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> December 2020
Can the US regain global leadership?
Biden dreams of rebuilding the international order
Can a Biden presidency help bring order to a chaotic world? The US's foreign policy choices no longer determine the balance of global power. It's multipolar now, and the US can't lead all of it any more.
by Olivier Zajec
Zhangshuang · Getty
Democratic candidate Joe Biden set out his foreign policy aim of 'leading the democratic world' (1) back in March, under the headline 'Why America must lead again'. 'The international system that the United States so carefully constructed is coming apart at the seams,' he wrote, comparing this decline to past US triumphs (victory in the second world war, the fall of the iron curtain), which defined the liberal international order in its bipolar (1947-91) and unipolar (1991-2008) versions.
He conceded that the US's biggest problems — a failing education system, unequal access to healthcare and a disastrous penal policy — are internal, but stressed that foreign policy is still key to US influence: that means prioritising the restoration of relations with the rest of the world, damaged by the Trump administration, 'not just with the example of our power, but also with the power of our example' (2).
The idea of restoration and setting an example permeates the Democrats' foreign policy platform. Its shapers — most of America's mainstream editorial writers, whose contributions have been sifted by expert advisors Ely Ratner and Daniel Benaim — believe the world is incapable of organising itself: the only solution is to rebuild the world order, in which the Trump administration has been no more than a destructive interlude. The order must be rebuilt, not just renovated; the US holds the blueprints and could logically resume the role of developer, project manager and building manager. Otherwise, Biden and his advisors warn, 'either someone else will take the United States' place, but not in a way that advances our interests and values, or no one will, and chaos will ensue' (3).
The strongest argument in support of this paternalistic view is the Trump administration's heavy-handedness on issues such as the US's unilateral withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, and its partisan approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But however persuasive the contrast with Trump's policies they seek to establish, the Democrats' idea of 'restoring' US foreign policy is based on three misunderstandings.
First, the Democrats too often see the international order in purely hierarchical terms. Second, they fail to take account of the increasing multipolarity of today's international order. Third, they imply that all foreign policy under Trump has been based on a mismanagement or misreading of international relations. This analysis may seem sound at first, but the restoration policies the Democrats want to implement are doomed to fail rapidly.
Global order's three levels
An international order is not a simple structure, but has different levels. At the highest ('macropolitical') level, there is the polarising effect of relations between the most powerful states: other actors decide their own strategies partly on the basis of the tensions between the great powers (currently China, the EU, the US and Russia). At the second ('mesopolitical') level, there are regional politico-strategic groupings based on cooperative and competitive relationships that reflect the identity and interests of individual states. These can act as filters, attenuating the effects of the tensions between the great powers. For example, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), enables its members to keep their options open to some extent, despite conflicting pressures from China and the US. Some medium-sized powers find these groupings help them to maintain freedom of strategic action and defend specific regional interests. At the lowest level, states may have converging interests that have nothing to do with geography. This translates into international accords on issues of universal concern, in areas such as health, culture, trade, technology, finance, security — a non-exhaustive list.
So the international order is not a simple hierarchy but rather a continual process of adjustment of unstable balances of power, especially at regional level. As early as 1942, the 'realist' international relations theorist Nicholas Spykman, who was critical of American Messianism, suggested a striking reading of this instability: 'In a dynamic world in which forces shift and ideas change, no legal structure can remain acceptable for any length of time. Preserving order within the state is not a question of designing once and for all the final and permanent solution of all problems, but a question of making daily decisions that will adjust human frictions, balance social forces, and compromise political conflicts. It involves deciding ever anew in the light of changing circumstances what should be preserved and what should be changed. Preserving order in the international society is a problem of the same nature' (4). Current trends show the pertinence of this vision, which, rather than opposing geopolitical inertias and social dynamics, reconciles them in the context of a constantly evolving analysis.
Joe Biden's foreign policy programme can be summed up as 'leading the democratic world', believing that 'the international system the United States so carefully constructed is coming apart at the seams'
Thirty years after the end of the cold war, global and regional balances of power have changed radically. The US still has considerable military superiority over the rest of the world, but must take account of the obvious progress made by China, which proceeds slowly and methodically, following a long-term vision. China is now strong enough to offer its partners — who may wish to 'board the express train of [China's] development' in the words of Xi Jinping, so warmly applauded at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2017 — an alternative framework for geopolitical and geoeconomic socialisation to that proposed by the US. When the US Army established its Futures Command in 2018, it was targeting China, which had been under close surveillance since President Bill Clinton's era and had now fully 'emerged'.
NATO leaders at a reception for the alliance's 70th anniversary, London, December 2019
Yui Mok · WPA Pool · Getty
A plausible risk of major wars
The mission, this time, was not to discuss how to win hearts and minds in the 'global war on terror', but to prepare for armed conflict with an adversary of equivalent strength in new arenas such as extra-atmospheric space. The increased tension is real, and Michael O'Hanlon of the Brookings Institution points out there is now a plausible risk that major wars involving China may start from local crises, even if the stakes are small (5). Escalation may seem inevitable to those who can see no further than the first level of the international order.
According to conventional thinking, there are two major possible outcomes: either a new balance of power is established between the US and Chinese blocs, or China replaces the US at the top of the global power hierarchy by 2050. The first would posthumously justify Kenneth Waltz, the theorist of bipolar balance during the cold war. The second would mean facing up to the pessimistic analyses of Robert Gilpin, who proposed the hegemonic stability theory, or Charles Doran, author of the power cycle theory, which suggest that bipolarism is only delayed unipolarism, and that changes in hegemony rarely happen without a general war.
Both scenarios suit the followers of 'hegemonic liberalism' (6). The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is perhaps the best known exponent of this approach among the many thinktanks that supported the Biden-Harris ticket. In a recent book, The World: a Brief Introduction (Penguin Press, 2020), CFR president Richard Haass sets out to answer the new challenges. His prescriptions recall those proposed by Henry Luce in 1941, in his essay defining the mission of the 'American Century'. Haass says countries 'want to find partners. Now, obviously, the partners need to be like-minded and so forth. It may not align with people's images of the world and collective action — the all-or-nothing universal approach suggested by the United Nations. Increasingly, we need to think about how to forge what I call coalitions of the willing, able, and relevant, to deal with particular challenges' (7).
Haass, a keen Biden supporter, suggests that the liberal world order he wants to see return is better than UN-led approaches doomed to failure. He may be hoping to demonstrate his pragmatism and realism, but the result is problematic. In reality, contrary to what he suggests, the UN's approach is less 'all-or-nothing' than 'everyone-or-nothing'. Because the UN is founded, at least in theory, on the principle of the sovereign equality of states, it is the only intergovernmental forum with international legitimacy — unlike geographically limited collective defence alliances like NATO, or 'coalitions of the willing', whose efficacy can be judged by events in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya over the last 20 years.
I'm not saying the military's in love with me. The soldiers are. The top people in the Pentagon probably aren't because they want to do nothing but fight wars so all the wonderful companies that make the bombs and planes and make everything else stay happy Donald Trump
The UN's legitimacy is even more irreplaceable with the world torn between multipolarity and polyarchy. This point seems to escape Haass. He is prepared to revive dated and divisive concepts, such as George W Bush's 'coalition of the willing' and, worse, his 'club' of partners shows the paralysis surrounding the concept of a liberal democratic order, which is badly in need of real regeneration. Michael C Williams, professor of international politics at the University of Ottawa, points out the main problem with this approach: its inability to countenance social change in the international order (8).
Daniel Bendjy · Getty
Macron's multilateralism
Could the concept of multilateralism, touted by advocates of a more representative liberal democratic order, be an answer to the limitations of Haass's position in an age of multipolarity? France's President Macron suggested it could be when he denounced NATO as 'brain dead', claiming that some member states stifle debate, or when he advocated greater interaction with Russia, rejecting accusations of naivety. However, Macron's multilateralism has two sides: it calls for an inclusive and participatory foreign policy, respectful of sovereignty and its cultural manifestations, but, for some, it also reflects a widespread desire to see state prerogatives gradually superseded by an ideal of global governance.
The first aspect of Macron's multilateralism is generally accepted at the international level because, far from challenging the principle of sovereignty, it relies on sovereignty to function. By contrast, more and more states are challenging the second aspect. They feel that governance should be reserved for the level of the international order dealing with issues of universal concern, while governments should be free to make their own decisions, after legitimate national debate, and to choose their own geopolitical destiny at the levels of relations with the great powers and with regional groupings — in accordance with values whose diversity the UN is bound to reflect, and which it should provide a forum to debate.
This is one of the main problems with the liberal hegemonic discourse that shapes the international order Biden would like to restore. Though the slogan 'America first' seems to belong to Trump, the authors of Biden's programme have unconsciously appropriated it. The Democratic 'first' expresses position rather than priority. It does not mean putting the US 'before all others', as Donald Trump's self-centred vision crudely demanded. But it does place the US 'at the head of all others'. In Biden's words, 'it falls to the United States to lead the way. No other nation has that capacity. No other nation is built on that idea [freedom].'
This vision — a choice between the American order or chaos — has evolved no further than an idea expressed in 2000 by the then US under-secretary of state Strobe Talbott, who claimed that, 'particularly in this century, the United States has explicitly and persistently sought to champion both its national interests and its national values, without seeing the two goals to be in contradiction' (9). This assumes that national values, based on a specific historical experience, are universally applicable.
This outward-looking exceptionalism fails to notice the growing divide between the role the US claims for itself and the real extent of its power. Almost nobody is listening any more.
Amid the current international turmoil, there is an increasing demand to be recognised. This identitarian trend has grown steadily in recent years, not just in China, India and Russia, but among the bastions of the democratic liberal order, including the US and European countries.
Is history making a comeback?
The US philosopher Francis Fukuyama, who popularised the notion of the 'end of history' after the cold war, now says history is making a comeback (10). Though he is against what he rightly describes as a new tribalism, he sees the idea of identity as linked to a need for dignity and recognition among organised political communities (states or otherwise), both on the 'new' continents and in the 'West'. He also notes the strength of forces that could cause social fragmentation in an economically globalised world.
Neither of the main political parties in the US takes account in its programme of the way these new social dynamics are reshaping the international order. We might legitimately question whether the Republicans actually have a foreign policy programme. In theory and in practice, both parties are focused on the level of the international order concerned with competition for hierarchical power. Though using different language, they both simply transfer the consequences of that competition to the level of regional geopolitical and geoeconomic groupings. Hence the renewed interest their respective theorists show in alliances, which they want to rebuild, so avoiding having to rethink them.
It falls to the United States to lead the way. No other nation has that capacity. No other nation is built on [freedom] Joe Biden
In the international order of the future, which neither party wants to entrust to the UN, the US can only be the leader of one camp — the 'West' to Trump's Secretary of State Mike Pompeo; the 'free world' to Democratic strategists, who prefer this cold war expression. As we have seen, without this restoration there would be, as Biden puts it, chaos.
The 'all-or-nothing' theory underestimates or delegitimises alternative scenarios for the balancing of the international order. Yet, given the acute anxiety of frontline countries such as Japan and India at the growing strength of China, two actors would be capable, together or separately, of disrupting the new bipolar world order that is emerging. The first is Russia, which has been criticised more by the liberal hegemonists in the EU and the US because Trump attempted a rapprochement with Moscow as soon as he took office. Much as Russia deserves criticism (especially since its illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014), the situation contrasts with what realist US diplomats such as Republican statesman James Baker said in the 1990s.
In 2009 Baker talked to a Newsweek reporter about Barack Obama's attempts to bring about a rapprochement: 'Today we need to cooperate with Russia where we can — including climate change, Iran's nuclear capabilities and trade. But where Russia takes actions adverse to our national interests — confront them! Sad to say, there are some people in my party who regret the fact that we no longer have a big enemy out there. We won a lot of elections during the Cold War because we were the party of national defense and so forth. Some people want to re-create another enemy out of China or Russia. We're not going to agree with them all the time, but those countries are not our enemies today. But we could make them our enemies' (11).
The mental block Baker denounced is still present in the Republican party, as can be seen from figures such as Trump's former national security adviser John Bolton. But it is clear that the party's sociological evolution, becoming less elitist electorally,is driving the guardians of the cold war flame towards the Democrat camp. Recent US foreign policy seems to have been shaped by a kind of class warfare. This was seen, improbably but effectively, when Trump adopted the tone of Dwight Eisenhower to denounce Washington's military-industrial complex: 'I'm not saying the military's in love with me. The soldiers are. The top people in the Pentagon probably aren't because they want to do nothing but fight wars so all of those wonderful companies that make the bombs and make the planes and make everything else stay happy' (12).
Trumpists care about being poor
This language went straight to the hearts of Trump supporters, who prefer to forget that he also boasted of having struck a deal in 2017 to sell Saudi Arabia $450m worth of weapons (13). They feel these gross contradictions are less serious than those they see in the Democrats who, in the name of change, chose as their presidential candidate a senator from a domestic tax haven who voted for the Iraq war in 2002.
They are less interested in the international order than in the unequal pauperisation of the US middle class. They want US soldiers to stop dying in unproductive wars. They would surely be eager to sign up to Biden's proposal to 'elevate diplomacy as the premier tool of our global engagement' (14) and 'end the forever wars in Afghanistan and the Middle East, which have cost us untold blood and treasure' (15), if these sensible ideas had not come from a party that opposed any fundamental change in US strategy in Afghanistan for 17 years. They cannot understand why those who denounce the regressive nostalgia in the slogan 'Make America great again' call their own foreign policy programme 'Why America must lead again'.
The other actor capable of disrupting the bipolar scenario is the EU, which is more credible in this role than Russia. But some of its member states feel that dependence on NATO is more to their advantage than the EU's strategic autonomy — a concept championed by France and Germany despite their frequent lack of agreement, and which causes grinding of teeth across Europe. Biden as president will probably do little to change this and might even make it worse. The shock of Trump was an opportunity for the EU to progressively take back control of its strategic destiny. But it failed to seize that opportunity. And the likely restoration of friendly trans-Atlantic relations following Biden's win may encourage the allies to return unthinkingly to a position of strategic subordination.
We must hope that democratic developments in Europe will end the excessive focus on the US presidential election, which is due less to the importance of the US in the international order than to Europe's inability to imagine any other effective strategic solution, despite the lessons of the Trump era.
Olivier Zajec
Olivier Zajec is a lecturer in political science at Jean Moulin Lyon III University.
Translated by Charles Goulden
(1) 'The Power of America's Example: the Biden Plan for Leading the Democratic World to Meet the Challenges of the 21st Century', joebiden.com/americanleadership.
(2) Joseph R Biden Jr, 'Why America must lead again: Rescuing US foreign policy after Trump', Foreign Affairs, vol 99, no 2, New York, March/April 2020.
(3) Ibid.
(4) Nicholas J Spykman, America's Strategy in World Politics: the United States and the Balance of Power, Harcourt, Brace and Co, New York, 1942, p 465.
(5) Michael E O'Hanlon, The Senkaku Paradox: Risking Great Power War Over Small Stakes, Brookings Institution Press, Washington DC, 2019.
(6) Stephen Walt, The Hell of Good Intentions: America's Foreign Policy Elite and the Decline of US Primacy, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2018.
(7) 'James Manyika speaks with Richard Haass about businesses as "global entities" ', McKinsey Global Institute, Washington DC, 16 October 2020.
(8) Michael C Williams, The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations, Cambridge University Press, 2005.
(9) Strobe Talbott, 'Self-Determination in an Interdependent World', Foreign Policy, no 118, Washington DC, spring 2000.
(10) Francis Fukuyama, Identity: the Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2018.
(11) Adam B Kushner, 'James Baker on the return to realism', Newsweek, New York, 16 January 2009.
(12) 'Trump: Pentagon leaders want war to keep contractors "happy" ', Associated Press, 7 September 2020. An illuminating biography of Baker has recently been published; Susan Glasser and Peter Baker, The Man Who Ran Washington: the Life and Times of James A Baker III, Doubleday, New York, 2020.
(13) Javier E David, 'US-Saudi Arabia seal weapons deal worth nearly $110 billion immediately, $350 billion over 10 years', CNBC, 20 May 2017.
(14) joebiden.com/americanleadership, op cit.
(15) Ibid.
Bitter victory for the Democrats
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Make them cry
Thomas Frank
When Joe Biden won the US presidential election, Republican weeping was as nothing compared to the happy tears the American liberal press recorded over Trump's downfall. →
français — À l'heure de l'élection américaine, l'ordre international qui vient
Español — El próximo orden internacional
Deutsch — Restauration à la Biden
Esperanto — En la momento de la usona elekto, la venanta internacia ordo
русский — Выборы в США: на повестке дня – мировой правопорядок
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Here is a terrific article you should definitely read: "Biden dreams of rebuilding the international order", by Olivier Zajec (open access, December 2020) // https://mondediplo.com/9659
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... US election special report: Biden's bitter win, can the Democrats rebuild the global order? we've not seen the last of Trumpism yet, America's power weeping; Middle East, will the Saudis be next to normalise relations with Israel? Russia and Turkey jostle their way from North Africa to the Caspian; China plays a long hand at the UN; how much worse is Africa's supply of vital drugs becoming with Covid-19? Latin America embraces period Turkish TV series; France's Covid escape to rural bliss ...
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text:
Q: Ошибка при использовании django formset Пытаюсь разобраться с тем, как клонировать форму, заданное количество раз. В идеале хочу добиться, чтобы пользователь выбирал сколько бумаг нужно - редирект на страницу с соответствующим количеством форм. Нагуглил, что можно использовать formset для этого. В итоге никак не могу побороть ошибку ManagementForm data is missing or has been tampered with
используется django-datetime-widget и django-crispy-forms
forms.py:
from django import forms
from crispy_forms.helper import FormHelper
from crispy_forms.layout import *
from crispy_forms.bootstrap import *
from datetimewidget.widgets import DateWidget

class InputDates(forms.Form):
# форма для ввода даты начала, конца периода и названия бумаги
    Date_start = forms.DateField(widget=DateWidget(
        # attrs={'id':"datetimeid1"},
        usel10n = True,
        bootstrap_version=3
    ),
        label='Начало периода',
        required=True,
    )

    Date_end = forms.DateField(widget=DateWidget(
            # attrs={'id':"datetimeid2"},
            usel10n = True,
            bootstrap_version=3
        ),
        label='Конец периода',
        required=True,
    )

    Stock = forms.ChoiceField(
        choices=(   ('GG', 'Google'),
                    ('APPL', 'Apple'),
                    ('SR', 'Сбербанк'),
                    ('GZ', 'Газпром'),),
        required=True,
        label='Выбор бумаги'
    )

    def __init__(self, *args, **kwargs):
        super(InputDates, self).__init__(*args, **kwargs)
        self.helper = FormHelper()
        self.helper.layout = Layout(
            Field('Stock'),
            Field('Date_start'),
            Field('Date_end'),
        )

class BTN(forms.Form):
    def __init__(self, *args, **kwargs):
        super(BTN, self).__init__(*args, **kwargs)
        self.helper = FormHelper()
        self.helper.layout = Layout(
            ButtonHolder(
                Submit('submit', 'Провести расчеты', css_class='btn btn-default')
            ),
        )

views.py :
from django.shortcuts import render
from .forms import *
from django.forms.formsets import formset_factory

def stocks(request):
    btn = BTN(request.POST or None)
    StocksFormset = formset_factory(InputDates, extra=2)
    if request.method == 'POST':
        formset = StocksFormset(request.POST)

        if formset.is_valid():
            return render(request, 'home.html')

    else:
        formset = StocksFormset()

    return render(request, 'stocks.html', {'formset' : formset, 'BTN' : btn})

stocks.html
{% extends "base.html" %}
{% load staticfiles %}
{% load crispy_forms_tags %}

{% block content %}

<form action="" method="post" class="text-left">
{% csrf_token %}
    {{ formset.management_form }}
    {% for form in formset %}
          {% crispy form form.helper %}
    {% endfor %}
</form>
    {% crispy BTN BTN.helper %}

{% endblock %}

Пытался разобраться с документацией Django по formset но там написано, что нужно лишь добавить {{ formset.management_form }} и все заработает. Но на практике этого не произошло

A: Думаю дело в crispy. В документации написан пример {% crispy formset helper %}. У вас же, криспи применяется отдельно к каждой форме. Наверно и так можно сделать, но нужно выключить генерацию тега form так FormHelper.form_tag=False. Впрочем, вышеупомянутую ошибку не наблюдаю. Вижу только кривой html.
Рабочий вариант (python 2.7, django 1.10):
views.py
# coding=utf-8
from django.shortcuts import render
from django.forms.formsets import formset_factory
from django import forms
from crispy_forms.helper import FormHelper
from crispy_forms.layout import *
from crispy_forms.bootstrap import *
from datetimewidget.widgets import DateWidget

class InputDates(forms.Form):
    Date_start = forms.DateField(widget=DateWidget(
        usel10n=True,
        bootstrap_version=3
    ),
        label='Начало периода',
        required=True,
    )

    Date_end = forms.DateField(widget=DateWidget(
        usel10n=True,
        bootstrap_version=3
    ),
        label=u'Конец периода',
        required=True,
    )

    Stock = forms.ChoiceField(
        choices=(('GG', u'Google'),
                 ('APPL', u'Apple'),
                 ('SR', u'Сбербанк'),
                 ('GZ', u'Газпром'),),
        required=True,
        label=u'Выбор бумаги'
    )

class InputDatesSetHelper(FormHelper):
    def __init__(self, *args, **kwargs):
        super(InputDatesSetHelper, self).__init__(*args, **kwargs)
        self.form_method = 'post'
        self.layout = Layout(
            Field('Stock'),
            Field('Date_start'),
            Field('Date_end'),
        )
        self.render_required_fields = True
        self.add_input(Submit("submit", u'Провести расчеты', css_class='btn btn-default'))

def stocks(request):
    StocksFormset = formset_factory(InputDates, extra=2)
    if request.method == 'POST':
        formset = StocksFormset(request.POST)
        if formset.is_valid():
            return render(request, 'home.html')
    else:
        formset = StocksFormset()
    return render(request, 'stocks.html', {'formset': formset, 'helper': InputDatesSetHelper()})

stocks.html
{% extends "base.html" %}
{% load crispy_forms_tags %}

{% block content %}

{% crispy formset helper %}

{% endblock %}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Kaunas Our Lord Jesus Christ's Resurrection Basilica
Žemaičių g. 31A, Kaunas
A monument to Lithuanian statehood is just one of the many picturesque epithets used to describe the Kaunas Our Lord Jesus Christ's Resurrection Basilica. Its cornerstone was brought here from the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem and was sanctified in 1934. The church itself was finally consecrated 70 years later.
As many as 15 designs were submitted in the architectural contest to design the church, which is located on the site of a former marketplace in Žaliakalnis. The ideas of the winners of the first two places couldn't be realised, and so the project was taken over by Karolis Reisonas (Kārlis Reisons). One of the ideas, reminiscent of the painting of M. K. Čiurlionis, suggested an open spiral, 86 metre staircase as the main accent of the building. The topic raised a lot of discussions amongst the members of society—after all, the entire nation financed this church. And so finally construction began to the forth, a Reisonas' (Reisons') rational design resolved by generalised volumes. By the way, did you know that the protestant Latvian architect became a Catholic for this project?
The construction of a symbol of an independent, strong and united Lithuania was terminated by the war and the Soviet occupation. A radio factory operated inside the building for about 50 years until the restoration of independence when it was extended, completed and returned to its original purpose, something that added to the building's meaning. The first Mass was held here in 1997, and a solemn consecration took place in 2004.
Today it's one of the most visited churches in Kaunas. Because of its rooftop terrace (among other things), which offers a breathtaking view of Kaunas, this church attracts much attention from the foreign media and tourists. In 2015, the European Commission awarded 44 objects of Modernist interwar architecture in Kaunas the European Heritage Label, among them this monumental building.
Another interesting fact is that in 1923, just 400 metres from the future basilica, the Minor Church of the Resurrection of Christ was built on Aukštaičių Street. In 1933 this wooden church was reconstructed and strengthened with stone to a design by none other than Karolis Reisonas (Kārlis Reisons). The church that became a temporary temple became especially significant during the years of war and occupation. Mass takes place at this church every day. A memorial plaque to President Valdas Adamkus, who served here whilst studying at the Jonas Jablonskis Elementary School, hangs on the wall.
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Earlier this week, private equity firm Vista Equity Partners announced that it was buying Apptio for $1.94 billion and SAP announced that it was purchasing Qualtrics for $8 billion. These acquisitions are just the latest in a recent series of blockbuster deals involving software firms. Much of the M&A activity has been driven by legacy tech firms and cloud companies.
IBM announced in October that it would pay $34 billion to buy open source software company Red Hat, which makes the deal the third largest tech acquisition ever.
In October, cloud company Twilio bought email tech firm SendGrid for $2 billion.
Cisco acquired cybersecurity company Duo Security in August for $2.4 billion.
In March, Salesforce purchased cloud firm MuleSoft for $6.5 billion and in July it bought data platform Datorama for a reported $800 million.
After Broadcom's mega bid of $117 billion for Qualcomm got blocked by the Trump administration, the chip maker went on to buy B2B software firm for CA Technologies for $18.9 billion in July.
Microsoft bought software development repository GitHub in June for $7.5 billion in stock.
The dynamics that led to these software deals are multifaceted. They include integration into new areas of business, making sure their competitors couldn't buy valuable assets, restructuring business models and creating a good story they could promote in the market, according to Darren Herman, operating partner at Bain Capital.
Large acquisitions of software companies shows how popular a commodity data is. In a December 2017 survey of 650 IT decision-makers worldwide by MuleSoft (one of the companies recently acquired for billions of dollars), nearly six in 10 respondents said their companies are investing in big data and analytics. More recently, in an April 2018 survey of 123 US marketers from SmarterHQ, Cheetah Digital, Liveclicker and MailCharts, 82.8% of respondents said they are investing in data and analytics.
Several of the firms that recently shelled out to purchase tech assets have been very active on the M&A front over the past few years. It is possible that the combination of acquisitions could become more valuable than when they operated separately. But that will come down to how everything is integrated.


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The False Equivalence Between CAA's Eventual Beneficiaries And Refugees From Taliban's Afghanistan
by Tushar Gupta - Aug 16, 2021 02:45 PM +05:30 IST
If the locals are supporting the Taliban, what good can the intervention of any government bring?
Emotional generosity in the hour of crisis, as some in India are advocating right now, does not address the root crisis — radicalisation of Afghan society.
As Taliban cements its takeover of Afghanistan, in India, a false equivalence is being drawn between the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), with some advocating that the government must allow all refugees from Afghanistan, including the Muslims who were not included within the CAA, on humanitarian grounds.
However, the political and social realities on the ground are far more intricate and detached from the necessities of the CAA.
Not Kabul, but Kandahar is the city that one can attribute to the beginnings of Taliban 1.0. They rose to political prominence only after the withdrawal of the Soviets in 1988. Taliban, the plural word for 'religious students' (talib means religious student), as a group, can attribute its origins to the guerilla warfare tactics and other socio-economic changes that were consequently ushered during the Soviet-Afghan war.
The war had men, also known as the mujahideens, in groups as small as 10 and as large as 50-odd operating around their villages. The commander of these groups who would later go on to become the representatives of Taliban, by choice or by force, came from the local villages. However, the participation in the war extended beyond the tribal leaders, as religious leaders became more involved in the politics of the state.
These religious leaders, known as mullahs, would later go on to become the founding members of the Taliban. Eventually, in 1988, the Soviets did to Afghanistan what President Joe Biden did a few weeks ago, quietly acknowledging defeat. However, unlike the government installed by the US, the one by the Soviets survived, at least around the city of Kabul, until the early 1990s.
By 1994, worried by the plaguing anarchy in the country amongst warring factions led by different tribal leaders, the mullahs gathered outside Kandahar and issued the first decree that would serve as the basis for Taliban 1.0.
To be ruled strictly according to the guiding principles of Islam, the religious leaders aimed to remove the leaders of the warring groups inconsistent with the pursuits of the Taliban, to have a single centralised form of government consistent with teachings of the Quran, and to ensure the nation's sovereignty in the face of Western invasions.
As was the scenario back in the 1990s, even in their war against the soldiers of the United States, the Taliban came together to represent something more than a group of rogue mercenaries in a nation wrecked by war.
As happened to the government installed by the Americans, and the Soviets before them, and even the British, the Afghani forces aligned with foreign powers could never command the loyalty of the locals, and eventually, would fall. They were perceived as corrupt when viewed from the lens of Islam, and that is what may explain the popular support Taliban has been getting from the locals, as evident by the few viral clips on Twitter.
Simply put, for the sake of their Islamic Afghan identity, the tribals and Taliban have always been more willing to kill or be killed than the soldiers and loyalists of the government or foreign forces themselves. However, this is not a reflection of the efforts or the bravery of the latter, but more of the religious fanaticism that prevails in that part of the world.
Certain characteristics of the Taliban movement are also consistent with the teachings of the Quran, thus further strengthening their support. For one, the jihad against what Islam describes as infidels or non-believers. While we assume the term to only represent radical terrorism, for the Taliban, it amounts to driving out foreign forces and anyone who chooses to live a life inconsistent with the principles of Islam.
For instance, when in 2001, the Taliban blew to smithereens the Bamiyan Buddhist statues, it was not an act of conquering alone, but of imposing the Islamic way of life. The same virtue explains the routine persecution of Hindus, Sikhs and Christians, or any other minority groups, and the people have accepted it.
Within the same socio-religious framework whose moral authority stems from the mullahs leading the Taliban, the oppression of women and children is the norm. For Pashtuns, the largest community within the country, this treatment had become acceptable and they rejected the Western progressive notions, stating how they were inconsistent with Islam as documented by numerous observers in the last 20 years.
However, an uncomfortable question is warranted here. Is the treatment of women a geographical problem, unique and rooted in Afghanistan, or is it something that is prevalent across the countries in the Middle East as well, and if so, an elaborate debate is warranted that is not constrained to the visuals from Afghanistan or Syria.
While the West and other democracies, rightfully so, may view the lack of liberalism in the nation with horror and shock, for the Afghans, prospects of progressive liberalism were as good as violent colonisation.
This brings us back to the question of the CAA, which some want to use as a political stimulus to address the strategic deficit of the United States.
Emotional generosity in the hour of crisis, as some in India are advocating right now, does not address the root crisis — radicalisation in the society of Afghanistan, cheered on by the local population.
If India were to indeed extend asylum to Afghan refugees in general, why not begin with notifying the CAA, and extending the right to return to Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities indigenous to India anywhere in the world and not only Pakistan, Bangladesh, or Afghanistan.
CAA is about persecution of minorities, not aiding countries or their refugees busy self-imploding in the name of religion nor can India be held responsible for cleaning up the mess left by the United States.
It's damning, but sadly, it is true.
Tushar is a senior-sub-editor at Swarajya. He tweets at @Tushar15_
Radicalisation
Pashtuns
Bamiyan Buddhist Statues
Western Invasions
Islamic Afghan Identity


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Yes, Frankenfoods are easy to mock, but this one's special.
Oh, blessed January. For the next four weekends, we get to watch multiple high-level football games between teams good enough to get this far, which means no fan, regardless of where they live, will be stuck with Jacksonville-Buffalo. Of course, a long season means that some of us are joining the fun for the first time, looking for any excuse to sit on a couch and order some wings. If you're just tuning in, we compiled a primer of how you might understand some of these NFL teams.


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History Comes Alive
Where Dallas-area students can see MLK drama Selma for free
Lone Star Pride
Texas sweeps 2015 Oscar noms with Boyhood and Grand Budapest Hotel
Film Hack
Blackhat turns out to be total hack job despite of-the-moment subject
Chris Hemsworth in Blackhat. Photo courtesy of Legendary Pictures and Universal Pictures
Chris Hemsworth and Viola Davis in Blackhat. Photo courtesy of Legendary Pictures and Universal Pictures
Wei Tang and Leehom Wang in Blackhat. Photo by Frank Connor/Legendary Pictures and Universal Pictures
Every time I go into a film released in January — and I'm not talking about movies like Selma or American Sniper that expand nationwide after limited release in December — I hold out a smidgen of hope that it will upend the well-proven theory that the first month of the year is the dumping ground for movies that studios know are bad.
For a while, Blackhat, the latest from once-untouchable director Michael Mann, seems to deliver on that hope. It's a computer-hacker thriller in which the imprisoned Nicholas Hathaway (Chris Hemsworth) is legally busted out of jail by the U.S. government when a hacker code he created is used in an attack on a Chinese nuclear plant.
Either realizing his own limitations or that of the story, director Michael Mann soon turns the movie toward less-than-cerebral thrills.
With Chinese computer expert Chen Dawai (Leehom Wang), who was also Hathaway's college roommate, and FBI agent Carol Barrett (Viola Davis) as his constant companions, Hathaway travels around the world to track down who was responsible for the hack and what his end goal may be.
When done right, computer-hacking stories can be wonderfully suspenseful. And Mann, working from the script by Morgan Davis Foehl, keeps things interesting for the first half hour or so. But, either realizing his own limitations or that of the story, Mann soon turns the movie toward less-than-cerebral thrills.
Most of this can be credited to the lack of character development. Other than the fact that he's a computer genius who attended M.I.T., we know virtually nothing about Hathaway. So the origin of his brooding demeanor and surprising combat skills remain a mystery, rendering his later heroics almost pointless.
But it's when things start to veer toward the ridiculous that the movie really goes off the rails. Hathaway starts a relationship with Chen's sister, Lien (Wei Tang), which might be interesting if it made any sense whatsoever. And a gunfight in the third act might be the most nonsensical battle ever to take place outside an Expendables movie.
Still, Hemsworth, as he's proven in the Thor and Avengers movies, is a formidable presence even if his character is unknowable. And it's always a pleasure to be in the company of Davis, even if she gets to do little aside from acting exasperated.
Because hacking has been a top-line news item in recent months, Blackhat — which, if you must know, is the term for a hacker up to no good — had the potential to be an of-the-moment-type film. Instead, it's a forgettable film that makes you wonder where Mann's magic went.
Watch for the Opt For Optimism van all over Texas
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Charlie spent four years at BBC Worldwide before joining Central Television, in a move that began 12 years in ITV building brands such as Thunderbirds, Bullseye & Tots TV. Charlie was most recently Head of Licensing at ITV, responsible for the team that built such brands as Little Britain and Liverpool and Arsenal Football Clubs.
Rob spent 12 years at BBC Worldwide, brand managing and licensing globally successful brands, including Teletubbies, Wallace and Gromit and Noddy. Rob was Licensing Director at Harper Collins - (Children's) and then joined Entertainment Rights Plc, where he was Senior Brand Manager for Postman Pat.
Joanne has been Head of Product Development at Rocket for over five years with experience in a broad spectrum of licenses. Previous to that, she played a senior management role in the UK's leading design studio for the kids and young adult market for a number of years.
Joanne's expertise in design, retail and product development is a major asset for Rocket.
Melissa has a wealth of experience in the Brand and Licensing industry having worked for BBC Worldwide for 8 years. While at the BBC Melissa worked in the Licensing, Brand Management and the Preschool Magazine departments across brands such as Tweenies, Charlie and Lola, In The Night Garden. Melissa's role is Brand Manager to our growing portfolio of brands.
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This beat, produced by Ski Beatz, has got the chunky keys and smoky brass that sound like end credits music for Treme played by a zooted Professor Longhair. Devin the Dude talking about if he is broke enough to reuse condoms, then saying he likes to curse for fun. There's a brief second where you can almost hear him laughing, stoned out the wazoo. Currensy talking about grama getting mad at him for stinking like weed. This song feels humid like weed, lazy like it, too, in the way that doing nothing slowly feels like the most productive you'll ever be. If you like it, Rap Radar, got another Currensy track with Snoop.
Download: Currensy f. Devin the Dude, "Chilled Coughee"


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Q: How to chain a Promise that expect parameters values from an Observable? I have an observable that retrieve data, these values are parameters from a Promise. What is the better way to join these values in order that the Promises expected the values from observable and this no causes errors?
let user, id, settings;

this.UserService.getUserData().subscribe(user => {
    user = user.name;
    id = user.id;
});

this.UserConfiguration.getSettings(user, id)
    .then(res => {
      settings = res.settings;
      debugger
  });

Other way is call the promise in the observable, but I am not sure What is the best way to pass the paramenters into the observable.
this.UserService.getUserData().subscribe(user => {
    this.UserConfiguration.getSettings(user.name, user.id)
        .then(res => {
          settings = res.settings;
          debugger
    });
});

A: this.UserService.getUserData().switchMap((data) =>
    Observable.fromPromise(this.UserConfiguration.getSettings(data.user, data.id))
    .subscribe((result) => this.settings = result.settings));

EDIT: I'm simplifying the answer to include only the non-lettable version.  If you need lettable operators, just pipe(switchMap).subscribe() instead.


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Tracy Stuckey at Visions West Gallery
Artist Tracy Stuckey (NAP #106) sets reality and romanticism on a collision course in his paintings of icons, legends, and heroes of the American West. In his recent work, Stuckey assumes the role of storyteller, crafting his tall tales of equal parts humor, theatricality, fiction, and reality. The artist's "refashioned fables" put a satirical spin on mythic views of this often-romanticized region and stand as commentaries on the West today. - Karen Brooks, Guest Contributor
Tracy Stuckey | Red Rocket Rider, 2009, oil on canvas, 40 x 66 inches. Images courtesy of the artist.
Stuckey stitches together inflated representations of the West in his imaginative compositions, populating distinctly western backdrops with a raucous troupe of historic and contemporary westerners. His cast of characters is culled from western folk tales, songs, art, film, pulp novels, magazines, newspapers, and photographs among other sources. Stuckey is intrigued by the ways in which these media represent the West, appropriate western themes, and sell the myth of the American West to the public.
Collecting source material is an important part of Stuckey's practice. The artist keeps both digital and physical stockpiles of material that interests him, all the while thinking of compelling ways in which to remix disparate ideas in paintings that entertain and provoke. Working first in a digital format, Stuckey manipulates western figures and landscapes on the computer, and then translates these compositions into oil paintings on canvas. Painting the finalized composition allows the artist to seamlessly integrate the varied elements. A connection can be drawn between the pastiche of pop art, contemporary mash-up culture, and Stuckey's work. Sampled and remixed from a wide variety of source material, his paintings incorporate collage, appropriation, and innovation.
Tracy Stuckey | Slue-Foot Sue, oil on canvas, 60 x 48 inches. Images courtesy of the artist.
In juxtaposing, for example, cowboys who look like they've broken free from the confines of a black-and-white film strip and bikini-clad women plucked from the pages of a contemporary fashion magazine, Stuckey creates paintings that somehow feel both familiar and surreal. Their familiarity is likely due to our frequent exposure to romantic western subjects and themes, which have long held the rapt attention of advertising agencies, fashion houses, artists, writers, and other creative minds. Out of this pervasive passion for all things western were born such iconic characters as: Pecos Bill and Slue-Foot Sue of American folklore; the tobacco industry's most recognizable spokesman, the Marlboro Man; and, the fabled pair Pancho and Lefty of Townes Van Zandt's enduring song. Each of these figures is distilled from widely-held and often stereotypical ideas about the American West shaped by popular culture. Stuckey plays on the artificiality of these western clichés by reimagining them in novel and frequently comical contexts.
Stuckey dresses his characters in what he dubs "cultural costumes" (a Native American headdress, a cowboy hat) and equips them with props (a gun, a rocket) that point to different ideas about the American West. Most of the western characters and themes Stuckey depicts were fictitious in the first place and now, at his whim, are now fictions of fictions. Others are amalgamations of multiple sources or ideas and emerge rebranded on Stuckey's canvases. Rearranged and reinterpreted, Stuckey's characters act out narratives whose storylines are open to viewers' interpretations and which instigate questions. With a cunning sense of humor, Stuckey challenges and satirizes familiar binaries like Man versus Nature or Good versus Evil in the American West. He does so by inserting a squirt gun into the palm of bad guy, or swapping a villain with a Vegas showgirl, or placing his protagonist on the back of a rocket rather than a trusty steed.
Tracy Stuckey | Target, oil on canvas, 40 X 60 inches. Images courtesy of the artist.
The artist's interest in the West and the cultural juggernaut it has inspired is rooted in his early exposure to film and television westerns. Stuckey says that he grew up "watching western films and idolizing their characters and longing for the wild open spaces in which they roamed." Later, after moving to the West, he would come to "grasp [the region's] complex reality; a reality not only infused with romantic iconography but also with contemporary issues such as the human impact on the frontier and a continued exploitation of an imagined culture." Stuckey's acute awareness of these contemporary issues fuels a passion to create art that grapples with the complexity and multiplicity of today's West in a way which is approachable, playful, and clever.
Tracy Stuckey received his BFA in painting from Florida State University and his MFA from the University of New Mexico. He has exhibited his work extensively throughout the United States, with numerous solo and group exhibitions. Tracy currently lives in Fort Collins, CO.
Refashioned Fables: Icons and Tribes of the Disbanded West will be on view at Visions West Gallery in Denver (1715 Wazee Street, Denver, CO 80202 | 303.292.0909) through December 4th.
Karen E. Brooks is a graduate of the MA program in art history at the University of Colorado at Boulder. She currently works as department assistant of the Petrie Institute of Western American Art at the Denver Art Museum. She is also a freelance editor and writer and has published essays on contemporary and historical American art.
Tracy Stuckey
Visions West Gallery


My name is Jack and I know kung-fu. That's the line I rehearse in my mind as I navigate the high school hallways of mass self-destruction. Nevermind that I stick to the lockers and flow around the students stopped in bubbles of conversation. Nevermind that the soundtrack in my mind this morning is from the musical Pippin, with the jazzy addition of the zither. That's what you get for falling asleep to House of Flying Daggers after viewing karaoke covers of "Corner of the Sky" on YouTube with your little sister.
The never-ending hallway rounds off in the distance. It's like old-school cartoons, the way the scenery seems to scroll by and repeat, and I'm always surprised when I stumble upon the glass doors leading to the Dreaded Cafeteria. It's like I expect them further down the circular building, even when I count room numbers as I pass. No one sees the Room of Requirement unless you're hungry, I guess.
Clutching the Chuck Norris lunch box my sister made for me, I scope out the cafeteria for a spot where "accidents" are least likely to happen. Yesterday I had a little mishap with a carton of milk. I sat at my usual table on the edge of the room, close to the doors, and next to a row of white pillars. It's much easier to blend into the surroundings over there, well away from all the drama.
Thing is, I was too concealed. As I swung my legs into the bench seat, a small square object hurtled in my direction. Its intended destination was the trash cans nearby, but the pillar I leaned against was in the way. Instinctively, I ducked, but it made no difference. A cold, wet sensation seized my upper body. Liquid oozed into my shirt, pooled in my bra, and headed further south. Totally violated.
I stood up, and within seconds, everyone in the small cafeteria gawked at me—the girl with milk dripping from her frizzy brown hair.
At the other end of the lunchroom, Samantha Gross smiled sweetly like I shouldn't be bothered about it. But she's never had a milk carton explode over her head. Just a guess.
"It was an accident," she shouted from across the room. Everyone was silent while they waited for my answer. I think I heard a "Sorry" after that, but it could have been my imagination.
An accident? I guess that's probable, except there's a semi-long history to Samantha Gross and I. Mostly it involves middle school marching band. Specifically me tripping into her during her important trumpet solo, and the entire brass section tumbling like dominoes.
She maintains that I did it on purpose. I've always argued it wasn't my fault—I'm a musician, not a dancing robot. Still, I've been paying for my "accident" ever since. Even when I quit band, she acted like I should have been kicked out anyway. I might have been easily ignored by her, but there was one week in seventh grade when we were best friends. We had necklaces and everything until she flushed her half down the toilet.
Samantha Gross and her minions insist on being cliché as they gather at their table across the cafeteria, waving their cartons at me. I realize that my role in this high school drama is to Dodge the Milk.
Bruce is right. And no matter how threatening, Samantha will always play second trumpet to my real nemesis—He Who Shall Not Be Named.
This thought gives me the strength to pass through the lunch tables. When I hear, "Hey Jack! Got Milk?" my first instinct is to ignore it, and my second is to jab with my crane's beak move. But the familiar voice stops me in front of William Blake's table.
The William Blake, who is not the poet. Who I haven't spoken to other than in English when he needs to borrow a pencil. Or paper. Or my notes. Most of the time, I try not to interact with him. My strategy with boys has always been to ignore the ones that I like. It has successfully prevented any hint of a boyfriend. Not that I haven't had my fair amount of crushes. But boys and crushes? They're my kryptonite.
So, it seems that today Will and I are eating lunch in (what our biology teacher would call) a symbiotic relationship. Now that I'm welcome at his lunch table, I've got an extra set of eyes scanning for rogue milk cartons and he gets information about Junewind. Though, I can't decide which is worse: getting doused with milk or having to listen to Will skirt around the subject of my sister.
The one thing that's bugging me (and I don't recall this being an issue last time) is calling her Jack right away without every indicating she's a girl. The assumption for readers will naturally be that the MC is a boy unless you state otherwise. Other than that, I thought the revision was good. I did notice in your comments last time that you were worried about the seriousness and wanted to add sone humor early on? I just want to make sure the voice is consistent throughout. If you use humor now, you should keep that. It's an unspoken promise to your reader. Not to say you can't have serious stuff! Just that that tone has to remain consistent.
Yes, you're right! I guess I'm taking for granted that the title "A Girl Named Jack" will take care of that first line for me. Still, I will think of something.
Also, the humor stays throughout the book, even later as she's getting beaten up. It's her coping mechanism. But I think starting with her getting her "crumbs" kicked (as she calls it) seems way too harsh an opening. Thanks SO much!!
Sarah - Just a quick note, because I do the same thing with humor and serious situations. I had one manuscript that had a situation where the MC used humor as a defense mechanism, but many people thought it was inappropriate at times. The trick, as I'm learning myself is to balance with the serious internal dialogue, so it's clear to the reader that outwardly the humor comes, but inside she still has that range of emotion. I hope that helps!
Love the set up of Jack's relationship with Will in this revision! He seems interested in Junewind but hopefully will realize it's Jack he clicks with. Love it! A tiny thought--when you mention her wondering what Mr. Miyagi would say and then say it's not Miyagi's voice but Bruce Lee's instead, it seems like Miyagi has no purpose other than to namedrop a fun 80s pop culture reference. If Miyagi isn't going to offer her advice, I might just go right to Bruce Lee. Fits well with The Norris (still love that every time I read it).
This really could just be me, but I feel like the voice is changing slightly. There's still plenty of voice, but somehow, it feels like Jack's voice is becoming a little more sarcastic and less charming, making it harder to like her. That's just a feeling, though, and it could be my imagination.
I still love Will and Jack's potential relationship. So exciting!
@Amy...Mr. Miyagi plays a bigger role later. He's like the "good angel" in her subconscious while Bruce Lee is the "bad angel." But I can see what you mean. I'll try to make him more purposeful earlier on.
@Kheryn...of course I kept The Norris! I liked moving it up earlier in the narrative as you suggested. And you're right about the voice changing. I was trying something out, to make her sound less middle grade.
Thanks so much to everyone for reading and all the insights!
I was a little tripped up between the present tense scoping out the cafeteria ad the sudden past tense of what happened the day before. It might just because I'm not used to reading in present tense so much, so my mind got all confused when the past tense came in. Maybe if you did something more like, "Thing is, I had been too concealed. As I had swung my legs into the seat bench, a small square object came hurlting in my direction..." But I'm not sure that tense would be correct in this circumstance :P you'd have to look it up!
Some great improvements, but a few things I didn't think you've nailed quite yet. The opening few paragraphs seem like the voice is trying too hard, they're not the natural Jack that you had earlier, and again I suspect that comes down to finding the sweet spot between the mc's age and the story. In any case, the voice in the opening doesn't match the voice in the later story.
I would also recommend against the flashback. Is there a reason it has to happen on consecutive days? Could you conceivably just have her sit down early in the lunch period and almost immediately have the issue with the milk, have her leave, and maybe have Will hand her a wad of napkins and tell her to sit down? Having to have her reacting to the other kids reactions to her humiliation and the unexpectedness of her sitting down with Will mighjt really add dimension to the scene and allow you to bring in all the elements that you are currently telling us in the earlier paragraphs. Show us. Let yourself go and see how it develops. You can always go back to the previous version.
Of course, ignore the suggestion if you like. It's your story and you have a lovely, natural writing style.


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Amori su skupina planetoida (asteroida) kojima se perihel nalazi unutar Marsove putanje, a afel u glavnom planetoidnom pojasu (asteroidni pojas). Neki prilaze blizu Zemlji ali ne presijecaju njezinu putanju. Prvi su otkriveni: Eros (433 Eros) (1898.), Albert (719 Albert) (1911.), Alinda (887 Alinda) (1918.), Ganimed (1036 Ganymed) (1924.), Amor (1221 Amor) (1932.) i drugi.

Eros
Eros (433 Eros) je planetoid koji je 13. kolovoza 1898. otkrio njemački astronom Carl Gustav Witt (1866. – 1946.) i prvi planetoid na koji se spustila neka svemirska letjelica (NEAR Shoemaker, 11. veljače 2001.). Po blago izduženoj putanji (perihel 1.133 astronomskih jedinica, afel 1.783 AJ) nagnutoj s obzirom na ekliptiku 10.829° obilazi Sunce za 1.76 godina. Nepravilna je oblika (34.4 km × 11.2 km × 11.2 km), okreće se oko svoje osi za 5 sati 16 minuta. Dnevna je temperatura na površini 100 °C, noćna –150 °C. Nazvan je po grčkom bogu Erosu.

Albert
Albert (719 Albert) je planetoid iz skupine Amora, koji je 3. listopada 1911. otkrio Johann Palisa. Po izduženoj putanji (perihel 1.176 AJ, afel 4.08 AJ) nagnutoj s obzirom na ekliptiku 11.555° obilazi Sunce za 4.26 godina. Promjer mu je oko 2.8 kilometara. Okreće se oko svoje osi s periodom od 5.8 sati.

Alinda
Alinda (887 Alinda) je planetoid iz skupine Amora, koji je 3. siječnja 1918. otkrio Max Wolf. Po izduženoj putanji (perihel 1.117 AJ, afel 3.886 AJ) nagnutoj s obzirom na ekliptiku 9.185° obilazi Sunce za 3.956 godina. Promjer mu je oko 4.2 km. Okreće se oko svoje osi s periodom od 73.97 sati.

Ganimed
Ganimed (1036 Ganymed), najveći planetoid iz skupine Amora, koji je 23. listopada 1924. otkrio Walter Baade. Po izduženoj putanji (perihel 1.233 AJ, afel 4.091 AJ) nagnutoj s obzirom na ekliptiku 26.644° obilazi Sunce za 4.34 godine. Promjer mu je oko 32 km. Okreće se oko svoje osi s periodom od 10.29 h. Nazvan je po Ganimedu, Zeusovu peharniku.

Amor
Amor (1221 Amor) je planetoid koji je 12. ožujka 1932. otkrio belgijski astronom Eugène Joseph Delporte (1882. – 1955.). Po izduženoj putanji (perihel 1.086 AJ, afel 2.754 AJ) nagnutoj s obzirom na ekliptiku 11,.879° obilazi Sunce za 2.66 godina. Promjer mu je oko 1.5 km. Pripada skupini Amora, po njemu nazvanih malih tijela, kojima se periheli putanja nalaze između Zemlje i Marsa. Nazvan je po Amoru, rimskom bogu ljubavi.

Izvori

 Zemlji bliski asteroidi

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Discovery of second repeating fast radio burst raises new questions
By Andrew Jones
Fast radio bursts (FRBs) are intense, brief flashes of radio-frequency emissions, lasting on the order of milliseconds.
The Five-hundred-meter Aperture Spherical radio Telescope (FAST, below) and the Jansky Very Large Array (JVLA, middle) under the night sky. (Image credit: Di Li/NAOC)
An international team of astronomers have discovered a second persistently active fast radio burst, posing questions about the nature of the mysterious phenomena.
Fast radio bursts (FRBs) are intense, brief flashes of radio-frequency emissions, lasting on the order of milliseconds. The phenomenon was discovered in 2007, by graduate student David Narkevic and his supervisor Duncan Lorimer. The source of these highly energetic events is a mystery, but clues as to their nature are being gradually collected.
The new source, Fast radio burst 20190520B, was detected with the Five hundred-meter Aperture Spherical radio Telescope (FAST) in Guizhou, China, on May 20, 2019 and found in data in November that year, a new study (opens in new tab)reports.
Follow-up observations by the Jansky Very Large Array (VLA) program led by Caltech found weaker, constant radio emissions associated with the FRB, also allowing the Subaru telescope in Hawaii to localize the source to be within the fringes of a dwarf galaxy nearly 3 billion light-years from Earth.
Related: 'Radio colors' from mysterious deep-space flashes reveal lone stellar corpse as source
Notably it is the second discovered repeating FRB to be associated with a persistent radio source (PRS), following the localization of FRB 121102 in 2012.
"The big surprise for me was realizing that the new FRB seems to be such a perfect 'twin' to an earlier discovery," Casey Law, an astronomer at Caltech and a co-author who led the VLA program, told Space.com.
"Perhaps some would have preferred to say that the first such association [between an FRB and radio source] was a coincidence, because it was hard to explain. Now the second example shows that this is a real and critical part of the life of an FRB."
The discovery raises new questions about the nature of FRBs, such as if the sources of the FRBs evolve over time, or alternatively whether different kinds of sources are capable of emitting FRBs.
"One of the key questions in the field of FRBs is whether all FRB sources repeat," Di Li, of the National Astronomical Observatories of China (NAOC) and lead of the Commensal Radio Astronomy FAST Survey (CRAFTS) which detected FRB 190520B, told Space.com via email. "I personally favor an evolutionary picture in that all sources repeat, but the activity level drops precipitously as the source ages. Since FRB 20190520B is only the second of around 500 known FRBs to have a so-called PRS counterpart and both are extremely active, they could, in this hypothetical evolutionary picture, represent FRBs' youth, which lasts not very long."
Another special feature of FRB 190520B is its dispersion measurement, which indicates its emissions passed through the highest density of electrons of any FRB before being observed on Earth. This suggests the FRB is active in a local plasma environment, such as that created by a supernova, and is a newly created source.
While providing insights into the environment of FRB 190520B, the large disparity in dispersion measurements with other FRBs calls into question their use as "cosmic yardsticks" for measuring distances.
Franz Kirsten, a postdoctoral researcher at the Netherlands Institute for Radio Astronomy (ASTRON) and Chalmers University in Sweden who was not involved in the research, told Space.com that an evolutionary path for FRBs is possible, but with just these two sources, it's hard to tell.
"We need to find more and to constrain this evolutionary stage model. We really need more at a different ages to say okay, this thing is fading away all the time," Kirsten said. "So what would be really nice to see is if these persistent sources were indeed fading over time, over say, 10 to 20 year timescales. If we can say, okay, these are becoming fainter, then that is certainly an indication that this is a possibility."
To follow up this research, co-author Yu Wenfei with the Shanghai Astronomical Observatory told Space.com that the "mechanisms responsible for the extra dispersion measure and the near-source environment of such repeating FRBs with a PRS association are the outstanding problems to follow and to solve."
"I am optimistic that the FRB puzzle will be solved by investigating such extreme FRBs," Yu said.
— Mysterious 'fast radio bursts' fire rhythmically through the cosmos, study finds
— 'Weird signal' hails from the Milky Way. What's causing it?
— Huge new catalog of ultrabright 'fast radio bursts' may shed light on the structure of the universe
Di also sees high value in the discovery of more repeating FRB sources, along with trying to get a much better picture of the environments in which they occur, for example using the Hubble Space Telescope for follow-up observations.
Cooperation between astronomers and facilities across the globe will be crucial in finding, localizing and characterizing these mysterious phenomena, as it has been for the case of FRB 190520B.
"This discovery is impossible without international cooperation. FAST made the discovery and only VLA is capable of localizing it so efficiently. Each instrument has its forte and we all have one sky," says Di.
The study (opens in new tab) was published online in the journal Nature today (June 8).
Follow us on Twitter @Spacedotcom (opens in new tab) or on Facebook (opens in new tab).
Andrew is a freelance space journalist with a focus on reporting on China's rapidly growing space sector. He began writing for Space.com in 2019 and writes for SpaceNews, IEEE Spectrum, National Geographic, Sky & Telescope, New Scientist and others. Andrew first caught the space bug when, as a youngster, he saw Voyager images of other worlds in our solar system for the first time. Away from space, Andrew enjoys trail running in the forests of Finland. You can follow him on Twitter @AJ_FI (opens in new tab).
Mars helicopter Ingenuity soars over Perseverance rover tracks on 41st flight
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American Rescue Plan: Learn More About Direct Funding For Recovery And Infrastructure In West Virginia
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Manchin, Capito Announce more than $1 Million for Maternal and Child Health Services in West Virginia
Washington D.C. – Today, U.S. Senators Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Shelley Moore Capito (R-WV) announced $1,162,326 from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) that will support the West Virginia Department of Health and Human Services Maternal and Child Health Services programs. The funding will support programs with the goals of increasing healthy pregnancies, improving birth outcomes and reducing infant mortality.
"We know that lifelong health starts with a healthy pregnancy, so we must ensure that pregnant women and new mothers have the resources they need from the beginning," Senator Manchin said. "This funding will increase prenatal visits for pregnant women and improve access to safe sleep training for new mothers. It's important that we equip mothers with these resources so they can raise healthy children and live up to their God-given potential."
"By encouraging healthier pregnancies and improved health care for kids, this funding will help reduce the infant mortality rate, promote better birth outcomes, and ensure the health and well-being of West Virginia's mothers and children. It will also support outreach programs to reduce bullying and increase physical activity for kids, two very worthy goals. I am glad this important funding is heading to our state," said Senator Capito.


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Volvo XC90 T8 wins 'Best Hybrid' award at Tow Car Awards 2017
FOR MORE ON THE VOLVO XC90 CLICK HERE
Innovative XC90 T8 Twin Engine honoured for mixture of practicality, space, performance and towing ability
Powerful electric motor helps make hybrid XC90 an excellent tow car
XC90 T8 has maximum braked towing weight of 2,400 kg
The Volvo XC90 T8 Twin Engine Momentum has won the first ever 'Best Hybrid' award at the Tow Car Awards.
The seven-seat XC90 was praised for its excellent performance, its stability, handling and braking when towing, and for its practical boot. The testers were also impressed with the amount of room the XC90 T8 offers – its hybrid batteries are stored between the front seats, so they don't compromise the available cabin space, unlike in many hybrid cars.
David Motton, Tow Car Editor, Practical Caravan magazine, said: "Over the years, we've towed with quite a few hybrids, but not all have been able tow cars. However, the XC90 T8 is up with the best we've tested. It is quick and roomy, with tremendous performance and is very practical – it deservedly wins out first 'Best Hybrid' award."
The XC90 T8 combines a powerful and efficient petrol engine with an electric motor. This offers a combined 407 hp and the reassurance of all-wheel drive, while the electric motor's instant torque is particularly useful when manoeuvring at low speeds. Unlike some hybrid vehicles that have a comparatively low towing limit, the T8 also has an impressive maximum braked towing limit of 2,400 kg, which is enough to tow even large loads safely and confidently.
Every XC90 comes with an eight-speed automatic gearbox and all-wheel drive as standard, along with hill start assist, hill descent control, satellite navigation with European mapping, and front and rear parking sensors. It also comes with automatic emergency braking – including pedestrian, cyclist and large animal detection – and the innovative Volvo On Call app, which allows you to control various functions of your car remotely. On top of this, the T8 version has an auxiliary fuel-fired heater with pre-conditioning functions, so you can cool or warm the cabin before you get in the car, along with a panoramic sunroof and four-zone climate control.
The XC90 T8 can travel for up to 27 miles in electric-only mode when you're not towing, and its batteries can be fully recharged in as little as two and a half hours.
Commenting on the award, Jon Wakefield, Managing Director of Volvo Car UK, said: "This award win just goes to show how versatile the XC90 T8 Twin Engine is. It is supremely spacious, luxurious and safe, not to mention its tax-efficiency and environmental capabilities – plus it's an excellent car for towing."


Yvonne McBurney is Vice President and General Manager, GSK Puerto Rico. She leads the commercial organization, supervising a team of colleagues in Sales, Marketing, Payers and Strategy, Planning, and Operations with responsibilities across multiple business units (Metabolic, Oncology/Immunology, Respiratory, and Vaccines). Yvonne joined GSK Puerto Rico in 2010 as Commercial Director for Cardio-Metabolic, Urology, and Oncology medicines. Previously, she held various management positions in sales and marketing for other local and international pharmaceutical companies including Wyeth, Ethicon Endo Surgery, and Eli Lilly.


What to do when taskbar of your computer using Windows 7 or Server 2008 R2 becomes three times wider than expected..?? How to resolve this problem.
Suppose that we are using multiple monitors attached to a single computer and after changing the orientation and position setting of monitors the taskbar becomes three times wider than expected.
The download is available in several different languages but if you do not see your language, it may not be available in that language.
First uninstall previously installed hotfix as previously released hotfix is not replaced.
Windows 7 hotfixes and Windows Server 2008 R2 hotfixes are included in the same packages.