico: por primera vez en 27 años de dividido el país, Klerides cruzó la "Línea Verde" en Nicosia, y se entrevistó con Denktash. La inminente entrada de Chipre a la UE dio un nuevo impulso al diálogo entre greco y turco-chipriotas, bajo la égida de Ankara –que condicionaba el ingreso de la RTNC a la unión, al suyo propio–, la RTNC se negó a negociar su ingreso en la UE con la República de Chipre (parte sur del dividido país).

En 2002 el inmovilismo turco agotó las posibilidades de la UE que parecía decidida a aceptar, si no había acuerdo, sólo la parte sur de la isla. Sin embargo ese año, Klerides y Denktash recomenzaron negociaciones con mediación de la ONU, concentrados en sus aspiraciones de finalmente acceder a la UE. A fines de 2002, Kofi Annan presentó un plan de paz que consideraría una federación, constituida en dos partes, y presidida en forma rotativa. Ese año, la UE invitó a Chipre a la cumbre de Copenhague de 2004, provista en el plan de la ONU en caso de darse un acuerdo en 2003: sin la reunificación; sólo la parte greco - chipriota sería admitida como miembro.

En las elecciones de 2003, Tassos Papadopoulos resultó elegido, pocas semanas antes de la fecha límite de la ONU para acordar el plan futuro de las islas: la fecha pasó sin acuerdo de reunificación; Annan reconoció que su plan falló. Ese mismo año, por primera vez en tres décadas, tanto los chipriotas turcos como los griegos cruzaron la «Línea Verde» que divide el país, luego de las restricciones turco - chipriotas: 17 mil personas, al efectuar el cruce, marcaron un hito histórico.

A fines de 2003, las elecciones parlamentarias de la parte turca de la isla dieron igual número de miembros a favor y en contra de la reunificación. Mehmet Ali Talat (líder del Partido Republicano Turco, que apoyara el plan de Annan), invitó que se formase un gobierno de coalición. En 2004, Talat alcanzó un acuerdo de coalición con el Partido Democrático, liderado por Serdar Denktash, hijo del líder turco chipriota.

En abril de 2004, se llevó a cabo el referéndum sobre el plan Annan de 2004 para reunificar la isla: los greco chipriotas rechazaron el plan, mientras que los turco chipriotas respaldaron el mismo.

El 1 de mayo, Chipre se unió, junto a otros nueve países, como miembro pleno a la UE, extendiéndose a 25 la cantidad total de miembros de la organización. La zona norte del país (turco chipriota) no ingresó a la misma, pues no avanzaron las negociaciones que definirían la reunificación del país.

A fines de ese mismo mes, las autoridades turco chipriotas flexibilizaron las condiciones exigidas para que los residentes greco chipriotas crucen a la zona norte del país: en lugar de exhibir sus pasaportes, los greco chipriotas cruzarían los puntos de control usando sólo sus documentos de identidad. Según las autoridades turco chipriotas, la medida mejorará el contacto entre las personas de una y otra parte del dividido país.

El 8 de marzo de 2007, las autoridades grecochipriotas derribaron, como gesto de buena voluntad, un muro que simboliza la separación de Chipre y parte en dos a Nicosia (Línea Verde), la última capital dividida del mundo. Los trabajos de derribo comenzaron sin la menor publicidad, y pudieron suponer el inicio del diálogo entre grecochipriotas y turcochipriotas para abrir el casco antiguo de Nicosia. La demolición no significaría de forma automática la apertura al libre tránsito de la vía peatonal Lidras, el corazón comercial de la ciudad. Para ello, se necesitaría desmilitarizar la zona, lo que supondría evacuar las unidades del ejército turco que patrullan al otro lado de la línea de división y limpiar de minas ese perímetro.

Situación actual
Desde finales del año 1963, la historia de Chipre se resume en un intento de reunir nuevamente a la isla habiendo sido la última gran oportunidad las negociaciones de adhesión a la Unión Europea que ha sido frustrada por el rechazo grecochipriota al referéndum sobre el plan Annan de 2004.

Chipre Moderno (desde 1974)

Desde la partición hasta formar parte de la Unión Europea

El 15 de julio de 1974 Nikos Sampson lideró un golpe de Estado contra Makarios III por parte de simpatizantes de la EOKA B, policías y miembros de la Guardia Nacional. Tan solo ocho días después debió renunciar por la presión internacional, así como también por la invasión turca. Tras la caída de Nikos Sampson como Presidente de la República, asumió interinamente el entonces presidente del Parlamento Glafcos Clerides. El Arzobispo Makarios retornó a reasumir su cargo el 7 de noviembre del mismo año, dominando la vida política interna de la isla hasta su muerte en agosto de 1977, asumiendo como presidente el presidente del Parlamento y del Partido Democrático Spyros Kyprianou, quien desde entonces y hasta 1988 se mantuvo en el cargo tras las elecciones de 1978 y 1983. En 1988 fue elegido presidente como candidato independiente Georgios Vasiliou con el apoyo del Partido Progresista del Pueblo Obrero. En 1993 fue elegido Glafcos Clerides y reelegido en los comicios de 1998.

Desde su incorporación a la Unión Europea a la crisis económica
El presidente de Chipre, Tassos Papadopoulos, firmó el 16 de abril de 2003, en Atenas, la adhesión de Chipre al Tratado de la Unión Europea. El 1 de mayo de 2004, la República de Chipre se unió formalmente a la Unión Europea y la República de Chipre se hizo cargo de la Presidencia del Consejo de la Unión Europea en el segundo semestre de 2012. La crisis financiera entró en erupción en 2012, lo que constituye la mayor crisis económica experimentada en la República de Chipre. La causa principal de la crisis fue la elevada exposición de los bancos chipriotas a los bonos griegos, que recorta la primavera de 2012. En marzo de 2013 los ministros de Finanzas de la Unión Europea y el Fondo Monetario Internacional acordaron un plan, en virtud del cual fue recortado en un 40% los depósitos de los bancos chipriotas.

Referencias

Lectura complementaria
 UNFICYP
 Navidad Sangrienta en Chipre (1963)
 Consecuencias de la Invasión Turca a Chipre en 1974

Enlaces externos

 Encuentran en Chipre perfume con cuatro mil años de antigüedad (2007).

 Investigaciones de naufragios de era romana en Chipre.

 Leoncio Maqueras (Λεόντιος Μαχαιράς, s. XV): Crónica de Chipre.
 Texto francés, con introducción y comentarios en el mismo idioma, en el sitio de Philippe Remacle (1944 - 2011).

Historia de Turquía


As previously stated, we at MMOExaminer will be covering E3 2016 in partnership with Mustapha's Game Room. We now have the official coverage schedule. Note that all times are in EST.
Now with this of course, there is room for alterations as necessary, as well as the addition of some show floor coverage. But the point here, is that there's now a more set in stone schedule, and coverage is going to be constant throughout the E3 experience. The stream will include pre-conference commentary and predictions, as well as post conference reactions and evaluation.
We'll also be trying to cover companies that might not have press conferences, such as Blizzard and Nexon. All streams will be on Twitch, and are set to be archived for YouTube as well. The stream is also set to be embedded here on MMOExaminer for the duration of the expo.
Again, E3 is a time of retrospection and prediction, as well as a time where the gaming community comes together to share a global enthusiasm for our favorite creative medium. More details will be given over the next few days.


President Tran Dai Quang laid a wreath and offered incense at the Ben Duoc Monument in Cu Chi district of Ho Chi Minh City on January 31 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Mau Than General Offensive and Uprising in spring 1968.
The fallen soldier monument, the largest of its kind in Ho Chi Minh City, is built in the so-called Iron Triangle famous for the historic Cu Chi tunnels to commemorate people and soldiers who laid down their lives during the resistance wars against French and US aggressors.
Also on the occasion of the upcoming lunar New Year (Tet) festival, the State leader attended a programme titled "Tet for the poor and dioxin victims", and presented gifts to 100 beneficiaries of State preferential policies and underprivileged households in Cu Chi district.
He extended his Tet wishes to locals, and appreciated efforts made by authorities of Ho Chi Minh City and Cu Chi district to care for policy beneficiaries, poor people and Agent Orange/dioxin victims.
The President expressed his gratitude for the sacrifice of people who rendered service to the nation, encouraging them to become role models in abiding by the Party's policies and the State's laws so others people, especially young generations, can follow.
The leader also paid Tet visits to several intellectuals in the city.