text:
Anelise Hanson Shrout
(Re)Humanizing Data
Digitally Navigating the Bellevue Almshouse
Fleeing poverty, disease and violence at home, thousands immigrated to New York City in the 1840s. In an unknown city, with little support, many became destitute. City officials responded by consigning immigrants to the Bellevue Hospital Almshouse. There they were diagnosed as "vagrant," "destitute" and "recent emigrant" and incarcerated in New York's nascent public health system. This paper uses computational methods to reconstruct the experiences of incarcerated immigrants. It demonstrates the (often archivally invisible) forces that structured immigrants' lives. It also argues that, despite the violence they suffered at the hands of New York City, these men and women used the Almshouse to forge communities, demand medical care, and claim social support.
On February 23rd, 1847, three adults and one child stepped off the deck of the ship Fidelia and onto New York City's docks.1 James Burnes was twenty-eight years old, Eliza-Jane Burnes was twenty-two and Arthur Burnes was twenty. One of the three was likely shepherding Ellen Burnes, who was just three years old.2 All four members of the Burnes family had been born in Ireland. They came to New York because Irish potato crops failed consistently between 1845 and 1847. Government efforts to provide relief proved too little and too late, and the rural Irish began to starve.3 Sickness followed. By 1852 over one million Irish people had died. Over one million more—those who had the physical, material and emotional resources to do so—sailed across the Atlantic. The vast majority of these immigrants, like the Burnes family, disembarked in New York. Many became sick or otherwise required aid. When they did, they were sent to the city's public Bellevue Almshouse. There, they became the subjects of data collection. Many were diagnosed as "recent emigrants." Bellevue inmates were then assigned to one of many public health sites across the city, where they remained, often for months.
There is a vast body of literature exploring Irish immigration patterns in aggregate.4 However, the lives and experiences of individual immigrants remain difficult to access.5 This is both because archival references to these men and women are sparse, and because the references that do exist are artifacts of government efforts to control immigrant bodies. This essay explores Irish immigrants' experience of the complicated and often hostile nascent public health systems in 1840s New York. It focuses on the years before consistent immigration policies and laws clarified the obligations of the city to immigrant newcomers.6 It uses data produced about immigrants by the Bellevue Almshouse to argue that these spaces could be sites of physical and epistemic violence and simultaneously be spaces for community and resistance. It does not merely seek to recapitulate the gaze of the nineteenth-century state by condensing Bellevue's data into summary statistics. Rather, it complicates histories of New York public health which have tended to laud philanthropically-minded doctors and administrators, or emphasize the institutional logics of Bellevue.7 Without discounting these institutional histories, this essay calls for a greater focus on the ways in which immigrants experienced historical enactments of power through data production. It also demonstrates the ways in which that same data can reveal challenges to that power.8
New York City collected reams of data about immigrants in the nineteenth century, as part of a broader, trans-Atlantic quantification movement. Merchants assigned costs to commodities. Census-takers enumerated families. Slave traders measured and evaluated enslaved people. Federal and state governments aggregated paupers. Epidemiologists mapped disease. This enumeration, evaluation, aggregation and mapping explicitly valued some characteristics and devalued others. It constituted an intellectual framework that worked to differentiate "the national 'us' from aliens within and without." In doing so, it helped to establish the "natural parameters" and features of what Mary Poovey called "the social body."9
For historians, this glut of information is attractive for its abundance. It is visualizable, and regressable. It is also fraught with peril. Nineteenth-century immigration data was produced with the express purpose of reducing people to bodies; bodies to easily quantifiable aspects; and assigning value to those aspects which proved that the marginalized people to who they belonged were worth less than their elite counterparts. The uses to which this data collection was put meant that the act of quantification itself had the potential to enact both epistemic and physical violence on the subjects it nominally preserved. In reducing people to merely a set of characteristics, immigration officials rendered them archivally mute. These men and women do not speak for themselves in immigration records; the city alone speaks for, and values them.10 More specifically, in reducing people to characteristics associated with immigration status, Bellevue administrators framed any ailments or difficulties inmates might have had as a consequence of that status. Additionally, the admission of these men and women into Bellevue subjected them to the physical violence that characterized public health institutions.11 This reading of potential violence in quantification is not merely an artifact of twenty-first century theory. It was also visible to contemporaries. Friedrich Kapp, one of New York State's first Commissioners of Emigration, described the zeitgeist of nineteenth-century New York as one in which "the emigrant is not a subject, but an object…a numerical quantity; they seem to have no individual existence, and the student of contemporary history does not take the trouble to study their individual motives, misfortunes and aspirations."12
This tension between "individual motives, misfortunes and aspirations" of immigrants and their quantification was made manifest in the differences between immigrants' experiences of the Atlantic crossing and New York city's experience of immigrants. The "Famine ships" that crossed from Ireland to the United States were rife with typhus, cholera, sick bodies, effluvia and purification. Those immigrants who did not personally experience "a reeling to the head, followed by a swelling pain, as if the head were going to burst" or "excruciating pains in the bones, and then a swelling of the limbs," would have seen their friends, family, and strangers with whom they shared close quarters suffer.13 Many died. Many bodies were thrown overboard.14 When those who survived the journey entered New York harbor, many were weak from hunger and as a consequence of illness. Some were likely still contagious. Their ordeal was over, but they were in need of support.
New York City officials experienced immigrants as potential liabilities, and produced data about them accordingly. Ships arriving in New York stopped at the Marine Hospital on Staten Island, but unless the passengers were visibly ill, they were allowed to continue on into the port.15 In the early nineteenth century, to mitigate the costs of supporting sick or indigent immigrants, New York State passed laws requiring the master or captain of every foreign ship to commit funds or take out bonds for each passenger. As part of this process, captains had to collect identifying information about immigrants, so that if they became ill and turned to public institutions for aid, the city could charge whoever was financially responsible.16 Middlemen got involved. Brokers, bondsmen and runners scrambled to sell bonds to vessel-owners.17 If the immigrants that they had bonded remained healthy (or avoided entering public institutions) the bondsmen kept the full bonding fee—anywhere between ten cents and one dollar per passenger. If the immigrants became sick and turned to the city, bondsmen were obligated to cover the cost of their care. These bondsmen effectively bet that immigrants would not become ill. Immigrants—or more particularly sick immigrants—became commodities to be wagered on, bought and sold.
After they spent nearly three weeks in New York City without leaving a mark on the historical record, the Burnes family surfaced again archivally on March 12th, when Eliza-Jane and Ellen were "sent" to the city's public Almshouse at Bellevue.18 James and Arthur do not appear again. It is impossible to know how voluntary Eliza-Jane and Ellen's incarceration was. The Almshouse admissions ledgers only note "by whom" they were "sent," two city officials named George W. Anderson and Peter C. Johnston. However, Eliza-Jane and Ellen would not have entered Bellevue without work by city officials, who were able to exert considerable power over newly-arrived immigrants.
George W. Anderson was the Superintendent of Out-Door Poor. He was tasked with adjudicating the needs of the city's destitute, determining whether they could receive aid outside of an institution ("Out-Door") or whether they should be admitted to Bellevue. Impoverished New Yorkers could approach Anderson, "either personally or through some friend," and ask "to be committed." They would stay in city institutions "long enough to recover from their diseases, if sick, and to earn sufficient to pay all the expenses of their support."19 It is possible that in the weeks between disembarking and entering Bellevue, Eliza-Jane learned of, and then enthusiastically took advantage of this public health infrastructure.
However, it is far more likely that she would have been urged or ordered to enter Bellevue. In the first half of the nineteenth century, city officials began to encourage incarceration and rehabilitation of the poor, because institutionalization meant providing relief in exchange for labor—a far cheaper prospect than providing out-door relief.20 During the week she spent in New York before entering Bellevue, Eliza-Jane might have encountered an agent of the city or a well-meaning New Yorker who told her that if she wanted food for herself and Ellen, she was obligated to enter the Almshouse. She might have connected their recommendations with Irish workhouses, which required strenuous work as a condition of entry, and which were notoriously spare in their accommodations.21 This "workhouse test" meant that entering an institution was a last resort. If she drew connections between Bellevue and Irish institutions, her decision to enter Bellevue may have been less a deliberate choice than it was her only remaining option.
It is also possible that Eliza-Jane might also have been explicitly and forcibly institutionalized. In the 1840s, police officers were tasked with corralling those "in the street" who seemed "intoxicated [or] diseased." They were also on the lookout for those who were "houseless." These "vagrants and criminals"—which included people who did not have permanent accommodations, and which might have included Eliza-Jane and Ellen—were committed to the penitentiary, the workhouse, or the almshouse.22 Whether Eliza-Jane petitioned for admission, was encouraged or coerced by some well-meaning city official, or was compelled to enter Bellevue, her admittance into the public health system signaled New York city's growing control over her and her daughter.
That control was next made manifest in their quantification in Bellevue. Upon entry, clerks recorded information—name, age, profession, nationality—but also the names of the people who had referred them to Bellevue, and, most importantly for New York City, the ship or broker that was obligated to cover the new inmate's fees. Thereafter, a clerk—possibly Peter C. Johnston—designated the "disease" which had occasioned their admission to Bellevue. Some were diagnosed with medically recognizable illnesses, including "fever," "dropsy" and "neuralgia." Others were diagnosed with "diseases" that made visible the ways in which immigrants were failing to meet the expectations of urban citizenship. These included "destitution" and "recent emigrant."23 Neither of these diagnoses reflected an immigrant's health. Nevertheless, they were treated as pathologies, and those pathologies governed city officials perceptions of immigrants. Sickness, injuries or destitution were subsumed under the pathology of "recent emigrant." This diagnosis also determined immigrants' paths through the New York City public health system.24
No archival records remain that describe the clerks' logic in diagnosing some immigrants as "destitute," others as suffering from a generalized "sickness," and still others as "recent emigrant." No manuals remain dictating policies that sent some of these men and women to work camps on the East River islands and others to shantytowns on the hospital grounds. There are few sources in immigrants' own words that can give a sense of these men and women's experience navigating these processes.25 Others recapitulate on the reports of Bellevue administrators or city officials to describe the intervening days or weeks.26 The voices of immigrants are absent.
Figure 1. Pathways through the Bellevue Almshouse. Each line represents an inmate who encountered admittors, was diagnosed, and was sent to one of various sites within New York City's public health system. Color coding the pathways by gender, age, first admittor, second admittor, diagnosis, public health site and specific institutions reveals some of the hidden logics of the almshouse.
The Digital Almshouse Project does not give access to immigrant voices, but it does help to make visible the forces working on immigrants, and reveals possible sites of resistance to those forces. The Almshouse dataset includes the information that Bellevue administrators collected about nine thousand Irish-born inmates.27 This dataset is a transcription of the admissions ledgers for Bellevue, cross-referenced with ship-logs from the port of New York in the 1840s.28 The database includes information intrinsic to individual inmates (age, name, gender and profession), information about their arrival in New York (date of arrival and ship), encounters with city officials (each inmate was usually "sent by" two people) and processing in Bellevue (disease, and the public health site that inmates were ultimately sent to). Each set of variables signified one stage in immigrants' passage through the public health system.29
Being diagnosed as "recent emigrant," was significantly predicted by who sent an immigrant to Bellevue.30 Two officials in particular, Moses G. Leonard (the Commissioner of the Almshouse) and George W. Anderson (the Superintendent of Out Door Poor), were significant in predicting whether the person they were sending to the hospital would have been diagnosed as a recent emigrant.31 Other diagnoses that would seem to do similar work of signaling the unsuitability of an immigrant for public spaces in New York—like destitution—were not strongly associated with any particular official. An immigrant in New York City who encountered these men was more likely than others to be diagnosed as a "recent emigrant," and subsequently sent to the Bellevue garrets.
The fact that two city officials were more likely than others to send immigrants to Bellevue who would later be diagnosed as "recent emigrant" suggests that the personal opinions of these men might have been a significant factor in how inmates were understood by Bellevue staff. It is impossible to know if the men and women who encountered George W. Anderson and M.G. Leonard shared characteristics that are obscured by the archive. But we do know that the New York official they encountered seems to have changed their status in the eyes of the institution. We can imagine that this information might have circulated within the Irish immigrant community. These correlations do little to access the humanity of immigrants, or the moments of precarity or contingency that shaped their lives in the United States. However, they do tell us something about the archivally invisible forces that acted on Irish immigrants who were sent to Bellevue in the 1840s.32
After they were diagnosed, these inmates were billeted. Some were sent to the Almshouse hospital. Others were sent to the workhouse on Blackwell's Island. Some stayed in Bellevue's Almshouse. Still more ended up in temporary accommodations in the "garrets and cellars" and in the newly-built morgue. Moses G. Leonard, the commissioner of the Almshouse, wrote in 1846 that "the chapel also has been converted into sleeping apartments and shanties built for their more comfortable accommodations."33 These were marginal spaces intended simply for the confinement of (mostly immigrant) bodies.
No archives remain to tell us how Eliza-Jane and Ellen, or the thousands of other Irish immigrants who were incarcerated in New York's public institutions, felt about their new surroundings.34 On the one hand, their presence in Bellevue was evidence that in the short term at least, New York officials were able to control their physical circumstances in exchange for relief. The production of data about them meant that any ailments that they might experience were filtered through a set of assumptions about their status as immigrants. Their incarceration also meant that they were potentially subject to physical violence at the hands of Bellevue administrators.
On the other hand, despite their classification and incarceration, Ellen and Eliza-Jane likely would have found a community in Bellevue. In these shanties with Eliza-Jane and Ellen were other "recent emigrant" families. They might have met the Crawford family, all of whom arrived on the ship Glenore from Belfast in early February, and who had also been sent to Bellevue by Anderson and Johnston. They might also have encountered Catherine Lynch, a nineteen year old "spinster" who had arrived alone in early April.
Other potential communities emerge from the Almshouse dataset. Over half of the inmates diagnosed as "recent emigrant" were sent to the Bellevue Hospital—likely because, according to one Bellevue official, the entire Bellevue complex "was constantly filled with paupers," and even the hospital had to accommodate new inmates.35 Over one tenth were sent to the Bellevue Garret and over one tenth to Blackwell's Island. Fewer than one percent were sent to the Bellevue Almshouse. However, when both site of incarceration and the city officials who dispatched the immigrant were taken into account, being sent to the Bellevue Garrets was more significantly associated with the pathologization of immigrant status. This was a space of overflow, which connoted no particular form of treatment, but merely the holding of people who were unable—either for reasons of debility or anti-immigrant bias—to live in New York city.36
Eliza-Jane and Ellen shared with these people a set of paradoxical conditions: they were not unwell enough to be diagnosed with a medically specific illness but not well enough to survive New York without aid; they were in sufficient need to require city assistance, but also at risk of (in the words of a cautioning commissioner of the Almshouse) "liv[ing] in idleness, furnishing no return for their support."37 For the city—and possibly for the immigrants themselves—incarceration in Bellevue seemed the only, but a nevertheless imperfect, solution.
A story of community, of similar experiences at the hands of possibly hostile city officials is not one that the Almshouse data easily affords. It is, however, a narrative that is possible to tell by reading these sources against the grain, uncovering the forces which seemed to push immigrants through the public health system, and searching for spaces where resistance to those forces might have been possible. This kind of work makes it possible to tell the stories of immigrant as they first arrived in New York, and to begin to fill in the gaps in an historical narrative which often casts these men and women as unfortunate subjects of xenophobia, religious intolerance and state control.
"Admission Records, The Almshouse Department," 1847. Almshouse Ledger Collection, 1758–1952. Municipal Archives, City of New York.
Anbinder, Tyler. Five Points: The 19th-Century New York City Neighborhood That Invented Tap Dance, Stole Elections, and Became the World's Most Notorious Slum. New York: Free Press, 2001.
Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies. Center for Immigration Research. "Records for Passengers Who Arrived at the Port of New York During the Irish Famine, Created, 1977–1989, Documenting the Period 1/12/1846 - 12/31/1851," 1989 1977. Collection CIR: Records of the Center for Immigration Research. National Archives at College Park—Electronic Records, National Archives at College Park.
Binder, Frederick M., and David M. Reimers. All the Nations Under Heaven: An Ethnic and Racial History of New York City. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995.
Bly, Nellie. Ten Days in a Mad-House. New York: Ian L. Munro, 1887.
Board of Assistant Aldermen. Proceedings and Documents of the Board of Assistant Aldermen, from Dec. 7th 1846 to May 10th, 1847. Vol. XXIX. New York, 1847.
Carter, Rodney G. S. "Of Things Said and Unsaid: Power, Archival Silences, and Power in Silence." Archivaria 61 (Spring 2006). https://archivaria.ca/index.php/archivaria/article/view/12541.
Chatterjee, Samprit, and Ali S. Hadi. "Logistic Regression." In Regression Analysis by Example. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2015.
Derrida, Jaques. Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996.
"Digital Almshouse Project." http://www.nyuirish.net/almshouse.
Diner, Hasia R. Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983.
Ernst, Robert. Immigrant Life in New York City, 1825–1863. Port Washington, NY: Ira J. Friedman, Inc., 1965.
Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage Books, 1977.
Gray, Peter. "Irish Social Thought and the Relief of Poverty, 1847–1880." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 20 (December 2010): 141–56.
Gray, Peter. The Making of the Irish Poor Law, 1815–43. Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 2010.
Harcourt, Bernard E. "From the Asylum to the Prison: Rethinking the Incarceration Revolution." Texas Law Review 84, (2005–2006): 1751–86.
Hirota, Hidetaka. Expelling the Poor: Atlantic Seaboard States and the Nineteenth-Century Origins of American Immigration Policy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016.
Kapp, Friedrich. Immigration, and the Commissioners of Emigration of the State of New York. New York: The Nation Press, 1870. https://archive.org/details/commemigrant00kapprich.
Kenny, Kevin. "Race, Violence and Anti-Irish Sentiment in the Nineteenth Century." In Making the Irish American: The History And Heritage of the Irish in the United States, edited by Joseph J. Lee and Marion R. Casey. New York: NYU Press, 2006.
Kinealy, Christine. Charity and the Great Hunger in Ireland: The Kindness of Strangers. London: Bloomsbury, 2013.
Kinealy, Christine. This Great Calamity: The Irish Famine, 1845–52. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1994.
Klebaner, Benjamin J. "State and Local Immigration Regulation in the United States before 1882." International Review of Social History 3, no. 2 (August 1958): 269–95. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859000001127.
Klips, Stephen Anthony. "Institutionalizing the Poor: The New York City Almshouse, 1825–1860." Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1980.
Miller, Kerby A. Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus to North America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.
Mokyr, Joel. Why Ireland Starved: A Quantitative and Analytical History of the Irish Economy, 1800–1850. London, Boston, Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1993.
New York (N.Y.). Commissioners of the Alms-House, Bridewell, and Penitentiary. Annual Report of the Governors of the Alms House, New York. Board of Alderman Document, no. 44. New York: W.B. Townsend, 1847.
Ó Gráda, Cormac. "A Note on Nineteenth-Century Irish Emigration Statistics." Population Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1975): 143–49.
O'Malley, Brendan P. "Lickspittles and Land Sharks: The Immigrant Exploitation Business in Antebellum New York." In Capitalism by Gaslight: Illuminating the Economy of Nineteenth-Century America, edited by Brian P. Luskey and Wendy A. Woloson. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015.
Oshinsky, David. Bellevue: Three Centuries of Medicine and Mayhem at America's Most Storied Hospital. New York: Doubleday, 2016.
Poovey, Mary. "Curing the 'Social Body' in 1832: James Phillips Kay and the Irish in Manchester." Gender & History 5, no. 2 (June 1, 1993): 196–211. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.1993.tb00172.x.
Purcell, Richard J. "The New York Commissioners of Emigration and Irish Immigrants: 1847–1860." Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 37, no. 145 (1948): 29–42.
Rothman, David J. The Discovery of the Asylum; Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1971.
SenGupta, Gunja. From Slavery to Poverty: The Racial Origins of Welfare in New York, 1840–1918. New York: New York University Press, 2009. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/yale-ebooks/detail.action?docID=865347.
Whyte, Robert. The Ocean Plague, Or, A Voyage to Quebec in an Irish Emigrant Vessel. Boston: Coolidge and Wiley, 1848.
The author would like to thank Marion Casey, Kalani Craig, Jessica Marie Johnson, Michelle Moravec, Lincoln Mullen, Stephen Robertson and Scott Weingart for their support and comments on early iterations of this paper, as well as Tyler Anbinder and participants in the 2018 Current Research in Digital History for their comments and suggestions.
Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies. Center for Immigration Research. "Records for Passengers Who Arrived at the Port of New York During the Irish Famine, Created, 1977 - 1989, Documenting the Period 1/12/1846 - 12/31/1851." ↩
Kinealy, This Great Calamity. ↩
Kinealy, Charity and the Great Hunger in Ireland. ↩
For an overview of the famine, famine immigration, see Miller, Emigrants and Exiles. For quantitative analyses of Irish migration patterns, see Ó Gráda, "A Note on Nineteenth-Century Irish Emigration Statistics"; Mokyr, Why Ireland Starved; Diner, Erin's Daughters in America. For a discussion of immigrants' experiences more broadly, see Ernst, Immigrant Life in New York City; Binder and Reimers, All the Nations Under Heaven. ↩
Some work has recreated immigrants' experiences in New York City. Anbinder, Five Points. ↩
In May of 1847, the Commissioners of Emigration for the State of New York were established. This body was tasked with protecting incoming immigrants, and was empowered to administer piers were incoming immigrants would have to land and be assessed, license reputable boarding houses, and supervise ticket agents. The rise of the Commissioners of Emigration effectively ended Irish immigrants' use of Bellevue as a public health space. However, early famine immigrants were not subject to these regulations, and between 1845 and 1847, the city was not infrastructurally prepared to deal with them. For an overview of the development of immigration law, see Purcell, "The New York Commissioners of Emigration and Irish Immigrants"; Hirota, Expelling the Poor, chapter 2. ↩
For example, see the recent histories of Bellevue and of the role of Almshouses in the development of American immigrant policy. Oshinsky, Bellevue; Hirota, Expelling the Poor. ↩
Stephen Robertson described this approach as one which makes "products" (the Almshouse admissions records) visible as "process." ↩
Poovey, "Curing the 'Social Body' in 1832," 196. ↩
Derrida, Archive Fever; Carter, "Of Things Said and Unsaid." ↩
Four decades after the Irish famine, Nellie Bly would famously describe "choking and beating" patients in the Blackwell's Island insane asylum. Bly, Ten Days in a Mad-House. ↩
Kapp, Immigration, 42. ↩
Whyte, Ocean Plague, 44. ↩
Whyte, 51. ↩
Hirota, Expelling the Poor, 47. ↩
Klebaner, "State and Local Immigration Regulation," 274. ↩
O'Malley, "Lickspittles and Land Sharks." ↩
The terms in quotation marks reflect the language used in the Bellevue Almshouse admission records. The designation "recent emigrant" was recorded in a column labeled "disease." ↩
New York (N.Y.). Commissioners of the Alms-House, Bridewell, and Penitentiary, Annual Report, 5–6. ↩
Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum, 194. ↩
For a review of the competing ideologies of Irish workhouses, see Gray, The Making of the Irish Poor Law; Gray, "Irish Social Thought and the Relief of Poverty." ↩
New York (N.Y.). Commissioners of the Alms-House, Bridewell, and Penitentiary, Annual Report, 4. Officially, those in legitimate need were required to petition for admission while those who were criminals or burdens on the city could be forcibly incarcerated. It is unlikely, however, that in practice the line between vagrant and deserving poor was always clear. For a discussion of the antebellum intersection of ideas about race, poverty and crime, see SenGupta, From Slavery to Poverty. ↩
For a complete list of the possible diagnoses and (when possible) their contemporary equivalent, see the medical terms appendix. ↩
For a discussion of anti-Irish sentiment, see Kenny, "Race, Violence and Anti-Irish Sentiment in the Nineteenth Century." For a visualization of the different factors that contributed to immigrants' paths through this system, see http://shroutdocs.org/research/bellevue/bellevue_pathways/bellevue_almshouse.html. ↩
Binder and Reimers, All the Nations under Heaven, 45. ↩
Ernst, Immigrant Life in New York City, 37. ↩
"Digital Almshouse Project." ↩
"Admission Records, The Almshouse Department"; Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies. Center for Immigration Research., "Records for Passengers Who Arrived at the Port of New York During the Irish Famine, Created, 1977 - 1989, Documenting the Period 1/12/1846 - 12/31/1851." ↩
R script repository: https://github.com/shrouta/bellevue_R_script ↩
This finding, and the ones that follow are based on logistic regression, modeled on dummy variables created for disease, sent_to, and by_whom_sent. Chatterjee and Hadi, "Logistic Regression." ↩
The relation was tested with a logistic regression. The coefficient for Moses Leonard was 2.91724, the standard error was .11985, the significance was < 2e-16. The coefficient for the George W. Anderson was 2.63644, the standard error was .12535, the significance was < 2e-16. For full details see https://github.com/shrouta/bellevue_R_script/blob/master/recent_emigrant_logistic_output.txt. ↩
For a visualization of these forces, see http://www.nyuirish.net/almshouse/data-pathways/. ↩
Board of Assistant Aldermen, Proceedings and Documents of the Board of Assistant Aldermen, from Dec. 7th 1846 to May 10th, 1847., XXIX:373. ↩
For a discussion of the historical relationship between asylums, almshouses, institutionalization, incarceration and the long history of the carceral state, see Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum; Foucault, Discipline and Punish; Harcourt, "From the Asylum to the Prison." ↩
Klips, "Institutionalizing the Poor," 276. ↩
The relation was tested with a logistic regression. The coefficient for garret was 1.34441, the standard error was 0.23120, the significance was 6.16e-09. https://github.com/shrouta/bellevue_R_script/blob/master/recent_emigrant_logistic_output.txt. ↩
Anelise Hanson Shrout, Digital and Computational Studies, Bates College, ashrout@bates.edu, 0000-0001-6277-0607


text:
Husband and Father of Four Deported From Cleveland, Despite Community Efforts
by Kirby Davis
Despite widespread efforts to prevent it from happening, husband and father of four Jesus Lara Lopez was deported this morning.
Photo via Eric Lara/GoFundMe
Lara Lopez and his children.
Lara Lopez, 37, is an undocumented immigrant from Mexico who has lived in the U.S. since 2001. After living in Florida, he moved to Willard, Ohio, where he settled with his family and worked at Pepperidge Farms, packaging snacks.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) was alerted to Lara Lopez's whereabouts in 2008, but he was not forced to leave immediately after. During Obama's presidency, ICE focused mainly on deporting people who had committed serious crimes, but the Trump administration has forced stricter regulations on all illegal immigrants in general.
"These are the darkest times in our nation," said David Leopold, Lara Lopez's attorney, at Cleveland Hopkins International Airport this morning. "I contacted the governor and Mike DeWine, but it did no good. This good man is being deported and I have to ask how this makes our country any safer."
Lara Lopez's wife, four children and a crowd of protesters (in support of their family) were present at the airport this morning. Some brought homemade signs, reading "Protect Immigrants in Ohio" and "Stop the Deportation of Lara Lopez."
Lara Lopez's family, community, attorney and America's Voice, an organization working to change and protect immigrants' rights, all fought against his being sent back to Mexico. But appeals to ICE, letters of support and a petition with around 35,000 signatures were ineffective.
America's Voice, notes on their website that Lara Lopez paid his taxes, never committed a crime and served as a valuable member of the Willard community. The organization compiled a number of letters supporting Lara Lopez; one, penned by neighbor Jennifer Fidler, attests that "It is apparent how much he loves his family, how hard he works, and how friendly and caring he is."
Mandy Polachek, assistant principal at Willard Elementary School, also spoke highly of the Lara Lopez family:
"These wonderful children obviously come from a very supportive home where Mom and Dad play an active role in raising and caring for the children. I personally believe it would be detrimental to these young children to lose their father to deportation. The Lara family is valuable to not only the Willard City Schools but also the City of Willard."
"My dad is a great dad," Lara's 14-year-old son, Eric, wrote on a GoFundMe page to help with the family's living expenses. "He adopted me, and he was always there for me, helping with my homework and making sure me and my brothers and sister had what we needed."
"We pleaded with the government and asked them to leave my dad alone, but they took him anyway," he added.
"I can't believe the people who run the government have no compassion at all," said Lynn Tramonte, director of America's Voice, at the airport. "His children, who are Americans, will have to go through life without a father."
Scene & Heard Jesus Lara Lopez deportation

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Writing students often fantasize about the life of a writer. I know I did. You see yourself starving to death, living in a small studio apartment somewhere, maybe even writing with a quill pen or an old beat-up Smith-Corona…well that dates me a bit. But you get the idea. Writers don't often fantasize about the business of writing.
And the reality is, these days, that the business of writing takes up most of a writer's time. Most of that is just plain marketing. And for those who in the least introverted, putting your name out there more times than you care to remember can get old really fast.
But I know the ropes. And so that's really what I have been concentrating on. Since January 1, I have probably written a dozen blog entries and one short story. In that same time, when I wasn't working at my day job, I have focused on prepping three books for either ebook or Print on Demand format. I didn't have to do much for covers other than tell my son what I liked or didn't like. And with the exception of one voice session, he did all the work for the two book trailers we have going. But the editing and interior formatting for those three books is what has taken my time.
But now, after spending a lot of my Spring Break time at it, If Tomorrow Comes is not only available as an ebook, but also as a print on demand book. It's come out a little longer page wise than the first version, but I think people will like the update.
I'd love to just move on to The Champion Trilogy. I need to do the last revision before it goes to Edward Cheever for the final edit. But I have a lot of marketing still to do on the first three books. We've developed a relationship with a fantastic artist in Poland who is going to paint a cover for us for Tom Horn. And if it anything like his samples on Deviant Art, it will knock your socks off. We are talking about having a book trailer competition this summer, which will be a lot of fun. And I need to start soliciting reviews and testimonials for my books.
Things started slow, but I am encouraged as I see people begin to respond. Lots of work done; lots of work to do.
But that's the nature of the business these days.
I'm so glad that things seem to be coming along for you! It's so exciting to watch. I also am learning much from your blogs on this subject. Thanks! Good luck to you!


Over the past ten weeks, teams of budding entrepreneurs from across Canberra's tertiary institutions have been busily developing innovative ideas as part of the 2018 cohort of InnovationACT. And, from a record 71 teams, we're now down to our top ten.
On Tuesday night, at our annual Pitch Night event, these ten talented teams have the opportunity to pitch their ideas in front of a judging panel and audience for their chance to take away a share of a $50,000 grant pool and other startup support, which will help them take their ventures to the next level.
Civilise.ai is developing an innovative platform using AI-technologies to support land developers, land agencies & local councils in urban planning decisions and suburb maintenance process.
Constellect is developing a revolutionary solution to English education in early childhood with immersive augmented reality-enhanced English reading materials.
Direct Energy aims to bring real time electricity pricing to consumers, in order to reduce energy bills, and increase the penetration of solar and wind into the grid, making renewable energy the easy choice for everyone.
Equilibri aims to improve balance in people with severe balance impairments to reduce falls and increase quality of life, by offering a solution that can be used in the home, accessible to those in regional and remote areas.
Infro is developing an automated cash register machine to enhance modern Points of Sale for small businesses, combining the efficiency from automation and the human interactions from cashiers.
OMNIA Protocol is developing a privacy-preserving platform enabling individuals to provide firms, government or any other party access to their data without revealing any of the sensitive data to the monetizing party, in exchange for compensation.
Pactium aims to provide a platform for the National Disability Insurance Scheme that facilitates smart contracts, taking the administrative burden away and allowing more participants to self-manage, while decreasing the overall risk of fraud within the scheme.
SharePantry aims to target food wastage by providing a platform for users to save money through trading their excessive unused groceries with other individuals.
Support a Star is looking to support local businesses who sponsor or wish to sponsor athletes, by matching athletes with business that share values, taking care of the administrative burden and keeping the relationship active.
Team Super is developing a program that can be integrated into universities to provide guidance for students to transition to young-adulthood and adjust to the increased work, social and financial pressures upon entering university.
Keen to learn more? Come along and hear from these ten incredible teams as they take the stage on Tuesday. Each team will get five minutes to pitch their idea, followed by five minutes of questions from our judging panel, made up of representatives from IP Australia, ACT Government, the Canberra Innovation Network, Lighthouse Business Innovation Centre and the Mill House Social Enterprise Accelerator. Grant recipients will be announced at our Awards Night on 20th October.
InnovationACT 2018: Pitch Night is on Tuesday 16th October at the Street Theatre. Doors open at 5:30pm. Tickets are free but registrations via Eventbrite are essential as seats are strictly limited. Get your ticket now.


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It is incredibly easy to join the Betcoin.ag affiliate program. There are no sign-up pages you need to fill out or wait for a long time for a reply from one of Betcoin.ag's staff.
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The commissions you can earn from this Bitcoin casino referral program comes from the amount of chip loss by the person you refer. Let us say a referred player was to play with 2,000 chips and he loses half of his chips, you will earn a percentage of the 1,000 chips he loses.
First time affiliates will get 20% of the revenue share from the Bitcoin casino and Bitcoin sportsbook. They can also earn 20% rake share from the Bitcoin poker room, together with the 5% revenue share from the Bitcoin dice game. As affiliates earn more Bitcoin from the Betcoin.ag affiliate program, the higher the percentage they can earn from the spending of their referrals.
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Betcoin.ag is not just an online casino for Bitcoin and Litecoin. It also offers a sportsbook that covers several sports options including eSports. At the same time, Betcoin.ag features a Bitcoin poker room that offers its own set of tournaments, together with shared tournaments with Winning Poker Network.
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I like this casino. They are very responsive and answered all of my questions, even though I kept on bugging them sometimes Though they need to improve on their system such as the payout and ways of depositing my rev.
Join one of the biggest bitcoin casinos today! Betcoin.ag for me has the best games, bonuses and graphics! I know this is my casino because they are accepting bitcoin. All of the bonuses are in bitcoin and that is a plus for me!
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Betcoin.ag is THE BEST bitcoin casino for everyone who wants to play using bitcoin. Yes, the cryptocurrency is intimidating at first but when it is used for entertainment such as casino games, the reward outweighs the risks!
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This casino has a lot of different option for the players including Poker which is not too common for Bitcoin casinos. The page works well and they have multiple currencies that is always helpful for us to focus on different niches.
I've had a great experience so far as an affiliate with Betcoin.ag – Started about 9 months ago and now that BTC is higher in value, it's well worth it. They do have a large variety of crytpocurrencies to choose from as well. That seems to be a strong selling point.
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For temporary delay of the effective date of §§ 214-217 of the Health and Hospitals Public Benefit Corporation Emergency Act of 1996, see § 501(b) of the Health and Hospitals Public Benefit Corporation Emergency Act of 1996 (D.C. Act 11-388, August 28, 1996, 43 DCR 4937), § 501(b) of the Health and Hospitals Public Benefit Corporation Congressional Review Emergency Act of 1996 (D.C. Act 11-421, October 28, 1996, 43 DCR 6093), and § 501(b) of the Health and Hospitals Public Benefit Corporation Second Congressional Review Emergency Act of 1996 (D.C. Act 11-487, January 2, 1997, 44 DCR 634).
Council authority to delegate broadened: Section 11508 of Pub. L. 105-33, 111 Stat. 773, gave Council broad authority to delegate its power to issue revenue bonds.


Fundació ACE is a non-profit entity at the service of people with Alzheimer's disease or other dementias, and their families.
To do so, we work since 1996 in the fields of diagnosis, treatment, research, training and awareness.
We are a reference center in diagnosis and monitoring of people with cognitive disorders and dementias, as well as in social assistance to families.
At the Day Care Unit, we treat about 300 people with Alzheimer's or other dementias daily and we offer their families support and help.
We do research to advance in the knowledge of dementia. We have led more than 100 clinical trials and have more than 15 active projects.
Our staff train health professionals as well as families, in order to offer a better service to the people affected.
users at the Daycare Unit in 2017.
Dr. Mercè Boada has participated today in the presentation of the new results of the AMBAR study. These results have been presented by Dr. Antonio Páez (GRIFOLS) at the 14th International Congress on Alzheimer's and Parkinson's (AD / PD) in Lisbon.
Around seventy Alzheimer's and dementia professionals attended yesterday at the headquarters of Fundació ACE the conference of Professor Victor L. Villemagne on molecular neuroimaging biomarkers.
Merck discontinued the clinical trial of the Verubecestat drug, performed by Fundació ACE in people with Alzheimer's at a very early stage, after not obtaining the expected results.
Bus: There are stops for lines V3, H6, 7, 33, 59, 63, 67, 70, 75, 78, L12, L14, L79, N12, 518, 850 nearby.
Tram: Maria Cristina Station for lines T1, T2 and T3.
If you come by private transport, there is a parking lot with access from Gran Via de Carlos III and from Sabino Arana street.


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Be Inspired | Meet the Filmmaker - Celine Grassy
Today we speak to family filmmaker and FilmingLife Academy member Celine Grassy about how she got started in films and what motivates her to keep creating…
Tell us a bit about yourself
I'm a French mom of two boys. I left Paris 3 years ago after calling it home for 10 years (and loving it!!), I followed my husband to Dubai with my almost 3 year old boy and my just 1 month old baby boy. Since then, it has been a rather drastic change in life. I used to have a full time job in the fashion industry and became a stay at home mum for a while. We swapped the rainy days with the everlasting sunny days, the beach became our park. Among many other new things we experienced as new expats in the Middle East, I finally had time.
Tell us about the kind of photography & films you create (style/genre/pro or hobby)…
I think I can describe my style of photography as "posed" or "guided" lifestyle. I started photographing my kids at home, and ran a 365 project last year, so I did a lot of personal work which has been amazing, both technically and personally. Dubai offers amazing landscapes like the desert and the beach, palms gardens, so a lot of my sessions take place outdoors and are a mix of candid moments and portraits. I love being creative with light, and transforming guided poses into very candid moments. When I'm shooting indoors, I absolutely love playing with shadows, and my work becomes a lot more moody.
My films are a little different in a way that you can't guide as much, which is also what I absolutely love about them. Everything is much more spontaneous, it focuses more on the moments, the gesture, the connections and the emotions. And I still try to focus on the light, that's usually the first thing that draws me every time to a photo or a film.
I can see a lot of poetry in the small things and everyday life, and I hope my images and films translate it.
How did you first get started in photography?
As I said earlier, one of the best thing that happened in our new life in Dubai was having time at home, with my kids. That's the moment I decided to pick up my camera again, and learn as much as I could to document our new life and our boys. I was only starting to understand a little about stills, and then my eyes came across magical family films on IG. I'm the kind of person wanting to learn everything at the same time, and I have to say it usually doesn't work best!! But this time, I wanted so bad to learn fast enough to start creating films for my family, that I spent as much time as I could on learning this new art.
The quality of online education, workshops and communities, is really amazing, I learnt everything from there and just personal experience. I think I can say I became a photographer about a year and a half ago, about the same time I started creating my first film. I have launched my small photography business less than a year ago, and I am currently building a portfolio of family films before I can start offering them to my clients.
What made you decide to learn video? What was your motivation?
When I first came across a family film, I was just stunned. I am kind of creative, I like experimenting with many arts, and it usually only lasts for a few months. And I like it, it may be therapeutic!! I was still an amateur in photography, but I had such a spark of joy when I saw those films, that I just jumped into it, and signed on to a quite intense online workshop. My second boy was still a baby, being expats we saw our parents only for vacation, and I wanted so badly to create really nice memories for them.
This was the actual starting point. I did it only for us. Then the magic of the social media network made me meet Allison [Allison Redmon Photography], who also happens to live in that part of the world, I was instantly amazed by her work, which I find so inspiring, and she introduced me to Courtney Holmes' workshop. The Filming Life Academy opened soon after and I joined about a year ago, and I am still learning so much from the course and the talented community!
Celine says: "This is my first ever film, which I also absolutely love, very different style, it reminds me of our "beginnings" here in Dubai and I love rewatching it from time to time. I can see all the tiny technical mistakes and yet it makes me smile so much!"
What was your biggest challenge when you first started learning video and how did you overcome it?
I still wasn't really mastering photography, and light, and my style wasn't really defined. I had also just upgraded to a professional camera, so I was really discovering and learning everything at the same time. Focus wasn't great, composition, light... But in a way, everything I created in films brought such instant satisfaction to me. I worked a lot, non stop, shooting, experimenting, editing. And I just kept my motivation high because I was enjoying it so much and it was also a way to spend time with my family.
It took me so many hours to edit my first film, and yet things just "clicked" together, it brought me so much joy. The ultimate motivation was to see my boys watching their first film again and again... they still do! How amazing is that.
Celine's first film after joining the FilmingLife Academy
Did you find it a challenge to educate clients on the value of films, how were they first received by clients?
I still haven't introduced films in my packages, but I am building a portfolio and communicating about it, and I already have amazing feedback about it. This is rather new here in Dubai, and I would be so happy to create them for families here. I guess the number one challenge is to explain how the budget for a film can be really more important compared to a traditional photoshoot, but the magic of the films themselves will speak for it!
Tell us about your favourite film and why it's special to you
I obviously love the films I created for my family, they speak to my heart, I don't mind the technical errors because it is emotionally so strong. But I've wanted for some time to put myself in the situation to create a film for another family, and try to find my way to create the same level of emotion and aesthetic. I really cannot say I knew it was going to work!
I chose my good photographer friend, who had graciously offered us a photo session, and she didn't have any expectations about it. I love this film because I think I was, at some point, able to nicely paint their life with their boys, to enhance their connections, their emotions, and I'm happy with the aesthetic of the film.
This is the first film that I'd like to put in my portfolio, I also feel it is close enough to my photography style, and that was another challenge for me.
Celine's favourite film
What is your best piece of advice for those just getting started with films?
I would say, do it first for yourself. You can never regret mastering an art that can create such beautiful memories that your kids will cherish over the years, whatever age they be. I can tell you I have a few photos of my grandma and I when I was a baby and a kid. I don't own them, they are still at my parent's place, but I can precisely describe them. I would like so badly to have the same with our voices, her arms around me, the way we looked at each other, our laughs.
Thats the gift I decided to make for my kids, aside from the photo albums. And most probably along the way, families will want you to create the same magic for them. That's what I am hoping for!
You can find more of Celine's work via her website, Vimeo & Instagram.
Celine says: "My latest family film, about my big boy's last birthday party. What I like the most about it is that it focuses on the preparation of the party, which he and I love the most! It was also my final project for Allison Redmon's FilmingLife Academy Masterclass Discover the Power of Music & Audio for Family Films".
Ready to start creating films of YOUR everyday?
Catch up on the on the latest happenings at FilmingLife Academy...
What's really included in the FilmingLife Academy | Episode 006 of FilmingLife: The Podcast for Photographers & Filmmakers
Meet the Filmmaker, InspirationKylie Purtell February 26, 2019 inspiration, meet the filmmaker, FilmingLifer, member featureComment
FLA NewsKylie Purtell February 28, 2019 family films, podcast
FLA NewsKylie Purtell February 20, 2019 filmmaking for photographers, filminglife academy retreat, family films, education, news, information


French President Francois Hollande, just off the plane from Washington, is to meet German Chancellor Angela Merkel on Wednesday, seeking support for his faltering effort to forge a coalition to fight Islamic State jihadists.
Hollande is expected to look to Merkel to try to ease tensions between Russia and Turkey - two potential components of the anti-Isis alliance - which fell out over the downing of a Russian warplane at the Turkish-Syrian border.
Hollande is on a whirlwind diplomatic tour spurred by the November 13th attacks on Paris that left 130 dead and 350 injured. He is conferring with the major powers in his bid for a coalition that will crush Isis in its fiefdom Iraq and Syria. But the results so far have been sketchy.
US President Barack Obama on Tuesday offered words of condolence to Hollande at the White House but said little in the way of firm commitments. Obama agreed to intensify air strikes on the jihadists that US jets have already been carrying out for months and said he would increase intelligence-sharing.
But he was notably cool on suggestions that the old Cold War foes could work together more closely.
The US president said the problem Washington faced was "Russia's focus on propping up Assad rather than focusing on ISIL", using another name for the group.
Closer US-Russian cooperation would require a "strategic shift", Obama said, urging Russia to stop bombing other rebel groups opposed to Moscow's ally, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.
Both Hollande and Obama reiterated their determination to see Assad step down in order to end a five-year war in which 250,000 people have been killed.
The French president said Assad "has been the problem - he cannot be the solution."
Hollande will take his pleas for closer cooperation to Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Thursday. France's plea for "coordination" in the fight against the jihadists should find a more receptive ear in Merkel, leader of Paris' closest ally in the European Union.
The fight against terrorism and the huge influx of migrants to Europe are on the menu, and Germany set out its intentions by announcing Wednesday it would send 650 soldiers to Mali to provide some relief to French forces fighting jihadists there.
The rising threat in the west African state was underlined last week when gunmen killed 20 people at an upmarket hotel in the capital, Bamako.
Hollande will also hope that he and Merkel - one of the few Western leaders who talks to Putin regularly - can prevent Turkey's shooting down of a Russian jet on the Syrian border from creating further tensions.
Russia accused Turkey of a "planned provocation" over Tuesday's downing of the jet, but pledged it would not go to war over the issue. NATO member Turkey also sought to defuse the situation, even as one of the Russian pilots insisted that the Turks gave no prior warning before launching their missile.
Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov threw his weight behind Hollande's proposal to close off the Syria-Turkey border to prevent the flow of jihadist fighters crossing the frontier. The Turkish border is considered the main crossing point for foreign fighters seeking to join Isis.
"I think this is a good proposal and tomorrow President Hollande will talk to us in greater detail about it. We would be ready to seriously consider the necessary measures for this," Lavrov told journalists in Moscow.
France meanwhile carried out its latest air strikes on Isis targets, this time targeting Mosul in Iraq using planes flying from its Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier in the eastern Mediterranean.


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INNERSPACE SCIENCE
DREBBEL
The Nordicsub "Drebbel " was completed by Emile Van Essen in 2013 and is based in the Netherlands. She can carry 3 persons to a 400 meter depth and is so compact that she fits in a 20 foot container an can be slipway launched. A forward looking sonar can be bolted on for search missions. Planned upgrades include a manipulator arm and high power LED lamps. The sub was named Drebbel in honor of the 17th century submarine pioneer Cornelis Drebbel, and is available for expeditions across Europe.
"Elementary 3000" is a one-man submersible designed and constructed by Hank Pronk, capable of diving to 3000 feet. She is equipped with a manipulator arm and a suction sampler, with a fly-out ROV under development that will be operational by the 2021 diving season. This submersible is Hank's eighth, and the name reflects a design philosophy arrived at by long experience – to always use the simplest and most elegant solutions, because they also tend to be the safest. E3000's hull was pressure-tested at Nuytco Research. She is based in British Columbia, Canada, and is available for operations across North America.
Harold is a Kittredge K350 with an adventurous past. She is named for her late owner Harold Maynard, who used her for many years of treasure-hunting in the Florida Keys as well as for search and recovery missions. For instance, she once found and recovered a lost aircraft from the bottom of Seneca Lake in New York. Harold is currently owned by Brian Hughes, based in Sykesville Maryland, and available for expeditions across the US.
NEKTON GAMMA
Gamma is a two person submersible rated to 300 meters, and has a distinguished past. She was designed and built in 1971 by Doug Privett, whose submersibles have made over 12,000 dives all over the world and are legendary for their ruggedness and reliability. Jacques Cousteau dove in Gamma. In recent yeas, she has been restored and modernized. Of special note is a detachable crew escape pod in the stern. This submersible is based in California and available for expeditions on the West Coast.
The R300 is a one man submersible rated for 91 meters (300 feet) designed and built by Dr. Cliff Redus for the purpose of flying underwater. Inspiration for the shape of the boat was the Orcinus orca, one the oceans fastest marine mammals. The pilot uses a 3-axis joy stick to control yaw, pitch and roll while a foot control gives throttle and breaking. The sub has life support for 72 hours with full data logging of all onboard systems. It can be launched like a conventional pleasure boat or from davits. There are four 5000 lumen LED lights for night dives, and a video camera can be mounted to document underwater sites. The R300 is based in Devine, Texas and is available for expeditions within southern US.
Shackleton is a two person submersible rated to 300 meters and designed to fit inside a 20 foot shipping container while riding on her trailer. Our newest submersible, she made her first dives in December 2018 and completed trials in 2019. A manipulator arm was added in 2020. She is now available for expeditions on the East Coast. Shackleton was designed and built by Alec Smyth and her home port is Alexandria, Virginia.
"The Great Escape" is a Kittredge K250 submersible that was used for pilot training for over 20 years, but in 2020 completed a six year refurbishment and modernization. She has a depth rating of 250 feet, is configured for one person, and is an ideal photography or instrumentation platform. She is owned by Steve McQueen and based in Indianapolis, Indiana.
PHANTOM T4 ROV
Deep Ocean Engineering Inc. Phantom T4 ROV, currently equipped with single function manipulator, HID and LED lighting, Imagenex 881 digital scanning sonar, scaling lasers, 1050 feet of umbilical with a system depth rating of 1000 feet, color zoom (18:1) camera with provisions for additional cameras and telemetry devices to include Ethernet. Owned by Craig Bussel and operating out of Northern California, this ROV also has its own dedicated support vessel suitable for inland waters.
©2020 BY INNERSPACE SCIENCE


What Do I Get From the Elite Membership?
One of the first steps you'll take as an ELITE Influencer member will be to connect with Mark Hayes, your personal Business Strategist, to schedule your 12-month Business Metrics Plan.
During this session, Mark will help you define your business purpose, strategy, and the plan of action to reach your exact goals. He will also take the time to assist you in pinpointing the marketing strategies that will be best for your income goals including what targets you'll want to hit on a weekly and monthly basis.
These sessions will happen quarterly without fail, but you can also reach out to Mark at any point along with your ELITE Accountability consultant.
*Stuart Ross & Jay Kubassek above, co-founders of the SFM. They are both successful digital entrepreneurs and one of your mentors.
Nothing beats interacting with those who have already achieved the outcome that you desire.
Tony Robbins explains "If you want to achieve a result yourself, simply go out and find people who have already achieved that result, learn what they did, and then model them".
It's ridiculously simple, but it's one of the fundamental habits of successful people. If we wish to become masters, the quickest and easiest way is to model those who have already done it.
Elite enables you to connect one-on-one with the masters through a 12 month exclusive coaching program, that focuses on both personal development and internet marketing strategies.
Book in a private call every month with your accountability mentor to help you set attainable goals for the growth of your business as well as helping to stay accountable to the path you've set.
You will have the opportunity to attend LIVE ELITE Masterminds hosted by inspirational leader, influencer, business coach and successful entrepreneur Justin Woolf.
He will give you the most insightful and useful marketing strategies and practices developed from many years of personal experience, running multiple highly successful million-dollar online businesses.
Leverage his vast amount of invaluable knowledge, wisdom and expertise to help you grow your own business & influential skills, and transform you into the persuasive marketer you're capable of becoming.
*Justin Woolf above, has built three 8-figure businesses. As an SFM member you'll be attending weekly live training sessions with him.
Here you will have access to our exclusive Elite Influencer workshops held by our highly experienced, top digital marketing influencers.
They are on the front lines of the digital marketing arena and producing extraordinary results in their businesses daily.
Learn from their technical how-to-execute tactics, that will help you achieve a greater level of success in converting your leads and prospects into loyal repeat buyers and long-term customers.
Along with your standard monthly membership of $97 per month.
If you would prefer a free trial first, please sign up below to access our training workshop videos.


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The Ecuadorian Amazon
When most people think of Ecuador, they think of the Galapagos Islands. But if you head inland rather than out to sea, you'll arrive at an expanse of Amazonian jungle whose biodiversity far exceeds that of the Galapagos.
Ecuador is home to only 2% of the entire Amazon Basin, but even this relatively small section offers endless opportunities for wildlife spotting, trekking and adventure. Much of the jungle remains inaccessible to all but the most hardy and experienced of explorers, but river boats and jungle lodges allow tourists to penetrate deep inside this spectacular area.
The Ecuadorian Amazon is home to a handful of important national parks and reserves, most notably Parque Nacional Yasuní. Yasuní covers an area of 3,793 square miles (9,823 km2) and is considered one of the most biodiverse areas on the entire planet. It is home to more than a hundred species of reptiles and amphibians, almost 600 species of birds and an estimated 200 species of mammals. The park also falls within the territory of two uncontacted tribes, the Tagaeri and the Taromenane.
Just north of Yasuní is the Cuyabeno Wildlife Reserve, the second largest protected area in Ecuador. The park offers a unique Amazon experience thanks to its geographic and ecological quirks. Its western fringes are tucked up against the Andean foothills, which have given rise to flooded forests, lakes, lagoons and creeks of a character not normally found in the deeper Amazon. This has helped create a birdwatcher's paradise in an area of incredibly diverse flora, with as many as 12,000 plant species.
Tours into the Ecuadorian Amazon can last a couple of days or a couple of weeks. Eco-friendly jungle lodges have popped up across the region to cater for adventurous tourists, many of them serving as bases for treks and river boat journeys in the surrounding area. So one day you might be walking below monkeys as they swing through the canopy, and the next day you could be fishing for piranhas. All in all, an unforgettable jungle adventure.
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Quito and 4 Day Anakonda Amazon Cruise
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La Selva Amazon Ecolodge & Spa
Other Places to Visit in Ecuador
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M-F: 9:00am-7:00pm
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info@savacations.com
M SQUARE, L.L.C. DBA: SOUTH AMERICAN VACATIONS is registered with the State of Florida as a Seller of Travel. Registration No. ST35056.


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Home » Bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan
Bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan
Check Singapore to Teluk Intan Bus Schedule >>
Bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan is an important bus service because there is no other alternative transportation option in Singapore to go Teluk Intan.
Operators who Provides Bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan
Golden Coach, Grassland, Konsortium, LPMS, and The One Travel are the few bus operators provides daily bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan.
Please note that all bus services from Singapore to Teluk Intan are only available in the morning session around 9-10am and night session between 9pm-12 midnight. There is no schedule in the afternoon. Golden Coach is the only bus operator providing bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan at midnight 12. Golden Coach midnight bus service is especially convenient for passengers who are working in service industry.
Direct Bus from Singapore to Sabak Bernam, Simpang Empat and Sungai Besar
In the past, passengers who want to go back to Sabak Bernam, Simpang Empat and Sungai Besar would need to take bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan first, then transfer to another transport going to Sabak Bernam, Simpang Empat and Sungai Besar. After launching of LPMS bus service, they are no longer needing to suffer the transit by taking LPMS direct bus from Singapore to Sabak Bernam, Simpang Empat and Sungai Besar. LPMS coach takes different route to go from Singapore to Sungai Besar, Sabak Bernam and Simpang Empat first before terminating at Teluk Intan.
Fare, Duration, Stops, and Notes
The bus fare for bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan is ranging from SGD 41.50 to SGD 60.00, depending on the coach operator. With the limited service daily, the bus fare may go up more than double of the original price during the high-demand festive season like Chinese New Year.
The journey duration for bus from Singapore to Teluk Intan takes about 7-8 hours depending on traffic condition. All coaches leave from Singapore Tuas checkpoint and provide a meal stop and wash room break at either Yong Peng food court or the resting area along North South Highway. Because of the long duration journey, all coaches are equipped with spacious 3-seat-in-a-row type of seating to ensure comfortable journey for passengers.
User-friendly online booking and secure payment environment make booking a bus ticket online with BusOnlineTicket.com is convenient and secured. Apart from that, with the choices of bus operators and options of departure times, these makes BusOnlineTicket.com becomes the most popular online booking portal among its customers throughout these years.
Singapore to Teluk Intan Bus Schedule
Popular Routes from Singapore


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Q: RDF Graph Entailment I just read about the concept of entailment for RDF (Resource Description Framework).Can anyone tell me an example of entailment for two RDF graphs and explain them a bit.
Thanks

A: There's another answer about RDFS entailment, which is important, and a valuable part of day-to-day work with RDF, but RDFS entailment is not the same as RDF entailment.  RDF entailment is a relationship between entire RDF graphs, and gives a way of saying "If RDF graph x holds, then so does RDF graph y."  The simple entailment section of the RDF Semantics documents describes basic entailment:

Following conventional terminology, I satisfies E if I(E)=true, and a set S of RDF graphs (simply) entails a graph E if every interpretation which satisfies every member of S also satisfies E. In later sections these notions will be adapted to other classes of interpretations, but throughout this section 'entailment' should be interpreted as meaning simple entailment.

This presumes an understanding of the interpretation of graph E, denoted I(E).  An interpretation maps each property to a set of pairs.  E.g., an interpretation should map the property rdfs:subClassOf to the set of pairs {[x, y] : x is a subclass of y}.  For an interpretation to satisfy a graph, then the set of pairs that an interpretation maps a property to must contain at least those pairs that are actually observed in the graph.  For instance, if the graph contains
a likes b.
b likes c.

then an interpretation satisfies the graph if and only if I(likes) contains the pairs [a,b] and [b,c].  A graph G1 entails graph G2 if and only if every interpretation that satisfies G1 also satisfies G2.  If there are no blank nodes in the graph, this is pretty simple.
The linked section from the RDF Semantics document lists some simple results of this:

*

*Every graph entails the empty graph.

*Every graph entails each of its subgraphs.

Things get more complicated when there are blank nodes in an RDF graph, because blank nodes are interpreted as existential variables.  For instance, consider the graph with just one triple (where _:z is a blank node):
a likes _:z

Since _:z is an existential variable, this means that an interpretation satisfies the graph if and only if there exists an individual x such that the interpretation of likes contains a pair [a,x].  If a graph has blank nodes, then replacing those blank nodes with actual terms produces an instance of that graph.  For instance,
a likes b

is an instance of the graph
a likes _:z

The linked document also mentions the entailment relation that

*

*Every instance of a graph entails the graph

This is easy to see:  if an interpretation satisfies a likes b, then its interpretation of likes must contain [a,b], so there certainly is an x (namely b) such that it contains [a,x], so it also satisfies a likes _:z.
These are just a few simple examples of RDF graph entailment.  I don't know that this type of entailment actually gets used much in day-to-day work with RDF.  Much more common is RDFS-entailment (described in another answer), OWL entailment, and rule-based reasoning.

A: Suppose you have the following :
ex:book1 rdf:type ex:Publication .
ex:book2 rdf:type ex:Article .

So a Sparql query like SELECT ?s { ?s rdf:type ex:Publication } will return only ex:book1
If you add the fact (or a graph in your data set with the fact) that states :
ex:Article rdfs:subClassOf ex:Publication

If your sparql engine processes entailments, it should deduce that a ex:Article is also a ex:Publication
so SELECT ?s { ?s rdf:type ex:Publication } would return both ex:book1 AND ex:book2
PS: for more information, the example comes from http://www.w3.org/TR/2009/WD-sparql11-entailment-20091022/

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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SADAS was founded in 2008 on Samsun terminal that it rented from Total. The joint venture then increased the number of its total terminals to two through the inclusion of Gebze terminal into its portfolio in 2010. Samsun terminal's storage capacity is 41,443 m3 and Gebze's is 98,868 m3.


In 1914 The Photoplay Arts Portfolio of Thanhouser Moving Picture Stars, which incorporated "official" information provided by the studio, featured the following personalities, who can be considered among the more important at the time: Mignon Anderson, Helen Badgley (The Thanhouser Kidlet, who was especially important in 1914), Arthur Bauer, Harry Benham, Sidney Bracy, Riley Chamberlin, Irving Cummings, James Cruze, Madeline and Marion Fairbanks (the Thanhouser Twins), Frank Farrington, Morris Foster, Nolan Gane, Carey L. Hastings, Florence LaBadie, Muriel Ostriche, Marguerite Snow, and David H. Thompson.
Most publicity in news releases and advertising was reserved for an actress not on the preceding list: Maude Fealy. She was featured in many of the Thanhouser Big Productions, four reels in length, which were released through the Mutual Film Corporation, rather than through Thanhouser's normal weekly release schedule. One planned Big Production, The Fall of Khartoum, apparently was never issued, and is indexed in the following filmography under December 31, 1914.
The elusive "Miss Beautiful," not otherwise identified, appeared in several films. In actuality she was the actress also known as Adele Rey, whose real name was Evelyn Prevost.
Bert Adler, Thanhouser's publicity director, who had produced advertising and publicity since the first film was released in 1910, was transferred by President Charles J. Hite to be his special assistant. Jay Cairns became the new publicity director. From the summer of 1914 onward, Thanhouser advertisements, as prepared by Cairns, were less imaginative than before, and fewer human-interest items and news tidbits were distributed to trade publications.
During the period 1910-1912, young Marie Eline, known as The Thanhouser Kid, was the Thanhouser player most often mentioned in advertising and publicity. In 1913 she remained prominent, but not the brightest star in the Thanhouser constellation. At the end of 1913 she was assigned to the newly-formed Princess Department, after which time she was no longer known as The Thanhouser Kid. By early 1914 her attention drifted away from films. She was on stage in vaudeville for a short time and then went with another film company, for whom she played in just one picture, Uncle Tom's Cabin.
Bahama Islands: For a two-month period, ending on June 10, 1914, Carl Louis Gregory, Thanhouser's senior cameraman, was in Nassau, Bahamas with the Williamson brothers. He shot some 20,000 feet of film, which was processed by Thanhouser for the Submarine Film Company, and which saw release under at least two titles: The Terrors of the Deep and Thirty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea.
Yellowstone National Park and the West: For part of August and September 1914 a production company went to Colorado and Wyoming. Carl Louis Gregory directed the group and acted as cameraman. Leading players were Mignon Anderson and Morris Foster, with John Lehnberg acting in character parts. Visits were made to Yellowstone Park, Wyoming, and Colorado. With the permission of the Secretary of the Interior, the troupe staged several dramatic films in Yellowstone, being the first film makers to ever do so, according to published reports. In addition, six one-reel scenic films were produced from footage taken there. Although Thanhouser may have been the first company to make dramatic films in Yellowstone with official permission, numerous other companies had filmed Yellowstone's scenic wonders earlier, The Great Geysers of Yellowstone, released by IMP on August 24, 1912, was one of many examples.
Throughout the industry in 1914, emphasis was on so-called "feature" films; subjects of two or more reels, which were billed as being something special. All too often, a producer would extend a one-reel subject to two reels, or even more, by simply retaining footage that a year earlier would have fallen to the cutting room floor. The poor quality of certain features was decried in editorials in The New York Dramatic Mirror and elsewhere.
However, some features attracted deservedly wide attention. Among these were the epic Cabiria, made in Italy and released by Itala, Tess of the Storm Country, starring Mary Pickford, Salomy Jane, and several others. In the Thanhouser camp, a number of so-called Thanhouser Big Productions, most of which starred Maude Fealy, met with an enthusiastic reception, but none was a nationwide sensation.
Most acclaim directed toward Thanhouser in 1914 was for the serial, The Million Dollar Mystery, which made its debut on June 22nd. When all was said and done, the episodes had been serialized in over 200 newspapers, and the film earned over $1 million, a record for a serial. Florence LaBadie, James Cruze, and certain other players who were busy acting in The Million Dollar Mystery were thus appeared in very few films on the regular release schedule. Among the serial offerings of other producers, The Perils of Pauline, the Pathé released through Eclectic, and starring Pearl White, drew nationwide attention. Toward the end of the year, Pathé's next serial, The Exploits of Elaine, was announced. Famous Players, The Lasky Feature Play Company, and the related new Paramount concern achieved instant success in the industry, and by December 1914 Paramount promised better films, better theatres, and higher box-office prices.
Most regular Thanhouser releases were of one-reel length, but during the year a number of two-reel pictures were seen on the program. Princess films, which early in the year featured Muriel Ostriche (for whom the Princess Department was formed in 1913) and Boyd Marshall, and which in 1913 had been comedies for the most part, changed their nature to a mixture of comedy and drama, and other players were given the leading parts. Box office receipts dropped, and in late December, Muriel and Boyd were brought back, much to the delight of their fans.
Trade paper notices suggest that most single-reel Thanhouser films released during 1914 met with an indifferent reception with professional reviewers, if not with the public. In one curious situation, The Moving Picture World printed a biographical notice concerning Lloyd F. Lonergan, stating that he had written the scenarios for nearly every Thanhouser film from day one, and that this was the reason for the excellent products of that company. However, in the same issue, and issues of the same period, reviewers for the magazine condemned many more Thanhouser films than they praised! The explanation is that the publication almost never criticized any person associated with a leading film company or advertiser in the magazine, except in a film review.
The Bioscope, a British trade journal, printed reviews of various Thanhouser films. Numerous glimpses are given of film production quality, especially from the viewpoint of British audiences.
The Morning Telegraph, a New York City newspaper, ran reviews in its film section, but after about March 1914 such reviews were for the most part little more than abbreviations of the plot synopses provided by Thanhouser. In the vast majority of instances after March, it is evident that if a reviewer actually saw the film, he had little original to say concerning it. Several episodes of The Million Dollar Mystery and Zudora serials were reviewed, and are reprinted elsewhere in the present study; some of these reviews embody critical commentary.
The Moving Picture World was the primary motion picture trade publication in 1914, and it carried more Thanhouser news than any other periodical, except Mutual's house organ, Reel Life. Synopses of nearly all Thanhouser and Princess films were printed, and reviews were printed of most. In addition, the weekly journal printed many Thanhouser news releases. The synopses, with some variations, were essentially printed as submitted by Thanhouser's publicity department. Reviews were for the most part brief and, on balance, more critical than in earlier years.
The New York Dramatic Mirror printed reviews of many Thanhouser films and of scattered Princess films. In keeping with earlier reviews in that publication, the comments were particularly observant and, at times, sharply critical. The oversights, errors, and omissions of directors were often mentioned, as were poor or indifferent photography, implausible scripts and scenes, "overacting," and other deviations from the acceptable norm. Praise was frequent, but not fawning or obsequious. The fact that Thanhouser was a constant advertiser, especially during the first half of the year, seems not to have affected the editorial stance of the publication, quite unlike the situation with certain other trade journals. However, during the last half of the year, when only a few Thanhouser advertisements were placed, the number of Thanhouser films reviewed dropped to just an occasional release. Except for reviews of a few introductory episodes, The Million Dollar Mystery serial was largely ignored.
Reel Life, the weekly house organ of the Mutual Film Corporation, devoted a portion of each issue to news about Thanhouser players and synopses of various Thanhouser and Princess films. Cast members were listed, although these listings were sometimes at variance with the listings printed in outside trade publications. The spelling of cast members' names was often atrocious, and it is an understatement to say that a good proofreader would have been of benefit there. The news printed in Reel Life often appeared "after the fact," and on several occasions, Reel Life readers were led to believe that players were new to the Thanhouser studio, when, in reality, they had been there for several months and, in fact, their employment with Thanhouser had been mentioned earlier in outside trade publications. Reel Life printed a tremendous amount of information, and today it remains the best single source for Thanhouser information for the years in which Thanhouser was a part of the Mutual Program.
The New York Star carried several reviews by Elizabeth Lonergan, who was the sister of Thanhouser scenario writers Lloyd and Philip Lonergan. These reviews were typically review and synopsis combined.
Variety, the weekly magazine of show business, carried only a few Thanhouser reviews in 1914; for Dope and several serial episodes.