text:
Hugh Binning (1627–1653) was a Scottish philosopher and theologian. He was born in Scotland during the reign of Charles I and was ordained in the (Presbyterian) Church of Scotland. He died in 1653, during the time of Oliver Cromwell and the Commonwealth of England.

Personal life

Hugh Binning was the son of John Binning of Dalvennan, Straiton.and Margaret M'Kell. Margaret was the daughter of Rev. Matthew M'Kell,

who was a minister in the parish of Bothwell, Scotland, and sister of Hugh M'Kell, a minister in Edinburgh.

Binning was born on his father's estate in Dalvennan, Straiton, in the shire of Ayr.  The family owned other lands in the parishes of Straiton and Colmonell as well as Maybole in Carrick.

A precocious child, Binning was admitted to the study of philosophy at the University of Glasgow at age thirteen. Binning has been described as "an extraordinary instance of precocious learning and genius."

In 1645, James Dalrymple, 1st Viscount of Stair, who was Hugh's master (primary professor) in the study of philosophy, announced he was retiring from the University of Glasgow. Dalrymple  was afterward President of the Court of Session, and Viscount Stair. After a national search for a replacement on the faculty, three men were selected to compete for the position. Binning was one of those selected, but was at a disadvantage because of his extreme youth and because he was not of noble birth. However, he had strong support from the existing faculty, who suggested that the candidates speak extemporaneously on any topic of the candidate's choice.  After hearing Hugh speak, the other candidates withdrew, making Hugh a regent and professor of philosophy, while he was still 18 years old.

On 7 February 1648, (at the age of 21) Hugh was appointed an Advocate before the Court of Sessions (an attorney).  In the same year, he married Barbara Simpson (sometimes called Mary), daughter of Rev. James Simpson a minister in Ireland.  Their son, John, was born in 1650.

Binning was called on 25 October 1649. As minister of Govan, he was the successor of Mr. William Wilkie. His ordination took place on the 8th of January 1649, when Mr David Dickson, one of the theological professors at the College of Glasgow, and author of Therapeutica Sacra, presided. He was ordained in January, at the age of 22, holding his regency until 14 May that year.  At that time Govan was a separate town rather than part of Glasgow.

Hugh died around September 1653 and was buried in the churchyard of Govan, where Patrick Gillespie, then principal of the University of Glasgow, ordered a monument inscribed in Latin, roughly translated:
Here lies Mr. Hugh Binning, a man distinguished for his piety and eloquence, learned in philology, philosophy, and theology, a Prelate, faithful to the Gospel, and finally an excellent preacher.  In the middle of a series of events, he was taken at the age of 26, in the year of our Lord 1653. Alive, he changed the society of his own land because he walked with God.  And if you wish to make other inquires, the rest should keep silence, since neither you nor the marble can comprehend it.

Hugh's widow, Barbara (sometimes called Mary), then remarried James Gordon, an Anglican priest at Cumber in Ireland.  Together they had a daughter,Jean who married Daniel MacKenzie, who was on the winning side of the Battle of Bothwell Bridge serving as an ensign under Lieutenant-Colonel William Ramsay (who became the third Earl of Dalhousie), in the Earl of Mar's Regiment of Foot.

Binning's son, John Binning, married Hanna Keir, who was born in Ireland. The Binnings were Covenanters, a resistance movement that objected to the return of Charles II (who was received into the Catholic Church on his deathbed).  They were on the losing side in the 1679 Battle of Bothwell Bridge. Most of the rebels who were not executed were exiled to the Americas; about 30 Covenanters were exiled to the Carolinas on the Carolina Merchant in 1684. After the battle, John and Hanna were separated.

In the aftermath of the battle at Bothwell Bridge, Binning's widow (now Barbara Gordon) tried to reclaim the family estate at Dalvennan by saying that John and his wife owed his stepfather a considerable some of money.  The legal action was successful and Dalvennan became the possession of John's half-sister Jean, and her husband Daniel MacKenzie. In addition, Jean came into possession of Hanna Keir's property in Ireland.

By 1683, Jean was widowed. John Binning was branded a traitor, was sentenced to death and forfeited his property to the Crown. John's wife (Hanna Keir) was branded as a traitor and forfeited her property in Ireland.  In 1685, Jean "donated" the Binning family's home at Dalvennan and other properties, along with the Keir properties to Roderick MacKenzie, who was a Scottish advocate of James II (James VII of Scotland), and the baillie of Carrick. According to an act of the Scottish Parliament, Roderick MacKenzie was also very effective in "suppressing the rebellious, fanatical party in the western and other shires of this realm, and putting the laws to vigorous execution against them".

Since Bothwell Bridge, Hanna had been hiding from the authorities. In 1685, Hanna was in Edinburgh where she was found during a sweep for subversives and imprisoned in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, a combination city hall and prison. Those arrested with Hanna were exiled to North America, however, she developed dysentery and remained behind. By 1687, near death, Hanna petitioned the Privy Council of Scotland for her release; she was exiled to her family in Ireland, where she died around 1692.

In 1690, the Scottish Parliament rescinded John's fines and forfeiture, but he was unable to recover his family's estates, the courts suggesting that he had relinquished his claim to Dalvennan in exchange for forgiveness of debt, rather than forfeiture.

There is little documentation about John after his wife's death. John received a small income from royalties on his father's works after parliament extended copyrights on Binning's writings to him.  However, the income was not significant and John made several petitions to the Scottish parliament for money, the last occurring in 1717.  It is thought that he died in Somerset county, in southwestern England.

He died of consumption at the age of 26 on September 1653. He was remarkably popular as a preacher, having been considered "the most accomplished philosopher and divine in his time, and styled the Scottish Cicero." He married (cont. 17 May 1650), Mary (who died at Paisley in 1694) and had a son, John of Dalvennan. She was the daughter of Richard Simson, minister of Sprouston. After John's early death Mary married her second husband, James Gordon, minister of Comber, in Ireland. A marble tablet, with an inscription in classical Latin, was erected to his memory by his friend Mr Patrick Gillespie, who was then Principal of the University of Glasgow. It has been placed in the vestibule of the present parish church. The whole of his works are posthumous publications.

He was a follower of James Dalrymple. In later life, he was well known as an evangelical Christian.

Impact of the Commonwealth
Hugh Binning was born two years after Charles I became monarch of England, Ireland, and Scotland. At the time, each was an independent country sharing the same monarch. The Acts of Union 1707 integrated Scotland and England to form the Kingdom of Great Britain, and the Acts of Union 1800 integrated Ireland to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

The period was dominated by both political and religious strife between the three independent countries. Religious disputes centered on questions such as whether religion was to be dictated by the monarch or was to be the choice of the people, and whether individuals had a direct relationship with God or needed to use an intermediary. Civil disputes centered on debates about the extent of the King's power (a question of the Divine right of kings), and specifically whether the King had the right to raise taxes and armed forces without the consent of the governed. These wars ultimately changed the relationship between king and subjects.

In 1638, the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland voted to remove bishops and the Book of Common Prayer that had been introduced by Charles I to impose the Anglican model on the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Public riots followed, culminating in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, an interrelated series of conflicts that took place in the three countries. The first conflict, which was also the first of the Bishops' Wars, took place in 1639 and was a single border skirmish between England and Scotland, also known as the war the armys did not wanted to fight.

To maintain his English power base, Charles I made secret alliances with Catholic Ireland and Presbyterian Scotland to invade Anglican England, promising that each country could establish their own separate state religion. Once these secret entreaties became known to the English Long Parliament, the Congregationalist faction (of which Oliver Cromwell was a primary spokesman) took matters into its own hands and Parliament established an army separate from the King. Charles I was executed in January 1649, which led to the rule of Cromwell and the establishment of the Commonwealth. The conflicts concluded with The English Restoration of the monarchy and the return of Charles II in 1660.

The Act of Classes was passed by the Parliament of Scotland on 23 January 1649; the act banned Royalists (people supporting the monarchy) from holding political or military office. In exile, Charles II signed the Treaty of Breda (1650) with the Scottish Parliament; among other things, the treaty established Presbyterianism as the national religion. Charles was crowned King of Scots at Scone in January 1651. By September 1651, Scotland was annexed by England, its legislative institutions abolished, Presbyterianism dis-established, and Charles was forced into exile in France.

The Scottish Parliament rescinded the Act of Classes in 1651, which produced a split within Scottish Society. The sides of the conflict were called the Resolutioners (who supported the rescission of the act – supported the monarchy and the Scottish House of Stewart) and the Protesters (who supported Cromwell and the Commonwealth); Binning sided with the Protestors. Binning joined the Protesters in 1651. When Cromwell had sent troops to Scotland, he was also attempting to dis-establish Presbyterianism and the Church of Scotland, Binning spoke against Cromwell's act.

On Saturday 19 April 1651, Cromwell entered Glasgow and the next day he heard a sermon by three ministers who condemned him for invading Scotland. That evening, Cromwell summoned those ministers and others, to a debate on the issue. a discussion on some of the controverted points of the times was held in his presence, between his chaplains, the learned Dr John Owen, Joseph Caryl, and others on the one side, and some Scots ministers on the other. Mr. Binning, who was one of the disputants, apparently nonplussed the Independents, which led Cromwell to ask who the learned and bold young man was. Told it was Binning, he said: "He hath bound well, indeed," ... " but, laying his hand on his sword, this will lose all again." The late Mr. Orme was of the opinion that there is nothing improbable in the account of the meeting, but that such a meeting took place is certain. This appears from two letters which were written by Principal Robert Baillie, who was then Professor of Theology at the University of Glasgow.At the debate, Rev Hugh Binning is said to have out-debated Cromwell's ministers so completely that he silenced them.

Politics

Hugh Binning's political views were based on his theology. Binning was a Covenanter, a movement that began in Scotland at Greyfriars Kirkyard in 1638 with the National Covenant and continued with the 1643 Solemn League and Covenant—in effect a treaty between the English Long Parliament and Scotland for the preservation of the reformed religion in exchange for troops to confront the threat of Irish Catholic troops joining the Royalist army. Binning could also be described as a Protestor; both political positions were taken because of their religious implications. However, he saw the evils of the politics of his day was not a "fomenter of factions" writing "A Treatise of Christian Love" as a response.

Theology
Because of the tumultuous time in which Hugh Binning lived, politics and religion were inexorably intertwined. Binning was a Calvinist and follower of John Knox. As a profession, Binning was trained as a Philosopher, and he believed that philosophy was the servant of theology. He thought that both Philosophy and Theology should be taught in parallel. Binning's writing, which is primarily a collection of his sermons, "forms an important bridge between the 17th century, when philosophy in Scotland was heavily dominated by Calvinism, and the 18th century when figures such as Francis Hutcheson re-asserted a greater degree of independence between the two and allied philosophy with the developing human sciences."

Religiously, Hugh Binning was, what we would call today, an Evangelical Calvinist. He spoke on the primacy of God's love as the ground of salvation:
"... our salvation is not the business of Christ alone, but the whole Godhead is interested in it deeply, so deeply that you cannot say who loves it most, or who likes it most.  The Father is the very fountain of it, his love is the spring of all."

With regards to the extent of the 'atonement', Hugh Binning, did not hold that the offer of redemption applied only to the few that are elect but said that "the ultimate ground of faith is in the electing will of God." In Scotland, during the 1600s, the questions concerning atonement revolved around the terms in which the offer was expressed.

Binning believed that "forgiveness is based on Christ's death, understood as a satisfaction and as a sacrifice: 'If he had pardoned sin without any satisfaction what rich grace it had been! But truly, to provide the Lamb and sacrifice himself, to find out the ransom, and to exact it of his own Son, in our name, is a testimony
of mercy and grace far beyond that. But then, his justice is very conspicuous in this work'."

Works

All of the works of Hugh Binning were published posthumously and were primarily collections of his sermons.  Of his speaking style, it was said: "There is originality without any affectation, a rich imagination, without anything fanciful or extravert, the utmost simplicity, without an thing mean or trifling."
The Common Principles of the Christian Religion, Clearly Proved, and Singularly Improved; or, A Practical Catechism published by Patrick Gillespie in 1660  An analysis of the Westminster Confession of Faith. The work was translated into Dutch in 1678 by James Koelman, a minister of Sluys in Flanders.

(The Common Principles of the Christian Religion, fulltext) Quotations from the publication include:
On the love of God
And what is love but the very motion of the soul to God? And so till it have attained that, to be in him, it can find no place of rest.
On the free grace of the Gospel
I am guilty, and can say nothing against it, while I stand alone. But though I cannot satisfy, and have not; yet there is one, Jesus Christ, who gave his life a ransom for many, and whom God hath given as a propitiation for sins. He hath satisfied and paid the debt in my name; go and apprehend the cautioner, since he hath undertaken it, nay, he hath done it, and is absolved.
On Learning
Be not ignorant as beasts, that know no other things than to follow the drove; quæ pergunt, non quo eundum est, sed quo itur; they follow not whither they ought to go, but whither most go. You are men, and have reasonable souls within you; therefore I beseech you, be not composed and fashioned according to custom and example, that is, brutish, but according to some inward knowledge and reason. Retire once from the multitude, and ask in earnest at God, What is the way? Him that fears him he will teach the way that he should choose. The way to his blessed end is very strait, very difficult; you must have a guide in it,—you must have a lamp and a light in it,—else you cannot but go wrong.
Sinner's Sanctuary, being forty Sermons upon the eighth Chapter of the Epistle of the Romans, from the First Verse down to the Eighteenth. a treatise originally published in 1670
Fellowship with God, being Twenty Eight Sermons on the First Epistle of John, Chap. 1st and Chap. 2nd, Verses 1, 2, 3. a treatise originally published in 1671 by "A.S. who in the preferace to the reader, styles himself, his servant in the gosple of our dearest Lord and Savior"
Heart Humiliation or Miscellany Sermons, preached upon some choice texts at several solemn occasions. originally published in 1676 by the same A.S. that published the treatice "Fellowship with God".  The first of the sermons was preached July 1650
An Useful Case of Conscience, Learnedly and Accurately Discussed and Resolved, Concerning Associations and Confederacies with Idolaters, Infidels, Heretics, Malignants or any other Known Enemies of Truth and Godliness.   The treatise was used by the Covenanters and seems to have been originally published in Holland in 1693.  There is a reference to the treatise at a "general meeting of Society people ... at Edinburgh 28 May 1683." The treatise expressed the opinion that Scotland should not support Charles I without some restraint placed on relatively absolute royal power and without assurance the Presbyterian religion could be maintained. The documents seem to have been presented to the Society either by Hugh Binning's son, John, or his widow, Barbara Gordon (who remarried about 1657 to James Gordon; he was born in Ireland and became a minister at Paisley, Renfrewshire, Scotland.)  (An Useful Case of Conscience, fulltext). In the treatise Binning writes:
Where God hath given us liberty by the law of nature, or his word, no king can justly tie us, and when God binds and obliges us by any of these, no king or parliament can loose or untie us.
A Treatise of Christian Love a sermon based on John 13:35, "By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have love one to another" and 1 Corinthians 13. Binning explores the concept that as a believer in Christ, there is a need for Christians to show by their love for one another. (A Treatise of Christian Love, fulltext) Binning argues:
But Christ's last words persuade this, that unity in affection is more essential and fundamental. This is the badge he left to his disciples. If we cast away this upon every different apprehension of mind, we disown our Master, and disclaim his token and badge.
On Charity
Charity "thinketh no evil." [1 Cor. 13:5] Charity is apt to take all things in the best sense. If a thing may be subject to diverse acceptations, it can put the best construction on it. It is so benign and good in its own nature that it is not inclinable to suspect others. It desires to condemn no man, but would gladly, as far as reason and conscience will permit, absolve every man. It is so far from desire of revenge, that it is not provoked or troubled with an injury. For that were nothing else but to wrong itself because others have wronged it already, and it is so far from wronging others, that it will not willingly so much as think evil of them. Yet if need requires, charity can execute justice, and inflict chastisement, not out of desire of another's misery, but out of love and compassion to mankind. Charitas non punit quia peccatum est, sed ne peccaretur, it looks more to prevention of future sin, than to revenge of a bypast fault, and can do all without any discomposure of spirit, as a physician cuts a vein without anger. Quis enim cut medetur irascitur? "Who is angry at his own patient?"

 In 1735, the collections of Binning's works were published posthumously, originally edited by Rev. M. Leishman, D.D., a minister who was a later successor to Hugh in the parish of Govan, which contained sermons not previously published. There have been several editions of the Complete "Works of the Rev. Hugh Binning", one of the latest (Classic Reprint) was published by Forgotten Books in 2012

Bibliography
Scott's Fasti, ii. 67-8;
Minutes Univ. Glasg.;
Wodrow's Analecta;
Reid's Presbyterianism of rights as against the invasion of the state, Ireland, i.;
Edin. Christian Instructor, xxii. Acts of Assembly;
New Statistical Account, vi.;
Chalmers's Biogr. Dict.;
Scots Worthies, i. 205-10, ed. Macgavin, 1837.
 "Evangelical Beauties of Hugh Binning," 1829, with a memoir of the author by the Rev John Brown of Whitburn.
The Common Principles of the Christian Religion, or a Practical Catechism (Edinburgh, 1659) ;
The Sinner's Sanctuary (Edinburgh, 1670) ;
Fellowship with God (Edinburgh, 1671);
Heart Humiliation, or Miscellany Sermons (Edinburgh, 1676) ;
A Useful Case of Conscience (1693) ;
Works (which were recommended to be published by the General Assembly, 28 March 1704 and 10 May 1717)(Edinburgh, 1735 ; Glasgow, 1842) ;
A Treatise of Christian Love (Edinburgh, 1743) ;
Sermons on the most important subjects of Practical Religion (Glasgow, 1760) ;
Evangelical Beauties (1829)
Wodrow's Anal., i. 161, iii. 40, 438;
Glasg. Tests.;
Reid's Ireland, ii., 351 ;
Inq. Ret., Ayr, 580;
Dictionary of National Biography

Notes

References

Sources

Attribution:

External links

 Biographical Sketch from the home page of the Reformed Presbyterian Church (Covenanted)
 John Binning of Dalvennan, The Forfeited: The Carrick Lairds at the Battle of Bothwell Bridge
 Map of Dalvennan, South Ayrshire, Scotland

1627 births
1653 deaths
Scottish Calvinist and Reformed theologians
Academics of the University of Glasgow
Scottish philosophers
Alumni of the University of Glasgow
People from Ayr
17th-century Calvinist and Reformed theologians
17th-century Scottish people
17th-century philosophers
17th-century deaths from tuberculosis
Tuberculosis deaths in Scotland

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I don't know who's more pathetic, the wannabe-rich astonished that portfolios go down as well as up, or the already-rich corporate elites and their minions busily trying to restore consumer confidence in the wake of one exposé after another. When we try to fix what ails us, though, let's not get hoodwinked by all the moaning and groaning and reforming and promising. Let's aim for the gut.
For much of the 1990s, those in the know told us the boom was permanent. So permanent, in fact, that we should transfer money from old-fashioned Social Security into the with-it stock market. Then every janitor and school teacher and cop and hairdresser could get as rich as people with real money.
Now that the tailspinning market's shocked millions of Americans, we don't hear much from free-marketeers trying to repeal the New Deal. But the bloodsuckers will inevitably return, once they finish tinkering a bit and the corporate media's talking heads assure us we can safely go back to watching reruns.
At least, that's what usually happens.
In his influential work on injustice and revolt, Barrington Moore pointed out that criticism of oppressive systems most often targets individual elites who violate approved standards. Less often comes criticism of the entire class of elites. But "only the most radical forms of criticism have raised the question whether kings, capitalists, priests, generals, bureaucrats, etc., serve any useful social purpose at all."
How does this apply to demands that we "do something" about the corporate meltdown?
Focusing on Moore's first level, our corporate-proxy president has loudly denounced some of his peers. But, he whines, the system hasn't failed; only a few execs broke the law, and they will pay the price. The rest, apparently, will have to put up with incessant appeals to be more moral. Capitalism may be ruthless -- winning and losing is what it's all about (wink) -- but acceptable ruthlessness has a limit: No cheating.
The president's moneyed supporters may grumble privately about all the fuss, but publicly they're in throw-out-the-bums mode, anxious for the remaining bums to get back to work undisturbed. Much of the public, long taught to ascribe all manner of injustice to flawed individuals rather than flawed systems, will likely settle for a few more CEO perp walks and be done with it.
The next level up is where many Democrats hang out, and some fake-populist Republicans, and even much of the liberal public -- especially those with portfolios of their own. To them, the real problem isn't a few ethically deficient corporate elites but insufficient regulation of all corporate elites.
So let's keep more records, send investigators, change accounting requirements, mandate more shareholder information. The new regs will keep new crooks more honest, or at least more careful. Then the market can resume its climb and corporate honchos can plan their next structural adjustment of the American way of life, careful to remain within whatever limits our corporate-friendly legislators and judges create.
What we really need, of course, is action at Moore's third level: questioning whether "kings, capitalists, priests, generals, bureaucrats, etc." -- or corporations, more to today's point -- "serve any useful social purpose at all"
Although you won't find much evidence in the mainstream media, there is some good news: the movement to transform corporate society so completely that the kind of tinkering Washington politicos now debate pales in comparison.
Ralph Nader junkies form the most moderate end of this effort, bridging the gap between those who want to make corporate capitalism less destructive and those who want to replace it with a fundamentally different system.
Beyond Nader are groups like the Program on Corporations, Law, and Democracy. Advocating "the right of the sovereign people to govern themselves," POCLAD aims to reverse decisions by privileged judges over the past century and a half that declared corporations "legal persons" and then gave them even more rights than you and me. POCLAD says we can do something about that, beginning with pushing states to use the power they already have, but rarely use, to limit corporate size and reach.
In the long run, "any useful social purpose at all" the modern corporation serves will be met more justly and less destructively once we create a democratic economic and political system. The problem, after all, isn't just a few corporate crooks. The power held by even honestly run corporations is bad for all of us.
So sure, let's throw the bums out.
And then let's kill the unnatural creature whose interests they served so well.


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/**
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class CreateEnrollmentsTable extends Migration
{
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    public function down()
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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text:
Ron DeSantis avoids saying 'climate change.' Incarcerated Floridians are living it.
Florida lacks a comprehensive policy to protect people locked in increasingly sweltering prisons
By Alleen Brown
Published November 11, 2022 4:30PM (EST)
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (Paul Hennessy/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)
Grist is a nonprofit, independent media organization dedicated to telling stories of climate solutions and a just future.
Ron DeSantis, the Florida governor who hopes to coast to reelection on Tuesday, has been touted as the future of the Republican Party. This is not only because of his hardline stances on immigration and COVID restrictions, which have made him the most obvious potential challenger to Donald Trump for the next GOP presidential nomination, but also because of his proactive approach to climate change.
DeSantis' distinctly conservative approach to climate policy prioritizes adaptation measures like sea walls and big-ticket infrastructure projects over reducing the carbon emissions that cause global warming in the first place. His Resilient Florida program is distributing hundreds of millions of dollars in adaptation funds to Florida communities threatened by severe weather and flooding, all while studiously avoiding the term "climate change."
There is one constituency, however, that the presidential hopeful has ignored entirely when it comes to preparing for climate change: the more than 80,000 Floridians who are incarcerated in state prisons.
Even as neighboring Republican-led states have taken steps to reform or modernize their prison systems — steps as basic as installing air conditioning — Florida remains distinct among its peers for its harsh sentencing laws and lack of measures protecting the incarcerated from extreme heat. In fact, public records obtained by Grist suggest that Florida lacks any comprehensive policy at all to safeguard the health of people locked in prisons without air conditioning, who are disproportionately Black and increasingly elderly. These vulnerabilities are compounded by the difficulty of staffing these sweltering facilities: About a quarter of Florida Department of Corrections staff positions are vacant, following years of budget cuts.
Around the time DeSantis was signing off on more than $1 million to fund plane flights delivering asylum seekers to the home states of Democratic party leaders, a prison crisis in his own state was boiling over. In September, DeSantis called on the National Guard to send personnel to nine prisons in an attempt to staunch "severe staffing shortages at certain institutions that, if not addressed immediately, could jeopardize public peace and domestic security."
Although DeSantis approved funding to increase corrections officers' entry-level salaries from $33,500 to $41,600 earlier this year, he declined to support recent bills aimed at underlying problems in the prison system. State legislators, including some reform-minded Republicans, introduced several measures intended to reduce sentences and bring down prison populations, but all major reform proposals failed. Both Republican-led branches of the legislature did, however, pass $840 million in funding for a new, 4,500-bed air-conditioned mega-prison and prison hospital — a solution that many reform advocates saw as a poor substitute for imprisoning fewer people in the first place. DeSantis vetoed even that.
Less than a quarter of Florida state prison housing units — 157 out of 639 dormitories — have air conditioning, according to Department of Corrections Deputy Communications Director Molly Best. At least 53 of Florida's 73 state prisons have no air-conditioned housing at all.*
Air conditioning can mean the difference between life and death in prison, according to a new study published on Wednesday in the journal JAMA Network Open. Researchers examined increases in prisoner mortality rates on days of extreme heat in Texas. They found that heat was associated with an average of 14 deaths per year in the state's unairconditioned prisons between 2001 and 2019. In prisons with air conditioning, there was no correlation between hot days and death. No similar study has been conducted in Florida.
"Governor DeSantis sails in on this tough-on-crime stance, and that's all well and good, but they put people in these horrible conditions and some of them don't get out," said Gail Snyder, whose brother is serving a 36-month sentence for breaking his probation and stealing groceries from the self-checkout register at a Walmart. He is 64 and diabetic, a condition associated with heat sensitivity, and he passed out repeatedly from the heat this summer. Snyder told Grist that she spent months wondering, "Is my brother going to end up with basically a life sentence for $178 at Walmart?"
Florida's prison woes have been exacerbated by its sentencing laws. The state abolished parole in 1983 and later passed a law that encouraged prosecutors to seek maximum sentences for formerly incarcerated people who commit a new felony within three years of their release. Such laws mean that Florida has significantly more people serving life sentences without parole than any other state. It is also the state with the highest proportion of so-called "elderly prisoners" over age 50, who are particularly vulnerable to heat.
Without a major intervention, Florida's prison population is poised to become markedly more vulnerable in the years ahead. The proportion of Florida prisoners over age 50 is expected to grow from 28 to 34 percent by 2026. This rapid aging is occurring as climate change is making extreme heat more frequent and severe. By mid-century, it's likely that every state prison in Florida will be in a county with over 20 days annually where the heat index rises above 105 degrees Fahrenheit, according to a Grist analysis of data from the Union of Concerned Scientists. By the end of the century, a quarter of Florida prisons will likely see over 50 days annually above 105 degrees, according to an investigation by The Intercept.
Other states have faced multimillion-dollar lawsuits arguing that a lack of climate control in hot prisons constitutes a violation of the Americans with Disabilities Act or the U.S. Constitution's prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment. Such suits forced Texas to establish an elaborate system to monitor heat in unairconditioned prisons and provide air-conditioned housing to people who are heat-sensitive. Although some researchers have found these policies insufficient, they are more thorough than anything Florida is doing.
The Florida Department of Corrections appears to have few protocols in place to protect prisoners with health conditions that make them vulnerable to heat. In response to a public records request for any and all Florida Department of Corrections heat policies, the agency shared only facility maintenance plans and first aid information, including a PowerPoint presentation that dedicates as much space to snake bites as heat. One slide describes the difference between heat exhaustion and heat stroke, and another provides instructions for responding to heat-related emergencies. A separate fact sheet defines types of heat stress and how to treat them.
The agency also shared a consent form for antipsychotic medication, which notes, "Avoid too much exercise, extreme heat, or other activities that are likely to dehydrate you unless you are able to get enough water."
Asked how a patient taking such medications would avoid heat while incarcerated, spokesperson Best said in an email that each new prisoner takes an intake exam when they are first incarcerated and is continuously monitored for medical needs.
"The Florida Department of Corrections has air-conditioned housing units which serve the most vulnerable inmate populations such as the infirmed, mentally ill, pregnant and geriatric," she stated, adding that dorms without air conditioning do have fans or exhaust systems as well as refrigerated water fountains. "General population inmates have access to air-conditioning in buildings designated for chapel, programs, classification, medical and administration."
"Ensuring inmates incarcerated in Florida's prisons receive medical and behavioral treatment is one of [the Florida Department of Corrections'] core constitutional responsibilities," Best said.
Nevertheless, Florida does not appear to be tracking extreme heat and its impact on prisoners. Asked for recent temperature records, Best replied, "The department does not keep any type of log for ambient internal or external air temperatures at any of the Florida correctional institutions." As for how many people have died of heat-related illnesses over the past decade, Best demurred, stating that only the medical examiner could share information about causes of death. "[The department] does not track heat related illnesses," she said.
The heat issue is one that the loved ones of incarcerated people have increasingly organized around, working with prisoner advocacy groups like Florida Cares. The organization periodically holds Beat the Heat Challenges, where policymakers are asked to spend three minutes sitting inside a replica of a prison cell without air conditioning. They say the combination of harsh sentencing and extreme heat is causing illness and death that could easily be prevented.
When Donna Muller lost her brother to suicide in August 2021, while he was incarcerated, her thoughts turned quickly to the heat. Two weeks before he died, 48-year-old John Crimins had sent his sister an email from the Lake Correctional Institution, a mostly unairconditioned prison located in a county that averages 123 days annually where the heat index surpasses 90 degrees Fahrenheit.
"Hey sis sorry I haven't been much on communication recently. This time of year is always rough," he wrote. "The heat is just oppressive to the point of despair. Crazy thoughts you know." By late afternoon on the day Crimins died, the heat index outside hit 105 degrees.
Muller knows it would be an oversimplification to claim heat was all that led to her brother's death. Crimins, a father of three, was serving a life sentence on an attempted murder charge for an incident he described as self-defense, and he had struggled on and off with depression throughout his life. However, she feels strongly that the heat made the situation less tolerable. (Spokesperson Best said that privacy laws prevent the Florida Department of Corrections from commenting on any individual's physical or mental health.)
"The sentence did not even come close to fitting the crime," Muller said. "Families are just holding their breath, waiting for legislation in the hopes that their loved ones will get out."
* Grist determined the number of detention facilities with no air conditioning by comparing an online directory of Florida Department of Corrections "major institutions" with a list of air conditioned facilities provided by Deputy Communications Director Molly Best. Grist's estimate counts prison annexes and affiliated units (such as Apalachee Correctional Institution, East) as individual prisons. Grist's estimate does not include re-entry centers, work camps, or community release centers. The full list of facilities with air conditioning can be found here.
MORE FROM Alleen Brown
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Home > Port Arthur > Defeating Depression
Defeating Depression
BUILDING BOOMS, LONG A FAMILIAR EXPERIENCE in Port Arthur, took a spurt after the port was opened to all railroad lines. Plans were made for the construction of a new Mary Gates Hospital; the Lutherans secured a permit for a $96,000 church building; Forrest Goodhue, Beaumont capitalist, announced he would build a ten-story hotel costing $550,000, and immediately Dr. Edward W. Vaughan declared that he, too, would construct a ten-story, 140-room building to cost slightly more than $500,000 and to be known as the Vaughan Hotel (present Hotel Sabine). Contracts for construction work totaling $530,432 were awarded on the Thomas Jefferson High School Building in Lambert Addition, while property on Procter Street sold for more than $1,000 a front foot.
The formal dedication of Memorial Armory took place on June 15, 1928, following a parade through the business streets. A month later the new Masonic Temple was opened to the public for inspection.
Arthur E. Stilwell, founder of the city, died in New York on Wednesday, September 26, and the citizens of Port Arthur sent a "simple tribute" in the form of a "large floral wreath, 7 feet high and about 36 inches in diameter." One of his biographers wrote:
Stilwell died . . . an old man with blasted hopes, yet he left behind him upon his death railroads and a number of towns. . . . Stilwell was the last of the great empire builders and no living man did more for the Southwest. He increased the wealth of that section of the country at least a billion dollars . . . founded 40 cities and villages, colonized over 600,000 acres of ground .. . built 2300 miles of new railway. . . . The two largest oil fields ever brought in in the United States were on Stilwell roads — the well at Spindletop and the Yates field, the first on the Kansas City Southern. . . . Arthur Stilwell wrote several books including "Universal Peace," "War Is Mesmerism," and "The Light That Never Failed."
During this year the United States Government completed the construction of approximately three and a half miles of jetties and mattresses, to prevent mud and debris from entering the ship channel.
Station WPA of the Gulf Refining Company was taken over by the Radiomarine Corporation of America on New Year's Day, 1929, arrangements being made, however, for the oil company to continue to have unlimited ship communication.
During that month Port Arthur became rose-conscious, when the Port Arthur Rose Garden Club, organized July 19, 1928, to "study, foster and encourage rose culture," laid out a municipal garden in the two Ioops on Lake Shore Drive. One hundred and fifty-four rose beds were planted, with five-foot red gravel walks and three-foot grass paths leading through the garden. In the middle was a five-pointed Texas star, and in the center of the plot an illuminated drinking fountain. Money for this work was obtained from a series of sales of rose bushes.
Immediately after Gov. Dan Moody had signed a bill permitting the erection of a seawall around the city, the United States Government began work on a project to widen the ship channel in three places. This and the recently completed jetty and mattress construction cost approximately $2,000,000.
The Vaughan Hotel was officially opened on July 15; the opening of the Hotel Goodhue followed on August 22. On October 6, Eddingston Court, showplace apartment building group, with its stone caves, "caves of the winds," and sunken gardens, was opened.
To increase taxable property, during that year, Port Arthur made strenuous efforts to bring the new Griffing Residential Park into the corporate limits. Griffing residents, on November 13, voted to incorporate as a separate municipality, and secured a temporary injunction a week later against Port Arthur officials, maintaining that outstanding bonds would damage property holders' rights in the territory if it should be annexed. On November 27, the Griffing injunction having been dismissed the day before, Port Arthur voted every item of a municipal $1,305,000 improvement program, approved construction of the protective seawall, and annexed Griffing, Edgemore, Del Mar and Lakeview additions, increasing the city's territory approximately forty per cent.
Griffing residents, undaunted, elected their own officials on December 28 for their newly created municipality, and on May 3, 1930, secured another injunction to prevent Port Arthur from further interference with the new town.
By that time, construction of the $1,750,000 seawall to protect more than $32,000,000 worth of property from possible ten-foot storm waters was advancing rapidly. Five miles of the wall fronting on Lake Sabine were being placed on concrete facing, while dredging of the channel to Beaumont, Orange, and Lake Charles placed the spoil on the east bank of the Canal to a height of fourteen feet, offering further security.
Upon completion of the new Gulf Highway, mayors of Port Arthur and Galveston exchanged greetings by the first motor coaches to travel the route. An official celebration was held on May 17, when thousands of residents of both cities gathered at the gaily-decorated Bolivar Ferry Landing.
The homecoming of the first Port Arthur soldier to fall in the World War took place on May 20, when the body of Rudolph Lambert, for whom the local American Legion Post was named, was brought to the city and, after lying in state, was buried with full military honors in Greenlawn Memorial Cemetery.
Late in the afternoon of June 11, following a terrific blast that rocked houses and broke plant windows, a million-dollar fire swept the Texas Company refinery, killing one and seriously burning thirty-five others. The fire raged for fifteen hours, and destroyed about two-thirds of the company's agitators, a pumphouse, and a boiler house.
As the depression began creeping across the United States, Port Arthur felt its first effects when business opened on Friday morning, July 18. Pasted across the front door window of the Gulf Bank and Trust Company was a notice that the institution, being insolvent, was in the hands of the bank examiner of Texas.
Yet despite general business conditions, the city, by October, resembled a construction camp as public projects amounting to $3,000,000 were being pushed to completion. On the $1,750,000 seawall job, 175 men were employed. About fifteen miles of dirt levees were being thrown up around the city to protect it from back water. From Houston Avenue south for a distance of 1,700 feet a steel seawall had almost been finished. Work on the $250,000 Pleasure Pier bridge had been well advanced. Fifty-three miles of permanent paving, costing $109,000, were being laid within the city, as welI as cement sidewalks and curbs in parks. Water and sewer extensions amounting to $100,000, and $310,000 worth of storm sewers were being put down.
The State of Texas announced on April 3, 1931, that it would contribute $325,000 for bridging the Neches River at the Port Arthur-Orange highway. The counties were to pay the other half
It was on April 9 that a bill providing for a sub-courthouse for Port Arthur had become a law through the signature of Gov. Ross Sterling. The Port Arthur News said:
It was approved . . . and filed to become immediately effective. . . . Under the sub-courthouse law . . . the county can spend $150,000 on the structure.
Bonds to this amount were voted in a county-wide election on August 1, and ultimately a site was purchased, and the building—the only one of its kind in Texas—was completed in 1936.
Of one of the buildings to be replaced, when the announcement as to the site was made, the Port Arthur News said:
The Plaza Natatorium, a fashionable watering place in the days when excursion trains brought their loads of curious to witness the oil boom at Spindle Top, soon will be effaced as a Port Arthur landmark. Picture postcards of the once stately building, with flags flying from the roof gables, in early days traveled over the nation with their messages of greeting from visitors in Port Arthur. . . . Long unused, it has fallen into disrepair and was becoming the prey of vandals.
One of the worst water-front fires in the history of the city raged through the night of July 1, when an explosion and resultant blaze aboard the Gulf Refining Company Shenango spread to another barge alongside, then to the Gulf of Mexico and to the Courier. A string of box cars was next in line, and sparks from the burning ships set fire to the coke loading rack across the turning basin. Five smaller craft were destroyed.
Revision of the city charter was voted in another election on August 15, in one of the lightest polls ever recorded in the city. A commission of fifteen was authorized to do the work. On August 20, in an effort to save money, the city commissioners voted to save $20,743 annually on the street lighting bill by cutting off fifty per cent of the lights.
Official recognition of completion of the seawall and Pleasure Pier bridge was made on October 17, 1931, with a parade nearly two miles in length. At the end of the line of march at the new bridge, Senator Thomas Holbrook of Galveston made the dedicatory address in which he said:
These projects — the seawall and bridge — should not be considered simply as the greatest achievements in Port Arthur's history. They should be considered as paving your way for the city's next advancement.
Then gold and silver coins from a flower-draped receptacle were scattered on the bridge, a long garland of moss across the entrance was cut and officials and participants crossed to the man-made island. The seawall was christened with sand from a large ocean shell as part of the ceremony.
Opening of the Manufacturers' and Jobbers' and Jobbers' Agents Exposition was held on February 1, 1932, in the Tyrrell Building (now the Bluestein Building) with 10,000 persons in attendance. The purpose of the exposition was to provide "inspiration for the support of a program to decrease unemployment here by increasing business enough through circulation of Port Arthur dollars in Port Arthur."
Four days later, the city, for the first time in its history went on a scrip basis in meeting wages and salaries. The Port Arthur News described the event:
Scrip issuance on general funds payrolls followed exhaustion of the fund through pledging of tax receipts by the city to secure loans aggregating $103,000 made by the bank (First National Bank, city depository) to the city. . . . Length of time under which payment to employes affected will be on a scrip basis is purely conjectural, depending on tax receipts.
Hundreds watched the U. S. Frigate Constitution (Old Iron-sides) on Tuesday, March 8, 1932 as, towed by the United States mine sweeper Brebe, and escorted by two tugs, she moved up the Sabine-Neches Canal to Beaumont. Four days later she returned to Port Arthur, and after much maneuvering tied up at the Mexican Docks. The Port Arthur News said:
In the same gusty weather in which she rode into Boston harbor 120 years ago . . . the U. S. Frigate Constitution nosed into her docks here. . . . While lines were being made fast to the docks, fire hose attached, and gangplanks fastened into place, the American Legion drum and bugle corps paraded on the docks, executing drills and playing numbers. Bunting was flying from the spars of the British tanker, Trentbank, docked in the Texas Company Island terminals.
Between the first appearance of the ship and her return to Port Arthur, the city held an election that was described as "the most outstanding majority for the city manager form of government in the history of Texas." The Port Arthur News of March 12, 1932, declared:
Seven City Commissioners today formally laid hands to the task of bringing the municipal government out of its dizzy plunge into extravagance and debt. . . . Mayor Logan and commissioners Williams and Regan affixed their names to the document that automatically clipped off their titles and removed them from office. It was a resolution directing the mayor to send to Austin the certified copy of the charter. . . . With the formal certification of results by the outs going commissioners, the charter was adopted definitely placing Griffing Park, Lakeview and Old Griffing out of the city limits.
The new city manager, Robert Cooper, who had held that position at Albuquerque, N. Mex., began his duties on April 18.
Dedication of the new Rue des Soldats (Street of the Soldiers), adjacent to the ship channel and below the levees, occurred on Memorial Day, as civilians, soldiers, and veterans paid tribute to the city's war dead. Describing the event, the Port Arthur News said:
The service . . . climaxed a three months' beautification drive sponsored by the Veterans of Foreign Wars, Hamilton Smith Post No. '797, to plant oleanders the length of the scenic drive. . . . Gov. R. S. Sterling, counseling his listeners to "smile through" the attendant unstabilized economic situation . . . delivered the principal address.
Oleanders, in groups of six plants that have white blossoms and six of pink blooms, line the levee for the twenty-four blocks of driveway that wind along the canal in one of the most colorful of the city's boulevards.
Interurban service between Port Arthur and Beaumont was discontinued on August 15, and hourly bus service installed. The Port Arthur News on August 7, commented:
Interurban service was begun Dec. 16, 1913. . .. During the time of its existence, the interurban line has lived up to its slogan "speed with safety" with no passenger fatally or seriously injured. . . . Total of 9,077,472 passengers have been carried and the interurban . . . has traveled approximately 6,624;75'7 miles. Passenger Car No. 1 made the first trip over the road at 9 a.m. Dec. 16, 1913. Without juggling schedules, the same car has made that trip each anniversary of the inaugural journey.
Beaumont interests, by the first of October, were protesting the United States Post Office and Federal Building proposed bridge across the Neches River, 3,500 feet above Dryden Ferry on the Port Arthur-Orange road. But the War Department ratified plans for the structure late on the afternoon of December 26, 1933, ending the opposition of Beaumont and Standard Oil Company interests.
Meantime, twenty-nine sportsmen banded together as the Port Arthur Hunting Club, Inc., receiving a charter on November 17. Twenty-four members lived in Port Arthur, three in Beaumont, one in Nederland and one in Houston. The club acquired a two-year lease on 30,000 acres of the great marsh southwest of Port Arthur; the preserve was in the form of a ribbon about seventeen miles long, extending from Knight's Lake past Star Lake. Two camps for members were provided, one on McFaddin's Beach, the other a houseboat on the Intracoastal Canal, fifteen miles from Port Arthur.
First of the Federal subsistence homestead colonies to be established in Jefferson County was started in January, 1934, when it was announced that a 205-acre tract had been selected on the West Port Arthur highway, approximately two miles west of Nederland. Since the colony of fifty families was located midway between Beaumont and Port Arthur, it was named Beaux-Art Gardens.
During the first week of September, Drake Plaza, on Stilwell Boulevard between Procter Street and Lake Shore Drive, was dedicated in honor of Rollin L. Drake, former superintendent of the Texas Company case and package department, who died earlier in the year at Tulsa, Okla. Services were held in front of Memorial Library, while Judge Raymond Murray "eulogized the former Port Arthur citizen and his work on civic projects."
Residents listened to a ten-hour broadcast from Station KPAC on Sunday, October 14, as they "were exhorted . . . in the manner of an old-time revival . . . to furnish enough money from private pocketbooks to carry on the fight for a bridge." The broadcast originated when C. S. Flanagan and other members of the Chamber of Commerce asked the Rudolph Lambert Post of the American Legion to assist in carrying on the "fight for the new Port Arthur-Orange Bridge." "It takes money," the committee said, "to gather engineering data and to send men to Washington and Austin to present this data. Now, we need $2,500 to carry on this fight, and we've come to ask you to help us raise it." The veterans worked out a plan for appeals to be made by radio; and when donors responded by telephone, the veterans would drive out and collect donations.
On the Friday prior to the broadcast a football game was played in Lake Charles, La., in which the Port Arthur high school team participated. When hundreds of Port Arthur fans driving to the contest arrived at Dryden Ferry, they found a traffic jam. The little twelve-car ferry shuttled busily back and forth trying to get everybody across in time, but motorists waited hours for their turns. So, when requests for bridge donations were made, the Legionnaires found response greater than they anticipated. Contributions ranged from 25 cents to $5. Most of the fund was raised on Sunday, and within three days, the remainder was secured.
The first all-welded tug constructed in Port Arthur was launched on October 25. The Samson, built by the Gulfport Boiler and Welding Works, was sixty-seven feet long, with a seventeen-foot beam. Drawing between six and seven feet of water, the vessel, powered by a six-cylinder Diesel engine, was constructed for the Sabine Towing Company, at a cost of $50,000.
Four days later, drivers of the Eastern Texas Electric Company walked out in a strike involving wages and working conditions, and bus transportation came to a standstill. Pickets were thrown around company offices and car barns at the corner of Houston Avenue and 7th Street. Busses belonging to an allied concern, the Beaumont-Port Arthur line, stood idle. Privately owned automobiles and taxis were put into service transporting businessmen and employees. Two days later, both the companies and employees agreed to arbitrate and bus lines resumed service.
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Home / Culture / Music
Famous composer Simon Thacker from Scotland tours Bengal for the love of Baul music
Suman Sadhu
20 September, 2019 02:07:01
Composer, classical guitarist, improviser and ensemble leader Simon Thacker turns music into gold for the ears, and now, he has lent his Midas touch to Baul songs. Born and brought up in Scotland, Simon was always more than interested in music. He chased the strain of music through Europe, and organised many a concert with other singers. However, Simon has been associating with Bangladesh and India for a while now. He has visited Kolkata, and his social media is full of appreciation for the Bengali culture. In particular, he is absolutely mesmerised by baul music, and is determined to make the world listen to the beauty of this genre of music.
Bauls are a group of mystic minstrels from West Bengal and Bangladesh. Baul Sangeet is a popular folk song. Its lyrics carry influences of the Hindu Bhakti movements and the Sufism, a form of Sufi song exemplified by the songs of Kabir. Their music represents a long heritage of preaching mysticism through songs. An important aspect of baul is the importance of oral narrative - the singers pour their emotions into the songs, but never write down the lyrics or compositions. Simon believes that the language of baul music is not as important as the music that evokes the most primeval, intense emotions that surpass the need for language to understand its essence.
No wonder, he adores the mystic singer and philosopher, Lalon Fokir, and came to India in 2018 for the first time, where he discovered the baul genre through baul singer Raju Das of Santiniketan. He will make his debut solo tour of India this year with his newly-written programme, Pashyanti.
Svara-Kanti, an ensemble envisaged by Simon, has come up with 'Trikala', a double album that traverses genres from across the globe and brings together 13 artistes with different musical mind-sets. Recorded in Chennai, Kolkata and Scotland, this work is, as Thacker says in his booklet, "designed to be the most advanced exposition of possibilities of the convergence of the East and the West, thus creating a new sound." One the songs is a Tamil interpretation with an interesting arrangement of 'Vande Mataram.'
His album is more than what is simply a 'fusion' of East meets West -- it is a power
The Soumitra Chattopadhyay I knew, from 'kaku' to 'babu'
The 'Shehnai' family of Kolkata who played at the Buckingham palace
Low notes: How 2021 will treat our music industry


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import {NgModule} from '@angular/core';
import {CommonModule} from '@angular/common';
import {FormsModule} from '@angular/forms';
import {NglIconsModule} from '../icons/module';
import {NglPillsModule} from '../pills/module';
import {NglMenusModule} from '../menus/module';

import {NglLookup} from './lookup';
import {NglLookupItemTemplate} from './item';
import {NglLookupScopeItem} from './scope-item';

import {NglInternalLookupScope} from './scope';

const NGL_LOOKUP_DIRECTIVES = [
  NglLookup,
  NglLookupItemTemplate,
  NglLookupScopeItem,
];

@NgModule({
  declarations: [NGL_LOOKUP_DIRECTIVES, NglInternalLookupScope],
  exports: [NGL_LOOKUP_DIRECTIVES],
  imports: [CommonModule, FormsModule, NglIconsModule, NglPillsModule, NglMenusModule],
})
export class NglLookupsModule {}


text:
← The Same Mistakes
The Sum of Us →
Ruthless Now
Posted on September 18, 2020 by Alan
Forget all the other issues. No, the nation is still a mess, the Covid pandemic getting worse and worse – it'll be two hundred thousand dead sometime this weekend – and the economy collapsing for everyone but a few hundred people who chat with each other on CNBC and the Fox Business Channel – and the president has said that the results of this presidential election will be totally invalid and maybe it's now impossible that there will be a valid election in America ever again. Elections are always rigged. Elections don't work anymore. He seems to be getting ready to say he has no choice but to cancel this November's election and all future elections and declare himself president for life. What else can he do? And who is going to stop him? He's got Fox News and millions of heavily-armed American citizens on his side, and, perhaps, Vladimir Putin and the entire Russian military too.
These are strange times, but now there's been a change regarding the small group of just nine men and women who everyone agrees have the final say on what can or cannot be done in this hot mess of a country. That's what the Supreme Court does, and suddenly everything changed there. The Washington Post covers the startling news:
Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the second woman to serve on the high court and a legal pioneer for gender equality whose fierce opinions as a justice made her a hero to the left, died Sept. 18 at her home in Washington. She was 87.
The death was announced in a statement by the U.S. Supreme Court. She had recently been treated for pancreatic cancer.
She was old-school liberal, and deadly:
Born in Depression-era Brooklyn, Justice Ginsburg excelled academically and went to the top of her law school class at a time when women were still called upon to justify taking a man's place. She earned a reputation as the legal embodiment of the women's liberation movement and as a widely admired role model for generations of female lawyers.
Working in the 1970s with the American Civil Liberties Union, Justice Ginsburg successfully argued a series of cases before the high court that strategically chipped away at the legal wall of gender discrimination, eventually causing it to topple. Later, as a member of the court's liberal bloc, she was a reliable vote to enhance the rights of women, protect affirmative action and minority voting rights and defend a woman's right to choose an abortion.
Almost all American conservatives would agree with Samuel Johnson – "Nature has given women so much power that the law has very wisely given them little." Ruth Bader Ginsburg was having none of that. Women get to have their say too. Everyone does. And that made her a hero:
On the court, she became an iconic figure to a new wave of young feminists, and her regal image as the "Notorious RBG" graced T-shirts and coffee mugs. She was delighted by the attention, although she said her law clerks had to explain that the moniker referred to a deceased rapper, the Notorious B.I.G. She also was the subject of a popular film documentary, "RBG" (2018).
When she was named one of Time magazine's 100 most influential people in 2015, her colleague and improbable close friend, conservative Justice Antonin Scalia, wrote about her dual roles as crusader and judge. "Ruth Bader Ginsburg has had two distinguished legal careers, either one of which would alone entitle her to be one of Time's 100," wrote Scalia, who died in 2016.
After Scalia's death, the Senate took no action to confirm President Barack Obama's nominee to the court, U.S. Appeals Court Judge Merrick Garland. President Trump, who took office in 2017, has nominated two new justices to the court, Neil M. Gorsuch and Brett M. Kavanaugh, the latter succeeding Justice Anthony M. Kennedy.
NPR reported that Justice Ginsburg, in a statement dictated to her granddaughter in recent days, said, "My most fervent wish is that I will not be replaced until a new president is installed."
Her colleague and improbable close friend, "Fat Tony" Scalia, would probably have agreed with her on that. Disagree on what you will, but play fair. That was the whole point:
A landmark moment for Justice Ginsburg came in 2011, when the court for the first time opened its term with three female justices. Justice Ginsburg said in an interview with The Washington Post that it would "change the public perception of where women are in the justice system. When the schoolchildren file in and out of the court and they look up and they see three women, then that will seem natural and proper – just how it is."
The rest of this lengthy obituary covers her decisions and dissents and biographical details, but one anecdote says it all:
In 1958, Ruth transferred from Harvard to Columbia Law School to complete her legal training. There, she continued to thrive, again making the law review and tying for first in her class at graduation in 1959.
Once she started looking for work, she could not find a job at New York's top firms.
"I struck out on three grounds – I was Jewish, a woman and a mother," Justice Ginsburg reflected later. "The first raised one eyebrow; the second, two; the third made me indubitably inadmissible."
Nor could she land an interview for a clerkship with Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, despite a recommendation from a dean of Harvard Law School. Frankfurter made it clear that he simply wasn't ready to hire a woman.
Eventually, she landed a position as a clerk for a federal district court judge, after a Columbia law professor lined up a man as a replacement in the event Justice Ginsburg faltered.
And then she showed them all. Don't mess with her. She'll charm you, she seems to have been an awfully nice person, and she'll be the one who ends up on the Supreme Court. But now she's gone, and as Carl Hulse reports on the crisis that generated:
Senator Mitch McConnell vowed late Friday that he would move to put President Trump's nominee to replace Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court, breaking with his 2016 stance and setting the stage for a bruising battle that promised to reverberate through the 2020 elections.
"Americans re-elected our majority in 2016 and expanded it in 2018 because we pledged to work with President Trump and support his agenda, particularly his outstanding appointments to the federal judiciary," Mr. McConnell said in a statement issued not long after news of Justice Ginsburg's death became public. "Once again, we will keep our promise. President Trump's nominee will receive a vote on the floor of the United States Senate."
It was a stark turnabout from his position four years ago, when Mr. McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, reacted to the death of Justice Antonin Scalia by declaring that a successor should await the outcome of the presidential election, and then proceeded to block President Barack Obama's nominee, Judge Merrick B. Garland.
That's bullshit. It was easy enough to call him out:
Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and the minority leader, sought to remind Mr. McConnell of that former position minutes after the news of Justice Ginsburg's death, saying in a tweet: "The American people should have a voice in the selection of their next Supreme Court Justice. Therefore, this vacancy should not be filled until we have a new president."
His words were not accidental. They were a verbatim recitation of what Mr. McConnell said in his surprising announcement in February 2016 immediately after Justice Scalia's death.
McConnell shrugged. A cynic might say that what McConnell seemed to be saying is that as soon as Trump names his man to take her place on the Supreme Court, perhaps Monday, he will hold a vote on the Senate floor – no background check, no testimonials on the nominee's character or deep learning or patriotism or whatever, no committee hearings, no full Senate hearing, no discussion at all – just a quick up or down vote. Trump's man will be sworn in Tuesday. Odds are that will be either Tucker Carlson or Sean Hannity, or perhaps Jared Kushner or Ted Nugent.
But that's McConnell's fantasy. His fellow Republican senators have egos. Every one of them on the Senate judiciary committee will want to have his say, on national television, so expect committee hearings. And there will be a full Senate hearing too, for the same reason – cameras! Every politician wants to be a star. That changes nothing of course. But this will not be fast, for all sorts of reasons:
In his statement Friday night, Mr. McConnell made no mention of the timing for considering nominees, a sign that he was calculating the best scenario for Supreme Court hearings and a vote, given that several Republican senators are facing tough re-election challenges, and a handful have suggested they would not want to move forward with a confirmation so close to the election.
Mr. McConnell, who is also up for re-election, vowed to plunge ahead anyway, even though in the case of Mr. Scalia, the vacancy occurred nine months before the election, while Justice Ginsburg died just over a month before the election and with early voting already underway.
In short, two or three senators cannot afford to be total jerks, just like him, not at this time:
There are significant differences between 2016 and today. Then, Republicans held the Senate majority and had the power to refuse Mr. Obama's nominee. Democrats are in the minority now, and are virtually powerless to block Mr. Trump and Senate Republicans from moving ahead to fill a vacancy in the court if they decide they want to do so. Rules changes in the Senate since 2013 have left control of judicial nominees entirely in the hands of the majority if they can hold their forces together.
It is not at all clear whether they can. A small number of Republican senators – Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, and Charles E. Grassley of Iowa – have indicated they would not want to fill a Supreme Court vacancy so close to a presidential election.
And that screws up everything:
The question for Mr. McConnell and his fellow Republicans would be whether they could secure 50 votes to push through a nominee over what would undoubtedly be intense Democratic objections. Given their reliance on the rationale of the looming presidential election in 2016, some Republicans – particularly those like Ms. Collins who are up for election in a difficult environment this year – might be reluctant to move ahead, fearing a backlash from more moderate and independent voters they are counting on to prevail.
Certainly, any Republican who resists would come under tremendous pressure given the chance for Mr. Trump, who is battling for re-election, to get a third nominee for the court and lock in his conservative majority. Republicans, led by Mr. McConnell, have made their push to place more than 200 conservative judges on the federal bench a centerpiece of their agenda, and Mr. McConnell will no doubt want to put an exclamation point on that achievement.
He may not get his exclamation point:
Mr. Graham, whose panel would lead the confirmation process, issued a statement Friday night praising Justice Ginsburg but remaining silent on how the panel would handle a nomination by Mr. Trump. But at an October 2018 appearance at the Atlantic Festival in Washington during the Senate's deliberations on the nomination of Justice Kavanaugh, he pledged not to confirm a new Supreme Court justice under circumstances similar to the present.
"If an opening comes in the last year of President Trump's term, and the primary process has started, we'll wait to the next election," Mr. Graham said.
Hours before Justice Ginsburg's death was announced, Ms. Murkowski told an Alaska radio station that she would not vote to confirm a Supreme Court nominee before Election Day.
"We are 50 some days away from an election," she told Alaska Public Media.
Mr. Grassley, who led the Judiciary Committee in 2016, has also said that he would not conduct Supreme Court confirmation hearings in a presidential election year after the way Republicans blockaded the Garland nomination. But Mr. Graham, not Mr. Grassley, is now chairman of the panel.
Yes, it's complicated, and Peter Baker and Maggie Haberman note more complications:
The sudden vacancy on the court abruptly transformed the presidential campaign and underscored the stakes of the contest between Mr. Trump and former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., his Democratic challenger. It also bolstered Mr. Trump's effort to shift the subject away from his handling of the coronavirus pandemic and remind Republicans why it matters whether he wins or not, while also potentially galvanizing Democrats who fear a change in the balance of power on the Supreme Court.
If Mr. Trump were able to replace Justice Ginsburg, a liberal icon, it could cement a conservative majority for years to come, giving Republican appointees six of the nine seats. While Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. lately has sided at times with the four liberals on issues like immigration, gay rights and health care, he would no longer be the swing vote on a court with another Trump appointee.
So, suddenly, everything is up for grabs:
Democrats immediately said they would fiercely resist any effort to confirm a justice before the inauguration, warning that Republicans should follow their own precedent from 2016.
"They must exhibit a shred of integrity and recognize that abandoning their word now, and breaking all precedents by ramming a nominee through – most likely after the election – would cause the nation tremendous pain," said Senator Patrick J. Leahy, Democrat of Vermont.
But at least Ted Nugent isn't a factor in any of this:
On the campaign trail in recent days, Mr. Trump has sought to stress the possibility that he could name more members to the court, rolling out a list of about 40 possible candidates he said he would consider. He was onstage at a rally in Minnesota on Friday night when news of Justice Ginsburg's death arrived and, not aware of what had happened, and told the crowd that he planned to name a conservative if given the opportunity.
Mr. Trump specifically named Senator Ted Cruz, Republican of Texas, joking that he would be unanimously confirmed because he is widely disliked by his colleagues who would like to move him elsewhere.
"I have to have somebody we are going to make sure we get approved," the president said. "The only one I can think of is Ted because he is going to get 50 Republican votes and going to get 50 Democrat votes – they'll do anything to get him out of the Senate."
Everyone hates the guy. He'll do. But of course he had been joking around before the things changed and got real:
After the rally, reporters told Mr. Trump of Justice Ginsburg's passing. "She just died?" he said. "Wow. I didn't know that. You're telling me now for the first time. She led an amazing life. What else can you say? She was an amazing woman, whether you agreed or not. She was an amazing woman who led an amazing life. I'm actually sorry to hear that." He made no comment on a replacement and took no questions.
He may have to think about this, but of course others think for him:
White House advisers privately described Justice Ginsburg's death as a significant boost for Mr. Trump's re-election chances. One person familiar with White House planning said that the new nominee will be announced sooner rather than later, and that the White House hopes that Mr. McConnell moves forward with a vote. The president is likely to meet again with those on his short list in the coming days, the person familiar with the planning said.
And that means war:
Democrats argued that the open seat would rally their own supporters as well but it was not clear it would make a major difference since they are already motivated to defeat Mr. Trump for other reasons.
"I don't know how much angrier the left can get," said Jennifer Palmieri, the communications director for Hillary Clinton's 2016 campaign. She said that Democrats would be animated by the turn of events, and that if Mr. McConnell were to go ahead before the election and move the nomination through, it would cost Republicans the Senate.
The New York Times' Maureen Dowd is even more direct:
I used to feel pretty optimistic that the country would get through the Trump years intact.
In 2016, America got mad – and went mad. This administration has unleashed so many fresh hells that a portrait of the last four years looks very Hieronymus Bosch. But the idea of this country is so remarkable; surely it could withstand one cheesy con man who squeaked in.
Now we might have passed a point of no return. No matter who wins in November, can the harsh divisions abate?
The stunning news Friday night of the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg guaranteed a political bonfire.
And that would start with this:
With Democrats still smarting over Republicans' refusal to consider Barack Obama's pick of Merrick Garland for the court, this will push them over the edge, and maybe to the polls, especially women. And Trump's base could race to vote, because the president has talked about nominating Tom Cotton or Ted Cruz, aiming to have a court that would overturn Roe v. Wade. Mitch McConnell said Friday that Trump's nominee – hopefully not Jeanine Pirro – will get a floor vote.
And it will end when Donald Trump declares the election invalid and that goes to the Supreme Court:
"We cannot have Election Day come and go with a 4-4 court," Cruz told Sean Hannity. Imagine a Bush v. Gore scenario with a 4-4 court.
Ah, so THAT is why Trump needs his new Supreme Count Justice! The Supreme Court ruled George W. Bush president in 2000 – they alone decided that – and this time they will choose Donald Trump as president, and make it so. All it takes is that fifth vote – Ted Cruz or Ted Nugent or someone or other – and Dowd sees this:
As it turned out, the founders created a country painfully vulnerable to whoever happens to be president. They assumed that future presidents would cherish what they had so painfully created, and continue to knit together different kinds of people from different areas with different economic interests.
But now that we have a president who takes those knitting needles and stabs the country mercilessly with them, we can see how fragile this whole thing really is.
All the stuff we took for granted – from presidential ethics to electoral integrity to a nonpolitical attorney general – is blown to smithereens. The president who does not believe in science has been conducting a science experiment for four years: What happens to a country when you have a president who is doing everything in his power to cleave it?
No one knows the answer to that. But they'll know the answer soon enough. The world has turned ruthless. Sometimes a bad pun is all that's left to any of us.
This entry was posted in Uncategorized and tagged Control of the Courts, Death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Donald Trump, Mitch McConnell, Replacing Ginsburg, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Supreme Court Issues. Bookmark the permalink.
1 Response to Ruthless Now
Christopher Neel says:
Thanks for writing these and putting in the effort. I've been reading your blog for, I think, over a decade. It's part of my routine. thought I should let you know.


text:
Knotting for Nepal
BHRIKUTI RAI
BIKRAM RAI
During a time when Nepali women had few economic and educational opportunities 30 years ago, Shyam Badan Shrestha gathered Rs 200, built a small workshop in her house and started making knotted handicrafts along with two friends.
That was the humble beginning of Nepal Knotcraft Centre, the country's first showroom for knotted products and bamboo furniture.
After working as a teacher for 13 years, Shrestha's foray into handicraft making was largely trial and error. "I was interested in macram� from an early age, but I had no formal training," she recalls, "so I read a lot of books and taught myself the art of knotting." She started by making small items and began experimenting with different materials like cotton, hemp and yarn when she gained confidence.
Today, the Centre produces a wide range of knotted goods such as hammocks, purses, belts, and decoration pieces at its factory in Patan Industrial Estate. Interestingly, ethnic dolls made of husk are one of the hottest commodities in the Kupondole outlet. Shrestha says she was inspired to experiment with cornhusk due to the Indian embargo of 1990 and 1991 when there was a severe shortage of cotton twine.
During this time she also discovered indigenous weaving traditions practiced by Nepali women from diverse communities who had the expertise, but lacked technical knowledge and resources to use their skills to earn an income.
Nepal Knotcraft teaches local women's groups to blend their indigenous weaving techniques with contemporary styles. By the end of the training, the women are sent not just with the know-how but a market for their handicrafts. This initiative has not only made them more socially and financially independent, but increased their interest in preserving their art and passing it to the younger generations.
The journey has been challenging. In 2007, the factory was shut down due to labour militancy and although business resumed after two years, Shrestha says starting over was difficult because many skilled artisans from the company migrated abroad for work.
Now, Nepal Knotcraft is struggling to compete with cheap, synthetic Chinese products which have flooded the market. But Shrestha is confident that increasing preference among urban Nepalis for eco-friendly lifestyles will make handicraft goods a household staple in the next 10 years.
Still, Shrestha is content and optimistic. She says, "The future of the industry depends on how well we tap into the country's abundant natural resources. If we can replace imported raw materials with local ones and develop research facilities, the handicrafts sector will take off in a big way."
www.knotcraft.com
Sewing a social safety net, HARIDEVI ROKAYA
Reena Rai has decided to dedicate her life to helping other women like her to be independent with skills training
They don't count, and are uncounted, ANURAG ACHARYA in NEW DELHI


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