I am indeed very grateful for your kind invitation to address the Annual Session of the All-India Scheduled Castes Federation. I am happy to see this great gathering of the Scheduled Castes. Having regard to the very short time which has elapsed since its establishment, the growth of the Federation appears by all evidence to be phenomenal. That the Scheduled Castes all over India have rallied round the Federation and are determined to make the Federation their only representative organization is beyond question. The growth of the Federation within so short a time will not be fully appreciated unless the tremendous difficulties in the way of our organization have been fully appreciated. There are agents of other political organizations which decoy our people by false blandishments, by false promises and by false propaganda. There is the ignorance of our own people, who do not know the critical nature of the times we are living in and who do not know the value of organization for achieving our political objects. There is a lamentable lack of resources at our command. We have no money. We have no press. The crudest of tyrannies and oppressions, to which our people are subjected, day in and day out all over India, are never reported by the Press. Even our views on social and political questions are systematically suppressed by an organized conspiracy on the part of the Press. We have no funds to maintain a machinery, to render help to our people and to educate, agitate and organize them.
These are the odds we have to contend against. That the Federation, notwithstanding these difficulties, should have grown to this dimension is entirely due to our men who have been ceaselessly and unselfishly devoting themselves to the building up of this organization. I am sure you would like me to pay Mr. Ganpat Mahadev Jadhav, the President of the Bombay City Scheduled Castes Federation, our tribute for the work he has done. As everyone knows, he possesses remarkable degree of organizing capacity and I am sure the success of this Session is due to a great extent to his efforts and to those who have been his co-workers.
Ordinarily, at a gathering such as this I would have spoken—and our people would expect me to speak—on any one of the social and political problems of the Scheduled Castes. But I do not propose to engage myself in a discourse on so sectarian a subject. Instead, I propose to speak on a topic, which is general and has a wider appeal, namely the shape and form of the future Constitution of India.
It may be as well for me to explain the reasons for my decision. For the moment, the responsibility for leading the movement of the Scheduled Castes and facing its day-to-day problems does not lie on my shoulders. On account of my office I am out of it and I have no desire to take it up. That is one reason why I do not propose to take up a sectarian subject which is related only to the Scheduled Castes.
The Scheduled Castes are often charged as being selfish, interested only in themselves; that they have no constructive suggestions to make for the solution of the country's political problem. The charge is entirely untrue, and if it is true, the Untouchables will not be the only ones who will be found guilty of it. Most people in India do not make constructive suggestions. The reason is not that there are not people capable of constructive thought. The reason why all constructive thought remains bottled up is because a long and continuous propaganda has inculcated upon the minds of the generality of the people that nothing should be respected and nothing should be accepted unless it emanates from the Congress. It is this which has killed all constructive thought in this country. At the same time, I believe this charge against the Scheduled Castes should be repelled in a positive way by showing that the Scheduled Castes are capable of putting forth constructive proposals for the general political advancement of the country which the country, if it cares to, may consider. This is the second reason why I have on this occasion chosen this subject of general interest.
Before I set out in concrete terms the constitutional proposals I have in mind, I wish to raise two preliminary issues. First is : Who should frame a Constitution for India ? It is necessary to raise this question because there are quite a lot of people in India who are hoping, if not asking, the British Government to resolve the deadlock and to frame a Constitution for India. I think there is a gross fallacy in such a view which needs to be exposed. A Constitution, framed by the British Government and imposed upon Indian, sufficed in the past. But if the nature of the future Constitution Indians are clamouring for, is borne in mind it will be clear that an imposed Constitution will not do.
The difference between the past Constitutions and the future Constitution of India is fundamental, and those, who still rely on the British for framing a Constitution for India, do not seem to have realized this difference. The difference lies in this that the past Constitutions contained a breakdown clause. But the future Constitution of India cannot contain such a breakdown clause. People in India decry the breakdown clause—by now the notorious section 93 of the Government of India Act, 1935. That is because they do not know the why and the how of its place in the Act. Its importance will become apparent if two important considerations governing the political life of a community are borne in mind. First of these considerations is that Law and Order is the medicine of the body politic, and when the body politic goes sick this medicine must be administered. Indeed, so important is this consideration that failure to administer it must be deemed to be a crime against society and civilization. The second consideration is that though it is true that no government has a vested right to govern, it is equally true that there must always be a government to govern—which I mean maintain Law and Order—until it is displaced by a better government. The breakdown clause serves these two purposes. As such, it is of the highest value for the peace and tranquillity of the people. It is the one and only means which can save the country from anarchy. For, when Constitutional Government fails, the breakdown clause has at least the merit of maintaining Government.
In the past this distinction between Constitutional Government and Government with the provision for Government stepping in when Constitutional Government failed, was a feasible proposition. It was feasible because while the British Government gave Indians the right to a Constitutional Government, it kept to itself the right to govern, should Constitutional Government fail. In the future Constitution of India, it would not be possible to maintain this distinction. It would not be possible for the British Government to give the Indians the right to Constitutional Government and also to keep to itself the right to govern in case there was a breakdown in the Constitutional Government. The reason is quite obvious. The past Constitutions of India did not treat India as a Dominion. The future Constitution will proceed on the assumption that India will be a Dominion. The breakdown clause or the possibility of Government stepping in, when Constitutional Government has failed, can be reconciled in the case of a country, which has no Dominion Status. But the two are irreconcilable in the case of a Dominion. In the case of a Dominion or for the matter of that in the case of any free country, there is either a Constitutional Government or a Rebellion.
What does this mean ? It means that it is impossible to frame a Constitution for an Indian Dominion with a possibility of a breakdown. To put the same thing in a different language the Constitution must be so made that it will not only command the obedience but also the respect of all ; and all or if not all, at any rate, all important elements in the national life of India shall be prepared to uphold it and to give it their support. This can happen only if the Constitution is framed by Indians for Indians and with the voluntary consent of Indians. If the Constitution is imposed by the British Government and is not accepted by one section and is opposed by another, there will arise in the country an element, hostile to the Constitution, and which will devote its energies not to working the Constitution but to breaking it. The anti-constitution party may look upon destroying the Constitution as its only duty and may engage itself in "pronouncing" against a party working the Constitution in the real Latin American fashion.
The second question that I wish to raise is : Should there be a Constituent Assembly, charged with the function of making a Constitution ? Constituent Assembly is on the lips of everybody. The Congress parties in their resolutions, passed before the Congress ministries resigned, demanded that the Constitution for India should be made by a Constituent Assembly composed of Indians. A Constituent Assembly was included in the Cripps proposals. The Sapru Committee has followed suit.
I must state that I am wholly opposed to the proposals of a Constituent Assembly. It is absolutely superfluous. I regard it as a most dangerous project, which may involve this country in a Civil War. In the first place, I do not see why a Constituent Assembly is at all necessary. Indians are not in the same position as the Fathers of the American Constitution were, when they framed the Constitution of the United States. They had to evolve ideas, suitable for the constitution for a free people. They had no constitutional patterns before them to draw upon. This cannot however be the case for Indians. Constitutional ideas and constitutional forms are ready at hand. Again, room for variety is very small. There are not more than two or three constitutional patterns to choose from. Thirdly, there are hardly any big and purely constitutional questions about which there can be said to be much dispute among Indians. It is agreed that the future Indian Constitution should be Federal. It is also more or less settled what subjects should go to the Centre and what to the Provinces. There is no quarrel over the division of Revenues between the Centre and the Provinces, none on Franchise and none on the relation of the Judiciary to the Legislature and the Executive. The only point of dispute, which is outstanding, centres round the question of the residuary powers—whether they should be with the Centre or with the Provinces. But that is hardly a matter worth bothering about. Indeed, the provision contained in the present Government of India Act could be adopted as the best compromise.
Having regard to this I cannot see why a Constituent Assembly is necessary to incubate a constitution. So much of the Constitution of India has already been written out in the Government of India Act, 1935, that it seems to be an act of supererogation to appoint a Constituent Assembly to do the thing over again. All that is necessary is to delete those sections of the Government of India Act, 1935, which are inconsistent with Dominion Status.
The only function which could be left to a Constituent Assembly is to find a solution of the Communal Problem. I am quite positive that whatever be the terms of reference of the Constituent Assembly, the Communal Question should not form a part of them. Consider the composition of the Constituent Assembly as suggested by the Sapru Committee. The total membership is fixed at 160. The election is by joint electorates by members of the Provincial Legislative Assemblies under a system of proportional representation and the decision is to be by three-fourths of the members present and voting. Can a minority accept this Constituent Assembly as a safe body, in the impartiality of which it can place implicit confidence ? The answer to this question must depend upon what answers one can give to two other questions : Does it guarantee that the representatives of a minority elected to the Assembly will be its true representatives ? Secondly, does it guarantee that the decision of the Assembly with regard to the claims of any particular minority will not in fact be an imposition on the minority ? On neither of these two questions can I confidently say that a minority need have no cause for fear.
(i) The total number for the Constituent Assembly fixed by the Sapru Committee is 160. Sir Stafford Cripps had not fixed any number. But the provision contained in his proposal that the Constituent Assembly shall consist of ten per cent of the total number of members of the Provincial Legislatures virtually fixed the number to about 158—a difference of only 2.
(ii) The method of election to the Constituent Assembly by the Sapru Committee is by joint electorate under the system of proportional representation. In this there is no difference between the Cripps plan and the Sapru plan for the composition of the Constituent Assembly.
The Sapru Committee has not only fixed the numbers for each Community in the composition of the Constituent Assembly but it has offered the Muslims equality with the Hindus. For this departure the Committee's plea is that in consideration for this offer it has demanded joint electorate as a basis for election to the Constituent Assembly. In this, the Committee must be said to have entirely misunderstood the Cripps proposals. Joint-Electorates were already provided for in the Cripps proposals one clause of which reads—" The members of the Lower Houses of the Provincial Legislatures are to form a single Electoral College ". This is simply another way of saying that the election shall be by joint-electorate. It has given something for nothing to one element and thereby put the other Communities in a hazard.
(iv) Under the Cripps proposal the decision of the Assembly was to be by majority of those present and voting. Under the Sapru proposal the decision is to be by a majority of 3/4th of those present and voting.
(i) Taking the total votes to be 1577 and the total number to be elected 160, the quota under the proportional system of representation would roughly come to 10+1 = 11.
(ii) Taking 11 as the quota, the Hindus will have 217, the Muslims 44 and the Europeans 35 votes to spare, while the Scheduled Castes will be short by 69, the Indian Christians by 56 and the Sikhs by 52 votes.
(i) The Hindus with their excess of 217 votes can elect 20 non-Hindus, who would be dependent upon them ; the Muslims with their excess of 44 votes can elect 4 non-Muslims, who would be dependent upon them and the Europeans with their excess of 35 votes would be able to elect 3 non-Europeans, who would be. dependent upon them.
Such is the position. It is evident that the excess representation granted to the smaller minorities is only an eyewash. Their representation is made so dependent that in no sense can it be called a real representation.
Let me now take the second question. Is the rule of decision adopted by the Sapru Committee for the Constituent Assembly a safe rule ? The Cripps proposal had adopted the rule of bare majority. This was an absurd proposition which no sensible man could have proposed. I know of no case where questions relating to the constitution were left to be decided by a simple majority.
The Cripps proposals sought to excuse the adoption of the majority rule on the. ground that there was to be a further provision for safeguarding the interest of the minorities. The provision was to take the form of a Treaty between the British Crown and the Indian Constituent Assembly, before Parliament was to relinquish its sovereignty and make India free. The proposal of a Treaty would have had some sense, if the Treaty was to override the constitution. But the proposal was impossible as under the Cripps scheme India was free to become a Dominion or an Independent country as she pleased. For once India became a Dominion it would ipso facto acquire all the legal power necessary to pass an enactment declaring that the Treaty shall not override the constitution. In that case the Treaty would have been no better than a calendar which members of the minorities might, if they wished, hang on the walls of their houses. This was exactly what. happened to the Irish Treaty. The Irish Treaty continued to override the Irish Constitution so long as Ireland was not a Dominion. But the moment Ireland became a Dominion the over riding power of the Treaty was taken away by a shore and simple enactment of the Parliament of the Irish Free State and the. British Parliament did nothing, for it knew that Ireland was a Dominion and therefore it could do nothing. How so absurd a provision came to be put forth by so eminent a person to assure the minorities, I am unable to understand.
The provisions contained in the Sapru proposals appear to be an improvement. But are they really an improvement ? I am sure they are not. A three-fourths majority of 160 means that a view to prevail must have the support of 120 members. Before accepting this as an improvement, one has to have some idea. as to how this group of 120 is likely to be formed. If the Hindus and the Musilms combine they will together make up 102 and will need only 18 more to make up 120. Most of the special seats and a few more from others may easily fall into the hands of this combine. If this happens the decision of the Assembly will obviously be an imposition upon the Scheduled Castes, the Sikhs, the Indian Christians etc. Similarly, if the Muslims are isolated the decision will not be a joint decision but an. imposition upon the Muslims by non-Muslims. These possibilities of permutation and combination for the purpose of checkmating or out-manoeuvring of some communities by others, I am sorry to say, have not been taken into consideration by the Sapru Committee. There would have been some safety, if the Sapru Committee had provided that the three-fourths majority shall at least include. 50 per cent of each element.
Following upon the procedures adopted in the making of the constitution of the United States, the Sapru Committee could have added a further provision for the ratification at any rate of the communal part of the decision of the Assembly by the representatives of the minorities outside the Assembly. None of these provisions finds a place in the plan of the Constituent Assembly as designed by the Sapru Committee. Consequently the Constituent Assembly has become a snare.
There are many other arguments against the plan of a Constituent Assembly. I may mention one, which I confess has influenced me greatly. When I read the history of the Union between Scotland and England, I was shocked at the corruption and bribery that was practised to win the consent of the Scottish Parliament. The whole of the Scottish Parliament was bought. The chances of corruption and bribery being used in the Indian Constituent Assembly to buy over members to support decisions desired by interested groups are very real. Their effects, I am sure, cannot be overlooked. If this happens, it will not only make mockery of the Constituent Assembly but I feel quite certain that any attempt made to enforce its decisions will result in a civil war. It is my considered opinion that the proposal of Constituent Assembly is more dangerous than profitable and should not be entertained.
I shall be asked that if the Constituent Assembly is not the correct approach, what is the alternative ? I know I shall be confronted with such a question. But I am confident in my view that if the Communal Question has become difficult of solution it is not because it is insoluble, nor because we had not yet employed the machinery of Constituent Assembly. It has become insoluble because the approach to it is fundamentally wrong. The defect in the present approach is that it proceeds by methods instead of by principles. The principle is that there is no principle. There is only a series of methods. If one method fails another is tried. It is this swing from one method to another which has made the Communal Problem a jigsaw puzzle. There being no principle there is no guide to tell why a particular method has failed. There being no principle there is no assurance that the new method will succeed.
The attempts at the solution of the Communal Problem are either in the nature of a coward's plan to cow tow to the bully or of bully's plan to dictate to the weak. Whenever a community grows powerful and demands certain political advantages, concessions are made to it to win its goodwill. There is no judicial examination of its claim; no judgement on merits. The result is that there are no limits to demands and there are no limits to concessions. A start is made with a demand for separate electorate for a minority. It is granted. It is followed by a demand for a separate electorate for a community irrespective of the fact whether it is a minority or majority. That is granted. A demand is made for separate, representation on a population bas's. That is conceded. Next, a claim is made for weightage in representation. That is granted. It is followed by a demand for statutory majority over other minorities with the right for the majority to retain separate electorate's. This is granted. This is followed by a demand that the majority rule of another community is intolerable, and therefore without prejudice to its rights to maintain majority rule over other minorities, the majority of the offending community should be reduced to equality. Nothing can be more absurd than this policy of eternal appeasement. It is a policy of limitless demand followed by endless appeasement.
Frankly, I don't blame the community that indulges in this strategy. It indulges in it because it has found that it pays, it pursues it because there are no principles to fix the limits and it believes that more could be legitimately asked and would be easily given. On the other hand, there is a community economically poor, socially degraded, educationally backward and which is exploited, oppressed and tyrannized without shame and without remorse, disowned by society, unowned by Government and which has no security for protection and no guarantee for justice, fair play and equal opportunity. Such a community is told that it can have no safeguards, not because it has no case for safeguards but only because the bully on whom the bill of rights is presented thinks that because the community is not politically organized to have sanctions behind its demand he can successfully bluff.
All this differential treatment is due to the fact that there are no principles, which are accepted as authoritative and binding on those who are parties to the Communal Question. The absence of principles has another deleterious effect. It has made impossible for public opinion to play its part. The public only knows methods and notes that one method has failed another is being suggested. It does not know why one method has failed and why another is said to be likely to succeed. The result is that the public, instead of being mobilized to force obstinate and recalcitrant parties to see sense and reason, are only witnessing the discussions of Communal Questions whenever they take place as mere shows.
(2) That whatever the governing principles they must be applied to all parties equally without fear or favour.
Having made my position clear on certain preliminary points, I will now proceed to deal with the subject.
The Communal Problem raises three questions : (A) The question of representation, in the Legislature: (B) The question of representation in the Executive; and (C) The question of representation in the Services.
To take the last question first. This can hardly be said to be a subject of controversy. The principle that all communities should be represented in the Public Services in a prescribed proportion and no single community should be allowed to have a monopoly has been accepted by the Government of India. This principle has been embodied in the Government of India Resolutions of 1934 and 1943 and rules to carry it out have been laid down. It has even prescribed that any appointment made contrary to the rules shall be deemed to be null and void. All that is necessary is to convert administrative practice into statutory obligation. This can be done by adding a Schedule to the Government of India Act, which will include the provisions contained in these Resolutions and similar provisions for the different provinces and make the Schedule a part of the Law of the Constitution.
(i) The quantum of representation in the Executive : (ii) The nature of the Executive; (iii) The method of filling the places in the Executive.
For the solution of this question, the principle which should be adopted is that the representation of the Hindus, the Muslims and the Scheduled Castes should be equal to the quantum of their representation in the Legislature.
With regard to the other minorities such as the Sikhs, Indian Christians and Anglo-Indians, it is difficult to give them representation in the Executive in strict proportion to their representation in the Legislature. This difficulty arises largely from the smallness of their Kumbers. If they are to get representation in the Executive in exact proportion to their numbers, the Executive would have to be enlarged to a fantastic degree. All that can be done, therefore, is to reserve a seat or two for them in the Cabinet for their representation and So establish a convention that they will get a fair portion of representation in the corps of Parliamentary Secretaries that will have to be raised, when the new Constitution comes into existence.
(1) It must be recognised that in a country like India where there is a perpetual antipathy between the majority and the minorities and on which account the danger of communal discrimination by majority against minorities forms an ever-present menace to the minorities, the executive power assumes far greater importance than the legislative power.
(2) In view of (1) above, the system under which a party which has secured a majority at the poll is deemed entitled to form a Government on the presumption that it has the confidence of the majority is untenable in Indian conditions. The majority in India is a communal majority and not a political majority. That being the difference, the presumption that arises in England cannot be regarded as a valid presumption in the conditions of India.
(3) The Executive should cease to be a Committee of the majority party m the Legislature. It should be so constituted that it will have its mandate not only from the majority but also from the minorities in the Legislature.
(4) The Executive should be non-Parliamentary in the sense that it shall not be removable before the term of the Legislature.
(5) The Executive should be Parliamentary m the sense that the members of the Executive shall be chosen from the members of the Legislature and shall have the right to sit in the House, speak, vote and answer questions.
have the confidence of the whole House.
(b) The person representing a particular minority in the Cabinet should have the confidence of the members of his community in the Legislature.
(c) A. member of the Cabinet shall not be liable to be removed except on impeachment by the House on the ground of corruption or treason.
Following these principles, my proposal is that the Prime Minister and the members of the Cabinet from the majority community should be elected by the whole House by a single transferable vote and that the representatives of the different Minorities in the Cabinet should be elected by a single transferable vote of the members of each minority community in the Legislature.
This is the most difficult question. All other questions depend upon the solution of this question, it raises two points : (i) The quantum of representation : and (ii) The nature of the electorate.
(2) The relative majority of representation given to a majority community in the legislature should not be so large as to enable the majority to establish its rule with the help of the smallest minorities.
(3) The distribution of seats should be so made that a combination of the majority and one of the major minorities should not give the combine such a majority as to make them impervious to the interest of the minorities.
(4) The distribution should be so made that if all the minorities combine they could, without depending on the majority, form a government of their own.
(5) The weightage taken from the majority should be distributed among the minorities in inverse proportion to their social standing, economic position and educational condition so that a minority which is large and which has a better social, educational and economic standing gets a lesser amount of weightage than a minority whose numbers are less and whose educational, economic and social position is inferior to that of the others.
If I may say so, the representation is a balanced representation. No one community is placed in a position to dominate others by reason of its numbers. The Muslim objection to the Hindu majority and the Hindu and Sikh objections to the Muslim majority are completely eliminated, both in the Central as well as in the Provinces.
(1) Joint electorate or separate electorate is a matter of machinery for achieving a given purpose. It is not a matter of principle.
(2) The purpose is to enable a minority to select candidates to the Legislature who will be real and not nominal representatives of the minority.
(3) While separate electorate gives an absolute guarantee to the minority, that its representatives will be no others except those who enjoy its confidence, a system of joint electorates which will give equal protection to the minorities should not be overlooked.
(4) A Four-member constituency, with a right to the minorities to have a double vote and requiring a minimum percentage of minority votes, may be considered as a possible substitute.
(1) Provision of a Statutory Officer to report on the condition of minorities.
(3) Statutory provision for land settlement. But they are not of a communal character, I do not therefore wish to enlarge upon them here.
It will be obvious that my proposals do not cover the Aboriginal Tribes although they are larger in number than the Sikhs, Anglo Indians, Indian Christians and Parsees. I may state the reasons why I have omitted them from my scheme. The Aboriginal Tribes have not as yet developed any political sense to make the best use of their political opportunities and they may easily become mere instruments in the hands either of a majority or a minority and thereby disturb the balance without doing any good to themselves. In the present stage of their development it seems to me that the proper thing to do for these backward communities is to establish a Statutory Commission to administer what are now called the ' excluded areas ' on the same basis as was done in the case of the South African Constitution. Every Province in which these excluded areas are situated should be compelled to make an annual contribution of a prescribed amount for the administration of these areas.
(3) that the terms and conditions of inclusion do not prevent India from having full and plenary powers of a Dominion. I have worked out a scheme for the fusion of the Indian States and British India, which will permit the realization of these objects. I do not wish to overburden this address with the details of the plan. For the moment, it is better if British India marches to her goal without complicating its progress by an entanglement with the Indian States.
My proposals are for an United India. They are made in the hope that the Muslims will accept them in preference to Pakistan as providing better security than Pakistan does. I am not against Pakistan, I believe it is founded on principle of self-determination, which it is now too late to question. I am prepared to give them the benefit of the principle, on condition that the Muslims do not deny the benefit of the principles to the Non-Muslim residents of the Area. But I believe, I am entitled to draw the attention of the Muslims to another and a better plan of security. I claim that my plan is better than the plan of Pakistan. Let me state the points which tell in favour of my plan. They are : (i) Under my proposal the danger of a communal majority, which is the basis of Pakistan is removed. (ii) Under my proposal the weightage at present enjoyed by the Muslims is not disturbed.
(iii) The position of Muslims in the Non-Pakistan Provinces is greatly strengthened by an increase in their representation, which they may not get if Pakistan comes and which will leave them in a more helpless condition than they are in at present.
Much of the difficulty over the Communal Question is due to the insistence of the Hindus that the rule of majority is sacrosanct and that. it, must be maintained at all costs. The Hindu does not seem to be aware of the fact that there is another rule. which is also operative in fields where important disputes between individual and nations arise and that rule is a rule of unanimity. If he will take the trouble to examine the position he will realise that such a rule is not a fiction, but it does exist. Let him take the Jury System. In the jury trial the principle is unanimity. The decision is binding upon the judge, only if the verdict of the jury is unanimous. Let him take another illustration that of the League of Nations. What was the rule for decisions in the League of Nations ? The rule was a rule of unanimity. It is obvious that if the principle of unanimity was accepted by the Hindus as a rule of decision in the Legislature and in the Executive there would be no such thing as a Communal Problem m India.
One may well ask the Hindu that if he is not prepared to concede constitutional safeguards to the minorities, is he prepared to agree to the rule of unanimity ? Unfortunately he is not prepared to accept either.
About the rule of majority the Hindu is not prepared to admit any limitations. The majority he wants is an absolute majority. He will not be satisfied with relative majority. He should consider whether his insistence on absolute majority is fair proposition, which political philosophers can accept. He is not aware that even the constitution of the United States does not lend support to the absolutistic rule of majority rule- on which the Hindu has been insisting upon.
Let me illustrate the point from the constitution of the United States. Take the clause embodying Fundamental Rights. What does that clause mean ? It means that matters included in Fundamental Rights are of such supreme concern that a mere majority rule is not enough to interfere with them. Take another illustration also from the Constitution of the United States. The Constitution says that no part of the Constitution shall be altered unless the proposition is carried by three-fourths majority and ratified by the States. What does this show ? It shows that the United States Constitution recognizes for certain purposes mere majority rule is not competent.
All these cases are of course familiar to many a Hindu. The pity of it is, he does not read from them the correct lesson. If he did, he would realize that the rule of the majority rule is not as sacrosanct a principle as he thinks it is. The majority rule is not accepted as a principle but is tolerated as a rule. I might also state why it is tolerated. It is tolerated for two reasons; (1) because the majority is always a political majority and (2) because the decision of a political majority accepts and absorbs so much of the point of view of the minority that the minority does not care to rebel against the decision.
In India, the majority is not 8 political majority. In India the majority is born; it is not made. That is the difference between a communal majority and a political majority. A political majority is not a fixed or a permanent majority. It is a majority which is always made, unmade and. remade. A communal majority is a permanent majority fixed in its attitude. One can destroy it, but one cannot transform it. If there is so much objection to a political majority. how very fatal must be the objection to a communal majority ?
It may be open to the Hindus to ask Mr. Jinnah, why in 1930 when he formulated his fourteen points he insisted upon the principle of majority rule to such an extent that one of the fourteen points stipulated that in granting weightage, limits should be placed whereby a majority shall not be reduced to a minority or equality. It may be open to the Hindus to ask Mr. Jinnah, if he is in favour of a Muslim majority in Muslim Provinces, why he is opposed to a Hindu Majority in the Centre ? The Hindu must however realize that -these posers may lead to the conclusion that Mr. Jinnah's position is inconsistent. They cannot lead to the affirmation of the principle of majority rule.
The abandonment of the principle of majority rule in politics cannot affect the Hindus very much in other walks of life. As an element in social life they will remain a majority. They will have the monopoly of trade and business which they enjoy. They will have the monopoly of the property which they have. My proposals do not ask the Hindus to accept the principle of unanimity. My proposals do not ask the Hindus to abandon the principle of majority rule. All I am asking them is to be satisfied with a relative majority. Is it too much for them to concede this ?
Without marking any such sacrifice the Hindu majority is not justified in representing to the outside world that the minorities are holding up India's Freedom. This false propaganda will not pay. For the minorities are doing nothing of the kind. They are prepared to accept freedom and the dangers in which they likely to be involved; provided they granted satisfactory safeguards. This gesture of the minorities is not to be treated as a matter for which Hindus need not be grateful. It may well be contrasted with what happened in Ireland. Mr. Redmond, the leader of the Irish Nationalists once told Carson, the leader of Ulster; "Consent to United Ireland, Ask for any safeguard and they shall be granted to you ". He is reported to have turned round and said : " Damn your safeguards ; we don't want to be ruled by you ". The minorities in India have not said that. They are ready to be satisfied with safeguards. I ask the Hindus Is this not worth a mass ? I am sure it is.
These are some of the proposals I have had in mind for the solution of the Communal Problem. They do not commit the All-India Scheduled Castes Federation. They do not even commit me. In putting them forth, I am doing nothing more than exploring a new way. My emphasis is more on the principle, I have enunciated, than on the actual proposals. If the principles are accepted then I am sure the solution of the Communal Question will not be as baffling as it has been in the past.
The problem of solving the Indian deadlock is not easy. I remember reading a historian describing the condition of Germany before the Confederation of 1867 as one of 'Divinely Ordained Confusion'. Whether that was true of Germany or not, it seems to me that they form a very accurate description of the present conditions of India. Germany did get out of this confusion, if not at one stroke at least by successive stages until just before the war she became a unified people, unified in mind, unified in outlook and unified by belief in a common destiny. India has not so far succeeded in evolving order out of her confusion. It is not that she had no opportunities to do so. In fact, there have been quite a number. The first opportunity came in 1927, when Lord Birkenhead gave a challenge to Indians asking them to produce a constitution for India. That challenge was taken up. A committee was formed to frame a constitution. A constitution was produced and was known as ' The Nehru Constitution '. It was, however, not accepted by Indians and was buried without remorse. A second opportunity presented itself to Indians in 1930, when they assembled at the Round Table Conference. There again, Indians failed to play their part and write out their own Constitution. A third attempt is the one recently made by the Sapru Committee. The proposals of this committee too have fallen flat.
There is neither enthusiasm nor optimism left to indulge in another attempt. One is pursued by a sense of fatality, which suggests that as every attempt is doomed to failure, none need be made. At the same time I feel that no Indian ought to be so down hearted or so callous as to let the deadlock stink, as though it was a dead dog, and say that he is prepared to do nothing more than be a mere witness to the political dog-fight that is going on in this country. The failures of the past need not daunt any body. They do not daunt me. For, I have a feeling that though it is true that all attempts to reach an agreement on the communal question have failed, the failure have been due not so much to any inherent fault of the Indians as they have been due to a wrong approach. I feel confident that my proposals, if considered dispassionately, should be found acceptable. They constitute a new approach and as such I commend them to my countrymen.
Before I conclude, I must, however, warn my critics that they may be able to amend my proposals in some respects; but it will not be easy to reject them. If they do reject them, the first thing they shall have to do is to controvert the principles on which they are based.
[f1]The distribution of seats for (1) Universities; (2) Trade Unions, (3) Commerce and (4) Landlords among the communities does not stand for an exact figure. It is based on guess as to how they may be divided among the communities having regard to the relative position.
[f2]I have not framed any scheme of representation for the North-West Frontier province as the minority is so small that even the Principle of relative majority cannot help it.


text:
The Problem with Apple's New App Tracking Transparency
By Roy Shkedi, Intent IQ's chairman
The Weather Channel recently announced that it will be moving its mobile app further into a subscription model to compensate for the anticipated loss of revenue when targeted ads will become harder to produce. Non-targeted ads are significantly less effective and cheaper than targeted ads, and the channel is anticipating taking a hit.
But the Weather Channel isn't alone. Publishers and app developers realize that with the anticipated loss of central IDs (third party cookie and IDFA), they will lose over 50% of their ad revenues. As those revenues originate from ads targeted using off-site and off-app data linked to the ad viewer by central IDs. To counter the anticipated revenue loss, publishers and app developers turn to a subscription model to make up for their advertising losses.
What's Happening to Targeted Ads?
Certain methods used for targeted ads have been a source of controversy due to potential risk of infringement in individual privacy. As a solution, Google has been working on its Privacy Sandbox initiative, while Apple has come up with a different solution called App Tracking Transparency or ATT. Apple's system will require app publishers to give users the option to opt into the Identifier for Advertisers (IDFA) or not. In other words, Apple's users will have a choice whether they want to share their device IDFA, which is a numeric number identifying their device.
According to Mobile Marketing, it's estimated that only 5% to 10% of users will opt into sharing their data, down from pre-App Tracking Transparency numbers of around 70%.
Who Wins in This Situation?
The industry will have to adjust to these low numbers of users agreeing to share their data, when apps start expanding their subscription options in anticipation that their ad revenue will drop, it's the users who will pay for it (literally). And it's still unknown whether the subscriptions will make up for the lost revenue and whether consumers will be willing to pay!
There's only one winner in this situation, and it's Apple. The tech giant keeps 30% of app subscription revenues while every other medium to small player in the space will suffer a great loss in revenue. Behind a facade of addressing the public concern over privacy, Apple has positioned itself to become a monstrous earner — at the expense of all other parties.
In Germany, a group of ad, tech, and media businesses have already filed an antitrust complaint against Apple. They claim that Apple's new move will result in a 60% decrease in ad revenues for app developers since they won't be able to gather the necessary data for targeted ads.
Intent IQ's Mobile Identity Hub Solution
Intent IQ's Mobile Identity Hub (MIH) service enables DSPs to target mobile apps using data from outside the app where the ad is delivered. Therefore, preserving off-app data-based targeted ads as a major revenue source for mobile apps.
Importantly, Intent IQ does it without the help or involvement of the app developers.
MIH works by clustering mobile apps' user IDs of each of the apps on a device, and providing the cluster along a device universal ID to DSPs. Intent IQ's MIH covers over 80% of ad inventory with 90% accuracy.
While our solution can help companies despite the new developments, it doesn't absolve Apple from using the excuse of user privacy to cut out a significant portion of ad revenue from all their mobile app publishers. Had Apple been sincere about their true purpose behind App Tracking Transparency, Apple would right the wrong they have committed and reduce their app store commission to zero. If they would do this, we'll know that they have no ulterior motives. If they don't do this, we will know that they were never really acting for the sake of user privacy, but rather just to increase their bottom line.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


We understand how important your child is to you and to the Kingdom of God. Rest assured that we will work to keep your child safe and comfortable at our church while investing our time into teaching them the truth of God's Word. We offer enriching programs for your child of any age.
We have nursery available for all of our Sunday services. Infants are welcome with parents at our Care Group meetings as well.
For our children in these formative years, we teach them during Sunday School classes (9:45am Sundays) and Praise Factory (up to 3rd grade, during the sermon portion of the Sunday worship service). All of these offer social growth opportunities, but focus on instilling biblical knowledge and understanding of who God is and what he does.
Our growing youth group is an exciting place for older youths and young adults to learn what the Bible means and how it applies to the challenges of their lives. Questions are welcome, and answers come from the Bible during group discusisons. The youth serve in ministry and have the opportunity to participate in several outings and camps every year. The youth gather weekly for "Youth Group" meeting (Sundays 6-7:30pm).


The world of wine, like many others, throws superlatives around like confetti. Icon. Sensational. Remarkable. Breathtaking. Extraordinary and on and on … In most cases these are moderated to mean something more akin to the taster in question 'really liking the wine'! Truly 'extraordinary' wines are rare and becoming even more rare than they once were. We say this because so many wines are now shallow copies of their peers or contemporary bursts of imagination that very often fizzle into mediocrity and yesterdays fashion statement.
There are 'extraordinary' wines. Its a title, however, that needs to be earned and not granted. Its a description that very few are entitled to.
Chateau Mont-Redon Chateauneuf du Pape is extraordinary and its wines are quite simply magnificent. Why?
The property is a single vineyard block of 100ha in the north west corner of Chateauneuf du Pape just south of Orange and north of Avignon in France. Grapes have been grown here since Roman times and the vineyard was officially recognized as far back as 1344 when it was part of the Pope's land.
The land itself is where the 'magic' begins. In 1923 the family of the current owners began with a small 2.5ha vineyard in a much larger plot. They removed trees and scrub and cleared the land back to its 'essence'. Along the way they enlarged their vineyard so that now it is 100ha within a 186 ha land holding. As they cleared they exposed the most brilliant selection of rounded boulders (galets roulés pudding stones) above red clay and limestone. In 1980, another domaine was acquired in the Côtes du Rhône, and in 1997, one in Lirac.
Local agents Mackenway Distributors recently showed each of the wines they distribute from the Mont-Redon.
Posted in Portfolio Tastings, Uncategorized, Wine Regions and tagged Chateau Mont-Redon, Chateauneuf du Pape, Cotes du Rhone, Lirac, Mackenway Distributors. Bookmark the permalink.


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text:
Early Review: Blessed by a Demon's Mark by E.S. Moore
Blessed by a Demon's Mark by E.S. Moore
Kat Redding #3
In a job like this, there's no retirement plan
Kat Redding's life is dangerous enough when she's hunting the rogue vampires who prey on Pureblood humans. But now that Kat is thinking of getting out of the killing business, she's faced with a slew of new problems. Like the demon Beligral, who offers help at an escalating cost, and the werewolf cult with whom she's entwined professionally and personally. And then there's Countess Baset—the terrifying vampire who wants Kat to become her personal assassin.
It's no wonder that Kat has been seeking refuge in the mysterious town known as Delai, a place where she can shed her Lady Death persona and live a life that's as close to normal as she's ever known. But even in this haven, something feels askew. Delai is a little too serene. And the more she discovers, the more Kat realizes that the only choice left to her is not whether to do battle, but which side she'll risk her life to defend…
Reeling from the pain of having to kill her brother, Kat, aka Lady Death is in shambles. It doesn't matter that Thomas was a mindless killer leaving a path of destruction in his wake, a part of her still held out hope that he could be saved. So now that her small hope has been extinguished, she's left her Lady Death persona behind and fled to the safety of a town called Delai as it offers a strange sort of peace. But in Delai, nothing is as it seems. With each passing day it gets harder and harder for her to remember who she is, and it's only a matter of time before she succumbs. Her only hope lies in the strangest of saviors, her tie to a demon known as Beligral. But even his power may not be enough to save her as she is in the grasp of something stronger than she ever could have imagined. With her very freedom on the line she's got a choice to make, stay in this false peace or return to her bloody life as Lady Death. Talk about a rock and a hard place.
It's a real testament to how much I enjoy the world behind this series and the side characters that I have been able to continue reading despite my utter dislike of Kat. And I'm not talking a mild disagreement either, I absolutely cannot stand the chick. Not only is she too much of a hard ass and closed off, but she's also ridiculously reckless, which quite frankly baffles me. I just don't get how she survived this long without getting killed. I mean she's supposed to be the bogeyman to vamps and weres and yet, she's constantly being sloppy, especially in this installment. But I could have forgiven all that if it weren't for her utter cruelty towards the people who care about her. It doesn't matter what they do she's absolutely terrible, and quite frankly I feel she needs to be knocked down a post... or ten. I cannot count the number of times while reading BLESSED BY A DEMON'S MARK where I wanted to reach through the pages to slap her silly for either her foolish/reckless behavior, or the way she treated her friends. I don't care if she hates herself so much that she is incapable of attachment. There is absolutely no excuse for the way she acts, and quite frankly my anger at her made it rather hard to read the book.
Now to get into the good things in the book, with the first up being the world behind it all. I just love the way that this is an open world, with all of the humans, vamps, demons, and weres all intermingled with each other. It just opens up a lot of possibilities for the story, and the author is fantastic at exploring them. By the end of BLESSED BY A DEMON'S MARK things were definitely shaken up and I really enjoyed the new added elements to the story. I can only imagine where things are headed, and I'm sure it will be an intense ride along the way. The other thing I really enjoy about these books is the secondary characters, from the good guys to the bad, they are all fully fleshed, with not a placeholder among them. On the good side, I love how fiercely loyal everyone is despite the fact that they should have given up on Kat long ago. I also really adore Jeremy as he's had a whole lot thrown at him in such a short time in his path to redemption, and I couldn't be more proud of what he has overcome. On the bad side, well the author sure knows how to write a convincing bad guy, and there are several in this book. I'm not sure who is the worst out of them all, but trust me, evil is an understatement here.
As I said previously, I really enjoy this world/secondary characters, but it's become a juggling act of enjoyment considering my issues with Kat. On one hand, I am incredibly curious to see what happens next, but on the other I don't want to spend another book seething at the main character. It just doesn't make for an easy read, nor does it allow me to have the full entertainment value. I'm really hoping that the barest hints of a romantic possibility will start to come to fruition in the next installment, because that would go a long way towards softening Kat. Would I recommend BLESSED BY A DEMON'S MARK? Yes, for fans of strict Urban Fantasy, it's a solid read, but as a disclaimer for those looking for a good main character attachment or romance, they won't find any here.
Tome Tender
Previous Books:
To Walk the Night
Tainted Night, Tainted Blood
Adult Katie Review
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When I was about nine months old Mom started working on a genealogy book. It was about Dad's family and she tells me that it isn't very good. She wasn't that experienced then. She also tells me how she had to type letters to relatives asking and begging at times for information and old photographs. When she decided to put all that information into a family book, the old typewriter just wouldn't work. She rented an electric typewriter. I can't imagine producing a book on a typewriter, even an electric one.
Mom had a card table in the living room with the typewriter and paper on it, plus all her notes. Each morning she would cut strips of paper for my three year old brother to color and paste together in loops. She also photocopied the old family photographs for him to study. That would occupy him for a couple hours while she typed.
When I wasn't sleeping or playing in my crib, I was hungry. Mom would balance me on top of her feet, prop the bottle in my mouth and swing me back and forth on her feet while she typed. That's about like patting your head and rubbing your stomach. It seemed to work.
We grew up knowing her as Mom and somebody who went to cemeteries and talked to relatives. There were always books and family charts around the house. Relatives would come to visit or we would visit them. It was our life and I guess we didn't know anything different. Our friends couldn't name off relatives, but we knew their names and everything about them. When I was six years old we moved. I went to school and told my teacher and friends that we were migrating. Wonder where I got that word! Growing up genealogy was indeed interesting and fun.


In Part 2, that generation of Tully that is over like The Beatles is looked at through the magnifying glass of judgment. The rule of Hoster Tully, his relationship with his brother The Blackfish, and the childhood of his children is dissected as The Princes That Were Promised gear up for the rollercoaster that is the narrative of Catelyn.
Visit The Westerosi Companion to read #TPTWP's scholarly essays.
Posted on 04/13/2018 08/25/2018 by SeannieWan KenobiPosted in Podcast Episodes, The Wardens of Long Island, Westerosi HistoryTagged A Song of Ice and Fire, ASOIAF, Brandon Stark, Brynden Tully, Catelyn Tully, Edmure Tully, Family Duty Honor, George R R Martin, GRRM, Hook Line Sinker, Hoster Tully, House Tully, Jaime Lannister, LIes!, Littlefinger, Lyssa Tully, Marriage Pact, Minisa Whent, Petyr Baelish, Rickard Stark, Riverrun, The Blackfish, The Riverlands, The War of the Ninepenny Kings, The Wardens of Long Island, Tywin Lannister, Westeros.


text:
How Abortion Hurts Women
How Abortion Hurts Women: The Hard Proof
Erika Bachiochi
Over the last three decades, the abortion debate has been characterized as the clashing of rights: the human rights of the unborn on the one hand and the reproductive rights of women on the other. This decades-long rhetorical deadlock has left a good number of Americans — the great majority of whom understand that an individual human life is taken in each abortion — personally opposed, yet unwilling to "impose their beliefs" on anyone else.
The popularity of this so-called pro-choice position is due, in large measure, to the success abortion advocates have had in convincing Americans that abortion is a necessary precondition to women's well-being and equality. If you want to stand for women's progress, the line goes, then you have to stand for abortion. Indeed, in our current cultural milieu, to oppose abortion is to risk being called anti-woman — and few, regardless of their sense of the moral wrongness of abortion, can withstand that accusation. "Personally opposed, but can't impose" seems to many the only pro-woman option.
I once numbered myself among the ranks of "personally opposed" pro-choicers, though I must admit to being more "pro-choice" than "personally opposed." I penned the following words during my junior year at Middlebury College while one of the leaders of our women's center: "The state's suppression of a woman's right to choose [was] simply a perpetuation of the patriarchal nature of our society.... To free women from [the] gender hierarchy, women must have a right to do what they please with their bodies."
The story of how I came to change my mind about abortion is rather lengthy, complicated by elements that are philosophical, religious, moral, psychological, and political. Suffice it to say, my unwavering support for abortion was based on my status as a feminist. Thus, central to my eventual opposition to abortion was the dual realization that abortion both harms women's well-being and that it is antithetical to a genuine feminism — one that recognizes and celebrates the uniqueness of women as women.
In order to persuade the "personally opposed" pro-choicer like me, then, we must address this 1970s feminist fallacy that abortion is necessary for women's sexual equality and well-being. In point of fact, medical evidence, sociological data, and the lived experience of many women tell a very different story: Abortion harms women physically, psychologically, relationally, and culturally.
Here's the proof.
Destroying Women's Health
Women who have had abortions suffer an increased risk of anxiety, depression, and suicide. A study published in a recent edition of the Journal of Anxiety Disorders found that women who aborted their unintended pregnancies were 30 percent more likely to subsequently report all the symptoms of generalized anxiety disorder than those women who had carried their unintended pregnancies to term. A study of a state-funded medical insurance program in California published in the American Journal of Orthopsychiatry in 2002 showed that the rate of mental health claims for women who aborted was 17 percent higher than those who had carried their children to term. And, according to a 1996 article in the British Medical Journal and a 2002 article in the Southern Medical Journal, the risk of death from suicide is two to six times higher for women who have had abortions when compared, again, with women who have given birth.
Several studies analyzed in a landmark 2003 article in the Obstetrical and Gynecological Survey show that induced abortion also increases the risk of placenta previa by 50 percent and doubles the risk of pre-term birth in later pregnancies. Placenta previa — where the placenta implants at the bottom of the uterus and covers the cervix — places the lives of both mother and child at risk in that later pregnancy. Pre-term birth is associated with low birth-weight babies, and very low birth-weight babies (those born between 20 and 27 weeks) have 38 times the risk of having cerebral palsy — not to mention medical costs 28 times greater — than full-term babies. According to Dr. Byron Calhoun, director of the Antenatal Diagnostic Center at Rockford Memorial Hospital in Illinois, approximately 30 percent of pre-term births — which now account for 6 percent of all births — are attributable to prior abortions.
But that's just the beginning. The link between abortion and breast cancer has attracted much media attention. It is important to understand that there are two different mechanisms by which abortion can increase the risk of breast cancer — one is beyond dispute, the other hotly contested. It is now common medical knowledge that a full-term pregnancy, especially before the age of 32, acts as a protective mechanism against breast cancer. Thus, research shows that teenagers with a family history of breast cancer who have abortions before their 18th birthday have an incalculably high risk of developing breast cancer. Indeed, an abortion clinic in Portland, Oregon, recently settled a lawsuit with a 19-year-old woman who claimed the clinic had failed to inform her of this link between abortion and breast cancer — especially since she'd indicated a family history of breast cancer on her intake form. Approximately one-fifth of women procuring abortions are teenagers, and half are younger than 25 years old. The risk of breast cancer is high for those young women who are delaying their first full-term pregnancy through abortion, yet such women are rarely informed of this indisputable link.
The more hotly contested link — though one supported by numerous epidemiological studies and breast physiology — is that abortion itself can cause breast cancer. Through abortion, a woman artificially terminates her pregnancy at a time when her breast cells have been exposed to high levels of potentially cancer-initiating estrogen but before those cells have matured into cancer-resistant cells (as they ultimately do in a full-term pregnancy). According to breast surgeon Dr. Angela Lanfranchi, "The same biology that accounts for 90 percent of all risk factors for breast cancer accounts for the abortion–breast cancer link."
Astonishingly, many states do not require that abortion-related complications be reported to their health departments. Nevertheless, a review of available data reveals that thousands of women are injured each year from short-term complications such as hemorrhaging, uterine perforation, and infection. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) approximates that one woman in 100,000 dies from complications associated with first-trimester abortions. A 1997 study reported in Obstetrical and Gynecological Survey, however, found maternal deaths from abortion to be grossly underreported to the CDC — probably because such reporting is entirely voluntary.
Further, a 1994 article in the American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology revealed that abortions performed at more than 16 weeks' gestation have 15 times the risk of maternal mortality as those performed during the first trimester. The same study also showed that black women and other minorities — who have a disproportionate number of abortions when compared with white women — are also 2.5 times more likely than white women to die of an abortion.
Finally, due to the FDA's rush to get RU-486, the so-called abortion pill, onto the market quickly, three American women have already died, and scores of others have suffered serious drug-related complications.
When Planned Parenthood estimates that 43 percent of women will have abortions before they turn 45 years old, and with more than a million abortions performed each year, these collected data reveal a serious women's health issue that must be addressed. Yet all too often, the evidence is simply denied or ignored.
Is Legal Abortion 'Rare and Safe'?
One of the common arguments used in the run-up to Roe v. Wade was the claim that legal abortion would be safer than the "back alley" abortions that — advocates alleged — killed 5,000 to 10,000 women each year. As many now know, one of the two men leading the change, Dr. Bernard Nathanson, OB-GYN and co-founder of NARAL Pro-Choice America, later recanted the claim, admitting that he and other pro-abortion activists simply fabricated the figure to further the cause of abortion rights.
This is not, of course, to say that illegal abortions were safe; though the actual data are nowhere close to the 10,000 claimed, at least 39 women died from illegal abortions in 1972. But an additional 24 women died that year from legal abortions in states that had weakened their laws in the years before Roe came down. As the medical data above reveal, more than three decades of legal abortion have not made the procedure much safer — women are still dying or suffering serious harm. Even Warren Hern, noted abortionist and author of Abortion Practice, a leading medical textbook, writes, "[T]here are few surgical procedures given so little attention and so underrated in its potential hazard as abortion."
Another consistent argument one hears in defense of the abortion license is that the government should never come between a woman and her doctor. Indeed, the Court in Roe considered this relationship paramount. Until viability, the Roe Court said, "the abortion in all its aspects is inherently, and primarily, a medical decision, and basic responsibility for it must rest with the physician." Yet only about 2 percent of women having abortions do so for health reasons, and studies have shown that two-thirds of obstetricians and gynecologists — especially female doctors and those under 40 — refuse to perform abortions at all. The vast majority of women who have abortions, then, are not contemplating a medical decision in the care and counsel of their personal physician. Instead, most women receive little or no pre-op counseling about the nature of, risks of, and alternatives to the procedure. They meet the abortionist just minutes before he operates on them and are unlikely ever to see him again.
Abortion's Second Victim
It's no wonder that 81 percent of women surveyed in a 1992 study reported in the Journal of Social Issues said they felt victimized by the abortion process, and that they were either coerced into the abortion or that information about alternatives or the actual procedure had been withheld.
Though informed consent requirements are constitutional under Roe, Women's Right to Know laws that provide women with information regarding the nature, risks, and alternatives to abortion are in effect in only 22 states (with six other states' laws held up in litigation). According to the U.S. Supreme Court in Planned Parenthood v. Casey: "In attempting to ensure that a woman apprehends the full consequences of her decision, the State furthers the legitimate purpose of reducing the risk that a woman may elect an abortion, only to discover later, with devastating psychological consequences, that her decision was not fully informed." Not surprisingly, abortion advocates view neither the Casey decision nor the passage of informed consent laws as a step toward a more informed choice; instead, they're characterized, in court battle after court battle, as an encroachment upon the rights secured in Roe.
While some men lament the choices of their wives or girlfriends (husbands and boyfriends, after all, have no legal rights in the abortion decision), other men serve as the catalysts behind such choices. Nearly 40 percent of post-abortive women in one study reported that partners pressured them into having the abortions. Indeed, in her study of the data, Emory University professor Elizabeth Fox-Genovese reports that "the most enthusiastic fans of abortion have been men — at least until they have children of their own."
So while "pro-choice" feminists hail abortion as the symbol of women's sexual freedom and equality, the ordinary young woman may find no such liberation when she has sex with her date, thinking, as women are prone to do, that sex will bind the two emotionally. Instead, when he doesn't share the depth of her feelings and then hands her $400 for the abortion when she becomes pregnant, it's not only her heart that's broken. She alone has to live with the possible short-term and long-term medical consequences of the abortion for the rest of her life. For many women, "reproductive freedom" has meant that women continue to negotiate all that comes with reproduction while men enjoy the freedom of sex without consequences.
The victimization felt by such a large majority of women who undergo abortions, though not appreciated or even recognized by today's "pro-choice" feminist, was acutely foreseen by an earlier generation of feminists. America's pioneering feminists, who fought for the right to vote and fair treatment in the workplace, were uniformly against abortion because they recognized it as an attack on women as women — those uniquely endowed with the ability to bear children. While these pioneering feminists endured the painstaking fight to change male-dominated political and economic institutions, the "pro-choice" feminists of the 1970s and today instead sought to change the very nature of women, convincing many of them that, if they're to be equal to men, they must simply become like men.
Relying on Abortion
The importance American culture has placed on abortion as an equalizer of the sexes was the central reasoning the Supreme Court used to uphold Roe in its 1992 Casey decision: "For two decades of economic and social developments, people have organized intimate relationships and made choices that define their views of themselves and their places in society, in reliance on the availability of abortion in the event that contraception should fail." The Court went on to say that "the capacity of women to act in society" was based largely on the availability of abortion.
In other words, we've gotten used to not having to change much in our market-driven society to allow women to enter our colleges and workplaces on an equal footing with men. We're not interested in ensuring women the capacity to act in society — to have a place in society — if they aren't aping men. We can't afford to do the much more difficult work of creating environments that welcome women who have children — which, of course, is the great majority of women. Instead, we'll just continue to tell women what Roe told them a generation before. You choose: your baby or yourself, your baby or your future, your baby or your success; this is a man's world, and you better become like a man — that is, not pregnant — if you want to succeed.
It's no surprise that more than 30 years after the second wave — the abortion wave — of the women's movement, studies show that women are still perplexed about how to combine career and family. Abortion usurped a pioneering feminism that sought to influence society to recognize the distinct dignity of women. In so doing, it forestalled solutions to the question of how women could fulfill their unique role as mothers while participating in the wider society. Increasingly, young women are addressing the problem in their own counter cultural way: Highly educated women are passing up the career track during child-bearing and child-raising years while leaving their options open to reenter the professional world later in life.
Today, more women are challenging the pro-abortion feminist idea that their children are a burden to success and equality. Ordinary women want to be honored as women — not to have to sacrifice their children for equality with men. Women are beginning to realize that they'd been sold on the idea that a mother is of far less value than a fully engaged professional person. During an era in which motherhood was revered much more than it is today, President Theodore Roosevelt said: "[The mother] is the most indispensable component part of society." The work of men, he said, is not "as hard or as responsible as the work of a woman who is bringing up a family of small children.... I think the duty of the woman the more important, the more difficult, and the more honorable of the two."
In the professional world, a woman often feels expendable — that many other people could perform her job just as well — but no one can equal a mother in the care and education she provides to her children. Sadly, a feminism that puts the fight for abortion at the center of its crusade has convinced many women that their social status and power are more valuable than the very lives of their children and the influence they have in the world through their work as mothers.
Some social scientists have argued that such a feminism, having driven unprecedented numbers of mothers with small children into the work force full-time over the last few decades, is largely to blame for the difficulty most single mothers today have at making ends meet. After all, the financial power of the dual-income family — the norm today — has driven up the price of life's necessities. While two-parent families with a single income struggle and sacrifice to allow one parent to remain at home with young children, single mothers — responsible for both bread-winning and child-rearing — are faced with an almost insurmountable financial obstacle.
What is the abortion lobby's answer to the "feminization of poverty" they themselves have helped create? Ready access to government-funded abortion. And "pro-choice" feminists don't limit their claim to represent poor women to our shores; they believe that all of the world's poverty-stricken women deserve ready access to free abortions.
It was precisely this elitist element of the abortion movement that first jolted me to rethink the "pro-choice" position I held in my early college years. I'd been studying in Washington, D.C., during a semester of my junior year and interning with a small think tank that helped state legislatures in their efforts to reform welfare. As I became immersed in the problems of the poor — especially poor women — I grew disgusted with the argument put forth by abortion advocates that the availability of abortion would lift women out of poverty. The thought that we, as a wealthy nation, would claim to solve the problems of the poor by helping them rid themselves of their own children haunted me.
Many who hold the "pro-choice" position do so because they think abortion provides a means to manage the burden the poor place on the rest of the society. Justice Blackmun, author of the Supreme Court's opinion in Roe, epitomized this tragic view in a later case in which he dissented from the majority's refusal to require taxpayers to fund abortions (Beal v. Doe). Blackmun said that the cost of elective abortion "is far less than the cost of maternity care and delivery" as well as "the welfare costs that will burden the state for the new indigents and their support in the long, long years ahead…." And so, he went on to say, without taxpayer funding of abortion for the poor, "the cancer of poverty will grow."
America's reliance on abortion has relieved our culture of the costs associated with creating environments truly hospitable to women and their children. If a nation as rich as ours were truly committed to women's well-being and equality, we would look for real solutions to the underlying causes of abortion — including the serious challenge women face of balancing work or school and family, the disrespect for motherhood, the feminization of poverty, and society's eugenic distaste for the imperfection and vulnerability of the disabled.
This moment in history marks a time of great political and cultural opportunity when, 32 years after the passage of Roe v. Wade, the administration, Congress, and much of the nation seem to be ready to find another way. While the mainstream media persist in confusing the public about its own views on abortion, polls show the tide is turning. A good 75 percent to 80 percent of Americans disagree with the reasons that underlie 95 percent of all abortions. Only about a fifth of Americans believe that the status quo should be maintained, that abortion should be permitted at any time during the pregnancy, for any reason.
Women can rise to the challenge of an unintentional or even abnormal pregnancy — if they have the emotional, financial, and professional support they need. Carrying and giving birth to an unplanned child will take self-sacrifice. There's no denying that. But women who have aborted — and those who have merely lived during this long era of abortion — have sacrificed far more.
Source: Erika Bachiochi: "How Abortion Hurts Women: The Hard Proof." Crisis Magazine; 23, no. 6 (June 2005).
Erika Bachiochi is the editor of The Cost of "Choice": Women Evaluate the Impact of Abortion (Encounter Books, 2004) and is the at-home mother of three small children. Her Web site is http://erika.bachiochi.com
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FY5 – UNC Concerts Under the Stars
UNC Campus Commons Performance Hall
Greeley Unexpected
Join UNC School of Music for Concerts Under the Stars! Enjoy FY5 at UNC on July 19. Tickets range from $10-$15.
Colorado's FY5 proudly swim in the deep currents of American music, playing new songs, well-informed of country and bluegrass traditions, but not bound to them. Featuring thoughtful arrangements, strong singing and musicianship, the band strives to connect to listeners with stories of common struggles and big ideas. While their sound evokes timelessness, it is decidedly contemporary, well-traveled 21st century sensibility that informs their songwriting. As they share the stories that drive the songs, FY5's show leaves listeners certainly with tapping toes, but ranging thoughts as well. FY5 is excited for the release of their 4th full-length album in early 2018, The Way These Things Go, featuring their trademark story songs, clever arranging, and catchy hooks. The band was selected as official showcase artists for the 2017 International Bluegrass Music Association conference including a songwriter showcase with Mike Finders.
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Okay- I know it may be a long thread, but let's have some fun, especially if funny or strange things happened at said events!
Sorry about the double-post folks...the connection here puked while posting.
Have to include the Drude at Manchester in 1995 on the 20 mothers tour I think it was.


Today we look at a few ideas and suggested destinations when planning your self drive rental itinerary from Perth. Perth Self Drive Rental campervans and four wheel drives are a fantastic way to see Australia – and although a long holiday allows for more destinations, a shorter self-drive itinerary can be amazing too!
When choosing destinations from Perth, you really are spoilt for choice. If you have only a few days, you can stay in-and-around Perth and still enjoy a satisfying holiday with many experiences. The Swan Valley for example is a mere 20-30 minutes drive from Perth, yet allows you explore stunning wineries, a chocolate factory, animal farms, nature trails and much more. Further North, you can travel through the historical town of New Norcia, before heading further North to see the Pinnacles – and all this can be done in less than one day's drive if you're pressed for time. A few days is also enough time to explore Perth's southern regions, including Fremantle, Busselton, Yallingup and Margaret River. You might even consider including a trip to Rottnest Island, a quick ferry ride from Fremantle.
If you're lucky enough to have more time on your hands, you can create a self drive rental itinerary from Perth that takes you right to the top of Western Australia, all the way to Broome and beyond, in the Kimberley region. Alternatively, you can go South. Take the full tour of our gorgeous South West, including Margaret River, Augusta, Denmark and Albany. You can even head inland to the Kalgoorlie mining town.
No matter whether you choose to head North or South, we recommend spending maximum time at each location, rather than racing from stop to stop. Although some travelers try to cram as many destinations as possible into their time frame, this can make your holiday stressful. Instead, allow yourself time to relax and soak up the atmosphere of each new place. The beauty of self-driving is that you're free to leave when you're ready. You're not glued to your next hotel booking!
Many visitors from Europe come to Australia during the European Summer holidays, typically from July to September. This is Australia's Winter and, although Perth's Winter is very mild, there can be many cold, rainy days. If you're seeking a warm holiday during this time, it's best to make sure your self drive rental itinerary goes North to Broome and the Kimberley region. North Western Australia stays warm during July-September, so you can still enjoy a swim at the beach and soak up the sunshine.
If your self drive holiday is during Australia's Summer months (December-February), then a South-West journey is highly recommended. Our South West is much cooler than Perth. While Perth in mid-summer might reach a scorching 40 degrees Celsius, our South West will often be ten or more degrees cooler on the same day. You'll still enjoy warm summer days and beach weather, but the heat won't be so oppressive.
At Campabout Oz, we offer camper vans for travelling on sealed roads, camper trailers which are perfect for families and groups and four wheel drives for off road adventure. Give our office a call, or use our easy contact form, to discover the best vehicle for your Perth-based itinerary. Remember, we have depots for pick up and drop off all over Australia, so talk to us today about your holiday plans.


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Countries should take in as many migrants as they can: Pope
By Alessandra Tarantino | Associated Press Jun 21, 2018, 6:22pm CDT
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Pope Francis talks with journalists aboard a plane, at the end of his visit to Geneva on June 21, 2018, for the 70th anniversary of the World Council of Churches. The Pope says countries should take in as many migrants as they can handle and properly integrate into their societies. | Ciro Fusco/AFP/Getty Images
ABOARD THE PAPAL PLANE — Pope Francis urged nations Thursday to take in as many refugees as they can integrate into their societies, but also to invest in places like Africa so migrants won't turn to human traffickers to reach countries that can offer a better life.
Speaking to reporters aboard his airplane as he flew back to Rome on Thursday after a daylong trip to Geneva, Francis reiterated that he supports the U.S. bishops who condemned the immigration policy of separating children from parents who enter the United States illegally.
"I am behind what the bishops say," the pope said, referring to the leadership of the U.S. bishops conference denouncing the separations as "immoral."
On Wednesday, U.S. President Donald Trump reversed a policy of separating immigrant children from their parents after being detained entering the United States without permission.
Francis was asked both about the separation policy as well as Europe's struggle with a flood of migrants rescued in the Mediterranean from human traffickers' boats. Italy's new populist government is trying to discourage more arrivals of rescued migrants.
He praised both Italy and Greece for being "most generous" in taking in migrants rescued at sea, and said all governments should take in as many refugees as their countries can handle.
"Each country must do this with the virtue of government, which is prudence, and take in as many refugees as it can, as many as it can integrate, educate, give jobs to," said Francis, who for years has urged nations to be more welcoming to those fleeing war and poverty.
"We are living through a flood of refugees who are fleeing war and hunger" as well as persecution, Francis said.
Francis endorsed European proposals to develop jobs and education in African countries. Italy and some other European Union nations that have borne the brunt of the migrant crisis have been pushing for more development aid to Africa so poor people there won't risk their lives in the hands of traffickers in hopes of reaching Europe and a better life.
"So many European governments are thinking of an urgent plan to intelligently invest in those countries, to give jobs and education," Francis said with approval.
He noted that in Latin America, including his own homeland of Argentina, many people migrate internally, leaving the countryside for big cities, only to end up living in shantytowns.
The pope also expressed deep dismay that migrants on smuggler boats are turned back in Libyan waters, returning them to lawless Libya, where traffickers are based and where desperate migrants are thrown in prisons to face torture and other abuse.
"The traffickers' prisons are terrible, terrible, like the concentration camps of World War II," Francis said.
Francis's trip to Geneva was aimed at promoting unity among Christians, including by concretely working together for peace and justice in the world.