Insight and analysis into the roles of multi-platform newsbrands in delivering effective advertising.
Lumen eye tracking research demonstrates the power of newsbrands to capture attention across both print and digital platforms. The findings explore the value of newsbrands' quality environment and how newsbrand content creates attention for advertisers.
Eye-tracking, according to Lumen, allows us to see ''what people actually do, not what they say they do''. By measuring automatic reactions, we can utilise these implicit responses to gain insights into consumer behaviour.
Newsbrands' trusted quality content engages readers and this impacts how they respond to advertising, whether in print or digital formats. Lumen's findings build on Newsworks' own research - The battle for attention demonstrates the power of trusted newsbrands to build a personal connection and ensure that people put time aside for reading. Similarly, The company you keep research shows that the engagement, trust and personal identification that regular readers have with their newsbrand creates a significant context effect across all platforms. Regular readers are "primed" to respond more favourably to advertising due to the strong relationship they have with their chosen newsbrand.
The quality environment of digital newsbrands means they convert viewable time into ad views more effectively, so that the average dwell time is 30% higher on newsbrand sites versus non newsbrand sites.
Newsworks and Magnetic team up to explore the quality context published media provide and how it affects brand advertising, including new analysis of the IPA databank by Peter Field.


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Pacific Bamboo Resources > Projects Listing
In 2009, the Buckminster Fuller Institute announced that PBR was among thirty-three outstanding international finalists for the prestigious Buckminster Fuller Challenge — an award for distinctive and timely design proposals for social, economic and environmental change and sustainability. Finalists are providing workable solutions to some of the world's most significant
In partnership with PBR, this bamboo Initiative in Kenya was initiated by Waterstone Norway AS and made possible by generous financial support from the Lennox Foundation. Two pilot plots for growing bamboo were made available by the Greenbelt Movement (GBM), and GBM-affiliated women groups planted bamboos procured from Kitil Farm. Four training workshops were designed and delivered to support
Morethana Farm in Woodinville, WA was a six-acre farm being transformed from fields of invasive grass species to a diverse and robust Permaculture testing ground. The Farm provided an opportunity to pursue Permaculture Design and agroforestry methods, convene an on-site educational "field lab," training programs, and engage community collaboration on

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Joshua Beard is a member of Mika Meyers. Joshua concentrates his transactional practice in energy law and aviation law. In the oil and gas industry, he has provided assistance to majors and independents on a variety of transactional and litigation matters, ranging from exploration and subsurface storage to condemnation and environmental compliance and remediation. In the aviation industry, he has represented both buyers and sellers in aircraft purchase and sale transactions, and advised on regulatory enforcement issues. Joshua routinely litigates energy and property tax matters, and handles general civil litigation matters for both the public and private sectors. He regularly appears in both state and federal courts and in the Michigan Tax Tribunal. Joshua received a bachelor of arts degree in history from Michigan State University, and a juris doctorate degree from the University of Michigan Law School. He is active in the community and currently serves as Treasurer of the Aviation Law Section Council of the State Bar of Michigan. Joshua is also a member of the Legal and Legislative Committee for the Michigan Oil and Gas Association and serves on the Board of Directors for CDS Lakeshore Head Start.


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So You Think You Favor Tort Reform? Think Again.
The business community and chambers of commerce rant against the tort system, claiming that we need tort reform because of the obscene amount of money all those frivolous cases are costing, driving up consumer prices and insurance premiums. Tort reform has been the drum beat of lobbyists backed by insurance companies and businesses who claim to have been wrongly sued or have been rightly sued and resent having to pay claims. They claim that "greedy" trial attorneys are the scourge of our society, driving up insurance rates and the costs of medicine.
But let us not forget that these billion-dollar enterprises have a vested interest in limiting claims and denying injury victims access to the courts. Simply put, tort reform protects the insurance industry and big business, while ignoring the rights of the consumer. Tort reform is designed solely to enable businesses to cut corners and produce unsafe products and to allow insurance companies collect premiums while denying and delaying claims without fear of any recourse by their wronged customers.
The tort system is already fair to both sides on the issues of justice, negligence and damages. It is designed, in most basic form, to hold everyone responsible for their actions. The basis of the tort system is to provide fair compensation to a victim for harms caused by others. Or, said differently, Justice. People who make claims must prove their case to a jury of their peers. Aside from having a basic constitutional and fundamental right to a jury trial, we trial attorneys have come to believe that jurors are not only intelligent, but that they care about their verdict and try hard to reach the right result. They are exactly the right people to adjudicate claims. But tort reform essentially takes this out of the jury's hands before the case is even brought into the courtroom. It puts restrictions upon the impartial jurors, ties their hands and makes their job, to decide what compensation, if any, would be fair warranted, all the more difficult.
In some cases, tort reform actually makes the job of the jury impossible. Tort reform includes items such as caps on damages, as was the case in 2002, when a powerful lobby of doctors, hospital and insurance companies convinced the Florida legislature that caps on damages, caps on attorneys fees and a restrictive pre-suit process were required to solve the escalating "medical malpractice crisis." For the next 12 years, people across the state, injured by negligent doctors, were denied access to the courts, as attorneys were unable to take their cases. Others were denied full and fair compensation, because the legislature had placed an arbitrary limit on what could be recovered. Fortunately, in 2014, the Florida Supreme Court in Estate of McCall v. U.S., lifted these unconstitutional caps on damages, and held that there was no "crisis", and dispelled the unsupported myths that malpractice premiums were forcing doctors to leave Florida, causing doctors not to perform high-risk procedures, or forcing doctors to retire early. Similarly, the Court found (ironically, based on the sworn testimony of insurance executives- which was different from their non-sworn statements) that malpractice damage caps did not reduce premiums, but rather that the insurers simply paid out less but did not reduce premiums, thus enormously increasing their profits.
For years, supporters of tort reform, like the insurance industry at large, have misrepresented the impact of the tort system for their own benefits, also known as profits. The McDonald's coffee case is a case in point. The insurance industry has made this story the poster child for tort reform, by twisting and distorting the facts. In 1992, Stella Liebeck of Albuquerque spilled McDonalds coffee on her lap in her car. She later sued and was awarded $200,000 in compensatory damages, and $2.7 million in punitive damages.
The insurance industry proclaimed, in a thorough marketing and public relations campaign of misinformation that "a runaway, stupid and liberal jury had awarded this injured woman an excessive verdict and that the tort system has run amok!" In doing so, the facts were greatly overlooked. First, a McDonalds executive testified that the coffee was served to Ms. Liebeck at 180°, too hot for human consumption, as they knew that anything over 140° poses a burn risk. Second, there were more than 700 additional claims by customer who had suffered similar burns from excessively hot coffee. Third, it is important to remember that Ms. Liebeck suffered full thickness burns to her thighs, buttocks, groin and genital area amounting to 6% of her total body surface, that she was hospitalized for 8 days and required painful debridements and skin grafts. Finally, no one mentions that McDonalds had previously refused to settle the case for $20,000 or that the judge, even though he found McDonalds' conduct to be "reckless, callous, and willful", reduced the punitive damages to $480,000.
Supporters of tort reform, insurance companies and similarly interested entities do not always portray the facts accurately. They craft them to meet their agendas, to create arguments designed solely to increase their profitability, while harming they very consumers they purport to serve. When looking at a loved one injured in an accident, who requires medical care for the rest of their life, who can no longer work, who is unable to stand in Church, who cannot reach up to hug their child, there should be no limit on what they can recover. The goal of our system of justice is to make this person whole again. Any attempt to restrict this, by big business or big government, is an unacceptable and unconstitutional erosion of individual rights. Do not fall for the propaganda you hear. The tort system works just fine as it is.
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Home Profile Telecom as national PR tool
Telecom as national PR tool
PR Nigeria
WITHIN the past 12 months, I have had the privilege of attending, at least, four international conferences in Europe and Africa, the last being the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) organised conference in Egypt last May, called the ITU Africa Telecom 2008.
It was a conference that attracted the stars and icons of telecoms from all over the world. In fact, it was a meltdown of the latest geeks and gizmos in the global telecoms bourse.
In a global assembly such as this, you would expect Nigeria to be swamped or dwarfed, especially given the calibre and pedigree of other participants. Never! Nigeria made an impressive showing with a strong delegation led by the Minister of Information and Communications, John Odey.
Nigeria presented, at every turn, a veritable case study of how telecom, if properly managed, could accelerate, not just a nation's developmental strides, but also the realisation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
Speaker after speaker painted the picture of how telecom has helped to leverage their local economies. But of all the presentations, none approximates in substance and magnitude to the Nigerian story.
In a period spanning just seven years, the country has moulted every unsavoury garment that it has long been associated with. A few statistics would suffice.
Telephone throughput from 400,000 lines in 2001 to over 45 million in 2008; foreign direct investment from $50 million in 2000 to over $11 billion in 2008; direct well paying jobs in excess of 10,000 in seven years with over 500,000 ancillary jobs created within the period; increased earnings in cash for the Federal Government arising from licensing fees, among others.
All of these, and many more, fittingly tell the story of a nation that was once on the receiving end of butts and jokes at international forums. The Nigerian telecoms story, unbelievable, yet true, is well known in the global arena.
That was the story the Nigerian delegation told in Egypt and at different forums they have found themselves these past years. It is a fairy tale which impact is not only strongly felt on the nation's socio-economic front but also on the international circuit where Nigeria was once cast aside as an unworthy member. Now, telecom has rolled away the pariah stone and Nigeria has emerged from the debris as a beautiful bride sought after by many nations.
When the Nigerian story was told in Egypt, as in other places across the globe, it did not sound like some twaddle intended to clean up a dirty pig, it did not have the rhyme and rhythm of a make-believe. It was empirical and true. Again, we did not hear the raucous cynicism that often attended Nigeria's participation at international forums.
Inside the ornate hall, amid an ambience of pomp and circumstance, Nigeria shone like a shimmering star from the Milky Way. Venture capitalists, telecoms entrepreneurs, bankers and sundry professionals salivated as the statistics from the Nigerian market were reeled out. I felt proudly Nigerian as I watched the cosmopolitan assembly of investors and professionals preen their ears to hear more about how well the nation's telecoms industry is doing.
For some familiar with the Nigerian story, it was a miracle to achieve so much in so short a time. Tim Lloyd-Keresh, a Venezuelan who is familiar with the operational tardiness and red-tape that were the hallmark of operations at the old NITEL, was too eager to find out how the magic was wrought, how a nation in the black book of ITU a few years ago as under-performing has suddenly transformed to a benchmark of telecoms excellence in the global marketplace, such that it has continued to receive pristine reviews in telecoms journals across the world.
Much as I was enthralled by the Nigerian story, I could not but shudder at how much and how sudden a nation could transform. I found myself believing again, first, in my country and, second, in the reality that out of our much touted madness, good can evolve.
Out of the legendary sloppiness in the nation's telecoms sector since 1886 when the colonial masters introduced telephone into our national life, professionalism and productivity have become the touchstones that signpost our path. In the same industry where we have been despised, we have become the toast of nations.
Yet, unknown to many Nigerians, the success recorded in telecoms these past seven years owes so much to the leadership provided by Alhaji Ahmed Joda, a veteran journalist and administrator, and Ernest Ndukwe, an engineer. Both are Chairman and Executive Vice Chairman of the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), respectively.
It must be stated that deregulation had been effective since 1992 but only assumed a revolutionary dimension in 2000 when the likes of Joda and Ndukwe arrived on the scene. It is in itself a testimony to the fact that with the right leadership, this nation can yet be great. And greatness lies not in being strong, but in the right use of strength (apologies to US cleric and abolitionist Henry Beecher). Both have deployed their individual strength rightly.
As Nigeria gropes for clues to achieving President Yar'Adua's Vision 20-2020, the President's think-tank may need to understudy the NCC's success story with a view to replicating same in other sectors, particularly in the power sector.
Mr. Musdafa, a policy analyst,
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Bugcrowd is a platform that connects customers with security researchers to identify vulnerabilities in their applications or networks.
In bringing together customers and researchers, Bugcrowd knew that there was a massive amount of activity taking place on their platform, but the company had little visibility into those interactions. Without visibility, the Customer Success and Operations teams were unable to advise their customers effectively on next steps in their security programs.
Bugcrowd evaluated multiple Business Intelligence solutions that would give their teams the insights they needed to be successful. Bugcrowd's most important requirements were security, ease of use and power–so that anyone in the organization could quickly query against their many data sources.
With these requirements in mind, Bugcrowd could have built their own internal analytics tool, but building it from scratch would require time, resources and maintenance–and would drive focus away from the product. Instead, after a rigorous evaluation process, Bugcrowd chose Chartio as their Business Intelligence solution.
Once Chartio was plugged into their database, Bugcrowd was able to visualize every interaction between their customers and researchers.
"To easily visualize our customer interactions with Chartio was mind blowing. Since using Chartio we are much more able to steer our customers toward success with the product," said Jonathan Cran, VP of Product.
Not only did Chartio give instant visibility into customer behavior, it also allowed everyone in the organization to start analyzing data to get important business questions answered.
As a product that compiles thousands of data points within a single database, Bugcrowd has given everyone access to company data–and now through Chartio, anyone can query the data and quickly get answers and share insights with their team.
Chartio has enabled our entire team, from technical to non-technical to explore data without writing a single line of SQL.
Today, everyone at Bugcrowd relies on Chartio-from Customer Success for account renewals, Sales for relationship building, Support for proactive problem solving, Engineering for feature release activity and even the CEO for reporting company metrics to the board.
Before Chartio, Bugcrowd had little visibility into the interactions between their customers and researchers. The Customer Success team struggled to advise their customers because Bugcrowd had no visibility into the success of a customer's security program.
By implementing Chartio, the Customer Success team is able to fully import all their customer data into Chartio and visualize every account.
Each Customer Success Manager is now able to create a customer specific dashboard with program trends and share it on-demand with their customer. With Chartio, the Customer Success team is able to decrease churn and increase customer retention.


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Peder Tuborgh, CEO of Arla Foods about coronavirus (COVID-19) measures
Peder Tuborgh, CEO of Arla Foods
Dear friends of Arla Foods,
The scale, speed and impact of COVID-19 has taken us all by surprise and, more than ever, the pandemic is showing us that we are all linked together. How we decide to act as individuals or as an organisation in the crisis clearly has an impact on society as a whole.
I have been in the dairy sector all my working life and I have dealt with my share of crises, but this one is truly unparalleled. Even though our plans and routines have certainly been disrupted here at Arla, the core of what we do remains the same and is clearly reflected in our two most important priorities during this crisis:
The first is to protect the health and welfare of our people - both the employees on Arla farms and colleagues working at our dairies, in logistics and in our offices. We are following the guidance of national health authorities and governments and have put the necessary measures in place to do what we can to keep our people safe.
The other is to keep our products flowing - to ensure that our dairy supply chain remains operational so that we continue to collect milk from all our farmers and maintain a steady flow of dairy products to customers and consumers.
The pandemic has changed consumer behaviour dramatically across the different countries we supply to, which is why we are prioritising supply of the products that are most important to people at this time. This includes products for everyday life at home, such as fresh dairy products, infant nutrition, cooking products, long-life milk, nutritional products for the medical sector and milk powder for countries outside Europe.
As the virus reaches its peak in different countries and regions, we expect our system to be further stretched. We are monitoring and managing potential risks constantly, have solid mitigation plans in place and are confident that our core operations will remain stable.
I would like to express my huge gratitude towards all colleagues in Arla, to Arla's farmer owners and their employees and to our customers, suppliers and other business partners. Everyone is doing their utmost to help us keep our products flowing while protecting the health and wellbeing of our people.
Thank you and take care.


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Reshaping Crisis Management Essay
Title:	Reshaping Crisis Management: The Challenge for Organizational Design
Author:	Tony Jaques
Year of Research: -
The Purpose of the research: Is to find or discuss crisis management prevention instead of just crisis response necessitates moving responsibility from operational to the executive level.
Methodology: Observation to other cases and study on Crisis Management model.
Results or Findings:The evolution of crisis management that focuses on prevention rather than action after incidents happen.
Body of Knowledge:
The whole idea of the paper has been divided into sub-topic below:
1.	The event approach.	This event approach led to a very logical ...view middle of the document...
3.	Developing an integrated construct.	Unlike traditional models which build on conventional linear sequence such as problem-issue-crisis-resolution, this nonlinear construct emphasizes that the elements should be seen not as sequential steps but as clusters of related and integrated activities which may overlap or occur simultaneously.
An important aspect of this model is diversion of the pre-crisis phase into two parts, crisis preparedness and crisis prevention. Crisis preparedness includes basic activities such as planning processes, systems and manuals, documentation and traditional exercises and simulations. Alongside that, Crisis prevention that include early warning systems, risk and issue management, social forecasting, environmental scanning and emergency response.In effect these two segments separate the mechanistic from the strategic, and that has direct implications for how organizations are structured and managed.
4.	Learning in the post-crisis phase.	When the phase of a crisis has passed, it is a very natural management tendency to focus on moving on from the crisis and back to business as soon as possible. Despite the understandable resistance by any organization to frank assessment of its own shortcomings, the post-crisis phase should reinforces the cyclical nature of the process, feeding directly back into the planning/preparedness element. Two points that arising from this evolution are the preventive activities are not traditionally regarded as part of crisis management and they should not typically tasked responsibility for crisis management to operational manager.
5.	A way forward for optimal effectiveness.	Many CEO and senior executive would prefer not to think about crises, they should be concerned to reduce risk, prevent crisis and protect organization's reputation and bottom line. The most effective way forward is to institutionalize a genuine crisis prevention mindset instead of just focusing on crisis response. There are four boarded areas that can changes organizational in establish such mindset and optimize the emerging new shape of crisis management.
(a)	Proactively addressing underlying systematic causes of potential crises – From some high profile examples like Mitsubishi Motor quality scandal of...
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No Ordinary LawStephen Sedley
Vol. 30 No. 11 · 5 June 2008
No Ordinary Law
Stephen Sedley on the Constitution
If you had asked an 18th or 19th-century Englishman about his country's constitution, you would not have got the baffled look you get today. The belief that a constitution is a document and that we do not have one is a comparatively recent phenomenon. Mr Podsnap was in no doubt whatever about the reality of a constitution that nobody could actually see:
'And Do You Find, Sir,' pursued Mr Podsnap, with dignity, 'Many Evidences that Strike You, of our British Constitution in the Streets of the World's Metropolis, London, Londres, London?'
The foreign gentleman begged to be pardoned, but did not altogether understand . . .
'It merely referred,' Mr Podsnap explained, with a sense of meritorious proprietorship, 'to Our Constitution, Sir. We Englishmen are Very Proud of our Constitution, Sir. It Was Bestowed Upon Us By Providence. No Other Country is so Favoured as This Country.'
There was equally little doubt in the republican minds of the shantymen on the trading ships that had made the likes of Mr Podsnap wealthy.
Oh, Louis was the King of France before the Revolution
Away, haul away, we'll haul away, Joe
But Louis got his head cut off, which spoiled his constitution
Away, haul away, we'll haul away, Joe.
It's therefore worth being cautious about proposed constitutions, whether for Europe or for the United Kingdom, because in one form or another both already have them. You do not have to be a state to have one: every off-the-shelf company, trade-union branch and golf club has a constitution.
In one way or another, however, constitution-making is becoming part of the renewed project of establishing a British bill of rights, part of the original policy behind the 1996 consultation paper Bringing Rights Home, which introduced the Human Rights Act. Now that the rights included in the European Convention on Human Rights have been brought home, is it time to start a family of new rights, and possibly of duties, to go with them?
What the 1997 white paper did not anticipate was the context in which the present discussion would take place. Instead of a comfortable bedding down in our domestic law of the culture of elementary rights to which we and the rest of Europe signed up in the aftermath of World War Two, the Human Rights Act has become the scapegoat for half the things that go wrong in the state and civil society. A paragraph from the Sun reminds one what rational discourse in this field is up against: 'Tony Blair was attacked last night for refusing to scrap hated human rights laws. The PM's buddy Lord Falconer yesterday ruled out any change to the act that frees murderers to kill again.'
These characterisations of the Human Rights Act have not come out of the blue. The worry that the act would produce a deluge of litigation led by the wealthy, the litigious, the self-seeking and the self-righteous was one that, a decade ago, I shared. The reality has been encouragingly different. But the segment of the media that had already fixed on scepticism about human rights as its agenda has preferred to ignore reality in favour of what has now become myth, and their scepticism has made it easy and attractive for decision-makers, some of them in high office, to blame the Human Rights Act whenever things go wrong.
For example, we have seen it asserted at the end of an official inquiry that an error of judgment which resulted in very serious reoffending had been made because human rights considerations had put prisoners' interests before public safety. Part of the media chose to report this as the doing of the Human Rights Act. Yet, as both the Joint Committee on Human Rights and Lord Falconer's own consequent review of the working of the act made clear, the act sets no such priority. Not long afterwards, Falconer himself, prompted by a press report that the police were unable to issue photographs of prisoners on the run because it would infringe their human rights, described the decision as 'bonkers', before discovering – inevitably, as he ruefully admitted – that the internal police guidance which had caused the problem had nothing to do with human rights.
You would not have learned from most of the press coverage that, in the first five years of the act's life, the courts reinterpreted legislation to make it convention-compliant in not more than a dozen cases; that they made the same number of declarations of incompatibility; and that the government accepted and acted on all of these.
So instead of being able to build on the foundation of an innovative statute which has begun to change the way people relate to each other and to the state, support for human rights has found itself in a posture partly of defence and partly of denial. Its opponents, by contrast, have nothing to defend or apologise for. They can erect any new edifice they please. Or can they?
The hastier proponents of scrapping the Human Rights Act have had to confront a number of legal and diplomatic realities. Scrapping the act will not relieve the UK of its obligations under the convention. Nor, unless the devolution settlements are going to be disrupted, will it relieve Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland of their statutory obligations to give effect to convention rights. But withdrawing from the convention would mean leaving the Council of Europe and the European Union, both of which make adherence to the ECHR a condition of membership. There are of course those who would like this to happen. But there is a very large, if unadmitted, centre ground of agreement that, in one form or another, the convention rights have to remain not only part of our international obligations but part of our domestic law. Indeed, one of the early objections to the Human Rights Bill was that it was unnecessary because our law already vouchsafed the convention rights.
The dialogue has correspondingly settled not on repeal, except as a way of clearing the decks, but on enhancement – a process, incidentally, explicitly envisaged both by Article 53 of the convention and by Section 11 of the Human Rights Act itself. David Cameron advocates replacement of the Human Rights Act with a bill of rights and responsibilities entrenched against repeal. Gordon Brown advocates a new constitutional document 'in parallel', as the recent green paper puts it, with a bill of rights and duties. The Liberal Democrats advocate a convention-plus model.
It's worth considering first what the relationship of rights to responsibilities ought to be. Every right logically carries an obligation resting on someone else to respect it. When, in his recent Mackenzie-Stewart Lecture in Cambridge, Jack Straw, the minister of justice, quoted Tom Paine's stirring remark, in Rights of Man, that 'A Declaration of Rights is, by reciprocity, a Declaration of Duties also. Whatever is my right as a man, is also the right of another, and it becomes my duty to guarantee as well as to possess,' he may have overlooked the fact that Paine was making the point in order to demonstrate the shortsightedness of members of the French National Assembly who had demanded that the Declaration of the Rights of Man be accompanied by a declaration of duties. There was no need for the latter, Paine argued, because it was implicit in the former.
But so long as our model of rights remains the 19th-century liberal paradigm of rights protecting the individual against the state – and this is the essential shape of the ECHR – it is on the state that the corresponding responsibilities fall. It is only to the extent that the model envisages rights as inhering between individual and individual that responsibilities can begin to move in the same plane.
This is the process that was argued about at the act's inception in terms of vertical and horizontal rights. One of the subtler but more profound shifts in the eight years of the HRA's operation has been the progressive realignment of a number of human rights from restrictions on the power of the state to positive standards of human conduct: in other words, from the vertical to the horizontal. My own guess, hazarded ten years ago, that a kind of cascade effect of individual rights would develop has proved reasonably near the mark. In family law it has been impossible for the Article 8 right to respect for family life to remain a matter between the individual and the state. It affects practically every dispute between parents about custody and access. The same article's guarantee of respect for private life affects the way the courts deal with the reasonableness of evicting private tenants for rent arrears or nuisance. And because the second part of Article 8 demands that any interference, as well as being permitted by law, must be no greater than is acceptable in a democratic society, the courts are having to understand and implement the European concept of proportionality (which originated in the courts of Bismarck's Germany), giving structure and clarity to what used to be treated as an inscrutable exercise of judicial discretion. We have embarked on a rebalancing of our libel law by dovetailing the Article 8 privacy right more precisely than before with the Article 10 right of free expression, each of them involving respect for others in equal measure with personal liberty.
But there are two critical questions worth considering. First, is it useful to talk about responsibilities or duties when we talk about the reciprocity of rights? Second, to what further extent can and should the protection and enforcement of individual rights be made conditional on the fulfilment of responsibilities? I say 'to what further extent' because there is already a strong measure of reciprocity in the European Convention and the Human Rights Act: the bulk of individual rights are heavily qualified in the interests of the social whole. Your right to physical freedom is conditional on your not being jailed for a crime. Your right to free speech is conditional on your using it within proportionate legal constraints. The right of thousands of non-EU citizens to respect for their family life has to give way every year to immigration controls. Even the right to life is hedged around with qualifications. Human rights instruments have never been divorced from social responsibilities. Article 29 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights asserts that 'Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible,' and Article 17 of the European Convention forbids the use of convention rights to injure the rights of others.
How much further, then, can rights and obligations be made conditional on one another? Is the right to use the streets to be conditional on behaving acceptably? The voices in the media that chorus 'Yes' would be less enthusiastic if the right of free speech were, by parity of reasoning, to be made conditional on exercising it truthfully and responsibly. The fact is that many freedoms and rights mean that people have to put up with things they'd rather not put up with, starting with offensive, idiotic, malicious and even mendacious publications. That's what free speech is. It has legal limits, but it carries no quid pro quo.
Justice Albie Sachs of the South African Constitutional Court not long ago gave a talk entitled: 'Do wicked people have human rights?' His answer was a qualified 'Yes'; for you cannot in reality come to any other conclusion without sacrificing the entire concept of human rights. Any legal system can protect the law-abiding and reward the virtuous. What tests its integrity is whether it can accord due process to the vicious and the devious.
There is a pomposity about the words duty and responsibility, as well as an imprecision, which makes them a blunt and often ineffective tool. What seems more comprehensible to young people is the notion of respect. Some interesting work has been done on this in Hampshire schools. The county's RRR project – rights, respect, responsibility – has produced not only some inspired responses from schoolchildren ('The most important responsibility,' one child wrote, 'is to make sure everyone has their rights') but has helped to bring about a measurable reduction in both playground bullying and teacher stress. Children are not being lectured or hectored about responsibilities. They are being invited to think about rights that other people have as well as themselves. Not long ago Ronald Dworkin concluded a public lecture by remarking that one human right nobody could contemplate taking away was the right to listen to music. The Hampshire project gets children to think about the question that sprang to my mind: does that include loud music?
The British Institute of Human Rights, which is building on this work in producing a national teaching resource pack, has also done pioneering work on an area of human rights that macho political arguments about individual responsibilities tend to bypass. This is the institutional treatment of the vulnerable: old people, ill people, mentally and physically disabled people. The Human Rights Act places responsibilities on public authorities, leaving it to the courts to enforce them; but some restrictive decisions of the House of Lords, culminating recently in their split decision that the private care homes in which local authorities place elderly people are not fulfilling public functions and thus have no obligation to respect their patients' human rights, have cut back the protection afforded by law to vulnerable people. It is possible that this will become the first judicial decision under the Human Rights Act to be reversed by legislation. If so, it will be a great pity, for one of the great achievements of the act was its avoidance of a massive list of public authorities in favour of what seemed a purposive and workable function-based formula. It is the tabulated right to respect for private life which has made it possible for the British Institute of Human Rights to work with care providers on standards that recognise as elementary human rights things like being able to use the toilet out of public view. A charter of responsibilities might in fact resolve this kind of problem by making it the duty of private as well as public care providers to respect these elementary rights.
The concept of proportionality of state action to individual interests has been one of the invisible but real benefits of the Human Rights Act. Another, to the surprise of those who thought it was window-dressing, has been the effect of Section 19 of the act. This authorises ministers to certify on bills they are promoting that their contents will not deny rights guaranteed by the convention. To avoid the criticism that the absence of a Section 19 certificate will attract, provisions have been included in bills specifically to make them comply with the convention. One instance was the inclusion in Section 55 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, which denied all assistance and benefits to asylum seekers who did not claim asylum promptly on arrival, of a proviso that this was not to result in a breach of asylum seekers' human rights. The courts, faced with destitute asylum seekers who were going hungry and becoming ill while waiting for their claims to be processed, held – as they would not otherwise have been able to do – that the prohibition of inhuman and degrading treatment in Article 3 of the convention prevented the government from treating people like this and required it, albeit only in cases of severe hardship, to give them some help.
The convention itself has played a central role in the development of a law of privacy. Article 8, a provision which, when it was adopted in 1950, was principally concerned with the jackboot in the door and the informer in the apartment block, is evolving into a shield against invasions of privacy from a quarter not contemplated by the framers of the convention but now more invasive than the apparatus of most states: the media. Our courts have set their face against any interpretation of the convention that carries individual rights further than Strasbourg has carried them. The logic of this is intelligible: it avoids judicial legislation and prevents member states from getting out of step with one another. But it carries a risk that, in trying to stay level, we shall fall behind. One result has been that the reluctance of the UK's highest court to develop the judge-made law of confidence so as to protect individual privacy has earned us a ruling in Strasbourg that the UK has been giving short measure under the convention, and we are now having to run to catch up.
All of this makes it a pity that, instead of setting out in a reasonably sanguine and collaborative mood to see how the Human Rights Act can be built on, argument is starting from a low and defensive base. There is, even so, a wealth of discussion to be had about what might be added to the rights we are already signed up to. If the European Convention were being written today, a number of additional rights would almost certainly find their way into it: Roosevelt's right to live free from fear; a bar on capital punishment within the right to life; some specificity about what amounts to torture, since there appear to be people in the world who do not know what torture is; a right to honest and open government; a right to basic food and shelter; a right of access to healthcare; a right to a wholesome environment; and other social and economic rights – the right to education is already there – which the Constitutional Court of South Africa has shown can be made justiciable without usurping the role of government.
Perhaps the biggest single concern is how any such change is going to be engineered, because the mode of reform is going to have a radical influence on its effect. I am not so concerned with entrenchment, although any process by which a parliament proposes to bind its successors will require the introduction and recognition of a new type of fundamental law, with major implications for parliamentary sovereignty. But any project which aims to enshrine our human rights in or alongside a larger constitutional instrument, entrenched or not, is going to throw up questions about the content of that instrument.
Constitutions are not like ordinary laws. Adopting a constitution by a bare political majority, binding possibly large minorities for the foreseeable future to ground rules to which they have not assented, is not a good idea. The main parties, all of which speak of the need to achieve a wide consensus, recognise this. None of the great constitutions has come about through a simple decision of the political class to write one or through a straight majority vote in favour of one. They have been brought into being to describe and give legitimacy to a new beginning in which effectively an entire nation is participating. This has been the genesis of history's great constitutions: France's and America's in the 18th century, South Africa's in the 20th. Good constitutions, paradoxically, do not produce change; they are themselves the products of change. History is littered with lesser constitutions written to create the illusion of change and long since forgotten.
That is my first caveat. My second is that, as Mr Podsnap appreciated, we already have a powerful and comprehensive constitution, although Mr Podsnap was probably thinking more about what Walter Bagehot called its dignified parts (the parts which 'excite and preserve the reverence of the population') rather than its 'working parts'. But the idea that putting it in writing will somehow elevate its status and enshrine its contents is a mare's nest. Nobody who knows anything about the constitution of the United States thinks that it is located in a document adopted in 1787 and occasionally amended since then. Most of it is to be found in a mass of case law and custom. Out of these, moreover, have come some interestingly monarchical practices, sanctioned or acquiesced in by the Supreme Court: the power of the president, for example, to pardon political associates who have had the bad luck to land up in jail, a breach, by our standards, in the separation of powers and something of an affront to the independence of the judiciary; or the presidential power to impound congressional legislation, a power we took away in 1689 from a monarchy that the American colonies went to some trouble to overthrow.
Legislators nevertheless seem reluctant to give up the delusion that – this time – they can anticipate all eventualities. Many of the changes outlined in the government's green paper would not in fact require legislation. Its proposed overhaul of the attorney general's function (at last recognising, perhaps, that it is not one job with two roles but two jobs that cannot always be done by the same person); the transfer to Parliament of the prerogative powers to make war and ratify treaties; the withdrawal of the government's hand from ecclesiastical and judicial appointments and from the granting of honours: all these can probably be accomplished within an organic constitution like ours by a change of practice. The case for putting it in writing is the case for a written constitution.
Attractive as that case is, it carries a risk that what gets poured into the empty vessel will be a function less of social consensus or of a radical shift in the polity than of wrangling, horse-trading, last minute worries and possibly a whipped legislative majority. We saw in the passage of the Human Rights Act two examples of how interest groups can lobby to secure special protections or exemptions from principles that apply to everyone else. The press secured a provision seeking to get the Article 10 guarantee of free expression out in front of other rights. The churches were able to secure a provision seeking to prioritise the Article 9 guarantee of freedom of thought, conscience and religion. (I say 'seeking' because it is possible that to accord a presumptive priority to any one right would itself be contrary to the act and the convention. There has as yet been no decision as to whether the act itself requires these particular provisions to be read down.) Is there any reason to think that the process of constitution-making will be very different?
Written constitutions also have an unexpected tendency to be less authoritative than ordinary statutes. French parliaments for years went on accepting proxy votes although they were expressly forbidden by De Gaulle's constitution. Our own Parliament may have thought that its historic Bill of Rights had decisively taken away the dispensing power of the Crown, but Her Majesty's Customs and Revenue to this day publish an annual volume boldly entitled 'Extra-Statutory Concessions'.
The big constitutional issues nobody seems keen to address are those that have to do with the separation of powers. Not the three powers – legislature, judiciary and executive – that all law and politics students learn by rote in their first year: in relation to them the historic settlement reached in the course of the 17th century has held up remarkably well, maturing into a modern constitutional arrangement held in place, as good engineering should be, by its own tensions. But there are more powers in the state than these three, and the failure of politics, though not of political science, to recognise them may have implications for our democracy.
First, it may be thought, there is a need for a formal separation of party and state. The drift of recent decades in the opposite direction is capable of bending both legislative and executive action to a will that stands outside the democratic process. Second, it may be thought that we ought to follow the United States and France in enacting a clear separation of religion and state. Many people in Europe and the Commonwealth who admire this country's constitution find it remarkable that, in addition to 92 peers who still sit there by hereditary right, 26 bishops of the Church of England continue to sit by something akin to divine right in the upper chamber of a secular legislature. Whether the state should have its own church is one question, but whether that church should have a hand in the governance of the state is another.
The problematic relationship of state and religion does not end here. There is an argument, which deserves attention, that the state, by undertaking through the education acts to fund faith schools (not solely those of the Church of England), has found itself sponsoring discrimination on religious grounds against children whose families do not subscribe to a particular faith. The fact that it is only those faith schools that control their own admissions and are fully subscribed that are in a position to reject otherwise eligible pupils may limit but does not answer the problem. A constitution or bill of rights that enshrines, as one would expect it to, the guarantee in Article 9 of the ECHR of freedom of religious observance would certainly allow parents to provide from their own or from other resources for their children to have a religious upbringing; but could it allow public funds to be used to pay for it?
There are other, albeit lesser concerns about the writing of a new constitution for the United Kingdom – even if one leaves out of account the daunting complexities of doing this for a state which, with devolution, has become a de facto federal state by a kind of centrifugal process, throwing off members where states ordinarily federate by a centripetal process. One concern is that one of the limbs of the state, the executive, will have a prime responsibility for composing the new arrangements for running the state, and that another, the legislature, will have responsibility for vetting and enacting it. Each will inevitably have its own agenda.
We have seen over the years occasional indications of what this can entail. The Asylum and Immigration (Treatment of Claimants) Bill 2004 contained a clause that was going to remove all appeal and judicial review from the asylum and immigration system. This privative clause created a storm of constitutional objection and was finally dropped. But it had acted as a very efficient lightning conductor, so that a section with comparably serious constitutional implications became law almost unnoticed. It provides that, in determining whether to believe a statement made by an asylum seeker, an immigration officer, and in turn an immigration judge, has to take into account a number of things, one of which is the use of a false passport, 'as damaging the claimant's credibility'. As is obvious, many people fleeing persecution have no option but to travel on false papers. An enactment which may have the effect of prescriptively requiring a judge to disbelieve an individual's otherwise credible story, and so possibly send them back to torture or death, is a serious invasion of judicial independence. Immigration judges for the most part manage to minimise its effect, but it is not the proudest moment for humanitarian protection or for judicial independence in the UK.
There is therefore a certain amount to be wary about in a process of constitution-making that is not a response to great changes but a reorganisation of the arrangements for running the state. If it includes or accompanies a bill of rights and responsibilities, there is even more reason to be cautious. The principal political parties recognise this: they are looking for a consensus, not merely a majority, in favour of whatever changes are finally placed on the table. But a consequence of a search for consensus in what is not a constitutional moment may be that it is the lowest common denominator, not the highest common factor, on which the process has to settle. Who, the demagogue asks, will not raise their hand in support of a solemn statement that British values include tolerance and broadmindedness? And who, the cynic asks, will it make a whit more tolerant or broadminded?
It may be that the answer is neither an entrenched law of rights and responsibilities nor a grand constitutional measure, but some principled alterations in constitutional practice, a thought-out enlargement of the socially calibrated rights vouchsafed by the European Convention, and a not too ambitious statement of responsibilities, duties and values. Whether or not this is what we are looking for, when the tumult and the shouting have died down and the captains and kings have departed, it is probably what we shall get.
Stephen Sedley
Stephen Sedley is a former appeal court judge.
A Decent Death
Knife, Stone, Paper: Law Lords
Mischief Wrought: The Compensation Culture Myth
More by Stephen Sedley


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Seven days of dominance
By Patrick Stevens The Washington Times - December 6, 2008, 10:45PM
Just back from Philadelphia, with a little culinary tip for anyone who happens to think going to Pat's King of Steaks on a night it's snowing is a good idea.
It is. It just isn't as good an idea as when it's not freezing in South Philly.
In any case, the two-hour drive home got me thinking about just how lopsided the series has become over the last seven years.
Yes, the average score over that span is 39.1-10.1. But an even more telling figure is the time led.
Or in the case of Army, time not led.
The Black Knights (yes, I was dating myself a little bit earlier today referring to them as the Cadets) haven't led in the last two games; obviously, they didn't hold an edge in a 34-0 loss today. But it's not like the other five losses are any better.
Season Navy Tied Army
2002 53:32 6:28 0:00
2004 44:23 15:37 0:00
2005 39:53 5:33 14:34
Total 342:38
By percentages, Navy has led 81.58 percent of the time. It's been tied 14.00 percent of the time. Army, meanwhile, has led just 4.42 percent of the time.
None of those ties or Army leads, by the way, came after halftime.
In terms of pageantry and tradition, today was one of the coolest college football experiences I've had the chance to witness. To do it in Philadelphia, where so many Army-Navy games have been played, was just as neat.
But the game itself was a pummeling. And if that chart illustrates anything, a one-sided affair isn't anything new.
—- Patrick Stevens


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Schlagerstars für Kinder ein Zusammenschluss von Schlagerstars zur Unterstützung von Wohltätigkeits-Projekten.

Das Projekt
Schlagerstars für Kinder ist ein Bandprojekt deutscher Schlagerstars, das im Jahr 2017 mit dem Ziel gegründet wurde, Geld für SOS-Kinderdorf in Deutschland zu sammeln. Das Weihnachtslied Auf Einmal wurde im November 2017 veröffentlicht. Der Text stammt von Emanuel Treu. Regie für das Video führte der ehemalige Art Director von VIVA, Henry Förster. Im November 2018 wurde veröffentlicht, dass das Projekt für Weihnachten 2018 wieder neu aufgelegt werde.

Mitwirkende Schlagersänger 2017
 Julian David
 Annemarie Eilfeld
 Vincent Gross
 Mitch Keller
 Christian Lais
 Tanja Lasch
 Anni Perka
 Ireen Sheer

Mitwirkende Schlagersänger 2018
 Allessa
 Anni Perka
 Annemarie Eilfeld
 Christian Lais
 Christin Stark
 Feuerherz
 Franziska Wiese
 Ireen Sheer
 Jürgen Drews
 Julian David
 Lichtblick
 Mitch Keller
 Norman Langen
 Olaf Der Flipper
 Pia Malo
 Ross Antony
 Tanja Lasch
 Vincent Gross

Weblinks
 Auf Einmal auf YouTube
 Auf Einmal (2018) auf YouTube

Einzelnachweise

Schlagerband
Benefizprojekt

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Jobs Data
Canada's aerospace, defence & security industry IT recruitment activity drops 1.1% in March 2022
Canada's aerospace, defence & security industry registered a 1.1% drop in IT hiring activity in March 2022 when compared with the previous month, according to GlobalData's Job Analytics database.
The industry's overall hiring is decreased by 3.8% in March 2022 when compared with February 2022.
Out of the aerospace, defence & security industry's total hiring activity, IT jobs claimed a 15.26% share in March 2022, recording a decrease of 1.07% over the last three-month average share.
Top five job classifications in Canada's aerospace, defence & security industry's IT recruitment activity in March 2022
Out of the total job titles, the top five roles commanded a 100% share in the overall IT recruitment activity of Canada's aerospace, defence & security industry in March 2022.
1) Software and Web Developers, Programmers, and Testers recorded a share of 76.84% in March 2022, registering a 5.8% growth over the previous month.
2) Database and Network Administrators and Architects claimed a 7.37% share, a flat growth over the previous month.
3) Computer and Information Analysts held a share of 6.32%, registering a flat growth from February 2022.
4) Computer Support Specialists captured a share of 5.26%, up 66.67% over the previous month.
Top five aerospace, defence & security companies in Canada's IT recruitment activity in March 2022
The top five companies, in terms of number of jobs as tracked by GlobalData, have accounted for a combined average growth of 18.09% share in the overall IT recruitment activity of Canada's aerospace, defence & security industry during March 2022 over February 2022.
Teledyne Technologies posted 35 IT jobs in March 2022 and registered a rise of 84.21% over the previous month. CAE with 15 IT jobs and Thales with 13 jobs, recorded a 6.25% decline and a 35% decrease, respectively.
Junior Level job postings dominate in March 2022
Junior Level jobs held a share of 61.05%, up by 5.45% from February 2022. Mid Level positions with a 28.42% share, registered an increase of 17.39% compared with the previous month.
In the third place was Entry Level job ads with a 10.53% share, down 28.57% over February 2022.
Canada Defense Market Size and Trends, Budget Allocation, Regulations, Key Acquisitions, Competitive Landscape and Forecast, 2021-2026
Aerospace, Defence and Security Industry Mergers and Acquisitions Deals by Top Themes in Q1 2022 - Thematic Research
The Global Military Aircraft Engines Market 2017-2027
Finland Defense Market Size and Trends, Budget Allocation, Regulations, Key Acquisitions, Competitive Landscape and Forecast, 2022-27
CAE Inc
Teledyne Technologies Inc
More Jobs Data
The Boeing's IT hiring activity declines 11.3% in October 2022
Thales's IT hiring activity rises 6.1% in October 2022
Raytheon Technologies's IT hiring activity declines 1.6% in October 2022
Lockheed Martin's IT hiring activity declines 12.5% in October 2022


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6 Sep - 4 min - Uploaded by HTVmuzik Music. "Streets of Philadelphia" is a song written and performed by American rock musician Bruce Springsteen for the film Philadelphia (), an early mainstream film History - Music video - Live performance history - Cover versions. Lyrics to Streets Of Philadelphia by Bruce Springsteen: I was bruised and battered and I couldn't tell / What I felt / I was unrecognizable. Lyrics to "Streets Of Philadelphia" song by Bruce Springsteen: I was bruised and battered, I couldn't tell what I felt I was unrecognizable to myself I saw my refl. Streets of Philadelphia Lyrics: I was bruised and battered, I couldn't tell what I felt / I was unrecognizable to myself / I saw my reflection in a.
I was bruised and battered, I couldn't tell what I felt / I was unrecognizable to myself / Saw my reflection in a window and didn't know my own face / Oh brother . Let me start this off my saying that I've always had a love/hate relationship with Bruce Springsteen. I didn't get the hype about him before he. Directed by Jonathan Demme, Ted Demme. With Bruce Springsteen, Tom Hanks. Bruce Springsteen performs in the music video "Streets of Philadelphia" from. Bruce Springsteen and Tom Hanks honored the late director during a Up with ' Streets of Philadelphia' with Late Director Jonathan Demme. "Streets of Philadelphia" is a song written and performed by American rock musician Bruce Springsteen for the film Philadelphia (), an early mainstream film.
Read or print original Streets Of Philadelphia lyrics updated! I was bruised and battered and I couldn't tell / What I felt / I was. Streets Of Philadelphia by Bruce Springsteen song meaning, lyric interpretation, video and chart position. Let me start this off my saying that I've always had a love/hate relationship with Bruce Springsteen. I didn't get the hype about him before he. Lyrics to "Streets Of Philadelphia" song by Bruce Springsteen: I was bruised and battered, I couldn't tell what I felt I was unrecognizable to myself I saw my refl. Citizens Bank Park will play host to Bruce Springsteen.
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Illinois is up next for Big Ten's seniors.
Trent Frazier
6'2 175 lbs
High school – he was Palm Beach Post Player of the year
Runner-up for Florida's Mr. Basketball
He was MaxPreps honorable mention All American
Hit 1,742 points in three varsity seasons
scored a school record of 52 points in a game
Freshman – Played 32 games, starting the last 16
One of 5 freshman nationally to lead to lead his team in assists, 3-pointers, and steals
Led all Big Ten freshmen in scoring (12.5 ppg), assists (3.1 apg), steals (1.7 spg), and 3-pointers (1.9 avg) in the season
Sophomore – Scored double figures 22 times, with 5 performances of 20 or more points
He finished 43rd in the NCAA in 3-point accuracy, shooting 40.6 percent (80-197)
Total of 80 treys ranks ninth on Illinois all-time single-season list
Honorable mention in All Big Ten media
Junior – Started 30 of 31 games
He led the team with 29 steals
Scored double figures in 12 games
Scored 1,000th career point against the Wildcats on a 3-pointer with 1:36 left in the first half, becoming the 50th 1,000-point scorer in Illinois history
This year Trent should have lots of double doubles. He should also excel in steals this year as well.
Trent is majoring in recreation, sport and tourism. His parents are Rodnell Frazier and Tineal Gomez and he has a brother, Leonty, and two sisters, Tina and Nastajah.
Da'monte Williams
High School – First-team Class 3A All-State by the Associated Press
First-team Class 3A/4A All-State by the Illinois Basketball Coaches Association
Second-team All-State by the Champaign News-Gazette
Freshman – Tied season high with eight rebounds in win at Rutgers (Feb. 25)
Played in 31 of 32 games on the season with three starts, averaging 3.5 points and 2.9 rebounds
Eight points and five rebounds vs. DePaul (Nov. 17)
Seven points at Wake Forest (Nov. 28)
Sophomore – Played in all 32 games with 18 starts, averaging 3.4 points
Team's fourth-leading rebounder at 3.5 rpg
Eight points on 4-5 FG with three rebounds and three assists in opener vs. Evansville (Nov. 8)
Season-high 11 points and career-high tying four steals vs. Georgetown (Nov. 13)
Junior – Played in all 31 games on the season, started 22 of the last 23
Averaged 2.8 points and 3.6 rebounds
Fourth on team with 21 steals
Set season-high in scoring in conference play with nine points on 3-4 FG in win over No. 18 Iowa (March 8)
Senior – Led nation in 3-point percentage among players with at least two attempts per game
Season-high 13 points and made all three 3-pointers with three steals in Big Ten Tournament title game win over No. 9 Ohio State (March 14)
Team-high nine rebounds in Big Ten Tournament win over No. 5 Iowa (March 13)
Played in all 31 games, starting 17
Averaged 5.5 points and ranked third on team in rebounding at 5.3 rpg
Shot 51.5% from the field (52-101), including 54.7% from 3-point range (35-64)
This year Da'Monte will be returning for his "super senior" year that is allowed due to covid. We would like to see him increase his average numbers and also would like for him to start more games.
Da'Monte is majoring in sociology with a minor in recreation, sport and tourism. His parents are Tanejah Keeton and Frank Williams. Frank is also Illini all-time great point guard Frank Williams, the 2001 Big Ten Player of the Year and two-time All-American.
Nikita Lear
0 November 6, 2021
Basketball NewsSelect Seniors
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Just a pair of games this week for the Wii's pair of downloadable game platforms. WiiWare gets Megnetica Twist (1,000 Wii Points or $10), which you may have heard as Actionloop Twist, which I never got to play myself, but after Wii Fanboy's review, it didn't sound like I was missing out on anything but a game that was literally painful.
On the Virtual Console, the you-know-what-you're-getting Fatal Fury 2 (Neo Geo, 900 Wii Points or $9), which is part of a series that I feel like has been released on more systems than Mario ever will. The price seems a bit high for the game, but I've never found the FF games to be terribly fun, so what do I know? Regardless, I think I'll be passing on both games this week.


text:
package transfer.utils;

import transfer.Inputable;
import transfer.Outputable;

/**
 * 字节工具类
 * Created by Jake on 2015/2/23.
 */
public class BitUtils {

    /**
     * 读取整数
     * @param inputable
     * @return
     */
    public static short getShort(final Inputable inputable) {
        return (short)((inputable.getByte() << 8) | (inputable.getByte() & 0xff));
    }

    /**
     * 短整数转换成字节
     * @param outputable
     * @param shortVal
     */
    public static void putShort(final Outputable outputable, final short shortVal) {
        outputable.putByte((byte)(shortVal >> 8));
        outputable.putByte((byte) shortVal);
    }

    /**
     * 读取整数
     * @param inputable
     * @return
     */
    public static int getInt(final Inputable inputable) {
        byte tmp = inputable.getByte();
        if (tmp >= 0) {
            return tmp;
        }
        int result = tmp & 0x7f;
        if ((tmp = inputable.getByte()) >= 0) {
            result |= tmp << 7;
        } else {
            result |= (tmp & 0x7f) << 7;
            if ((tmp = inputable.getByte()) >= 0) {
                result |= tmp << 14;
            } else {
                result |= (tmp & 0x7f) << 14;
                if ((tmp = inputable.getByte()) >= 0) {
                    result |= tmp << 21;
                } else {
                    result |= (tmp & 0x7f) << 21;
                    result |= (tmp = inputable.getByte()) << 28;
                    if (tmp < 0) {
                        // Discard upper 32 bits.
                        for (int i = 0; i < 5; i++) {
                            if (inputable.getByte() >= 0) {
                                return result;
                            }
                        }
                    }
                }
            }
        }
        return result;
    }

    /**
     * 整数转换成字节
     * @param outputable
     * @param intVal
     */
    public static void putInt(final Outputable outputable, int intVal) {

        while (true) {
            if ((intVal & ~0x7F) == 0) {
                outputable.putByte((byte) intVal);
                return;
            } else {
                outputable.putByte((byte) ((intVal & 0x7F) | 0x80));
                intVal >>>= 7;
            }
        }

    }

    /**
     * 读取长整型
     * @param inputable
     * @return
     */
    public static long getLong(final Inputable inputable) {
        int shift = 0;
        long result = 0;
        while (shift < 64) {
            final byte b = inputable.getByte();
            result |= (long)(b & 0x7F) << shift;
            if ((b & 0x80) == 0) {
                return result;
            }
            shift += 7;
        }
        return result;
    }

    /**
     * 长整型转换成字节
     * @param outputable
     * @param longVal
     */
    public static void putLong(final Outputable outputable, long longVal) {

        while (true) {
            if ((longVal & ~0x7F) == 0) {
                outputable.putByte((byte) longVal);
                return;
            } else {
                outputable.putByte((byte) ((((int) longVal) & 0x7F) | 0x80));
                longVal >>>= 7;
            }
        }

    }

    /**
     * 读取浮点型数据
     * @param inputable
     * @return
     */
    public static float getFloat(final Inputable inputable) {
        return Float.intBitsToFloat(getInt(inputable));
    }

    /**
     * 浮点型转换成字节
     * @param outputable
     * @param floatVal
     */
    public static void putFloat(final Outputable outputable, final float floatVal) {
        putInt(outputable, Float.floatToRawIntBits(floatVal));
    }

    /**
     * 读取Double类型数据
     * @param inputable
     * @return
     */
    public static double getDouble(final Inputable inputable) {
        return Double.longBitsToDouble(getLong(inputable));
    }

    /**
     * 将Double型转换成字节
     * @param outputable
     * @param doubleVal
     */
    public static void putDouble(final Outputable outputable, final double doubleVal) {
        putLong(outputable, Double.doubleToRawLongBits(doubleVal));
    }

    /**
     * 转换成Char
     * @param inputable
     * @return
     */
    public static char getChar(final Inputable inputable) {
        return (char)((inputable.getByte() << 8) | (inputable.getByte() & 0xff));
    }

    /**
     * Char转换成字节
     * @param outputable
     * @param charVal
     */
    public static void putChar(final Outputable outputable, final char charVal) {
        outputable.putByte((byte)(charVal >> 8));
        outputable.putByte((byte) charVal);
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Santa Llúcia de Tonyà és una ermita del municipi de Garrigàs (Alt Empordà) inclosa en l'Inventari del Patrimoni Arquitectònic de Catalunya.

Descripció
L'ermita de Santa Llúcia està situada aproximadament a un quilòmetre de Vilamalla, i presenta les característiques de l'arquitectura popular. Es tracta d'un edifici de petites dimensions, emblanquinat tant interiorment com exterior. Té una sola nau amb absis irregular, i un pòrtic afegit a la façana d'accés que té arcades de mig punt. A l'interior es cobreix amb volta apuntada, encara que la part de l'absis es troba molt modificat. Als murs de la nau s'obren petites espitlleres. El conjunt es cobreix amb teulada a dues vessants, damunt la qual s'eleva el campanar de paret d'un sol arc.

Història
Aquest edifici no es troba documentat en època medieval i, d'altra banda, la seva tipologia permet suposar que va ser bastit durant els segles XVII-XVIII. Tanmateix, el fet de trobar-se totalment emblanquinat amaga en part els elements constructius, i de moment no es pot veure si hi ha algun vestigi que pugui correspondre a una etapa anterior.

Referències

Patrimoni monumental de Garrigàs
Edificis de Garrigàs


text:
Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte Carlo
Fairmont Monte Carlo
Accommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloGuest roomAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloRestaurantBar/LoungePool viewSpaRecreational facilityLobby viewAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloRestaurantBar/LoungeAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloRestaurantAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloRestaurantBar/LoungeAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloAccommodation - Fairmont Monte Carlo - Monte CarloRestaurant
The elegant Fairmont Monte Carlo is located in the heart of Monaco, nestled between the Mediterranean Sea and the world-renowned Casino of Monte Carlo. Perhaps most famously, it overlooks the iconic Fairmont hairpin bend of Monaco's legendary Formula One route. In addition to its excellent location, the hotel has an expansive spa, a rooftop pool with a luxury Nikki Beach club experience, and a NOBU restaurant.
Situated on the seafront, the hotel is less than a mile's walk from the Casino de Monte-Carlo and Hercules Harbour, and less than two miles from the Prince's Palace of Monaco, Jardin Exotique and Monaco Cathedral. It's also less than two miles from the soft, pebbly Larvotto Beach which is lined with chic restaurants and beach clubs – and you gain access to a private stretch as a guest of Fairmont Monte Carlo (charges apply). Nice Côte d'Azur Airport is around 20 miles away.
Although the Fairmont Monte Carlo is large, it maintains an exclusive feel – and has impeccable service. All rooms and suites feature marble bathrooms and private furnished terraces, overlooking the hotel gardens, city or the sea. Riviera Suites offer the most space, while Fairmont Hairpin rooms overlook the iconic hairpin bend of Monaco's Formula One circuit.
12 Avenue Des Spelugues
Total Number of Rooms - 596
Sleeps 3, Bed Type: Double(s) or single(s) and rollaway Satellite television, Minibar, Air conditioning, Private bathroom, Bathtub/shower combination, Balcony/Lanai/Terrace, In Room Movies, Television
Fairmont Hairpin
Sleeps 3, Bed Type: Queen(s) or double(s) Minibar, Refrigerator, Air conditioning, Separate Bath, Private bathroom, Bathtub/shower combination, Balcony/Lanai/Terrace, In Room Movies, Television
Sleeps 3, Bed Type: King(s) or double(s) Minibar, Refrigerator, Air conditioning, Separate Bath, Private bathroom, Bathtub/shower combination, Balcony/Lanai/Terrace, In Room Movies, Television
Riviera Suite
Sleeps 3, Bed Type: King(s) or queen(s) Minibar, Refrigerator, Air conditioning, Separate Bath, Private bathroom, Bathtub/shower combination, Balcony/Lanai/Terrace, In Room Movies, Television
Non-smoking rooms (generic)
Hairdresser/barber
The vast spa features a sauna, steam bath and naturally-lit treatments rooms – you can even enjoy a pedicure overlooking the Formula One racetrack. The state-of-the-art fitness centre provides panoramic views with Technogym equipment, a fitness studio, on-demand workout videos and a schedule of group classes. The hotel also benefits from a hairdresser, boutique mall and perfumery. Babysitting services are available (charges apply).
In the summer months, Nikki Beach brings its luxury beach club concept to the Fairmont's glamourous rooftop pool, offering a tempting menu of seafoods, salads and sushi, alongside a list of cocktails (pool open April to October).
The Horizon rooftop lounge offers breakfast with spectacular views of the Mediterranean. Menu items include a baker's basket, fresh fruit, eggs, pancakes, cheese and cold cuts. The Fairmont Lobby Lounge Restaurant & Bar also has impressive panoramas and a breakfast menu, in addition to snacks, salads, pasta and fish and meat dishes, served all day. Its extensive drinks menu features a Monacotini, featuring Grey Goose vodka, rosemary and orange liqueur from Monaco. The world renowned NOBU serves gourmet dinners, blending traditional Japanese cuisine and South American aromas.
The hotel offers guests the choice of four beaches in Monte Carlo and the surrounding area. The beaches are open from May to September and a complimentary shuttle service is provided, as well as beach amenities and a complimentary beach bag. A daily fee applies and reservations can be made with the dedicated Beach Concierge at the hotel.
Accor Hotels are committed to keeping you safe, visit ba.com/accor-safety and find out more about the measures they've put in place.
Address: 12 Avenue Des Spelugues, BP 179, Monte Carlo, France, 98000


Product-oriented chemical surface modification of a levansucrase (SacB) via an ene-type reaction. Ortiz-Soto ME, Ertl J, Mut J, Adelmann J, Le TA, Shan J, Teßmar J, Schlosser A, Engels B, Seibel J. Chem Sci. 2018 May 22;9(24):5312-5321. doi: 10.1039/c8sc01244j. eCollection 2018 Jun 28.


text:
What does the Report of the Fiscal Commission Co-Chairs Mean for Health Policy?
Home/Discussions / What Does The Report Of The Fiscal Commission Co Chairs Mean For Health Policy
Director of Health Policy, National Academy of Social Insurance
The Co-chairs of the President's Commission presented a number of policy proposals aimed primarily at reducing the growth spending on Medicare and Medicaid. Given the size of the two programs, some of these changes may impact health care spending patterns in the private economy, but many will simply shift costs to other payers. Few, if any, proposals would address the underlying growing demand for services triggered by an aging population and a long term care system that relies on private savings.
The Commission co-chairs propose the following series of policy changes intended to reduce the federal deficit:
Create a single combined annual Medicare deductible. The Commission co-chairs propose creating a single deductible of $550 for Part A (hospital) and Part B (medical care), along with 20 percent uniform coinsurance on health spending above the deductible; the proposal would reduce the coinsurance rate to 5 percent on costs above $5,500 and cap total cost-sharing at $7,500. This would reduce Medicare spending by $10 billion in 2015, $110 billion through 2020.
Extend Medicaid drug rebate to dual eligibles in Part D. Currently, drug companies are required to provide substantial rebates for prescription drugs purchased by Medicaid beneficiaries. The Commission co-chairs propose extending these rebates to Medicaid beneficiaries who are also eligible for Medicare and receive prescription drug coverage through the Medicare Part D program. This would reduce Medicare spending by $7 billion in 2015, $49 billion through 2020.
Reduce payments to hospitals for medical education. The Commission co-chairs propose limiting hospitals' direct graduate medical education (GME) payments to 120 percent of the national average salary paid to residents in 2010 and updated annually thereafter. Using the chained CPI, this would reduce the IME adjustment from 5.5 percent to 2.2 percent. This would reduce Medicare spending by $6 billion in 2015, $49 billion through 2020.
End the use of Medicaid provider taxes. Currently, the states are able to impose provider taxes of up to 6% and use revenue for higher provider payments and to supplement general fund revenue. The Commission co-chairs propose ending federal matching payments for provider taxes, which would cut Medicaid spending by $5 billion in 2015, $44 billion through 2020.
End first-dollar coverage for Medicare supplemental policies. Private supplemental insurance plans help beneficiaries cover Medicare cost sharing. The Commission co-chairs propose barring Medigap plans from covering the first $500 of an enrollee's out of pocket expenditures and limit coverage to 50 percent of the next $2,500 in Medicare cost-sharing. This would reduce Medicare spending by $4 billion in 2025, $38 billion through 2020.
Eliminate Medicare payments for bad debts.The Commission co-chairs propose ending the practice of having Medicare reimburse hospitals and other providers for unpaid deductibles and copays owed by beneficiaries. This would cut Medicare spending by $3 billion in 2015, $23 billion through 2020.
Accelerate scheduled reductions in payments for Medicare home health services. The Commission co-chairs propose rebasing the Medicare home health prospective payment system by 2015 instead of 2017, as required by the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA). This would cut Medicare spending by $2 billion in 2015, $9 billion through 2020.
Require dual eligibles to enroll in a Medicaid managed care plan. Approximately nine million low-income seniors and disabled individuals are covered by both Medicaid and Medicare. The dual coverage often results in poor coordination of care for this vulnerable population and higher costs to both federal and state governments. The Commission co-chairs propose requiring managed care enrollment for all dual beneficiaries. This would save $1 billion in 2015, $12 billion through 2020.
Change civil litigation rules for medical malpractice. The Commission co-chairs propose changes to tort system that provides compensation for people injured through negligence by medical providers. The changes, which are estimated to save $2 billion in 2015 and $17 billion through 2020, would reduce legal claims and permissible compensation by:
Modifying the "collateral source" rule to allow outside sources of income collected as a result of an injury in determining awards;
Imposing a shorter statute of limitations on medical malpractice lawsuits;
Replacing joint-and-several liability with a rule under which a defendant in a lawsuit would be liable only for the percentage of the final award that was equal to his or her share of responsibility for the injury;
Creating specialized "health courts" for medical malpractice lawsuits; and
Allowing "safe haven" rules for providers who follow best practices of care.
Reduce waste, fraud, and abuse. The Commission co-chairs propose providing the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) additional statutory authority and increased resources to address waste, fraud and abuse. This would be accomplished through a cap adjustment in the discretionary budget and would reduce Medicare and Medicaid spending by $1 billion in 2015, $9 billion through 2020.
The Commission co-chairs propose two policy changes that technically would increase the federal deficit as scored by the Congressional Budget Office and would have significant policy and fiscal consequences:
Repeal the scheduled 23% cut in Medicare physician payments and replace it with a freeze through 2013 and then a one percent reduction in physician payments in 2014. The Commission co-chairs assumes the cuts in the Medicare Sustainable Growth Rate (SGR) that are set to take place January 1st, 2011 will not occur. The Commission co-chairs propose directing CMS to develop a new payment formula that meets policy goals of increasing coordination across providers and care settings. This will increase the deficit by $245 billion relative to current law; these recommendations cost $22 billion less than freezing the planned SGR fixes. The Commission co-chairs also propose modifying the current pay-as-you-go congressional budget rules that exempt adjustments to the SGR.
Reform or repeal the CLASS Act. As part of the ACA, Congress enacted the Community Living Assistance Services and Supports (CLASS) Act, a voluntary long-term care insurance program that once implemented will be the first attempt to take a social insurance approach to the issue of long term care. According to CBO, the implementation of CLASS Act would save $72 billion over the first 10 years of the program, with approximately $69 billion coming from accumulation of assets as enrollees pay premiums during the five-year vesting period. The Commission co-chairs propose repealing or reforming the CLASS program, which would add to the deficit.
The Commission co-chairs also propose a number of significant policy changes that were not scored but would have significant policy consequences. These include:
Create a pilot program to transform the Federal Employee Health Benefit (FEHB) program from a defined benefit to a defined contribution plan. The Commission co-chairs propose offering participating federal employees a fixed subsidy that would grow by no more than GDP plus 1 percent each year; for federal retirees, this subsidy would be used to pay a a portion of the Medicare premium.
Establish a global budget for total federal health care costs. The Commission co-chairs propose up a process for reviewing total federal health care with the target of holding growth to GDP plus 1 percent and requiring action by the President and Congress if growth exceeds the targets. The target would be measured on a per-beneficiary basis if it is applied only to certain federal health programs, rather than globally.
Keywords: Long-Term Services and Supports, Medicare and Health Policy
William Schiffbauer December 2, 2010 at 7:02 pm - Reply
With respect to the
With respect to the Commission's proposal to end first dollar coverage by private Medigap insurance, employer retiree health, and TriCare, it should be noted that for Medigap coverage cost-sharing coverage benefits are only paid if Medicare has determined that the services are "medically necessary". As a result, the Commission's proposal is asking seniors to either forgo "medically necessary"care or to pay more out of pocket for "medically necessary" care. The real "savings" would occur with a better standard for determining "medical necessity" for Medicare and addressing provider-driven costs. Physicians drive the costs of part B services, not supplemental insurers.
/Discussions Post / What Does The Report Of The Fiscal Commission Co Chairs Mean For Health Policy


For a good packaging design, balance is everything. When designing a package or sticker, you should create the perfect combination of imagery, graphics and written content to make the product stand out. Apart from that, it should be completely customized according to your products. But for an overview, this article will provide how a basic packaging design should be created to serve its purpose at the best.
The ingredients to create the best package are simple, highlight the product, put in some catchy taglines, use a blend of suitable colors and imagery. Most importantly, make it functional. Along with the eye-catching stuff, certain specifics and features should be added as well such as disclaimers and ingredients for food products. Besides that, here are some important points to be cleared out before you place an order to a packaging design company, or create one for yourself.
This is the first step. You will need to jot down each thing you want to have on your package design. Firstly, the written material that you want included on your package is essential. It can be anything related to the product, be it its title or some sort of tagline that would attract potential customers to make the choice.
Secondly, the imagery is also a main component. This is something that will catch your prospect's eye immediately. Try to make the space you have on your packaging count. It should show off the quality your product possesses.
Thirdly, the basic informative content for the product plays an important role. There should be a customized space for the barcode, ingredients, disclaimers, and other important elements. The best package design is the one which balances out all the components from the start of its venture.
The best package design of your dreams will require a lot of homework. The world is your canvas, look through its vast exhibition of ideas to get some inspiration for your endeavor. It can be anything from a fast food restraint sign to a billboard or the texture of your neighbor's wall. Searching online for design ideas may also prove worthy of your time.
The most important while taking up this task is to keep in mind the needs of your client if you are creating a package for another company. Take the nature of their products into regard. For example, if you are working with a food company, your designs may need to include bright, vibrant, hunger-inducing colors even if that is not your first choice personally.
Your designing will also depend on what material of packaging your client is using. Some may display vibrant imagery effectively while others may not. The best package design companies in Saudi Arabia balance all these things out to give you the best package design.
Discuss the ideal budget with your client. This will also depend on the product. If its one that needs proper advertisement through its package design to prosper, you will need to invest more money into it. You should make your client understand that inexpensive designing is not always the best option. Package design companies in Jeddah, Riyadh and Saudi Arabia on the whole provide the best package design services, at the best prices. Try to satisfy your customer with what they pay for, rather than giving them cheap, non-effective alternatives.
Concluding this point, these are the basic points you will need to clear out before creating the best package design for another company or getting your product packaging designed. Create a good balance between great ideas, effective imagery and coherent writing at the best price to do the trick.