text:
Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics
Oxford Research Encyclopedias Linguistics
Biology of Language
History of Linguistics
Language Families/Areas/Contact
Linguistic Theories
Neurolinguistics
Phonetics/Phonology
Pragmatics
Psycholinguistics
Sign Languages
https://oxfordre.com/linguistics/search?btog=chap&f_0=keyword&q_0=noun
Full Article (20)
Biology of Language (1)
Historical Linguistics (6)
History of Linguistics (3)
Language Families/Areas/Contact (11)
Linguistic Theories (4)
Morphology (13)
Neurolinguistics (1)
Phonetics/Phonology (1)
Pragmatics (2)
Psycholinguistics (1)
Semantics (6)
Sign Languages (2)
Keywords: noun x
Sort by RelevanceTitle - A to ZTitle - Z to AAuthor - A to ZAuthor - Z to APublished Online Date - Oldest FirstPublished Online Date - Newest First
Collectives in the Romance Languages
Wiltrud Mihatsch
Just like other semantic subtypes of nouns such as event nouns or agent nouns, collectives may be morphologically opaque lexemes, but they are also regularly derived in many languages. Perhaps not a word-formation category as productive as event nouns or agent nouns, collective nouns still represent a category associated with particular means of word formation, in the case of the Romance languages by means of derivational suffixes. The Romance languages all have suffixes for deriving collectives, but only very few go directly back to Latin. In most cases, they evolve from other derivational suffixes via metonymic changes of individual derived nouns, notably event nouns and quality nouns. Due to the ubiquity of these changes, series of semantically and morphologically equivalent collectives trigger functional changes of the suffixes themselves, which may then acquire collective meaning. Most of these suffixes are pan-Romance, in many cases going back to very early changes, or to inter-Romance loans. The different Romance languages have overlapping inventories of suffixes, with different degrees of productivity and different semantic niches. The ease of transition from event or quality noun to collective also explains why only few suffixes are exclusively used for the derivation of collective nouns.
Personal Nouns (Agent Nouns) in the Romance Languages
Riccardo Regis
An agent noun is a derived noun whose general meaning is 'person who does . . .'. It is thus characterized by the feature [+ Human], regardless of whether the person involved actually performs an action (e.g., French nageur 'swimmer', i.e., 'a person who swims'), carries out a profession (e.g., Spanish cabrero 'goatherd', i.e., 'a person who looks after goats'), adheres to a certain ideology or group (e.g., Italian femminista 'feminist', i.e., 'a person who supports or follows the feminist movement'), and so on. Agent nouns are for the most part denominal (as with cabrero and femminista above) and deverbal (as with nageur above). Latin denominal agent nouns were mainly formed with -arius, though the Latin agentive suffix par excellence was -tor, which derived nouns from verbs. Latin denominal agents were also formed with -ista, a borrowing from Greek -ιστήϛ. The reflexes of all three suffixes are widespread and highly productive in the Romance languages, as in the case of Portuguese/Spanish/Catalan/Occitan pescador 'fisherman' (-dor < -torem), French boucher 'butcher' (-er < -arium), and Romanian flautist (-ist < -ista). At any rate, the distinction between denominal and deverbal agent nouns is not always straightforward, as demonstrated by the Romance forms connected with the Latin present particle -nte, for whereas the majority display a verbal base (e.g., Italian cantante 'singer' ← cantare 'to sing'), there are some which do not (e.g., Italian bracciante 'hired hand' ← braccio 'arm'), thus allowing them to be regarded as denominal derivations. A minor group of agent nouns is made up of deadjectival derivations, often conveying a pejorative meaning; such is the case with Italian elegantone 'person of overblown elegance' (← elegante 'elegant') and French richard 'very rich person' (← riche 'rich').
Instrument and Place Nouns in the Romance Languages
Franz Rainer
Even the most primitive hunter-gatherers occasionally had to give names to tools and places, and the need for instrument and place nouns has grown ever since in tandem with the unfolding of human culture. It is therefore no wonder that the majority of languages of the world, among them Latin and the Romance languages, have specific patterns of word formation to this effect. As is the case with other categories of word formation, those referred to with instrument noun and place noun do not constitute conceptually homogeneous sets, but sets of conceptually related subcategories. Instrument nouns comprise objects that can range from simple tools and gadgets to complex machines, but can also represent less prototypically instrumental objects like chemical substances or pieces of clothing and armor, as well as more abstract entities that are often referred to as means. Place names, in turn, cover subcategories as diverse as terrains, fields and groves, burrows, stalls and other buildings, countries, regions, and towns. Vessels represent a category located halfway between instrument and place nouns: an inkpot, for example, is an artifact designed to contain ink and as such close to an instrument, but can also be viewed as a place where ink is stored. Both instrument and place nouns can take as bases nouns and verbs, more rarely adjectives. This description of the two categories is essentially valid for both Latin and Romance. The category of place nouns has remained relatively stable at the conceptual level throughout the period considered here, although many changes can be observed for individual suffixes. Instrument nouns, by contrast, have suffered a major overhaul in the wake of the scientific and industrial revolutions.
Jenny Audring
Gender is a grammatical feature, in a family with person, number, and case. In the languages that have grammatical gender—according to a representative typological sample, almost half of the languages in the world—it is a property that separates nouns into classes. These classes are often meaningful and often linked to biological sex, which is why many languages are said to have a "masculine" and a "feminine" gender. A typical example is Italian, which has masculine words for male persons (il bambino "the.m little boy") and feminine words for female persons (la bambina "the.f little girl"). However, gender systems may be based on other semantic distinctions or may reflect formal properties of the noun. In all cases, the defining property is agreement: the behavior of associated words. In Italian, the masculine gender of the noun bambino matches its meaning as well as its form—the noun ends in –o and inflects like a regular –o class noun—but the true indicator of gender is the form of the article. This can be seen in words like la mano "the.f hand," which is feminine despite its final -o, and il soprano "the.m soprano," which is masculine, although it usually refers to a woman. For the same reasons, we speak of grammatical gender only if the distinction is reflected in syntax; a language that has words for male and female persons or animals does not necessarily have a gender system. Across the languages of the world, gender systems vary widely. They differ in the number of classes, in the underlying assignment rules, and in how and where gender is marked. Since agreement is a definitional property, gender is generally absent in isolating languages as well as in young languages with little bound morphology, including sign languages. Therefore, gender is considered a mature phenomenon in language. Gender interacts in various ways with other grammatical features. For example, it may be limited to the singular number or the third person, and it may be crosscut by case distinctions. These and other interrelations can complicate the task of figuring out a gender system in first or second language acquisition. Yet, children master gender early, making use of a broad variety of cues. By contrast, gender is famously difficult for second-language learners. This is especially true for adults and for learners whose first language does not have a gender system. Nevertheless, tests show that even for this group, native-like competence is possible to attain.
Noun-Modifying Clause Construction in Japanese
Yoshiko Matsumoto
The noun-modifying clause construction (NMCC) in Japanese is a complex noun phrase in which a prenominal clause is dependent on the head noun. Naturally occurring instances of the construction demonstrate that a single structure, schematized as [[… predicate (finite/adnominal)] Noun], represents a wide range of semantic relations between the head noun and the dependent clause, encompassing some that would be expressed by structurally distinct constructions such as relative clauses, noun complement clauses, and other types of complex noun phrases in other languages, such as English. In that way, the Japanese NMCC demonstrates a clear case of the general noun-modifying construction (GNMCC), that is, an NMCC that has structural uniformity across interpretations that extend beyond the range of relative clauses. One of the notable properties of the Japanese NMCC is that the modifying clause may consist only of the predicate, reflecting the fact that referential density is moderate in Japanese—arguments of a predicate are not required to be overtly expressed either in the main clause or in the modifying clause. Another property of the Japanese NMCC is that there is no explicit marking in the construction that indicates the grammatical or semantic relation between the head noun and the modifying clause. The two major constituents are simply juxtaposed to each other. Successful construal of the intended interpretations of instances of such a construction, in the absence of explicit markings, likely relies on an aggregate of structural, semantic, and pragmatic factors, including the semantic content of the linguistic elements, verb valence information, and the interpreter's real-world knowledge, in addition to the basic structural information. Researchers with different theoretical approaches have studied Japanese NMCCs or subsets thereof. Syntactic approaches, inspired by generative grammar, have focused mostly on relative clauses and aimed to identify universally recognized syntactic principles. Studies that take the descriptive approach have focused on detailed descriptions and the classification of a wide spectrum of naturally occurring instances of the construction in Japanese. The third and most recent group of studies has emphasized the importance of semantics and pragmatics in accounting for a wide variety of naturally occurring instances. The examination of Japanese NMCCs provides information about the nature of clausal noun modification and affords insights into languages beyond Japanese, as similar phenomena have reportedly been observed crosslinguistically to varying degrees.
Neurolinguistic Research on the Romance Languages
Valentina Bambini and Paolo Canal
Neurolinguistics is devoted to the study of the language-brain relationship, using the methodologies of neuropsychology and cognitive neuroscience to investigate how linguistic categories are grounded in the brain. Although the brain infrastructure for language is invariable across cultures, neural networks might operate differently depending on language-specific features. In this respect, neurolinguistic research on the Romance languages, mostly French, Italian, and Spanish, proved key to progress the field, especially with specific reference to how the neural infrastructure for language works in the case of more richly inflected systems than English. Among the most popular domains of investigation are agreement patterns, where studies on Spanish and Italian showed that agreement across features and domains (e.g., number or gender agreement) engages partially different neural substrates. Also, studies measuring the electrophysiological response suggested that agreement processing is a composite mechanism involving different temporal steps. Another domain is the noun-verb distinction, where studies on the Romance languages indicated that the brain is more sensitive to the greater morphosyntactic engagement of verbs compared with nouns rather than to the grammatical class distinction per se. Concerning language disorders, the Romance languages shed new light on inflectional errors in aphasic speakers and contributed to revise the notion of agrammatism, which is not simply omission of morphemes but might involve incorrect substitution from the inflectional paradigm. Also, research in the Romance domain showed variation in degree and pattern of reading impairments due to language-specific segmental and suprasegmental features. Despite these important contributions, the Romance family, with its multitude of languages and dialects and a richly documented diachronic evolution, is a still underutilized 'treasure house' for neurolinguistic research, with significant room for investigations exploring the brain signatures of language variation in time and space and refining the linking between linguistic categories and neurobiological primitives.
Bare Nominals
Bert Le Bruyn, Henriëtte de Swart, and Joost Zwarts
Bare nominals (also called "bare nouns") are nominal structures without an overt article or other determiner. The distinction between a bare noun and a noun that is part of a larger nominal structure must be made in context: Milk is a bare nominal in I bought milk, but not in I bought the milk. Bare nouns have a limited distribution: In subject or object position, English allows bare mass nouns and bare plurals, but not bare singular count nouns (*I bought table). Bare singular count nouns only appear in special configurations, such as coordination (I bought table and chairs for £182). From a semantic perspective, it is noteworthy that bare nouns achieve reference without the support of a determiner. A full noun phrase like the cookies refers to the maximal sum of cookies in the context, because of the definite article the. English bare plurals have two main interpretations: In generic sentences they refer to the kind (Cookies are sweet), in episodic sentences they refer to some exemplars of the kind (Cookies are in the cabinet). Bare nouns typically take narrow scope with respect to other scope-bearing operators like negation. The typology of bare nouns reveals substantial variation, and bare nouns in languages other than English may have different distributions and meanings. But genericity and narrow scope are recurring features in the cross-linguistic study of bare nominals.
Incorporation and Pseudo-Incorporation in Syntax
Diane Massam
Noun incorporation (NI) is a grammatical construction where a nominal, usually bearing the semantic role of an object, has been incorporated into a verb to form a complex verb or predicate. Traditionally, incorporation was considered to be a word formation process, similar to compounding or cliticization. The fact that a syntactic entity (object) was entering into the lexical process of word formation was theoretically problematic, leading to many debates about the true nature of NI as a lexical or syntactic process. The analytic complexity of NI is compounded by the clear connections between NI and other processes such as possessor raising, applicatives, and classification systems and by its relation with case, agreement, and transitivity. In some cases, it was noted that no morpho-phonological incorporation is discernable beyond perhaps adjacency and a reduced left periphery for the noun. Such cases were termed pseudo noun incorporation, as they exhibit many properties of NI, minus any actual morpho-phonological incorporation. On the semantic side, it was noted that NI often correlates with a particular interpretation in which the noun is less referential and the predicate is more general. This led semanticists to group together all phenomena with similar semantics, whether or not they involve morpho-phonological incorporation. The role of cases of morpho-phonological NI that do not exhibit this characteristic semantics, i.e., where the incorporated nominal can be referential and the action is not general, remains a matter of debate. The interplay of phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics that is found in NI, as well as its lexical overtones, has resulted in a wide range of analyses at all levels of the grammar. What all NI constructions share is that according to various diagnostics, a thematic element, usually correlating with an internal argument, functions to a lesser extent as an independent argument and instead acts as part of a predicate. In addition to cases of incorporation between verbs and internal arguments, there are also some cases of incorporation of subjects and adverbs, which remain less well understood.
Morphology in Kra-Dai Languages
Yongxian Luo
The Kra-Dai languages (also known as Kam-Tai, Tai-Kadai, Tai-Kradai, Daic) are generally described as one of the most representative and extreme examples of isolating and analytic types; they are tonal, lacking in inflectional morphology of the type found in Indo-European. Kra-Dai languages can be said to have no distinction for number and gender in morphology, although many languages have lexical items to indicate number and gender, and some of these are increasingly used as prefixable morphemes. The majority of basic vocabulary items are monosyllabic, but disyllabic and multi-syllabic words also abound. The main strategies of morphological devices in Kra-Dai include the use of prefixes, suffixes, infixes, compounding, and reduplication. There are also phonological alternations involving stem-internal initial, vowel, or tone changes to form doublets or word families. In compounding, a significant number of compounds are idiosyncratic. Some are exocentric compounds. Opinions are divided over the identification of certain word classes due to their multifunctionality. Questions have been raised about the distinction between nouns and classifiers, and between verbs and prepositions, between adjectives and adverbs, among others. These word classes exhibit cross-boundary morphosyntactic features. Kra-Dai languages possess a rich system of noun classifiers. Some of them play a crucial role in ethno-biological taxonomy imbedded in morphological systems. A number of lexical items function as grammatical morphemes in morphosyntactic operations to mark case and other semantico-syntactic relations. Serial verb constructions are widely used without overt marking to indicate grammatical relations. Temporal and aspectual meanings are expressed through tense-aspect markers typically derived from verbs, while mood and modality are conveyed via a rich array of discourse particles as well as a set of modal-auxiliary verbs and pragmatic devices. Word formation and related morphosyntactic processes in Kra-Dai are shown to exhibit features, some of which reflect what is the universal, but others, what is culture specific.
Abstract Nouns in the Romance Languages
Philipp Burdy
Abstract words such as Fr. livraison 'delivery', It. fedeltà 'faithfulness', Sp. semejanza 'resemblance', belong to the word class of nouns. They do not possess materiality and therefore lack sensory perceivability. Within the spectrum of nouns, abstract nouns are located on the opposite side of proper names; between them, there are common nouns, collective nouns, and mass nouns. Abstract nouns are in part non-count and not able to be pluralized. In terms of meaning, there is typically a threefold division in groups: (a) Action/result nouns (e.g., Fr. lavage 'washing', It. giuramento 'oath', Sp. mordedura 'bite'); (b) Quality nouns (e.g., Fr. dignité 'dignity', It. biancore 'whiteness', Sp. modestia 'modesty'); and (c) Status nouns (e.g., Fr. episcopat 'episcopate', It. cuginanza 'cousinhood', Sp. almirantazgo 'admiralship'). From a purely morphological standpoint, a classification of abstract nouns according to derivation basis appears suitable: (a) (primary) denominal abstract nouns (e.g., Fr. duché 'dukedom', It. linguaggio 'language', Sp. añada 'vintage'); (b) (primary) deadjectival abstract nouns (e.g., Fr. folie 'madness', It. bellezza 'beauty', Sp. cortesía 'courtesy'); and (c) (primary) deverbal abstract nouns (e.g., Fr. mouvement 'movement', It. scrittura 'writing', Sp. venganza 'revenge'). Other abstract nouns arise from conversion, for example, Fr. le devoir 'duty', It. il freddo 'coldness', Sp. el cambio 'change'. In light of this, the question of how far the formation of abstract nouns in Romance languages follows Latin patterns (derivation with suffixes) or whether new processes emerge is of particular interest. In addition, the individual Romance languages display different preferences in choosing abstract-forming morphological processes. On the one hand, there is a large number of Latin abstract-forming suffixes whose outcomes preserve the same function in the Romance languages, such as -ía (astrología 'astrology'), -ura (scriptura 'writing'), -ĭtia (pigrĭtia 'sloth'), -io (oratio 'speaking'). Furthermore, there is a group of Latin suffixes that gave rise to suffixes deriving abstract nouns only in Romance. Among these are, for example, -aticu (Fr. péage 'road toll', Sp. hallazgo 'discovery'), -aceu (Sp. cuchillazo 'knife thrust'), -aria (Sp. borrachera 'drunkenness', It. vecchiaia 'old age'). On the other hand, suffixless processes of abstract noun formation are coming to full fruition only in Romance: The conversion of past participles (e.g., Fr. vue 'sight', It. dormita 'sleep', Sp. llegada 'arrival') is of special importance. The conversion of infinitives to nouns with abstract meaning is least common in Modern French (e.g., penser 'thought') and most common in Romanian (iertare 'pardon', durere 'pain', etc.). Deverbal noun formation without suffixes (Fr. amende 'fine', It. carica 'charge', Sp. socorro 'help', etc.), in contrast, is known to have developed a broad pan-Romance geographic spread.
The Semantics of Chinese Noun Phrases
Xuping Li
Chinese nominal phrases are typologically distinct from their English counterparts in many aspects. Most strikingly, Chinese is featured with a general classifier system, which not only helps to categorize nouns but also has to do with the issue of quantification. Moreover, it has neither noncontroversial plural markers nor (in)definite markers. Its bare nouns are allowed in various argument positions. As a consequence, Chinese is sometimes characterized as a classifier language, as an argumental language, or as an article-less language. One of the questions arising is whether these apparently different but related properties underscore a single issue: that it is the semantics of nouns that is responsible for all these peculiarities of Mandarin nominal phrases. It has been claimed that Chinese nouns are born as kind terms, from which the object-level readings can be derived, being either existential or definite. Nevertheless, the existence of classifiers in Chinese is claimed to be independent of the kind denotation of its bare nouns. Within the general area of noun semantics, a number of other semantic issues have generated much interest. One is concerned with the availability of the mass/count distinction in Mandarin nominal phrases. Another issue has to do with the semantics of classifiers. Are classifiers required by the noun semantics or the numeral semantics, when occurring in the syntactic context of Numeral/Quantifier-Classifier-Noun? Finally, how is the semantic notion of definiteness understood in article-less languages like Mandarin Chinese? Should its denotation be characterized with uniqueness or familiarity?
Kiowa-Tanoan Languages
Daniel Harbour
The Kiowa-Tanoan family is a small group of Native American languages of the Plains and pueblo Southwest. It comprises Kiowa, of the eponymous Plains tribe, and the pueblo-based Tanoan languages, Jemez (Towa), Tewa, and Northern and Southern Tiwa. These free-word-order languages display a number of typologically unusual characteristics that have rightly attracted attention within a range of subdisciplines and theories. One word of Taos (my construction based on Kontak and Kunkel's work) illustrates. In tóm-múlu-wia 'I gave him/her a drum,' the verb wia 'gave' obligatorily incorporates its object, múlu 'drum.' The agreement prefix tóm encodes not only object number, but identities of agent and recipient as first and third singular, respectively, and this all in a single syllable. Moreover, the object number here is not singular, but "inverse": singular for some nouns, plural for others (tóm-músi-wia only has the plural object reading 'I gave him/her cats'). This article presents a comparative overview of the three areas just illustrated: from morphosemantics, inverse marking and noun class; from morphosyntax, super-rich fusional agreement; and from syntax, incorporation. The second of these also touches on aspects of morphophonology, the family's three-tone system and its unusually heavy grammatical burden, and on further syntax, obligatory passives. Together, these provide a wide window on the grammatical wealth of this fascinating family.
Munda Languages
Gregory D. S. Anderson
The Munda language family constitutes the westernmost branch of the widespread Austroasiatic language family. Munda formerly was considered sister to the rest of the phylum, then known as Mon-Khmer, but this has been revised, and Munda is considered as Austroasiatic as any other branch. The internal classification of the Munda languages is still disputed, but a clear North Munda group exists and is uncontroversial. Other higher-order internal divisions remain disputed, although low-level groups like Sora-Gorum or Gutob-Remo are clear and accepted by almost all researchers today. Phonologically speaking, Munda languages make extensive use of glottal stop and pre-glottalized stops, nasal vowels, and retroflexion. Word level prosody shows Austroasiatic features with an overlay of South Asian areal features on the phrase level. Register and tone have been reported for individual languages such as creaky voice in Gorum and a low tone in Korku. Nouns in Munda languages may encode a range of grammatical and local cases, person and number of possessors, and covert distinctions of animacy in agreement and other morphosyntactic features. Verbs in Munda languages can be quite complex, with subject and object as well as TAM encoding, transitivity, finiteness, etc. Kherwarian languages stand out in this regard as well as for the distributional facts of the subject clitics, where the preferred locus is enclitic to the word immediately preceding the verb. Systems of negation can be very complicated and show unexpected interactions with TAM marking in languages like Gutob. Syntactically, Munda languages show many typical South Asian features such as verb-final structure, as well as non-finite structures, and in some cases switch reference systems or noun incorporation. The current sociolinguistic and demographic contexts of the different Munda languages range from expanding and healthy with official status in the case of Santali to seriously endangered in the case of Gorum.
Collective/Abstract in Morphology
Livio Gaeta
In morphology, the two labels 'collective' and 'abstract' have been used to refer to properties and categories relevant at different levels. The term collective is normally used in connection with number and plurality in reference to a plurality presented as a homogeneous group of entities. This can be relevant for inflectional morphology where it can be shown to flank markers for coding number in some languages. Moreover, a plurality intended as a homogeneous group of individuals can also be relevant for word-formation patterns where it usually expresses concrete or abstract sets of objects relating to the derivational base. The term abstract makes general reference to processes of nominalization from different source classes, especially verbs and adjectives. In the passage to the nominal domain, verbal properties like tense and argument structure are partially lost while new nominal properties are acquired. In particular, a number of semantic shifts are observed which turn the abstract noun into a concrete noun referring to the result, the place, etc. relating to the derivational base. Although the morphological processes covered by the two labels apparently depict different conceptual domains, there is in fact an area where they systematically overlap, namely with deverbal nouns denoting an abstract or concrete, iterated or habitual instantiation of the action referred to by the verbal base, which can be conceptualized as a collective noun.
Subordinate and Synthetic Compounds in Morphology
Chiara Melloni
Subordinate and synthetic represent well-attested modes of compounding across languages. Although the two classes exhibit some structural and interpretative analogies cross-linguistically, they denote distinct phenomena and entail different parameters of classification. Specifically, subordinate makes reference to the grammatical relation between the compound members, which hold a syntactic dependency (i.e., head-argument) relation; synthetic makes reference to the synthesis or concomitance of two processes (i.e., compounding and derivation). Therefore, while the former term implies the presence of a syntactic relation realized at the word level, the latter has strictly morphological implications and does not directly hinge on the nature of the relation between the compound members. Typical examples of subordinate compounds are [V+N]N formations like pickpocket, a class which is scarcely productive in English but largely attested in most Romance and many other languages (e.g., Italian lavapiatti 'wash-dishes, dishwater'). Other instances of subordinate compounds are of the type [V+N]V, differing from the pickpocket type since the output is a verb, as in Chinese dài-găng 'wait for-post, wait for a job'. The presence of a verb, however, is not compulsory since possible instances of subordinate compounds can be found among [N+N]N, [A+N]A, and [P+N]N/A compounds, among others: The consistent feature across subordinate compounds is the complementation relation holding between the constituents, whereby one of the two fills in an argumental slot of the other constituent. For instance, the N tetto 'roof' complements P in the Italian compound senza-tetto 'without-roof, homeless person', and the N stazione 'station' is the internal argument of the relational noun capo in capo-stazione 'chief-station, station-master'. Synthetic compounds can envisage a subordination relation, as in truck driv-er/-ing, where truck is the internal argument of driver (or driving), so that they are often viewed as the prototypical subordinates. However, subordination does not feature in all synthetic compounds whose members can hold a modification/attribution relation, as in short-legged and three-dimensional: In these cases, the adjective (or numeral) is not an argument but a modifier of the other constituent. The hallmark of a synthetic compound is the presence of a derivational affix having scope over a compound/complex form, though being linearly attached and forming an established (or possible) word with one constituent only. This mismatch between semantics and formal structure has engendered a lively theoretical debate about the nature of these formations. Adopting a binary-branching analysis of morphological complexes, the debate has considered whether the correct analysis for synthetic compounds is the one shown in (1) or (2), which implies answering the question whether derivation applies before or after compounding. (1) a.[[truck] [driv-er]] b. [[short] [leg(g)-ed]] (2) a. [[[truck] [drive]] -er] b. [[[short] [leg(g)]]-ed] Interestingly, the structural and interpretative overlap between subordinate and synthetic compounds with a deverbal head is well represented across language groups: Synthetic compounds of the type in (1–2) are very productive in Germanic languages but virtually absent in Romance languages, where this gap is compensated for by the productive class of subordinate [V+N]N compounds, like Italian porta-lettere 'carry-letters, mailman', which are the interpretative analogous of Germanic synthetic formations. The difference between the two complexes lies in constituent order, V+N in Romance versus N+V in Germanic, and lack of an (overt) derivational affix in Romance languages.
Verbless Predicative Clauses in the Romance Languages: Syntax, Semantics, Variation
Melvin González-Rivera
Nonverbal or verbless utterances posit a great deal of challenge to any linguistic theory. Despite its frequency and productivity among many languages, such as Arabic, Chinese, Finnish, Guaraní, Haitian Creole; Hdi, Hebrew, Hungarian, Irish, Korean, Mauritian Creole, Mina, Northern Kurdish, Romandalusí, Russian, Samoan, Turkish, Yucatec Maya, a.o., verbless clauses have received so far relatively little attention from most theoretical frameworks. The study of such clauses in general raises many interesting questions, since they appear to involve main clause structure without overt verbs. Some of the questions that arise when dealing with verbless constructions are the following: (a) are these clauses a projection of T(ense), or some other functional category, (b) do verbless clauses have an overt or null verbal head, (c) are verbless clauses small clauses, and (d) can verbless clauses be interpreted as propositions or statements that are either true or false. In mainstream generative grammar the predominant assumption has been that verbless clauses contain a functional projection that may be specified for tense (Tense Phrase) but need not occur necessarily with a verbal projection or a copula. This is strong evidence against the view that tense needs to co-occur with a verbal head—that is, tense may be universally projected but does not need to co-occur with a verbal head. This proposal departs from previous analyses where the category tense may be specified for categorial verbal or nominal features. Thus, in general, verbless clauses may be considered Tense Phrases (TPs) that dominate a nonverbal predicate. An example of verbless constructions in Romance languages are Predicative Noun Phrases (henceforth, PNPs). PNPs are nonverbal or verbless constructions that exhibit clausal properties.
Linking Elements in Morphology
Renata Szczepaniak
Linking elements occur in compound nouns and derivatives in the Indo-European languages as well as in many other languages of the world. They can be described as sound material or graphemes with or without a phonetic correspondence appearing between two parts of a word-formation product. Linking elements are meaningless per definition. However, in many cases the clear-cut distinction between them and other, meaningful elements (like inflectional or derivational affixes) is difficult. Here, a thorough examination is necessary. Simple rules cannot describe the occurrence of linking elements. Instead, their distribution is fully erratic or at least complex, as different factors including the prosodic, morphological, or semantic properties of the word-formation components play a role and compete. The same holds for their productivity: their ability to appear in new word-formation products differs considerably and can range from strongly (prosodically, morphologically, or lexically) restricted to the virtual absence of any constraints. Linking elements should be distinguished from singular, isolated insertions (cf. Spanish rousseau-n-iano) or extensions of one specific stem or affix (cf. ‑l- in French congo-l-ais, togo-l-ais, English Congo-l-ese, Togo-l-ese). As they link two parts of a word formation, they also differ from word-final elements attached to compounds like ‑(s)I in Turkish as in ana‑dil‑i (mother‑tongue‑i) 'mother tongue'. Furthermore, they are also distinct from infixes, i.e., derivational affixes that are inserted into a root, as well as from confixes, which are for bound, but meaningful (lexical) morphemes. Linking elements are attested in many Indo-European languages (Slavic, Romance, Germanic, Baltic languages, and Greek) as well as in other languages across the world. They seem to be more common in compounds than in derivatives. Additionally, some languages display different sets of linking elements in both compounds and derivatives. The linking inventories differ strongly even between closely related languages. For example, Frisian and Dutch, each of which has five different linking elements, share only two linking forms (‑s- and ‑e-). In some languages, linking elements are homophonous to other (meaningful) elements, e.g., inflectional or derivational suffixes. This is mostly due to their historical development and to the degree of the dissociation from their sources. This makes it sometimes difficult to distinguish between linking elements and meaningful elements. In such cases (e.g., in German or Icelandic), formal and functional differences should be taken into account. It is also possible that the homophony with the inflectional markers is incidental and not a remnant of a historical development. Generally, linking elements can have different historical sources: primary suffixes (e.g., Lithuanian), case markers (e.g., many Germanic languages), derivational suffixes (e.g., Greek), prepositions (e.g., Sardinian and English). However, the historical development of many linking elements in many languages still require further research. Depending on their distribution, linking elements can have different functions. Accordingly, the functions strongly differ from language to language. They can serve as compound markers (Greek), as "reopeners" of closed stems for further morphological processes (German), as markers of prosodically and/or morphologically complex first parts (many Germanic languages), as plural markers (Dutch and German), and as markers of genre (German).
Syntactic Typology
Masayoshi Shibatani
The major achievements in syntactic typology garnered nearly 50 years ago by acclaimed typologists such as Edward Keenan and Bernard Comrie continue to exert enormous influence in the field, deserving periodic appraisals in the light of new discoveries and insights. With an increased understanding of them in recent years, typologically controversial ergative and Philippine-type languages provide a unique opportunity to reassess the issues surrounding the delicately intertwined topics of grammatical relations and relative clauses (RCs), perhaps the two foremost topics in syntactic typology. Keenan's property-list approach to the grammatical relation subject brings wrong results for ergative and Philippine-type languages, both of which have at their disposal two primary grammatical relations of subject and absolutive in the former and of subject and topic in the latter. Ergative languages are characterized by their deployment of arguments according to both the nominative (S=A≠P) and the ergative (S=P≠A) pattern. Phenomena such as nominal morphology and relativization are typically controlled by the absolutive relation, defined as a union of {S, P} resulting from a P-based generalization. Other phenomena such as the second person imperative deletion and a gap control in compound (coordinate) sentences involve as a pivot the subject relation, defined as an {S, A} grouping resulting from an A-based generalization. Ergative languages, thus, clearly demonstrate that grammatical relations are phenomenon/construction specific. Philippine-type languages reinforce this point by their possession of subjects, as defined above, and a pragmatico-syntactic relation of topic correlated with the referential prominence of a noun phrase (NP) argument. As in ergative languages, certain phenomena, for example, controlling of a gap in the want-type control construction, operate in terms of the subject, while others, for example, relativization, revolve around the topic. With regard to RCs, the points made above bear directly on the claim by Keenan and Comrie that subjects are universally the most relativizable of NP's, justifying the high end of the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy. A new nominalization perspective on relative clauses reveals that grammatical relations are actually irrelevant to the relativization process per se, and that the widely embraced typology of RCs, recognizing so-called headless and internally headed RCs and others as construction types, is misguided in that RCs in fact do not exist as independent grammatical structures; they are merely epiphenomenal to the usage patterns of two types of grammatical nominalizations. The so-called subject relativization (e.g., You should marry a man who loves you ) involves a head noun and a subject argument nominalization (e.g., [who [Ø loves you]]) that are joined together forming a larger NP constituent in the manner similar to the way a head noun and an adjectival modifier are brought together in a simple attributive construction (e.g., a rich man) with no regard to grammatical relations. The same argument nominalization can head an NP (e.g., You should marry who loves you ). This is known as a headless RC, while it is in fact no more than an NP use of an argument nominalization, as opposed to the modification use of the same structure in the ordinary restrictive RC seen above. So-called internally headed RCs involve event nominalizations (e.g., Quechua Maria wallpa-ta wayk'u-sqa-n -ta mik"u-sayku [Maria chicken-acc cook-P.nmlzr-3sg-acc eat-prog.1pl], lit. "We are eating Maria cook a chicken," and English I heard John sing in the kitchen ) that evoke various substantive entities metonymically related to the event, such as event protagonists (as in the Quechua example), results (as in the English example), and abstract entities such as facts and propositions (e.g., I know that John sings in the kitchen ).
Classifiers in Morphology
Marcin Kilarski and Marc Allassonnière-Tang
Classifiers are partly grammaticalized systems of classification of nominal referents. The choice of a classifier can be based on such criteria as animacy, sex, material, and function as well as physical properties such as shape, size, and consistency. Such meanings are expressed by free or bound morphemes in a variety of morphosyntactic contexts, on the basis of which particular subtypes of classifiers are distinguished. These include the most well-known numeral classifiers which occur with numerals or quantifiers, as in Mandarin Chinese yí liàng chē (one clf.vehicle car) 'one car'. The other types of classifiers are found in contexts other than quantification (noun classifiers), in possessive constructions (possessive classifiers), in verbs (verbal classifiers), as well as with deictics (deictic classifiers) and in locative phrases (locative classifiers). Classifiers are found in languages of diverse typological profiles, ranging from the analytic languages of Southeast Asia and Oceania to the polysynthetic languages of the Americas. Classifiers are also found in other modalities (i.e., sign languages and writing systems). Along with grammatical gender, classifiers constitute one of the two main types of nominal classification. Although classifiers and gender differ in some ways, with the presence of a classifier not being reflected in agreement (i.e., the form of associated words), in others they exhibit common patterns. Thus, both types of nominal classification markers contribute to the expansion of the lexicon and the organization of discourse. Shared patterns also involve common paths of evolution, as illustrated by the grammaticalization of classifier systems into gender systems. In turn, particular types of classifiers resemble various means of lexical categorization found in non-classifier languages, including measure words, class terms, as well as semantic agreement between the verb and direct object. All these three means of classification can be viewed in terms of a continuum of grammaticalization, ranging from lexical means to partly grammaticalized classifiers and to grammaticalized gender systems. Although evidence of classifiers in non-Indo-European languages has been available since the 16th century, it was only the end of the 20th century that saw a formative stage in their study. Since then, classifier systems have offered fascinating insights into the diversity of language structure, including such key phenomena as categorization, functionality, grammaticalization, and the distinction between lexicon and grammar as well as the language-internal and external factors underlying the evolution of morphosyntactic complexity.
A Typological Perspective on the Morphology of Nilo-Saharan Languages
Gerrit Jan Dimmendaal
Nilo-Saharan, a phylum spread mainly across an area south of the Afro-Asiatic and north of the Niger-Congo phylum, was established as a genetic grouping by Greenberg. In his earlier, continent-wide classification of African languages in articles published between 1949 and 1954, Greenberg had proposed a Macro-Sudanic family (renamed Chari-Nile in subsequent studies), consisting of a Central Sudanic and an Eastern Sudanic branch plus two isolated members, Berta and Kunama. This family formed the core of the Nilo-Saharan phylum as postulated by Greenberg in his The Languages of Africa, where a number of groups were added which had been treated as isolated units in his earlier classificatory work: Songhay, Eastern Saharan (now called Saharan), Maban and Mimi, Nyangian (now called Kuliak or Rub), Temainian (Temeinian), Coman (Koman), and Gumuz. Presenting an "encyclopaedic survey" of morphological structures for the more than 140 languages belonging to this phylum is impossible in such a brief study, also given the tremendous genetic distance between some of the major subgroups. Instead, typological variation in the morphological structure of these genetically-related languages will be central. In concrete terms this involves synchronic and diachronic observations on their formal properties (section 2), followed by an introduction to the nature of derivation, inflection, and compounding properties in Nilo-Saharan (section 3). This traditional compartmentalization has its limits because it misses out on the interaction with lexical structures and morphosyntactic properties in its extant members, as argued in section 4. As pointed out in section 5, language contact also must have played an important role in the geographical spreading of several of these typological properties.
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Linguistics. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).


Welcome to the NEW and IMPROVED ACADAOS!
This is our very first ACADAOS blog post! We hope that you will use this website and the new Professional Development Incentive Plan as a way to connect to colleagues and find avenues to develop as professionals. Our goal with the blog section of the website is that it will give those who have an interest in writing or publishing an outlet to be creative and share their research and thoughts. If you are interested in being a guest writer, please submit your articles to Jackie von Spiegel (von-spiegel.2@osu.edu) or Jamie Paulson (paulson.38@osu.edu) for review and they will post them on the site. For now I will leave you with my "top 10 reasons to be involved with ACADAOS".
10. Annual Dime-A-Dog night outing at the Columbus Clippers game!
9. Being a part of ACADAOS means being a part of a community of advisors who want to advance our profession and the Ohio State Advising Community!
8. Access to professional development funds and access to funding for student outreach initiatives!
7. Access to write for this blog!
6. Ability to have input on what kinds of professional development opportunities we offer every year!
5. Chance to be on the executive board or to be a committee member and help plan events and initiatives for colleagues!
4. Being "in the know" about what's going on in advising on campus!
3. The new Professional Development Incentive program!
2. Seeing other advisors at ACADAOS events brings our advising community to life. It gets us out of our silos and working collaboratively to create a better student experience!
and my #1 reason to join ACADAOS….
It can make your job more fun! We work together to fix the 'lows' and come together to celebrate the 'highs'! It is a great morale booster and positive experience!


Where is Guardant Health's corporate headquarters?
Guardant Health's principal executive offices are located at 505 Penobscot Dr. Redwood City, California 94063 and our telephone number is (855) 698-8887.
Where and when was Guardant Health incorporated?
Guardant Health, Inc. was incorporated in Delaware in 2011.
On what stock exchange are Guardant Health shares traded, and what is the ticker symbol?
The Guardant Health ticker is GH and it is traded on the Nasdaq exchange.
Does Guardant Health have a direct stock purchase plan?
Guardant Health does not currently have a direct stock purchase plan.
Where can I find all of Guardant Health's SEC filings? Where can I download and view quarterly and annual reports?
Quarterly and annual reports, as well as other SEC filings, can be accessed on the Financial Reports portion of our Investor Relations website or directly from the SEC at www.sec.gov.
When does Guardant Health's fiscal year end?
Guardant Health's fiscal year end is December 31.
When is Guardant Health's 2019 Annual Stockholders Meeting?
Guardant Health will hold its annual meetings as a public company on June 18th at 11:00 AM PST.
Does Guardant Health pay dividends?
Guardant Health does not expect to declare or pay any cash or other dividends on our common stock, as we intend to reinvest cash flow generated by operations in our business.
Guardant Health's independent registered public accountants are Ernst & Young.
Guardant Health uses Computershare Trust Company, N.A. Their address is 250 Royall Street, Canton, Massachusetts 02021.
Who to contact with questions about Guardant Health shares or dividends?
If your shares are held in street name (by your broker), you must notify the securities firm holding your stock. If you hold stock certificates in your name, address changes should be submitted in writing by U.S. Mail to our transfer agent at the address below or by visiting https://www-us.computershare.com/Investor/Contact.
Who are the members of Guardant Health's Board of Directors?
Who are the members of the Guardant Health management team?
You can view our management team by visiting the Executive Team section of our website.
Guardant Health will issue a national press release that includes the date of our quarterly earnings call. When the release is issued, an event will be posted on the Events & Presentations section of our website along with the details for a conference and/or webcast to discuss the results.
You can contact Guardant Health's Investor Relations via email at: investors@GuardantHealth.com.


text:
Q: How do I color a text inside a non-vuetify component (i.e. normal HTML elements)? I'm trying to color an
 element with my accent color that I specified in @/plugins/vuetify.js. I tried doing it like
My colored text
 but this doesn't work. Any ideas?

A: you can use vuetify classes

My colored text

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Q: Fortran INTENT attribute with an actual argument with vector subscript Intel's documentation about the intent attribute says

If an actual argument is an array section with a vector subscript, it cannot be associated with a dummy array that is defined or redefined (has intent OUT or INOUT).

How should I understand the description?
Does it mean that the following code is wrong?
subroutine sub(a)
    real, intent(out) :: a(:)
end subroutine sub

real :: arr(3,4)
call sub(arr(1,:))

A: That is fine, it is an array section rather than a vector subscript. The latter is where you use a rank one integer array expression for the subscripts. Extending your example:
subroutine sub(a)
    real, intent(out) :: a(:)
end subroutine sub

real :: arr(3,4)
call sub(arr(1,:))           ! Legal
call sub(arr(1,[ 1, 2, 4 ] ) ! Illegal


text:
package com.sample.library.gui.town;

import java.util.Map;

import com.haulmont.cuba.gui.WindowManager;
import com.haulmont.cuba.gui.components.AbstractLookup;
import com.haulmont.cuba.gui.components.actions.CreateAction;
import com.haulmont.cuba.gui.components.actions.EditAction;

import javax.inject.Named;

public class TownBrowse extends AbstractLookup {

    @Named("townTable.create")
    private CreateAction createAction;

    @Named("townTable.edit")
    private EditAction editAction;

    @Override
    public void init(Map<String, Object> params) {
        createAction.setOpenType(WindowManager.OpenType.DIALOG);
        editAction.setOpenType(WindowManager.OpenType.DIALOG);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Is a golf ball surface a good idea for wings or fuselage?
I searched for an infamous golf ball question on this site but did not find any, so I guess it's time for one.
Would a dimpled surface like a golf ball somehow improve the aerodynamics of an airplane? (there are many planes for many purposes, so let's just go with my favorite: large commerical passenger planes, Mach 0.85 cruise, several hundred tons loaded weight).
They actually tried this for a car on myth busters and they claimed an 11% improvement in miles-per-gallon, so you can't say the question has no merit. Unfortunately, they did not try it for an airplane.
aerodynamics efficiency
DrZ214DrZ214
$\begingroup$ Related: Aerodynamic Analysis of Dimple Effect on Aircraft Wing $\endgroup$ – mins Jan 29 '16 at 7:23
$\begingroup$ An off topic alternative is a vacuum system to "suck" air from the boundary layer close to the wings. It's been investigated several times even on supersonic aircraft. It has a tendency to clog up the pores, but it may be of interest: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boundary_layer_suction $\endgroup$ – Andy Jan 29 '16 at 8:55
$\begingroup$ At first I thought "What kind of question is this?", but after looking into it, it is a reasonable thing to ask. It looks as though such dimples would have a similar effect to vortex generators, so it follows that dimples might be good in some places but not everywhere. I look forward to seeing an informed answer to this question. $\endgroup$ – Ben Jan 29 '16 at 11:45
$\begingroup$ @Ben I have those same suspicions. Right now my best guesses for dimple locations are the rear half of the wing, or maybe just the underside of the rear half. For lifting bodies, who knows? $\endgroup$ – DrZ214 Jan 29 '16 at 12:05
$\begingroup$ Related: physics.stackexchange.com/questions/109395/… $\endgroup$ – Peter Kämpf Jan 29 '16 at 12:21
Golf ball has dimples on its surface because we want a turbulent boundary layer. Golf ball is a bluff body (i.e. the drag is dominated by pressure drag). Hence, the drag on a sphere is dominated by the separation on the rear face. If we could minimize that, the drag would be reduced.
The following figure shows the variation of drag coeffecient of a sphere with Reynolds number.
Image from wfis.uni.lodz.pl, taken from (Hoerner 1965)
As can be seen, the drag reduces at the critical Reynolds number, which is the point where separation takes place. Because of separation, the wake in the rear of the sphere (or ball) is reduced, which reduces drag. So, if the boundary layer of a sphere can be made turbulent at a lower Reynolds number (by some means), then the drag should also go down at that Reynolds number, as a result of the reduced wake. This can be seen in the following picture, where the flow has been made turbulent using a trip wire.
Flow over a sphere: (a) Reynolds number = 15,000; (b) Reynolds number = 30,000, with trip wire. Image from princeton.edu
That is the purpose of having dimples in a golf ball- to reduce drag by inducing turbulence and delaying separation (this can be achieved by increasing the Reynolds number; but we are limited by the ball speed). The resulting wake is much smaller due to the delayed separation.
In case of a streamlined shape (like aircraft wing), the propotion of pressure drag is small, as can be seen below.
Image from pilotfriend.com
In case of streamlined shapes, the pressure drag is small because the wake is small. The net result is that 'tripping' the boundary layer as in bluff bodies is not a good idea (a laminar flow causes less friction drag than a turbulent one).
The aircrafts do use similiar devices, via the vortex generator, which are used mainly to delay flow separation.
$\begingroup$ Just to relentlessly pursue the idea, are you effectively saying that the only place that is possibly viable for dimples is a place where the boundary layer has separated? (such as that small separated wake in the 3rd entry (the airfoil) of the final picture?) $\endgroup$ – DrZ214 Jan 29 '16 at 13:09
$\begingroup$ @DrZ214 I'm not sure why you'd want dimples there. The dimples cause flow to become turbulent. The golf balls have dimples all around because you don't know which direction it would fly. $\endgroup$ – aeroalias Jan 29 '16 at 13:27
$\begingroup$ @DrZ214, no, a bit ahead of that. When the flow has separated, you can't do anything about it any more. But if it is about to separate, making it turbulent will delay the separation. $\endgroup$ – Jan Hudec Jan 29 '16 at 13:54
$\begingroup$ " the drag reduces at the critical Reynolds number, which is the point where separation takes place" should that be "where turbulence takes place"? $\endgroup$ – Federico♦ May 28 '19 at 5:55
Yes, the question has merit!
It depends on the size and speed of the airplane. An airliner is too large and flies too fast to benefit from a dimpled surface. Dimpling the surface would actually increase drag. But some "dimpling" helps at the scale of model aircraft.
It all comes down to the flow condition at the point where flow separation occurs. In calm air, every boundary layer starts as a laminar boundary layer. Since the energy transfer across the stratified flow in the laminar boundary layer is reduced to shear, the molecules close to the wall will lose speed quickly, so that even at a modest pressure rise downstream separation occurs quickly.
Inside the laminar boundary layer, small disturbances become less and less damped the higher the local Reynolds number becomes, and at a Reynolds number of around 400,000 in unaccelerated flow some frequencies become unstable (see Tollmien-Schlichting waves) and will eventually create so much cross movement that the boundary layer becomes turbulent. Now parcels of air which flow at high speed in the outer part of the boundary layer will move close to the wall and kick the slow parcels there ahead, greatly reducing the deceleration of the flow close to the wall, at the price of slowing down and expanding the whole boundary layer.
Such a turbulent boundary layer is much better in following a contour with an adverse pressure gradient since it shows less deceleration of the flow at the wall. A pressure rise is generally caused by a contracting body shape. Separation is delayed and the separation, once it occurs, is much smaller. The pressure in separated flow is lower than ambient, so rearward-facing areas with separated flow cause massive drag. Therefore, separation needs to be suppressed as long as possible to minimize drag.
If the contour of a body contracts at a local Reynolds number below that where natural transition to a turbulent boundary layer occurs, the still laminar boundary layer will cause early separation. The dimples of a golf ball help to trip the boundary layer early into its turbulent version, thus delaying separation and reducing drag.
If the local Reynolds number (which is proportional to the product of speed and body length) is higher, such that the boundary layer turns turbulent before the part of the body with the adverse pressure gradient is reached, dimpling the surface will still cause earlier transition, but will not change the separation location. Even worse, it will reduce the area of laminar flow, and the increased area with a turbulent boundary layer will cause more friction drag. The pressure fluctuations along a dimpled surface will weaken the boundary layer, and the dimpled airplane will show earlier and more separation compared to a smooth version.
Dimpling the whole surface is not necessary if the local direction of flow is known. A golf ball needs to have dimples all around so that at least some end up where they can help to trip the boundary layer, but on a wing only a small strip needs such a tripping device, called a turbulator. Some model aircraft and gliders already use them to achieve less separation, but here small dimples are less effective than a zig-zag tape. How it works merits a question of its own.
Spool of zig-zag tape (picture source)
Not the answer you're looking for? Browse other questions tagged aerodynamics efficiency or ask your own question.
Why does supersonic flight detach airflow from a wing?
How do insects decrease aircraft performance?
What is a vortex generator?
Is airflow ever laminar in the boundary layer, near the wing leading edge?
How does Reynolds Number affect skin friction drag?
Aerodynamic advantage of blunt noses and WHY (subsonic)
Does skin friction drag decrease with velocity?
When should I use the global Reynolds number and when the local Reynolds number?
Can a Kline-Fogleman airfoil be used for engine turbines?
What type of flow is preferable for jet engines?
Why aren't thin, delta-shaped wings used for fighter aircraft?
Is there an aerofoil that gives reasonably good lift for both air flow directions: forward and backward?
How does a fighter jet perform good and quick maneuvers with such small wings?
What is the maximum theoretical lift of a plane as a function of engine power and surface of the wings?
Why is the coefficient of drag for straight wings at supersonic speeds lower than for swept wings?
What would be the lift formula for straight wings?
Can the ball on a turn coordinator be to the full right/left while the wings are level?
Is Turn and slip indicator a good back-up for the attitude indicator?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


VATICAN CITY – Marriage and family life are blessings for individuals and for society, but both are filled with difficult choices that Catholic couples must be helped to face prayerfully and in the light of their consciences, Pope Francis said.
Unfortunately, too many people today confuse a rightly formed conscience with personal preferences dominated by selfishness, the pope said in a video message to an Italian meeting on "Amoris Laetitia," his exhortation on the family.
"The contemporary world risks confusing the primacy of conscience, which is always to be respected, with the exclusive autonomy of the individual" even when the individual's decisions impact his or her marriage and family life, the pope said.
The conference sponsored by the Italian bishops' conference was focused on "conscience and norm" in Pope Francis' apostolic exhortation.
In his message to the meeting Nov. 11 in Rome, Pope Francis said the Catholic Church must strengthen its programs "to respond to the desire for family that emerges in the soul of the young generations" and to help couples once they are married.
"Love between a man and a woman is obviously among the most generative human experiences; it is the leaven of a culture of encounter, and introduces to the present world an injection of sociality," he said.
Marriage and family life are "the most effective antidote against the individualism that currently runs rampant," he said, but it does not do one any good to pretend that marriage and family life are free from situations requiring difficult choices.
Conscience, he said, always has God's desire for the human person as its ultimate reference point.


Dealing with moral problems and judgements can traditionally be termed as ethics. The Committee of Scientific and Professional ethics was created in 1938 and sought on an informal basis to deal with and investigate any ethical issues that had been challenged (Hobbs, 1948). The American Psychological Association (APA) developed an Ethics Code in 1947 and the British Psychological Association (BPS) in 1985 respectively (Bersoff, 2008). These codes were produced so that formal guidelines could be used if an ethical dilemma arose. These codes have been revised over many years so that they would 'encourage the highest endeavours of psychologists, ensure public welfare, promote sound relationships with allied professions, and promote the professional standing of the discipline' (Hobbs, 1948).
There will always be occasions, however, when a psychologist feels that they have no other option than to break an ethical code, regardless of how well trained and respected a psychologist may be. There are a number of ethical dilemmas that I will be presenting that could be expected from a sample of contemporary clinical psychologists.
Confidentiality refers to a general standard of professional conduct that obliges a professional not to discuss information about a client with anyone (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), except under certain circumstances agreed to by both source and subject. A clinical psychologist may need to be cautious of several different types of topic that may arise when treating a client such as the use of the internet, audio recordings, electronic media etc. (2009, PRBD (Vic)2). This broad range of topics that confidentiality crosses over into makes confidentiality one of the most frequently experienced ethical issue.
However, in some circumstances a clinical psychologist may feel that they are in a position where in order to act legally they must break the Ethics Code. This can put the clinical psychologist in a testing situation where they do not know what the legally right or morally right thing to do and vice versa. A psychologist is legally required to 'warn a potential victim of a client's intent to harm him or her' (APA 4.01).There are some situations when an individual could be in danger due to the content of the conversations that a therapist has had with a client (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 3.4; Mental Disability Law Reporter (1979), p64). The APA code clearly states that confidentiality should be broken in such cases.
Another circumstance when confidentiality may need to be broken is when a client has disclosed confidential information that is illegal APA 4.05 (Pope & Vetter, 1999). This is shown again in case 8.9 p 197(Keith-Spiegel and Koocher, 2008) where confidentiality has to be broken because the patient has taken part in an illegal act (BPS 1.2v).
These cases illustrate the difficulty of therapists in such situations and may be another reason why psychologists listed confidentiality as the most frequently describe ethical dilemma (Pope & Vetter, 1999), as the consequences of some ethical dilemmas where confidentiality is not broken can lead to very serious implications to clients, individuals and their families resulting in catastrophic effects (BPS 1.2vi) (Fisher, 2009).
Clinical psychologists often work in the context of relationships where they can hold an advantage of power over the people and clients with whom they work and can inadvertently lose sight of the unequal power levels which can cause very serious issues. (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998). This is a very important ethical issue to acknowledge because frequently, clinical psychologists are harmed as well as the client when this ethical dilemma occurs (Pope and Vetter, 1999).
As clearly stated by APA guidelines 'a psychologists refrains from entering into a multiple relationshipsaˆ¦..' (APA 3.05 (a)).When a blurred, dual or multiple relationship takes place between therapist and client the relationship becomes superimposed, and the potential for adverse consequences to all concerned is heightened as shown in case 10.20, p269 (Keith-Spiegel and Koocher, 1998) (BPS 4.2 i). This case showed the difficulties in the separation of work and family relationships where a clinical psychologist has been placed in an ethical dilemma due to a family member (Keith-Spiegel and Koocher, 1998).
However, there are some situations where the opportunity to not have blurred, dual or multiple relationships is unavoidable such as clinical psychologists working in rural communities, small towns or other isolated communities and cultures. These situations show circumstances where alternative psychological services are not available and where this would not be a violation of the Ethics Code (APA 3.05 (a)) if the psychologist took reasonable steps to protect harm to themselves and the client (Fisher, 2009). Sobel (1984) posited that, 'to be competent, psychologists in rural areas have a responsibility for educating the community through involvement in such groups, and professional or social organizations'.
Another circumstance when the ethical dilemma of blurred, dual or conflicting relationships may occur can be when clients of a psychologist over express their gratitude (BPS 4.2 iv). This issue demonstrates how a gift given to a psychologist for their services can potentially become manipulated (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 10.44, p281), illustrates how a psychologist needs to be aware that naivete and inexperience can be harmful (Keith-Spiegel & Koocher, 2008, case 11.5, p285) (BPS 3.1 iv).
It is important that clinical psychologists exercise reasonable judgement and precautions to ensure that their work does not reflect personal, organizational biases or prejudices that can lead to injustice (Fisher, 2009).
Sexual engagement between therapist and client is always a difficult topic and attempts have been made to define these boundaries effectively (APA 3.08). This ethical issue occurs quite frequently due to the opportunist nature of the therapist-client relationship . Little or no understanding is accepted when a therapist attempts to rationalise their actions (Keith-Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 10.3, p256).
Rationalizations are difficult to accept when one considers the fact that the targets for such 'therapy' are not randomly spread across the whole range of therapist clients (Kardener et al, 1974). The therapist -client relationship exposes a client to exploitation when this unequal power relationship is used as an advantage. As stated by the BPS guidelines psychologists should 'refrain from engaging in any form of sexual or romantic relationshipaˆ¦.' (BPS 4.3 i).
Another circumstance when sexual issues may present an ethical dilemma between a therapist and client (Keith-Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 10.13, p261) is when sexual involvement is used as a form of revenge or coercion. These situations can create a huge risk to the clinical psychologist and can cause substantial psychological harm to the client (2009, PRBD, (Vic) 3).
These cases illustrate the difficulties of therapists in such situations and may be another reason why psychologists find difficulty in dealing with the ethical dilemma involving sexual issues.
A substantial percentage of complaints to ethics committees about clinical psychologists derive from their colleagues or their employees (Pope and Vetter, 1999). This is understandable as other therapists and colleagues are also knowledgeable on their rights as a clinical psychologist and when something is ethically wrong. In cases where the conduct of colleagues is questioned brings an unpleasant amount of intensity and vindictiveness of which a claim can be pursued (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998).
There have been cases when a therapist may become angry at a patient who has decided to change therapist unexpectedly, even after an appropriate termination and may refuse to cooperate with another therapist (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998, case 11.2, p292) (APA 3.09). As stated by the APA code regarding third party requests for services (APA3.07), it is unethical if there is any potential harm to the client if information is not shared with a new therapist(Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 2008 case 13.7, p 347).
The most common types of concern raised involve pirating clients or seeing clients who are involved in a relationship with another professional at the time (case 11.4, p293). One could argue that a clinical psychologist should not deny treatment to a client in need but it is difficult to treat adequately a client who wishes to conceal something about a prior psychotherapy experience. A potential exception to this strategy could be discovering ethical miss conduct on the part of colleagues.
These cases illustrate the difficulties and harm a client can be exposed to if clinical psychologists prevent a client from getting the best treatment that the client feels comfortable with, however negative this can be to the therapist.
Clinical psychologists use psychological assessments as a tool to help them understand the study of human behaviour and capabilities. An assessment is any form of psychological test that is used for the purpose of describing, classifying, diagnosing, evaluating, or predicting behaviour (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998). The ethical topic of assessment is important to help provide decisions and direction in supporting the wellbeing of individuals, families, groups, organizations and institutions (Fisher, 2009) (APA 9.02). The most typical ethical dilemmas involving assessments tend to involve one of two themes: '(a) The availability of tests to those who may not be adequately trained in testing, and (b) Basing conclusions on inadequate data or ignoring important sources of data' (Pope and Vetter,1992).
When psychological assessments are abused, ethical codes can be broken (APA 9.01) and sometimes ethical dilemmas can arise (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 4.25, p108). A clinical psychologist may have not been informed that test data would be used in a certain manner (APA 9.03). However, ethical dilemmas causing a life and death consequence are rare.
Another circumstance when this code is broken is when a psychologist is asked to interpret an assessment when no contact has taken place between the therapist and the client (Pope & Vetter, 1999). Only in some cases such as a disability claim or relocation would it be accepted that a personal examination may not be possible.
These cases illustrate the difficulties that can arise if psychological tests are not carried out appropriately. By presenting ethical codes that all clinical psychologists should obey, there is less risk that an assessment can cause harm to a client and other individuals.
The media is a very important part of our society and is best used in psychology as a constructive source that can provide a strong education about psychology to a large audience of different cultures, for free. However, as most psychologists know, what the media tell the public about psychology can quite often be inaccurate, misrepresented, distorted, trivialized, and sensationalised when presented to the public (Fisher, 2009). As stated by the BPS, psychologists should 'be honest and accurate in advertising their professional services and products, in order to avoid encouraging unrealistic expectations or otherwise misleading the public' (BPS 4.1 vii).
Clinical psychologists may be interviewed on the radio or on a television show relating to an area of psychology. Quite often in this process psychologists can be asked inappropriate questions or can be referred to as a psychiatrist which can produce frustration and distortion to the public about what psychology is as a profession.
In some cases, the psychologist bears full responsibility when breaking this ethical issue (case 8.4, p203). This case shows how statements about a psychologist 'research' were highly misleading, irresponsible and could have possibly caused psychological, emotional and mental harm to radio listeners. In another case a psychologist is accused of miss representing their knowledge to a listener, causing the listener harm (case 8.13, p214).
Psychologists have proposed alongside with the critics of the miss representation of psychology in the media, that a set of specific guidelines be created that can assist psychologists in the media to clarify and support them before any ethical issues and dilemmas arise. This is an important ethical issue because the way that a piece of psychological information is portrayed to the public can be both beneficial but can also be very damaging if the information is incorrect, miss leading and can cause psychological harm (Hodgson, 2007).
Professional competence and incompetence has been an ill-defined category in relation of a general presumption of competence (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998). It is very important that the knowledge and experience developed as a clinical psychologist should benefit all individuals that the psychologist works with and cause them no harm (Field, 2009).
When boundaries are not recognised by a clinical psychologist an ethical dilemma may arise (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 9.1, p225), and therefore a psychologist could subsequently either cause more harm to a client which required therapy from a more experienced psychologist (2009, PRBD (Vic)5).
Another situation when a psychologists competence can create an ethical issue is when a psychologist begins working in an area of psychology on the basis that they have read some books within the relevant area (Keith-Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 9.3, p229). It would not be questioned that the psychologist is well trained and an expert within their field of therapy, however, their trained competency is certainly exceeded. Often a psychologist is unaware that they are breaking an ethical guideline, as positive thought and career progression seems to be something that we would expect a psychologist to work towards. However, although this guideline (APA 2.01) has been broken, this is not necessary unethical. If a psychologist is able to limit their practices to the areas in which they are well trained, then their behaviour would not be inappropriate.
These cases illustrate the difficulty of therapists in such situations and without careful thought and exploration some areas of a psychologist competence may be deemed as unethical even when the psychologist is completely unaware of any wrong doing.
Clinical psychologists are guided to reach an agreement specifying financial arrangements between the client and themselves as early as possible (APA 6.04) where they will need to determine the financial arrangement between themselves and their prospective client before any kind of therapy begins (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998).
However, in some circumstances an ethical dilemma can result from failure to commit, procedural ignorance or naivete. Psychologists can often become concerned about addressing those particular clients who are poor, unemployed or homeless, and feel that these clients need the therapy from the psychologist, rather than just want it (2006, PRBD (Vic)2). This ethical guideline may sometimes need to be broken (APA 6.04), especially when a psychologist becomes unable or is prevented from treating an individual who needs psychological therapy, and is restricted because of the individual's financial situation (Pope & Vetter, 1999).
This point is also illustrated when a client is referred to a local community psychologist at a reduced fee after the client's financial situation unfortunately prevents them from continuing with their current psychologist, who is unable to reduce their fees because of the ethical guidelines (Keith- Spiegel & Koocher, 1998), case 6.2, p156). One could argue that it would be better for the client to stay with their current therapist and that less attention should be paid to trivial areas such as money.
This case raises the issue of abandonment due to financial restrictions, where the abandonment of the client may subsequently worsen their mental and psychological condition .However, the financial agreement between the psychologist and the patient should have been agreed at the start of the patient's therapy, and therefore honoured.
These cases illustrate the difficulty that clinical psychologist have concerning the issues about helping the more financially stricken clients. To help psychologists on this ethical issue, more attention and focus should be given to address the ethics of interventions which can help the more vulnerable individuals of society (Pope & Vetter, 1999).
To conclude, there are occasions when inevitably ethical dilemmas will arise. To effectively approach an ethical dilemma clinical psychologists must importantly be responsible, sensible and aware of the situations that could potentially cause harm to a client or other individuals. To maintain and enforce these ethical codes, revisions of the guidelines will be essential and beneficial in presenting formal guidelines that all psychologists can refer to if such an ethical dilemma arises in their professional career.


text:
Survey of Snakebite by Protobothrops mucrosquamatus and Viridovipera stejnegeri, Taiwan, 2008
Chien-Hsin Liu*, Wen-Chin Hsieh
Correspondence Author: Chien-Hsin Liu*
Center for Research, Diagnostics and Vaccine Development, Centers for Disease Control, Ministry of Health and Welfare, Taiwan
Both Protobothrops mucrosquamatus and Viridovipera stejnegeri are the major hemorrhagic, venomous snake species in Taiwan. The number of bitten cases by them were also higher than those bitten by the other 4 venomous snakes in Taiwan. This study attempts to assess the epidemiology of snakebite cases caused by P. mucrosquamatus and V. stejnegeri in Taiwan, annual antivenom dosage consumption, the side effects after administration of antivenom, and prognosis. The questionnaires for snakebite cases seeking medical care in 2008 were collected from medical centers and district hospitals. Among 78 cases, 36 were bitten by P. mucrosquamatus, and 42 bitten by V. stejnegeri. Twenty-two (28%) cases aged 51–60 years were mostly affected. The most often bitten site was extremities, especially the upper-limbs (including palms) with 43 (55%) cases, followed by the lower-limbs (including soles) with 32 (41%) cases. Among all patients, 74% of them can be delivered to hospital within one hour for medical treatment, and 43 (55%) bitten cases were hospitalized. The average duration of hospitalization was 3.98 days. The total antivenom consumption were 282 doses, 28 (36%) cases received one dose. One case bitten by P. mucrosquamatus received 17 doses. The rate of side effects was 8%, and no serious adverse event was observed. This study showed that the antivenom manufactured by Taiwan Centers for Disease Control provides safe and effective treatment for patients bitten by P. mucrosquamatus and V. stejnegeri.
Keywords:Antivenom, Epidemiology, Snakebite
Attached Files: Survey of Snakebite by Protobothrops mucrosquamatus and Viridovipera stejnegeri_ Taiwan_ 2008.pdf(open new tab)


This is the second course in our series of Expression Web classes. This one-day intermediate Microsoft Expression Web training class covers the more advanced features of this website development and management application including CSS layout, adding multimedia, creating web forms, working with templates and adding JavasScript behaviors. To register for this class you must have knowledge of all topics included in the Expression Web Introduction course. Contact AGI about this Microsoft Expression Web training class.
We recommend that you have the Microsoft Expression Web software before starting the class. You can purchase the software or obtain a trial version of it at from the Microsoft website.
You will receive a comprehensive course manual for this class developed by the Certified Instructors at AGI.


alodiao.win Page 6: maui coloring pages. nativity scene coloring pages. turkey coloring pages free. tulip coloring pages. coloring pages for teen girls. police officer coloring pages.
Published at Tuesday 24th, July 2018, in Coloring Pages. By Chay Lemaire.


text:
One week into the fantasy football season we can feel like we are on top of the world, or like we just hit rock bottom. Below we highlight some players that might have made you feel one way or the other if you drafted them this offseason. Even if you have all of the losers on this list, don't quit yet. Even an 0-6 team can make the semi-finals with the right management throughout the season; it's only week one.
Quarterback Winners: Carson Wentz & Jameis Winston
Wentz had his name dragged through the mud this offseason. Everyone from analysts to Colts owner Jim Irsay said (more or less) that Wentz stinks. He has the ability but doesn't know how to let a play die. Wentz came out swinging in week 1. He threw for 313 yards and 4 touchdowns, finishing as QB3 in fantasy. He should continue to see high volume (41 pass attempts in week 1) for the majority of this season. Wentz has easily the best cast of receivers in his career. Maybe he can get back to his former MVP form.
Jameis was off to a highly efficient start to 2021 before injuries derailed the year for him. Jameis started this year right where he left off, with a little extra volume. He threw 34 passes this week and had 270 yards and 2 scores with 0 turnovers. Jameis finished QB7 on the week (so far), and Alvin Kamara was barely involved in the offense.
Quarterback Losers: Aaron Rodgers & Tom Brady
Rodgers has done this before. He did this and won MVP last year. But this week 1 was a tough one. It's hard not to think that if Christian Watson caught a wide-open touchdown in the first drive, this game may have gone differently. The Packers have no weapons left outside of the backfield. Rodgers should adjust and bounce back, but this week 1 was one for the record books, and not in the way you want.
Tom Brady was the topic of much discussion this offseason, as he always is. As he rightfully should be; he is the GOAT of the NFL, whether we like it or not. Brady didn't have a terrible game. He still completed 67% of his passes and threw a touchdown. But he came in ranked as QB 8; he finished as QB 24, with one game left to play on the week.
Running Back Winners: Saquon Barkley & A.J. Dillon
Saquon Barkley finished as RB1 on the week (so far) and looked like vintage Barkley on Sunday. Barkley accounted for 56% of the rushing attempts and 33% target share in week 1. He went for 164 rushing yards and 30 more through the air. Saquon made a brilliant play to stay inbounds and take off downfield that showed he is back to full health to start this season.
The Packers put up a dud in week 1 just like they did last season. The good news for Dillon's managers was that he finished as RB10 on the week and had a massive workload. He led the Packers in targets (6), rushes (10), and receiving yards (46). He doubled Aaron Jones' targets and found the end zone. The Packers will have better days ahead, and if Dillon gets this kind of work he has huge upside.
Running Back Losers: David Montgomery & Austin Ekeler
Montgomery is still the lead back in Chicago, for now. He out-touched Herbert 20-10 overall, leading in carries 17-9. Herbert was far better with his opportunities, nearly doubling Montgomery's rushing total with 45 yards vs Montgomery's 26 yards. He only played 66% of the snap share this week, vs 74.6% on average in 2021. He has always been an accumulator, more than a high-efficiency player; and Herbert looked better this week in the monsoon.
The Chargers game was a weird one. In week 18 the Raiders and Chargers combined for over 60 points in an all-time classic game to see who made the playoffs (even though they both could have..). In week 1 there was a lot less action. Some amazing plays from some of the best players in the league. Austin Ekeler got left behind. He ran the ball 14 times but only gained 36 yards on the day. He caught all 4 of his targets, again for 36 yards. He finished as RB30 in ½ PPR leagues after being drafted in the early first round. Managers should hang tight; Ekeler should bounce back.
Wide Receiver Winners: Michael Thomas & Robbie Anderson
Michael Thomas has to be the overwhelming winner of the week for me. Once the far and away top receiver in fantasy football, he has struggled with injuries the last two years. Thomas looked great this week after almost missing (again) due to an injury. Thomas finished as WR8 on the week with 5 grabs for 57 yards and 2 touchdowns. It was awesome to see Thomas look like a star receiver again; the Saints have an exciting squad to watch this season.
Robbie Anderson broke out in 2020 for his first ever 1,000-yard season. He plummeted back to earth like a meteor in 2021 with an awful season. He changed his name this offseason, from Robby to Robbie, and boy did it make a difference in week 1. Anderson caught a 75-yard touchdown in a comeback effort from Baker Mayfield. He had a 32% target share; and with a consolidated offense in Carolina, he could come back to relevancy in 2022, after finishing top 10 in week 1.
Week 1 Wide Receiver Losers: DJ Moore & CeeDee Lamb
DJ Moore has been a solid wide receiver his entire career. A perennial 1,000-yard receiver, his main trouble has always been touchdowns. His career high is 4, and many people thought Baker coming to town would help launch Moore to fantasy dominance. The problem was Robbie Anderson out-targeted Moore and caught a huge pass. The good news is McCaffrey had a poor game as well, and the Panthers have a lot of positive regression ahead of them.
This was a brutal week for CeeDee Lamb owners and Dallas Cowboys fans alike. Lamb has all the talent in the world; and seemed to be primed for a 3rd-year breakout this year after taking over as the WR1 in Dallas. Hauling in just 2 out of 11 targets this week and losing his franchise QB, the season seems lost for Lamb. Dak will be back, and often backup QBs hyper-target their #1 guy. Here's hoping CeeDee can bounce back this year.
Tight End Winner: Gerald Everett
Our pick for a tight-end streamer if you lost George Kittle this week, Gerald Everett came through for those who played him. The Chargers have always targeted the tight end, and Everett has a history of being a playmaker at the position. I expect him to have a solid season. It was nice to see him finish TE4 in week 1.
Tight End Loser: Cole Kmet
We touted Kmet as a tight-end breakout candidate this season. We still stand behind the call. The offenses in this game never stood a chance, with two mobile and slightly less than accurate pass throwers heading out. Kmet and Mooney both had awful games in week 1. I'm willing to throw it out heading into week 2, mostly because the position is so scarce to begin with.


At Pyramid Realty, we believe in making ourselves available to clients whenever we're needed. Our dedicated agents routinely take meetings and answer calls not only during the day, but outside of conventional working hours. We understand that accommodating clients and potential buyers is a big part of being good at what we do, and we're willing to work hard to earn your business.
Let us put our knowledge of the Belleair Bluffs, FL real estate market to work for you. To enlist our help in finding and purchasing your new place of residence, call our office today.


In a randomized, double-blind, parallel, placebo-controlled study of oral glucosamine, Methylsulfonylmethane and their combination in osteoarthritis, 118 patients were randomized to receive placebo, 500mg Glu+ 500mg of MSM or combo of 500 mg Glu+500mg MSM for 12 wks. Glu, MSM and their combination produced analgesic and anti-in ammatory effect. VAS, Lesquene index and consumption of rescue meds measured.
a review of preclinical and clinical research. Altern. Med. Rev, 2009, 14: p. 141-153.
interactions: the PHYTOSOME strategy to improve the bioavailability of phytochemical. Fitoterapia, 2010. 81: p. 306-314.
Meriva® and Phytosome™ are registered trademarks of Indena S.p.A.


text:
Spathiphyllum mawarinumae är en kallaväxtart som beskrevs av George Sydney Bunting. Spathiphyllum mawarinumae ingår i släktet Spathiphyllum och familjen kallaväxter. Inga underarter finns listade.

Källor

Externa länkar

Kallaväxter
mawarinumae

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia