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Shannon Hylton (born 19 December 1996) is an English sprinter. She represented her country at the 2017 World Championships narrowly missing the semifinals.

Hylton qualified for the World Championships as the British 200m champion, having taken the title at the British Athletics Team Trials in July 2017, with a time of 22.94. Hylton also won gold in the 2015 British Indoor Athletics Championships and took gold as part of the 4 x 100m relay team at the European Junior Championships in Sweden in 2015 and also as part of the 4 x 100m relay team at the 2018 Athletics World Cup. Shannon's personal best over 200m is 22.78.

Her twin sister Cheriece Hylton is also a sprinter.

Personal life

Hylton grew up in Chislehurst, London, England and attended Bullers Wood School for Girls in Chislehurst, where she took A Levels in biology, chemistry and economics.
She is currently studying for a Biomedical Science degree at the University of East London (UEL), where she regularly participates in debating groups focusing on women's empowerment and equal opportunities for women. Shannon admits that she enjoys the busy balance of managing her sporting endeavours with her education [5].

Career

Hylton is a member of Blackheath and Bromley Harriers Athletic Club and is coached by John Blackie who is also coach to Dina Asher-Smith. Previously she was coached by Ryan Freckleton.

In 2013, she came 6th at the World Youth Championships, in 2014, she came 4th at the World Junior Championships and then in 2015, she became European Junior Championships silver medallist. In 2015, she also won gold in the 2015 British Indoor Athletics Championships with a time of 23.69, beating her sister into second place, and was part of the gold medal-winning 4 x 100m relay team at the European Junior Championships in Sweden.

Hylton was injured in 2016, taking time off to recuperate.

In July 2017, Hylton returned to form, running a lifetime best time at the British Athletics Team Trials at the Alexander Stadium in Birmingham of 22.94 seconds, beating Bianca Williams who took the runner-up spot in 23.05 seconds.

Hylton was crowned British champion, qualifying for the 2017 World Championships which took place at the Olympic Stadium in London. Hylton was also selected for the 4x100m relay squad alongside Blackheath and Bromley teammate, Dina Asher-Smith, Desiree Henry, Daryll Neita, Asha Philip and fellow UEL students, Corinne Humphreys and Bianca Williams.

Hylton ran a time of 23.39 in her heat at the World Championships, which meant she narrowly missed out on a place in the semi-finals.

Hylton is a British Athletics Power of 10 athlete. Hylton, along with her sister Cheriece, has been selected to be represented by Andy Murray's management agency, 77 Sports Management. She is sponsored by Under Armour.

2018 Season

Following on from a difficult 2017, Hylton achieved some success in the 2018 outdoor season. She finished first in the 100m at the Bedford U23 Championships, improving her personal best to 11.44.

Hylton was narrowly pipped to fourth position in the 200m at the Muller British Athletics Championships in Birmingham at the beginning of July by just one thousandth of a second. Although bitterly disappointed, she did record a new personal best of 22.78.

During the inaugural London Athletics World Cup, Hylton triumphed in the 4 x 100m relay with teammates Asha Philip, Bianca Williams and Imani Lansiquot, running a time of 42.52. This victory helped secure Britain a third place at the Championships.

International competitions

Personal bests

Outdoor
100 metres – 11.44 (+0.3 m/s, Bedford 2018)
200 metres – 22.73 (+2.0 m/s, Eskilstuna 2015)

Indoor
60 metres – 7.37 (Sheffield 2017)
200 metres – 23.24 (Sheffield 2014)

References

1996 births
Living people
English female sprinters
British female sprinters
Place of birth missing (living people)
World Athletics Championships athletes for Great Britain
British Athletics Championships winners
Athletes from London

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Economic History x
African Economic History and Historiography
Alois Mlambo
Africa's economic history went through various stages, beginning with Stone Age hunter-gatherers, through the Iron Age and the development of agriculture, to sedentary communities with growing and varied economies, bigger and more sophisticated political states, and growing trade activities. Between the 7th and 19th centuries, several large states emerged in the Sahel and in eastern and southern Africa. Key to their rise and prosperity was a growing population and agriculture as well as expanding trade, either through the trans-Saharan trade to the Mediterranean or across the Indian Ocean to Asia and the Arabian Peninsula. Africa's fortunes dipped with the onset of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, which ravaged the continent and led to Africa losing millions of people to the New World. Following the abolition of slavery in the 19th century, Europe partitioned and colonized the continent and presided over varied economic regimes. These were settler colonies, peasant-agricultural colonies, and concession company colonies. Of the three, settler colonies developed most, although at the expense of the African majority. Independence came after the Second World War and Africa entered its postcolonial phase. After a promising start in the decade of the 1960s, African economies went into decline in the 1970s, necessitating governments to borrow from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in order to revamp their economies. The structural adjustment programs they were required to implement as a condition for the loans proved to be deleterious to African economies. African economic history scholars have generally shied away from the continent's very early periods, preferring to focus on the period after the 15th century which has more documented history. They have used three analytical approaches: classical economics, dependency theory, and Marxist paradigms. Each of the three approaches has some shortcomings. Recently, the New African Economic History approach is using cliometric techniques to study Africa's economic past. More economics than conventional economic history, it has attracted some from more history-based scholars as ahistorical.
African Market Women, Market Queens, and Merchant Queens
Gracia Clark
In the open marketplaces found in cities and villages throughout Africa, women traders usually predominate. This gives women considerable weight as economic actors, because these marketplace systems are the primary distributive networks in most parts of Africa. A large proportion of Africa's consumer goods and foodstuffs move through their intricate chains of intermediaries, which can include market retailers, neighborhood shops, street vendors, wholesalers, and travelers who collect goods from farms, factories, and ports. Although the vast majority of women traders live at or below the poverty line, some have risen to powerful positions that earn them the sobriquet of queen. Different regions of Africa show distinctive patterns of trading practices and of men and women's participation in specific trading roles, reflecting specific gendered histories of precolonial trade, colonial interventions, and waves of national policy. These variations arise not from some primordial isolation, but from traders' varied positioning within longstanding trade relations that have linked Africans since ancient times between regions, across the Sahara Desert and over adjoining oceans. Women's trading roles are more highly developed in western Africa than in eastern, northern, and southern Africa, where precolonial trading patterns were more radically disrupted by conquest, land appropriation, and apartheid. Ideologies and arenas of practice such as Islam, Christianity, modernization, socialism, structural adjustment, and globalization likewise shape the constraints and opportunities facing women traders in any given situation. Because these influences operate around the globe, though not uniformly, they to some extent create parallel or convergent trends in widely separated nations. Deepening economic pressures today push even more women and men into trading to support their families and sustain the hope of prosperity. Market women struggle individually and collectively to keep their communities going under difficult circumstances that make formal economic channels function poorly. Their determined efforts give African economies more resilience as they respond to the challenges of war, political instability, and climate change.
The Bretton Woods Institutions and Economic Reform in Africa
Adeoye O. Akinola
The activities of International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (together comprising the Bretton Woods Institutions) in Africa have continued to generate questions about the impact of economic reforms on democratization and economic growth. The Bretton Woods Institutions strongly believe that economic growth contributes significantly to poverty alleviation efforts and hence generates improvements in living standards, particularly in developing countries, including those in Africa. In the mid-1980s, as many African countries struggled to service their external debts and qualify for additional credit to provide services to their citizens and promote economic growth and development, the World Bank and the IMF offered to help them. However, the Bretton Woods Institutions conditioned their assistance on the willingness of each African country to undertake necessary structural reforms, which included a reduction in the public sector, devaluation of the national currency, deregulation of the foreign trade sector, and more reliance on markets for the allocation of resources. These aid programs, which came to be known as Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) consisted of conditional lending to African countries in economic crisis. At this time, the World Bank felt that the effectiveness of its development programs in Africa and other regions of the world was being undermined by bloated and dysfunctional bureaucratic structures and governmental systems that were hostile to the market generally and entrepreneurship in particular. The World Bank's desire to condition the extension of credit to African countries on institutional reforms was supposedly to improve bureaucratic efficiency, as well as economic performance, and enhance the effectiveness of the World Bank's projects in these countries. Thus, the IMF and the World Bank emerged in the 1990s as major players in efforts to improve economic growth and development in Africa. The SAPs were expected to improve macroeconomic performance, produce rapid economic growth, achieve economic diversification, and provide each African country with the resources that it needed to confront poverty and improve national living standards. In fact, in 1994, the World Bank expressed a lot of optimism about the impact of SAPs on African economies. However, many critics have argued that SAPs had virtually no positive impact on the macroeconomic performance of African economies and, instead, created a series of internal political and economic contradictions that have continued to haunt the continent to this day. As a result, critics say, many countries that implemented SAPs continue to suffer from high levels of poverty and became more dependent on external financial resources (such as loans, development aid, and food aid) than before they got involved with the Bretton Woods Institutions and their adjustment programs.
Business Records as Sources for African History
Dmitri van den Bersselaar
Business records are documents routinely produced by employees and management of commercial businesses. They may be part of internal processes or produced to communicate with stakeholders or to meet legal requirements. They usually include a mix of qualitative (reports and correspondence) and quantitative (detailed accounting data) material. Depending on how complete the material is, documents may relate to: strategic management; accounting and financial data; operational matters; legal issues; trademarks; marketing; personnel files; and labor and welfare issues. Business records add a different dimension compared to information from government and colonial office sources by providing a private sector perspective on key episodes of colonial and postcolonial history, including strikes and protests, the relationship between the (colonial) state and business, and decolonization. Historians have used business records as sources for histories of business and trade in Africa, for studies on industrialization and development, and also to inform studies on colonialism and political history, as well as economic, social, and labor history. Business records may be kept in company archives, where they are not always easy to identify or access, kept in public repositories, or privately held. Many business archives have been weeded, whereby documentation relating to special activities, challenges, and crises has been retained, while routine documentation of interest to economic and social historians has been destroyed. Other collections appear to have disappeared altogether when companies went out of business or were taken over by others.
Euro-African Trade Relations and Socioeconomic Development in West Africa, 1450–1900
Joseph Inikori
Since direct contact between Europeans and West Africans was established in the mid-15th century by the Portuguese, Euro-African trade relations have played a major role in West Africa's long-run socioeconomic development. This critical role was connected to two totally different kinds of trade conducted by Europeans at different points in time: trade in commodities (the products of West African labor and natural resources) and trade in human captives. The first 200 years (1450–1650) of European commercial enterprise in West Africa were dominated overwhelmingly by trade in commodities; trade in human captives overwhelmingly dominated in the 200 years which followed (1650–1867). Trade in commodities returned with a bang in the last decades of the 19th century (1870–1900). The respective effects of these two trades on the development process in West Africa were as different as the trades themselves. The early trade in commodities contributed positively to the process; the transition from the trade in commodities to the trade in human captives had a disastrous effect; the 19th-century transition to commodity trade made an immense positive contribution. The positive contribution was significantly enhanced by the ending of the socioeconomic crises engendered by the trade in human captives, and by the establishment of general peace (Pax Britannia) by British colonial rule, with its free trade policy. However, the failure of the colonial administration to take advantage of the general increase in real household incomes and purchasing power and encourage domestic manufacturing in the colonies prevented the transformation of short-term growth into structural transformation and long-run development.
Farming and Herding in Eastern Africa: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives
Freda Nkirote M'Mbogori
The inception of agriculture in eastern Africa is a major topic of discussion among Africanist archaeologists, although very sparse evidence exists. Questions range from whether domestication was a local invention or whether it was introduced from the Near East, Asia, or elsewhere outside of Africa. These questions have remained unanswered because wild progenitors and models of the spread of African domesticates are yet to be established using undisputable data. The paucity of direct data has therefore necessitated the use of objects of material culture such as pottery, beads, burial cairns, architectural structures, and so on as indicators of pastoralism and cereal farming. In addition to the origins of African domesticates, research in eastern Africa has concerned itself with questions of farming technologies from later archaeological and historical times to the present. The remains of elaborate farming systems with extensive irrigation networks have drawn considerable attention. Though not unchanged, some of these farming systems remain in contemporary use in Kenya, Tanzania, and Ethiopia.
Food History and Women in Sub-Saharan Africa
Igor Cusack
Any account of women and food history in sub-Saharan Africa must be complicated by two main factors: first, the multitude and complexity of African societies and their interactions with the different colonial powers over five centuries, and, second, by an underestimation of the importance of women's activities by researchers imbued with colonial patriarchal ideologies. In prehistoric and precolonial times, only glimpses of women's roles in food production and gathering can be seen, drawing on evidence from historical linguistics, ethnography, anthropology, and archaeology. What evidence there is suggests that women's participation in these tasks was important. The written account of Ibn Battutah and the oral epic of Sundiata provide some information about what was eaten and Sundiata does point to women's major role in growing food and in cooking. During the colonial period, from about 1500 to the 1960s, many accounts from different parts of sub-Saharan Africa stress how women played a dominant part in the farming, processing, preparation, and cooking of food. There was a varied and often complex division of labor between men and women. Instead of the more rigid gendered private/public divide often seen in the West, women in Africa have engaged in wider roles in the public sphere, for example, in the processing of food for sale. There are some indications that women's work was changed by the introduction of new crops from Asia and the Americas. Colonial governments favored men working on cash crops so that women focused even more on the provision of food for the family. Women also showed great adaptability in assessing and using new technologies such as peanut processing machines. Cooking has remained predominantly a woman's occupation in sub-Saharan Africa and a divide between a "high" cuisine, mainly in the hands of men outside Africa, and a "low" or humble cuisine, has not developed. Cookery books are very useful sources for evidence of the history of women's domestic role. Those published for European settler wives in the colonial period were focused on the housewife rooted in the home and this ideology of domesticity can be found in the cookery books of postcolonial Africa. After independence, the ruling elites of African nations set about constructing discourses of national identity, flags and anthems particular to each nation, and women have contributed to this nation-building by assembling national cuisines. Since the 1980s, an epidemic of obesity has occurred in many African urban areas, with associated chronic disease, which women have suffered more than men. An ideal image of a plumper body, along with the introduction of "fast food," has contributed to this situation. Women have also been disadvantaged by cultural food taboos in which certain foods are prohibited to them.
Food Production in the Forest Zone of West Africa: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives
Richard T. Chia and A. Catherine D'Andrea
Recent narratives on the origin of food production in the West African forest zone have replaced earlier diffusion-based models with viewpoints that emphasize the diversity of sources for plants and animals exploited and domesticated in the region. Management of indigenous tree species, including oil palm and incense tree, managed first by indigenous foragers, have the longest history in the area, dating back to over 8,400 before present (bp). After the 4th millennium bp, domesticates such as pearl millet, cowpea, and domestic caprines were introduced from adjacent Sahel and the savanna regions, and populations began to favor oil palm over incense tree. The mechanisms of these introductions are less clear but likely involved both diffusion and/or movements of peoples who became sedentary to varying degrees. Palaeoenvironment is an important factor to consider in tracking the development of food production in the forest zone; however, some combination of natural and human-mediated changes took place, the nature of which was not uniformly distributed.
Forest History
Christopher Conte
Natural and human histories intersect in Africa's forested regions. Forests of several types cover the continent's mountains, savannas, and river basins. Most current classifications divide forest by physical structure. Open canopy forests occur in semi-arid regions of western, eastern, and southern Africa, while closed canopy rain forests with large emergent trees cover much of the Congo River basin, the upland forests of Rift Valley escarpments, and the volcanic mountains in eastern and Central Africa. Along the tropical coasts, mangrove forests hug the river estuaries. For much of human history, Africa's forests have anchored foraging and agrarian societies. In the process of domesticating the landscape through agriculture, Africans modified forests in ways that ranged from large-scale deforestation to forest creation on savanna environments. A boom in forest commodities preceded European colonialism and then continued when foreign governments took formal possession of African territory in the late 19th century. In this context, states ascribed value to forest trees as commodities and so managed them as profitable agricultural crops. Colonial forestry separated people from forests physically and culturally. This fundamental shift in human–forest relations still resonates in postcolonial African countries under the guise of internationally funded forest conservation.
Histories of Transportation and Mobility in Africa
Jennifer Hart
The history of transportation is part of a much broader history of mobility on the African continent. Transport history highlights the technologies, infrastructures, and networks that facilitated the circulation and exchange of people, goods, and ideas within local communities, across regions, and within systems of long-distance and global trade. While scholars have often associated transportation with the mechanized technologies of the industrial age, the history of mobility and transportation in Africa embraces a much broader definition of technology, encompassing animal, human, and mechanical transportation dating back to at least the 1st century ce. These long technological and transport histories informed the ways in which Africans shaped the industrial transport cultures and practices of the 19th and 20th centuries. Technologies and infrastructures made mobility possible, but the values and practices of African communities made mobility meaningful, connecting individuals and communities in networks of cultural and economic exchange at local, regional, continental, and global scales. For some, mobility and transportation provided crucial economic opportunities as wage laborers and entrepreneurs. For others, mobility was defined by conditions of servitude. For most, however, mobility and transportation was much more personal, connected to daily habits of work, travel, and trade. As they moved, Africans articulated new understandings of work, created economies of value, and defined individual and collective identities—actions that gave technology and infrastructure meaning as part of a broader mobility-system. This mobility-system—or rather the multiple mobility-systems—that developed and transformed throughout the history of the continent connected global trading systems and local agricultural practice, railroads and carrier paths, motor vehicles and markets.
The History of Agriculture in Ethiopia
James C. McCann
Ethiopia's highlands and their lowland peripheries offer a distinctive and, in many ways, ideal setting for human habitation and the evolution of agricultural ecologies. The ranges in climate variability by season and over time framed a sophisticated set of crops, agricultural practices, and local political ecologies. Chief among these was the development and use of the single-tine ox-plow (i.e., the ard or scratch plow) that integrated endemic annual crops with secondary crop introductions and, in some areas, cultivated or intercropped with perennial crops such as ensete and coffee. Animal husbandry to sustain animal traction and pastoral livelihoods in regional ecologies was essential, over time, to regional economies and their political ecologies. Agricultural patterns existed at the heart of cultural diversities and periods of political conflict and accommodations. In some areas of the south (Sidamo), southeast (Harar highlands), and southwest (Jimma), coffee cultivation complemented annual grain cropping. Yet the plow in its current form as a dominant tool appears in rock painting dating as far back as 500 ad. That technology was both efficient and persistent. While Ethiopia's plow agriculture dominated the region's political ecology over more than two millennia, in the late 20th century Ethiopia's agrarian economy began an inexorable set of changes. New crops (such as maize), urbanization, and global migration of peoples and commodities (oil seeds, fibers, and grains) brought new seeds, inputs, and pressures to adapt to change, particularly for smallholder farmers and new enterprises. Heavy investments in dams and irrigated agriculture also foretell new agricultural landscapes of riverain areas that will need to coexist with the classic highland smallholder farms. The story of maize in Ethiopia's agricultural history is emblematic of the struggle between pressures for change and the inertia of tradition felt by farmers. Their agrarian adaptation to new methods, new materials, and a new climate will play itself out in existing geographies and natural contours.
HIV and AIDS in Africa
Krista Johnson
Africa has the largest number of people living with HIV, with an estimated 25.7 million HIV-positive people in Africa by the end of 2018. This figure represents over two-thirds of infected people globally. African women and girls represent a majority of those infected, and Africa is home to three-fourths of all HIV-infected women and girls. Across African countries, there are differences in the sizes and trajectories of HIV epidemics. Southern Africa has the worst epidemic, with the numbers infected still rising in some countries. Prompting a development and governance crisis in many southern African countries, HIV prevalence rates are as high as 20 percent of the adult population in some countries and nearing 50 percent of the adult population in certain communities. East Africa too has been hit hard by HIV, leading to high mortality and morbidity rates in that region as well. In most of West and North Africa, there has been limited spread of HIV, with most countries in these regions having HIV prevalence rates of less than 3 percent. Africa's encounter with HIV and AIDS began before it was first identified as a medical condition early in the 1980s. However, it was not recognized as an epidemic in most parts of Africa until much later. Framed largely as a public health crisis rather than a developmental one, much of the world's focus on the AIDS pandemic in Africa has centered on access to treatment, and developing effective prevention strategies that have principally focused on behavior change practices for targeted populations. However, the HIV and AIDS pandemic in Africa did not emerge in a vacuum. It is the consequence of longer historical processes such as massive demographic growth, urbanization, and social change, as well as global inequalities and historical legacies of colonialism and imperialism. In this regard, a historical account of HIV in Africa offers an important corrective to the dominant biomedical response to AIDS in Africa. It is important to take note of longer historical processes that have shaped both the virus and the human response to it.
Ernest Aryeetey
The expressions, "informal economy," "informal sector," and "informal employment" reflect statistical terms and definitions used to describe various aspects of informality. They are the result of several decades of work to develop a framework that adequately represents the multifaceted nature of informality as it applies not only to developing countries, but also to other transition and developed economies. The informal sector is generally viewed as the set of activities of small unregistered enterprises, while informal employment refers to employment within the formal or informal sector that lacks any form of protection, whether legal or social.1 The informal economy is a broader concept that encompasses all of these elements in their different forms, including their outputs and outcomes. The many different views about the drivers and composition of the informal economy in Africa have influenced various prescriptions and policy responses. On the one hand, some have viewed informality as being inimical to investment and growth, given that the activities undertaken usually fall outside of official regulation and control. The policy response has, therefore, often been to clamp down on or formalize the activities and relationships within the informal economy. On the other hand, informality is sometimes viewed as critical for growth and poverty reduction, given that the informal economy is inextricably linked to the formal economy while also serving as an important source of livelihood for millions of people. As a result of this, some effort has recently gone into providing a more supportive environment to enhance productivity within the informal economy and minimize its inherent vulnerabilities in the last decade. In the face of increasing globalization and access to new technologies that will drive the future of work, there is concern about the future of informal economic activities. Whether new technologies lead to a decline or upscaling of the informal economy in Africa will depend on several elements. Technology will not only shape how informality in Africa is viewed, but will influence the kind of activities undertaken, its links with the formal economy, and ultimately, the public policy response, which will itself be shaped by advances in technology.
The Marine Fisheries of South Africa
Lance van Sittert
The South African fisheries are environmentally bifurcated by the different current regimes on the west (Benguela) and east (Agulhas) coasts. Limited precolonial subsistence use of the littoral zone was supplemented from the mid-17th century by commercial harvesting of marine mammals for international trade and fish to ration imported slave labor. The liberalization of trade after 1814 led to the commercialization of Benguela fisheries by Cape Town merchants drying barrracouta (snoek) for export to ration indentured Indian labor on the sugar plantations of the southwest Indian Ocean and canning rock lobster to feed the urban bourgeoisies of Europe. The mineral revolution in the final quarter of the 19th century created an expanded southern African demand for fish in the new mining centers of the subcontinent, prompting the colonial state to pioneer the demersal fisheries of the Agulhas current, which were monopolized for the first half of the 20th century by British-owned steam trawlers. The motorization of rock lobster fishing in the same period created widespread poverty in the inshore subsistence fisheries. This became an increasingly politicized issue as Afrikaner nationalists laid blame on the British monopoly over the national fish market. Proposed state nationalization of the demersal fishery and reorganization of the inshore fisheries into cooperatives was defeated in 1944 in favor of state financing of private capital through the provision of research, infrastructure, and finance. Afrikaner nationalists after 1948 utilized the latter to engineer the rapid industrialization of the pelagic inshore fisheries and concomitant rise of Afrikaner capital. Falling inshore catches and increasing foreign competition in the demersal fishery led to a crisis in the 1960s that was resolved through the creation and strict conservation of an exclusive economic zone south of the Orange River coupled with the looting of the Namibian colony's fish resources. The postcolonial states in Namibia (1990) and South Africa (1994) thus inherited severely depleted fisheries resources dominated by white capital and superintended by neoliberal states, severely constraining black capital formation. Both consequently satisfied themselves with blackening the white monopolies and defending their exclusive resource access against escalating insurgencies from the excluded black underclass.
Money and Currency in African History
Jane I. Guyer and Karin Pallaver
African peoples have managed multiple currencies, for all the classic four functions of money, for at least a thousand years: within each society's own circuits, in regional exchange, and across the continent's borders with the rest of the world. Given the materials of some of these currencies, and the general absence of formalized denominations until the colonial period, some early European accounts defined certain transactions as barter. The management of multiplicity is traced through four eras: a) the precolonial period, with some monies locally produced and acquired, and others imported through intercontinental trades, such as the Atlantic slave trade, and eventually under the expansion of capitalism to Africa; b) the colonial period, when precolonial monies, in some places, still circulated with official monies; c) postcolonial national monies for the new African states; and d) the most recent phase of multiplicity in use, due to migration and sales across borders as well as to the use of new technologies, such as mobile money. The management of multiplicity thereby has a long history and continues to be an inventive frontier. History and ethnography meet on common ground to address these dynamics through empirical study of money in practice, and broader scholarship has drawn on a large variety of original sources.

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Ken Thomson wanted the public to be inspired, as he was, by the limitless potential for human creativity. We offer our deepest gratitude to his family for pursuing his vision and for generously supporting the AGO's boxwood photography campaign, a book and this online catalogue raisonné. After five years of research and collaboration we can now say with confidence how sixteenth-century miniature boxwood carvings were made, but the wonder that they inspire has only increased.
We consider it a privilege to have worked so collaboratively across departments and institutions. It is essential to acknowledge the late Dr. Susan J. Romanelli, whose 1992 dissertation for Columbia University first considered sixteenth-century boxwood miniatures as an ensemble. We would like to thank Dr. Frits Scholten and Arie Wallert at the Rijksmuseum and Dr. Evelin Wetter at the Abegg Stiftung for taking an early interest in our investigation, which began with X-radiographs courtesy of Heidi Sobol at the Royal Ontario Museum. Dr. Andrew Nelson of the University of Western Ontario and Dr. Rhonda Bathurst of the Sustainable Archaeology Centre have been staggeringly generous in providing access and support for the micro CT scanning process and the subsequent 3D modeling of the objects. Our curatorial and conservation colleagues across North America and Europe helped to facilitate similar analysis of their own works for our benefit: Dr. Joaneath Spicer, Julie Lauffenberger, and Glen Gates at the Walters Museum in Baltimore; Coleen Snyder at the Cleveland Museum of Art; The Duke of Devonshire, Ciara Gallagher and Matthew Hirst of Chatsworth House, Blakewell UK; Annie Kemkaren-Smith and Sarah Moulden of the Wernher Collection English Heritage, London UK; Dr. Elisabeth Antoine, Christine Duvauchelle and Laurent Creuzet of the Louvre in Paris. Allowing us to literally see through these objects were the following micro CT specialists: Chris Peitsch, Chesapeake Testing in Belcamp, Maryland; Richard Rauser, NASA Glenn Research Center, Ohio; Dan Sykes at the Imaging and Analysis Centre, Natural History Museum, London UK; and Antoine Balzeau, Gaël Clément and Miguel Garcia of AST-RX, Musée d'histoire naturelle, in Paris. The Objects Research Systems team, including Zixiong Cao, Eric Fournier, Mark Mailloux, and Norman Mongeau, have given support for the use of their groundbreaking 3D software. At the AGO, Craig Boyko and Ian Lefebvre travelled far and wide and developed the highest standard for photographing these carvings consistently for the very first time. Their work creates opportunities for a new generation of scholars to study these sculptures afresh while giving our audiences the opportunity to look at the objects more closely.
For assistance in all aspects of this publication and exhibition, we thank especially Dr. Angela Glover and Adam Levine of the AGO, and Christine McDermott of The Met Cloisters. For key aspects of research on the formation of the collections, we thank Christine Brennan and Hannah Korn of The Met, and Ingmar Reesing of the Rijksmuseum. Finally, Annick Lapôtre and David Franklin provided unflagging support for our work with the Thomson Collection.
For their essential contributions to this website, we thank our talented colleagues across many AGO departments. In Collections Information: Tracy Mallon-Jensen, Liana Radvak, Joe Venturella, and Olga Zotova; Education: Judy Koke, Mark McKay, Carolyn Swartz and Bob Phillips; Image Resources: Sean Weaver; Information Technology: Naser Farzinfar; New Media: Cristina Dias, James Harrison, Katherine Nip, Tharan Parameshwaran, Tyrone Thompson; and Publishing: Gina Badger and Jim Shedden.
For their embrace of Small Wonders: Gothic Boxwood Miniatures and their belief in this project's importance, we thank the AGO's lead supporters, Maxine Granovsky Gluskin and Ira Gluskin. For their generous support, we also thank Hans and Susan Brenninkmeyer, David G. Broadhurst, Nancy Lockhart and The Murray Frum Foundation, The Dorothy Strelsin Foundation, and Anthony and Helen Graham. At The Met, the exhibition was made possible by the Michel David-Weill Fund.


Phi Beta Iota: This is a HUGE story that merits more emphasis at The Huffington Post. It is a perfect example of a newly-discovered "true cost" of the industrialization of agriculture which IS a contradiction in terms. It is a perfect example of government complacency, ignorance, and ultimately irresponsibility. This is precisely what public intelligence in the public interest is about.


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The efficacy of astaxanthin in limiting the damage produced by ROS - induced oxidative stess and improving health parameters in the tisues and the body was demonstrated in a series of in-vitro experiments both in pre-clinical studies and in human models. The following is a list of diseases and conditions for which astaxanthin has been shown to have beneficial effects, as described in numerous medical articles, and excellent reviews over the last 10 years.
If you choose to try taking this amazing antioxidant, ensure that the type that you use is made from a natural source. The significantly richest source we know is made from haematococcus pluvialis.


This vitally important CD cuts through the fears surrounding the process of dying and will teach you how to lovingly, and sensitively, minister to those who are soon to pass from this earthly life.
Fiona explains that, as Christians, we need to gain an eternal perspective of what death really means. Our life is a preparation for something greater.
It's a very spiritual moment as we pass through the gateway into the Lord's presence and the timelessness of eternity.
Fiona teaches Biblical truths about death and shares from personal experience how many people have received the abundant life of Jesus, even in the midst of terminal illness.
Fiona teaches on the ministry issues and needs which must be faced, the kind of prayers we can pray, and how to bring the right comfort and reassurance.


Hi there stamping friends! Wowzers, it has been a while since I have posted, hasn't it? I didn't fall off the planet, things have been crazy busy around here with the holidays and all. As today marks the last day of 2012, I wanted to take a moment to share my favorite cards from the year with you. It is fun to look back on another year of crafty creations. With that, here are my favorites from January to June.
This was a fun card to make! It was for an Our Creative Corner challenge called "Show Us Your Shape". We had to make anything OTHER then a standard fold card and I wanted to try something fun. I found the template for the dress on the web and went from there.
This is one of my favorite color combo's EVER paired with one of my favorite stamp sets, Aviary.
Ok, I'm totally cheating because I have two favorites for the month of February. I couldn't decide between the two so I thought I would just share them both. I guess I was really inspired by owls in February. Ha! Click HERE for the original post for this card.
This one was made for a color splash challenge over at Our Creative Corner. I love that little glitzy owl and the sentiment just worked so perfectly.
I'm a huge fan of layers (no really?) on my cards. The more the merrier. I also love any card sketch that has repeated elements on it. I have no idea why, I am just drawn to them.
Ahhh, the bunny card. This card made the list because it took over 3 hours to finish. Not kidding! I couldn't decide what I wanted to do with it and just kept adding little details to it. The color combo on this one makes me really happy, too. .
I was really proud of this card because it took me WAY out of my comfort zone. Shabby chic is a style that I wish I could do well, maybe one day. This card took a while to put together and had a lot of little details but I really love the end result.
I will be back soon with the cards from July through December. Stay tuned!
Great cards my friend! I LOVE your work so, so much. You are super duper crazy talented. Happy New Year!
Love them all! I think I really need to get my hands on those SU Owls!
Fabulous work! My fave is a toss up between the baby card and the owl card. Love me my owls!
You are incredible - such a beautiful body of work!
I always love being on your blog, Anne Marie. This is a great selection of cards. Happy and Healthy 2013 to you !
January, March, and May are my favorites.
I love everything that you do!!
All so beautiful Anne Marie! Happy New Year!
A wonderful collection to showcase your year, although I find it amazing that you can post the card for May and follow it with a comment about not doing Shabby Chic well! I think you mastered it on this card!!
What a fun collection Anne Marie all so pretty! happy New Year!!


Both women and men are called and gifted for ministry, yet the reality they face in doing ministry has different nuances. Debra Griffis-Woodberry and Ircel Harrison will share their insights born out of decades of ministry experience. Their dialogue will include discussion of hospitality, respect, feelings of invisibility or marginalization, cultural bias regarding attire for men and women, vulnerability, and the role of male and female mentors. A time for participants' comments and questions will be included. Register here.


Canada Boxing Day Sale: Find the Best Boxing Day and Boxing Week Deals and Promotions for 2010 here.
Here's PromotionalCode.ca's selection of 2010 deals, promotions and sales for Boxing Day and Boxing Week in Canada. This can be used as a shopping guide to help you find the best offers. We have done all the shopping and bargain hunting for you and have listed all the best offers here. All these top offers have been divided by category, for an easier and faster shopping experience. Merchants usually have very impressive deals for Boxing and 2010 is no exception, you will be able to find amazing promotions on electronics, gadgets, books and everything that surrounds clothing. These are always hits year after year and you can't really go wrong with these popular brands. These top companies are in that position for a reason and they usually come up with the biggest discounts and promotions, since they have such big inventories. We also like to talk about other brands that you might not necessarily know, but that have amazing offers for this time of year. Enjoy! Offers you can't miss out on this Canada Boxing Say and Boxing Week 2010 include TheSource.ca, Sears Canada, Dell, Amazon, SSENSE, Gap Canada, Apple, Peoples Jewellers and SportChek.ca.
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Android 5.0 Lollipop, Nexus 6 & Nexus 9 Announced
Written by Michael Larabel in Google on 15 October 2014 at 12:22 PM EDT. Add A Comment
Google has out a slew of announcements today concerning Android and its Nexus product line.
First up, Google has confirmed what we've known as "Android L" to be Android 5.0/Lollipop. Android Lollipop is the biggest Android UI redesign inyears and pursues a "material design" approach. Android Lollipop also uses the new ART run-time to replace Dalvik, a new battery management system, thousands of new APIs, and a new notification system, among other benefits. Android Lollipop powers the new Nexus 6 and Nexus 9 devices while it will begin rolling out to existing Android devices over the weeks ahead.
The Nexus 9 that was finally announced today is an HTC-manufactured device and meets the other speculations set by earlier rumors. The Nexus 9 has a 2048 x 1440 8.9-inch display, 2GB of RAM, 16/32GB storage options, and perhaps most exciting for us is that it features NVIDIA's Tegra K1 SoC. The Tegra K1 SoC is my most favorite ARM System-on-a-Chip at the moment with offering stellar CPU performance and excellent graphics via its Kepler derived GPU core. The Nexus 9 will be available via retail channels in early November.
The Nexus 6 smart-phone is made by Motorola and has a 5.9-inch 2560x1440 display and looks like a larger version of the Moto X. This new high-end Nexus smart-phone uses a 64-bit Snapdragon 805 processor by Qualcomm. The Nexus 6 should also be available in November while pre-orders on these new devices will start later this month.
Lastly, Google also announced the Nexus Player as a set-top streaming box running Android TV. The Google Nexus Player is made by ASUS.
Over at the Google blog is information on all of Google's Android announcements for the day.
Google Comes Up With A Metric For Gauging Critical Open-Source Projects
Google's Fuchsia Open-Source OS To Begin Accepting Community Contributions
Google Opens Up "Atheris" To Automatically Find Bugs In Python Code
Chrome 87 Released With More Performance Improvements
Google Is Already Experimenting With WebP2 As Successor To WebP Image Format
Chrome 87 Beta Brings Further FTP Deprecation, Cookie Store API


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HomeNewsBC Transit asking commuters to thank operators for community service
BC Transit asking commuters to thank operators for community service
By Kyle Balzer
Saturday Mar. 18th, 2017
March 18th is Transit Driver Appreciation Day!
A day of recognizing the operators on our daily commute and acknowledging their dedication and service to moving the community in the right direction.
BC Transit is hoping commuters can go the extra mile on this day, and every day, in showing their support and spokesperson Jonathon Dyck says a simple 'thank you' goes a long way.
"Their mission is to transport people safely from one place to another, and also providing great customer service. The key to Driver Appreciation Day is thanking drivers for their hard work."
Every day is Transit Driver Appreciation Day! Check out the folks that keep our province moving: https://t.co/Ph9xytbknf.
— BC Transit (@BCTransit) March 14, 2017
Transit drivers can sometimes be on the receiving end of a customer's bad day or complaints of a dismal experience, but Dyck believes the good encounters outweigh the bad.
"Anytime that you're in a customer-facing job, you can have a majority of really good experiences, but there might be times for other ones. I think that's also why it's important for people to recognize their transit operators and the hard work they do to get them around the community safely."
He says all drivers are properly trained and record-checked before getting behind the bus wheel, a job that's become a daily necessity.
"We know that they're out there, rain or shine or snow; any kind of weather conditions, working early mornings or late nights. They're the first person you see when you get on board of BC Transit bus."
More than 1,300 operators make up BC Transit across the entire province.
Transit Driver Appreciation Day, because of its increasing popularity, is recognized on an international scale.


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It was soon becoming clear who Veneris Reyes really is, someone who'd rather excel in what she endeavors than present an image.
We all remember Nadia Ventura for a year and a half she was our assistant principal. She disciplined vigorously, loved us deeply and shall always be remembered. Now taking her place is a new face that we as students must welcome with open arms. Most of us haven't been introduced to Veneris Reyes, so we here in the Bulldogs journal took some time out to get to know our new assistant principal.
The 23-year-old quasi-graduate attended her university studies in the 'Pontificia Universidad Católica Madre y Maestra' (PUCMM) pursuing a career in Corporate Communications. With a year of experience at Ashton School, Veneris found that she really enjoyed working with teenagers, so when she noticed a position opened up in our school she applied. At first glance Veneris seems rigid and sober, her expression tight and her tone well rehearsed. As the conversation warmed up and she became a lot more comfortable, her manner and responses eased up.
We asked what she thought about the school so far, to which she said, "It's got good bases and structures…what most impressed me was how everything seems to be registered and documented, everything is channeled through the right places and nothing is treated in a personal manner." When pushed on how she feels about the school she responded timidly that so far everything's been quite calm, her peers and staff members are kind and helpful. She expressed that so far she's noticed how everyone is quite attentive, there's "Human warmth" in New Horizons.
As anticipated since she's still digesting the atmosphere, her relationship with students so far is not bad. In the interests of getting to know in depth our new assistant principal, we asked about her hobbies, interests and how they relate to both herself and her career. Veneris denoted that she's an avid reader and enjoys romantic novelization very much. Even though through a foggy lens she might seem sensible and serious, Veneris is an amazing conversationalist.
In fact, she states this is what she enjoys most about her job, the ability to communicate with others in an effective yet understanding manner. Veneris notes that her love for reading is also a huge contender since as quoted " You must know a little bit of everything, to be conscious on what you're going to talk about when thrown a specific topic." Like most students, her current career wasn't her first postulant, as a freshman Veneris was set on becoming an architect but soon realized it wasn't up to par on her list of interests.
Math's and logistics didn't drive her as much, so upon taking a vocational test and studying her options, Veneris mind was set on communications. We asked her to name some qualities she bestows in the workforce; Veneris asserts that since she's a dynamic person always finding ways to improve or gain ground she's able to lead good ideas into her work environment; "I do not like to stay static" she says, "I cannot be working for a year or so in the same habitat, I'd feel stuck" its why she enjoys what she does so much. Veneris explains that having to tackle different fields like; Students, staff and parents, gives her the ability to remain versatile.
When speaking of her line of work there's always an enthusiastic tone, but even so, Veneris admits that her career is often offensively stereotyped especially towards women. When Veneris began her pursuits she noticed how every time she mentioned her career many reacted as ill-disposed critics.
Communication studies are deemed as a career for women that 'don't respect themselves' that are given little value she says; so it became very challenging to avoid the rhetoric. Many believe that women that choose to study Communications are looking for an easy way up the corporate latter. Veneris says another negative aspect that comes with working in corporate communications would be the number of requirements around physical appearance, there's a constant pressure in most internships and positions of employment to look formal.
For women in the industry it is mostly heals and tight skirts something she's not a fan of, preferring comfort over anything. It was soon becoming clear who Veneris Reyes really is, someone who'd rather excel in what she endeavors than present an image. We forged ahead, talking about any other interesting internships her career has granted her. For instance, we noticed a sticker on the back of her computer that read 'Hogar de Ancianos Padre Abreu' and were curious to know where she'd gotten it. Turns out she earned it while writing a thesis on an institution where she designed, not only their communications plan, but also the logo itself.
This is one of many apprenticeships Veneris has taken over the years, another one being a radio program called "Nuestra famila". We found this quite interesting and apparently it was a substantial experience since Veneris has always been a huge fan of the radio. She divulged that 'the radio has the peculiarity of transmitting messages by your own voice, people do not take away from what they see; if you are well dressed or talking with the correct gestures… it's a challenge but I love it'. By the end of the interview the ice had unquestionably been broken and a charismatic, hard working, determined, genuine woman stood before us. New Horizons will do well in keeping its doors open to Veneris Reyes, to remind us students to stray away from the superficial while being kind and open to one another.
New Horizons students take on "La Esquinita"