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Newsinja
How Tall Is elon Musk and whats his net worth
Ahmedseo29
How tall is Elton John? In this case, I am talking about his net worth, or how much money he is worth. His net worth is estimated by some sources to be in the region of six figures, although others have put it at closer to seven figures. This article attempts to set the record straight on the matter.
In answering this question, I think it is important to understand where we come from. We do not know how tall Musk is. We do know that he is tall though. Some people have said he is about six feet, while others say he is as tall as six feet ten inches. We just don't know.
That being said, I believe we can put this issue to rest, or at least explain a little bit of the issue, because right now, it remains a mystery. At this point, all we know is that he is a billionaire. This may not change in the future. This statement, however, does not take into account what others have said about him, which leads me to a more pressing question.
Where is the mystery of how tall is elon musk? It appears that Musk is the product of two trends: the baby boomer generation and the preppy, yuppie generation. And he was born to each of these trends.
What are baby boomers? These are people who were born during the Post-World War II baby boom, when America was on the road to recovery from World War II and immigration levels were high. Baby boomers are considered to be smarter, more educated, and more socially conscious than older generations. In other words, they are "hip." And they are the generation that gave us Musk.
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So where did Musk come from? Well, he was probably born in Africa, but that's not sure. And he lived in Southern California as a child, so again, that's not sure. But one thing is certain. Musk is, in many ways, the perfect baby boomer.
He fits in perfectly with the generation of people who were thinking and speaking the same thoughts (and sounds) as he did. And that's why the "how tall is elon musk" question is really just another question. And a good question, at that.
The interesting thing about asking this question is that it illustrates how we are all aghast at the technological advances that seem to have swept through our world. The computers, the cars, the phones… it's a world of giant, blimp-like machines. And yet, these seemingly monumental machines work and function and even love us, because they are part of the system. That's how we should think of ourselves, as a part of the technological network. And that is how tall Elon Musk is.
In fact, many of us, including me, have at one time or another asked ourselves this question, which is very common among the tech-savvy elite. How tall are a Silicon Valley entrepreneur and PayPal founder? We cannot help ourselves, and yet it always seems to us that those who seem to have the most success and sense of humor are often the shortest in stature.
And then there is Musk, whose actual biological height is not known. He is listed at 5′ 9″, but when you really look him in the eye, it is unclear. He appears to be average physically, but there are those who believe he is much shorter than his actual claim. This is an interesting point. And yet, it does reveal something about who we are and how we should see ourselves.
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It is also interesting to ask how old Musk actually is. In fact, he is under no doubt a very young man. But what is interesting is that he is probably right in considering himself. And that is, perhaps, why so many are so taken with his intellect, his drive, and his brilliance. Those very things are so rare in this world and age that they almost seem mythical.
So, back to the original question: How tall is Elon Musk? Well, we'll have to wait and see. But one thing is for sure. The man has a lot of questions, some of which are likely to be answers some day.
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Determinants of effective organisational capacity training: lessons from a training programme on health workforce development with participants from three African Countries
Woldekidan Kifle Amde, Bruno Marchal, David Sanders, Uta Lehmann
https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.2.12311/v3
published 26 Nov, 2019
Read the published version in BMC Public Health →
posted 29 Oct, 2019
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Background Health systems in sub-Saharan Africa face multifaceted capacity challenges to fulfil their mandates of service provision and governance of their resources. Four academic institutions in Africa implemented a World Health Organisation-funded collaborative project encompassing training, curriculum development, and partnership to strengthen national leadership and training capacity for health workforce development. This paper looks into the training component of the project, a blended Masters programme in public health that sought to improve the capacity of personnel involved in teaching or management/development of human resources for health. The paper aims to explore factors influencing contribution of training to organisational capacity development. Methods We chose a case study design. Semi-structured interviews were held with 18 trainees that were enrolled in the training programme, and who were affiliated to health ministries or public health training institutions. We gathered additional data through document reviews, observation, and interviews with 14 key informants associated with the programme and/or working in the collaborating institutions. The evidence gathered were analysed thematically. Results Thirteen of the eighteen training participants stayed in the target institutions and contributed to improved capacity of their institutions in the fields of management, policy, planning, research, training, or curriculum development. Five left for private and international agencies due to dissatisfaction with payment, work conditions, or career prospect. Factors that were associated with the training, trainees, and the institutional and broader context, determine contribution of training to organisational capacity development. These include relevance of newly acquired knowledge and skills set of trainees to the role/position they assume in the organisation; recognition of trainees by employing organisations in terms of promotion or assignment of challenging tasks; and motivation and retention of trained staff. Conclusion Training, even if relevant and applicable, makes no more than a 'latent' contribution, one which is activated and realised through alignment of clusters of interacting contextual and relational factors related to the target institutions and trained personnel. While not predictable, implementers need to focus more deliberately on the likely interaction and best possible alignments between training relevance, student selection for potential to contribute, recognition and career advancement potential.
Health Economics & Outcomes Research
health workforce development
organisational capacity development
South-South Cooperation
Health systems in sub-Saharan Africa face multifaceted capacity challenges to fulfil their mandates of service provision and governance of their resources. Wide-ranging capacity development interventions exist to address these limitations. Many countries in Africa experience acute staff shortages and poor performance of the health workforce. This is related to inadequate attention given to workforce development from institutions, which either train or employ human resource managers (1). The lack of leadership and management across different levels of the health sector is often manifested in the practice of appointing clinical staff to human resource management (HRM) roles (2–4) without the required training to execute HRM functions across policy, leadership, education, partnership and finance spectrums (5,6).
A number of human resource management interventions in low-and middle-income countries have focused on training as a principal strategy for improving health workers' performance and boosting capacity, mostly among frontline providers (7,8). Similar trends also prevail in other capacity development initiatives in the health sector. A study mapping a wide range of interventions to improve national and institutional capacity in health research in Africa found that 'many efforts are geared towards individual capacity building, with indirect benefit to institutions' (8).
Scholars have noted and criticised the disproportionate focus on building individual level capacity as a primary strategy to the neglect of other systems level issues (9–12). The criticisms highlight the links between individual and organisational level capacity development, which are often taken for granted (13). A World Bank evaluation (2008) that explored whether training results in organisational capacity development identified the elements that need to be in place for training to effect the desired transformations: quality training, and an enabling work environment (14). Other authors point out the importance of the attributes of trainees and of having an appropriate curriculum (15,16). All these dimensions are captured in the WHO's leadership and development framework (Figure 1) which emphasises the dynamic interaction between numbers, competencies, support systems and working environments (17).
The capacity development literature, too, emphasises the need for a systems perspective that looks into interactions between the different capacity levels (individual, organisational, or environmental), and investigates the issues that nurture or undermine capacity development at each level (9,18–24). As Hongoro and Normand point out: 'Organizational and system arrangements define the incentive context for health workers and influence both organizational and individual performance' (25). Similar calls for a systems approach have also been made in the context of interventions and research to develop public health and research capacity (7,8,25–29). According to Bennet, "Human resource management systems affect workers' capability and their perception of that capability, through such mechanisms as training, supervision, and more concrete incentives such as remuneration, promotion, and performance review processes" (29).
With respect to engagement post training, literature further establishes the importance of recognising and supporting individuals that are tasked with the responsibility of spearheading change, and identifies seniority as one of the attributes these individuals need to possess (30–32), hence imperative to put great care in the selection of these individuals.
With a focus on the use of training on health workforce development as a strategy to leverage organisational capacity development, both in health ministries and public health training universities, this paper explored the factors that influence contribution of training to organisational capacity development.
The paper is part of a broader research project that focuses on examining a collaboration among four academic institutions in Africa (year 2009–2015), to strengthen leadership and training capacity for health workforce development at both national and regional levels. The collaboration arose in response to a call by – and financial support from – the World Health Organisation (33). The collaboration has three dimensions: building a regional network, curriculum/programme development in partner institutions, and training of critical mass of experts in the field of health workforce development. The paper looks at one component of the collaboration, a blended Masters in Public Health programme with a focus on Health Workforce Development. The programme was offered in the University of the Western Cape, South Africa, through a blended approach, a combination of distance learning and short face-to-face contact. The programme consists of six HRM-focused and public health modules, and a thesis on an issue focused on human resources for health (HRH) in their country.
We adopted a qualitative case study research design due to its suitability for investigating 'why' and 'how' questions (34–36). Training participants enrolled in the training programme and affiliated to target institutions across the three countries are the focus of the paper. Eighteen participants (6 each from Mozambique, Rwanda, and Ethiopia) underwent the training after being nominated to take part in the programme by their home institutions: health ministries or universities. Sixteen trainees were located, and assumed leadership or trainer roles where human resource management was one of the central foci. This proximity to HRM-focused roles/functions had been a criterion for their nomination to the training programme. Additional criteria used in the selection of trainees include academic qualifications, and local considerations of service duration and representation of sub-national groups (33).
Semi-structured in-depth interviews (37–39) were held with all the eighteen training participants. We gathered additional data through review of documents (project proposals, project agreements, progress reports and correspondence) and observation. Additional interviews were conducted with 14 key informants that were selected purposively on the basis of their proximity to the training programme or participants (38,40,41). They include trainers, mentors, coordinators affiliated with public health training institutions- University of Rwanda, Addis Ababa University in Ethiopia and Mozambique's Eduardo Mondlane University; and representatives of project implementation partners- University of the Western Cape, South Africa, and the World Health Organisation.
The interviews were held between June 2014 and March 2015. All the trainees had completed the programme during the time of the interview, and all but three had graduated. The interviews were audio recorded with the permission of participants.
Information about prior training and professional background of participants and demographic details were also gathered. The interviews explored perceptions and experiences of actors over a range of matters related to the training programme, their work settings and responsibilities, and factors that enabled or constrained learning or application of acquired competencies in the programme. Probing was an important strategy used to establish adequate understanding (37,39).
Good rapport with participants was established over the course of the training programme. This was evident in the way participants were willing to be part of the research and the openness they exhibited during the interviews. Field notes (38) were prepared while on the field.
The collected data were analysed thematically (42,43). All interviews were transcribed word for word. The transcription was open coded manually with a focus on describing the diversity in the data. The codes were then grouped into more analytical categories. Themes were generated both inductively from the data and deductively from the research question and the literature on capacity development and the systems and complexity approach (38). Causal loop diagram was used to visualise and communicate complex system interactions (44–46) taking into consideration feedback mechanisms, both enablers and constraints.
Rigour and trustworthiness of the research was ensured through triangulation by seeking convergence of data from multiple data sources and methods (38,39,43,47,48). Strategies used to improve rigour and trustworthiness include engagement with participants and context prior to data collection; voluntary participation of respondents; counter checking responses; and soliciting peer feedback (38,48–50).
Reflexivity was an important tool in this research. Three of the authors were part of the programme intervention either in the design, implementation, monitoring or documentation of the programme. Hence, we acknowledge drawing on and incorporating our experiences.
Profile of training participants
Thirteen of the training participants were male and five were female. The median age of participants was 37, and their ages range between 25 and 56 years. With respect to institutional affiliations, 13 were based in health ministries, and five were located in public health training institutions. Looking at the educational background of the participants, half had clinical background and the other half had social science background (Psychology, Education, Sociology, and Administration). At the time of the study, of the 18 training participants, five left their home institutions to private or international agencies due to dissatisfaction about remuneration, work condition and career prospect. Detail information on career progression and capacity application experiences of training participants are presented at the end of text in Table 1.
Most graduates reported that they were able to apply their learning in the fields of management, research, training/teaching, policy development, and training material development. There was, however, diversity in the graduates' ability, capacity and opportunity to apply newly developed skills and expertise. Clusters of factors across multiple levels emerged in the narratives of participants as influencing the contribution of training to organisational capacity development: relevance of newly acquired knowledge and skills set to role/position, and employer recognition in terms of being promoted to senior posts or being assigned challenging tasks; and motivation and retention of trained staff.
The sections to follow highlight patterns in the data under three interrelated themes of alignment of core competencies and role/position, employer recognition, and retention and turnover.
Alignment of core competencies and role/position
Fifteen trainees were located in departments at the health ministries or university where human resource management was one of the central foci. Three participants were enrolled in the programme with the understanding that they would transition to a more relevant position during or after the training. They were contract staff working in research projects affiliated with target departments in the universities. Two of them were later integrated into the departments as permanent academic staff with opportunities to teach HR-related courses. However, the other participant because of changes in leadership of the institution, he did not have the same support to enable the transition to a more appropriate position. For the majority of the participants, therefore, their role closely matched their acquired competencies and because they were located in institutions mandated to govern or train health professionals, they could make direct links between competencies and workplace demands.
One of the trainees, P3, took on a series of progressively senior posts in a health ministry, aligned to the competencies acquired in the programme, and this is what he has to say about his experience of applying the competencies.
[During training] I was working on HR [at the HR department in the health ministry] so whatever we learned… we would practice it. … [We] changed the administration and with the belief that the HR programme is important not just for the Ministry [at national level] but also for every region [sub-national level], we started developing a curriculum and started … the programme [a postgraduate programme in HRM in two local universities]. [P3]
Another trainee, P35, a lecturer at the university, has integrated his learning from the programme into his teaching and consultancy
I use all of them [training module materials] because [they] are related to the [subjects] I teach…. The [health workforce development module] … has very good examples of things that we can use simply in our context …. [Explaining further what enabled application of learning] I think it is especially because I am in an environment that I not only have to teach but I have to research, I end up using all the modules. I am also part of the [national] human resources observatory. Surely, I have been invited to be part of this because I am studying human resources development. [P35]
Employer recognition
In addition to the relevance of the roles, recognition by the employer in the form of promotion or allocation of challenging assignments were found to enable capacity application.
Seniority was found to afford participants the opportunity to take on more challenging responsibilities, and space to implement their learning. A few of the participants held senior HR-related posts prior to being enrolled in the programme. One of these trainees, P14, was the head of HR in the health department at sub-national level. Informed by his learning and enabled by his senior position and associated network, he accomplished significant changes by decentralising HR departments, creating posts for HR managers at district level, ensuring qualified managers are recruited, and existing staff undergo training in newly initiated HR programmes in a local university.
[The] experience [from the programme] has increased my capacity a great deal. The project [restructuring] coincided with [my participation in] the HRD MPH. I have used my knowledge [from the programme] to make the most of this [restructuring] project. …You need vision to do anything. …While studying in the programme, I was able to realise all the gaps and weaknesses in the way we are doing things. HRH [department] is full of people who are transferred because of disciplinary reasons [and]who don't understand the work. It was [considered as] a way of punishment. Until recently HR was not a place for professionals. … [The restructuring] is one of the success stories of HRH programme in [the country]. [P14]
The narratives show that the majority of participants advanced to progressively more senior positions upon joining the programme, either during the course of the programme or after its completion. This ranged from being officers (human resource/medical/research) to becoming senior leaders at sub-national or national levels in health ministries (cases in point are P3, P8, P15, P58, P59, P56, P37).
Training participants' promotions to senior posts were reported to be recognition of their qualifications, core competencies, or improved contribution to their departments. One of the trainees, P58, was working as a health officer when she joined the programme. Her response shows that she was promoted to senior leadership position due to her improved contribution to the institution, which in turn opened further opportunities to contribute.
The division within which I was… it was somehow new. … I was the first person to get an opportunity to study. … [The training] programme equipped me with knowledge on how I can train health workers, [how] I can support them …. [Preparing] the strategic plan … I had to plan activities related to training, supervision, mentorship… all that. … [The modules] related to HRH development, planning and so on contributed to making me confident in my position [as a Director]. … I was like a pillar in my division. Because others were not [skilled enough] … I contributed a lot. I think that is why I was appointed as a Director. [P58]
P56 was a medical officer in a rural district hospital when he joined the programme. He then became director of the district hospital, and later he was promoted to a senior post at the health ministry. His response illuminates the mutually reinforcing relationship between recognition and application of competencies.
[W]hen I took [the directorship] position at the rural hospital … my predecessor was not very present…. I started establishing some mechanism of meeting people [regularly] … and involving them to propose solution…. I saw some changes in the way they manage. …I do have materials [from the training programme] on my computer and some books. … It helped me a lot…. I am doing [preparing] some procedure manual [focusing on integrating supportive supervision for the ministry] … I am leading development of [HR] policy for the whole [health] sector… I have been … engaging in leading the process of determining the staffing in health…. [and] leading the process of the HR sustainability … [and] the national health sector research agenda. [P56]
While such timeous recognition and creation of opportunities generated motivation, delayed employer recognition or lack of communication to this end reportedly led to frustration and lack of motivation in other cases. One of the trainees, P15, was an HR officer in a health department at sub-national level, and he was left frustrated by the absence of mobility to a more senior post or better financial package upon graduation. He expressed his annoyance:
… . That [lack of recognition or promotion] is disappointing. …. You can build their [staff] capacity, but after building capacity [if] you don't give them anything ... that is ... inexplicable. [P15]
It took a while before this trainee got promoted to a position of head of HR in the provincial health department. Protracted administrative processes and poor communication led to turnover in the case of another participant, P57.
Retention and turnover
Thirteen of the participants stayed in their respective institution after graduation. However, five graduates across the countries left their institution to join international agencies, the private sector, or change career paths. An examination of the motives of participants reveals that a diverse set of intrinsic and extrinsic push and pull factors contributed to their decision to stay or leave: financial incentive, employer recognition (promotion or assignment of challenging responsibilities), career prospect, job security, family circumstances, external job holding opportunities, change in career path.
Four of the five participants (P8, P14, P39, and P57) who left their home institution had a clinical background. Two of them pursued clinical practice/study; the other two occupied management positions in international agencies.
The narratives of two of the training participants, P35 and P36, one based in university and another in a health ministry, illustrate the diversity of experiences and decisions regarding retention. The university-based trainee, P35, who was a junior lecturer, took on HR-focused teaching and consultancy responsibilities related to his core competency in HRH after enrolment in the training programme. He expressed disappointment at his inadequate salary, but he stated his resolve to stay in the institution.
I have to do consultancy to have [more] money … to take care of the family. It [consultancy] ends up [being a] big burden because I have to work, work, work. … I am still not thinking of leaving this public sector even though I am not satisfied with the salary because I still want to improve my academic career. [P35]
The trainee based in a health ministry, P36, was working as a junior manager in a public hospital when he joined the programme. He soon left the health ministry to join an international agency and, later, a private company. He cited dissatisfaction with his salary and career prospects as the main reasons for leaving.
I [left] to work for [an international agency] as a national HR manager [overseeing] administration and HR issues of 500 employees. After a year, I left the [international agency] to join a private company [as a head of the HR department] because I like to grow and get better opportunity to practice HR. I moved from ministry of health [to international agency] because of money. The pay [at MOH] was very, very low. My net pay at the NGO was double what I earned at ministry of health. When I moved [to the private company], it was almost double what I earned at the [international agency]. [P36]
The present analysis shows that while role relevance and seniority were enablers of capacity application, a closer look at the differences between the groups who left and those who stayed reveals no clear pattern based on role/position, or recognition (be it seniority or assignment of interesting tasks). There were also no country-specific patterns.
The programme discussed in this paper set out to strengthen leadership and training capacity for health workforce development in a regional (African) initiative, working with a small group of locally chosen students who, it was hoped and assumed, would act as capacity catalysts in their organisations. The findings show how different factors related to training (relevance and appropriateness), trainees (role, seniority, motivation) and organisation (employer recognition, incentive arrangements), and broader context (marketability, and other pull factors) interacted in different ways to generate very diverse outcomes of training to organisational capacity development.
The literature also emphasises the dynamic and context dependent nature of capacity development and that it operates not just at individual level but also within the organisations in which individuals operate and the broader environment in which the organisations are located (9,18–24). Baser and Morgan (2008) speak about capacity emerging out of 'a complex interplay of attitudes, assets, resources, strategies and skills, both tangible and intangible'(9). Similar views about complexity of capacity development interventions are echoed in the literature in the context of human resources for health (HRH) (7,25,27,28).
All participants spoke about the relevance of learning and the appropriateness of the curriculum and seventeen participants found ways to apply the knowledge and skills acquired in their home institutions. While eight participants pursued new opportunities within their ministries, within and beyond HR directorates, three participants based in academic institutions began to incorporate teaching about HRH into the curriculum. For five participants, however, the programme became a catalyst to pursue their careers elsewhere, two in the private sector, two others in similar fields within international agencies. Four of the five who left their home institutions had a prior clinical background. The findings suggest greater turnover propensity and labour market demand for graduates with a prior clinical background. Financial incentives and opportunities presented in private and international agencies played an important role in their decision.
The diversity of capacity application experiences among participants ranges from ones where contribution is optimal to those where contribution remains latent or minimal. It was evident that the translation of learning into organisational contributions was enabled by the alignment between the core competencies of the training and the profile of recruited candidates who either had HR-related responsibilities (training or leadership) or were expected to move into such positions post training. Target institutions (health ministries and local universities) involvement in student selection undoubtedly assisted the alignment of potential to apply new competencies with existing or future roles and functions. The body of literature on training initiatives in general – and leadership development in particular – underscores the importance of ensuring that trainees have the opportunity to utilise newly developed skills and expertise in their local contexts (21,51,52), and that this be already taken into account when selecting candidates for training (21,53).
Beyond competency, the findings suggest that capacity application is influenced by seniority, recognition and support from an employing institution, or application and motivation of participants. The relational aspect of capacity application is further highlighted in the literature as one of the factors facilitating the success of change agents in integrating innovations in their context (32), which most of these graduates demonstrate as they took on the responsibility of spearheading changes in HRH practice in their context. The more senior they were, the more support/resources they had at their disposal and the better positioned they were to consolidate the changes. The above findings also reinforce the significant influence the employing organisation has in determining application by either availing opportunities or support to embed learning in practice.
Motivation (through either intrinsic or extrinsic incentives) seems to influence the likelihood of trainees identifying and capitalising on opportunities to apply learning in their home institutions. As depicted in the experiences of five of the cases, participants may choose to leave the home institution for private or international agencies to advance their career or for better remuneration. In contrast, most participants stayed in the institution, mainly because of job satisfaction or opportunities to advance their career, despite being unhappy with their salary. In the case of academic institutions, the holding of multiple jobs ameliorated the tension around salaries.
Retention represents one of the issues that accounts for the complexity of the link between individual capacity development through training and the improved capacity of organisations in terms of improved performance. A systematic review of the motivation and retention of health workers in developing countries (54) emphasised the importance of recognition in health worker motivation, and identified a set of influential factors, namely, 'financial incentives, career development and management issues' (54). The study showed that trainees exercise their agency to resolve dissonance or reinforce alignment between their best interests and that of the institution. This was evident in this study through the decisions of trainees. Individuals in comparable situations/positions/background, end up making varying decisions as to whether they stay or leave, due to the multiple intersecting factors. In three cases participants had the opportunity to augment their income through their engagement in external multiple job holding practices, thus keeping them in their posts but creating other consequences impacting on organisational capacity (25,55,56).
The narratives further show that while participation in the training was reported to improve staff contribution in most instances, the study suggests that training also has the unintended consequence of increasing turnover due to the marketability of newly acquired competencies and leads to capacity loss, as identified in several studies (55,57,58). An exploratory study in four eastern African countries focusing on competency gaps in health workforce management found, for example, that the health ministries of these countries fared poorly compared to the private and non-profit sectors in putting retention strategies in place (59). These studies have resonance with our findings that the target institutions, which happen to be part of the public sector, stand to lose their trained professionals as they continue to fare unfavourably with private and international agencies.
Another influential individual level factor was seniority, relevant both as an incentive for retention and advantage for the application of learning. It was evident in the accounts of some of the cases that participants in senior positions had better opportunities to take on challenging assignments, with much wider implications, such as the development of HR units, the structuring of HR departments, the training and staffing of these departments, and representing their institutions in specialised networks and partnerships. It is safe to suggest that their seniority gave them the edge (power, decision space, or opportunity) to apply their learning on a national or regional level, or the incentive to remain in the institution despite their relatively low salary. In contrast, three training participants who retained relatively junior positions reported that they were frustrated with the lack of recognition/promotion or opportunity.
Albert Hirschman's Exit, Voice and Loyalty Framework (60,61) helps shed light in understanding trained staff's decisions, as it recognises the heterogeneous ways individuals respond to unfavourable circumstances in an organisation: exit (leave the organisation), voice (express their dissatisfaction and seek change), or remain loyal (quietly put up with the situation). According to this perspective, "exit and voice are the two main responses to dissatisfaction, with voice being more effective and desirable. … a lack of exit opportunities increases voice, and loyalty reduces exit" (60). In the context of this study, all trainees were based in public institutions, which are generally characterised by low wages and poor working conditions. Our analysis shows that while five chose to leave the institutions (exit), thirteen remained (voice/loyal). Our study suggests that, in addition to wages and working conditions, factors related to employer recognition of trained staff (promotion/opportunities) and career prospect inform the choice of trained staff to exit or not. While the situation of those who exit the group is relatively clear, with the limited data we have it is difficult to differentiate between the voice and loyal responses. Hence, a full application of Hirschman's framework with additional data may generate more nuanced insight about responses of trained staff.
Figure 2 illustrates the influence that the above discussed contextual and relational factors across multiple levels have on the contribution of training to organisational capacity development – a conclusion, which is supported by the literature (7,27,28). Capacity gaps in HRM lead to training interventions, which equip participants with relevant skills and knowledge. Application of acquired competencies or the resulting improvement in quality and performance leads to gradual reduction of the organisational capacity gap in HRM. This balancing loop is subject to influence by other intersecting factors that particularly influence application of competencies by training participants. Specifically, application/contribution is a function of trainees' motivation and opportunities to apply learning. The more motivated they are, or the more opportunities at their disposal, the more likely they can contribute. Figure 2 also highlights the various factors related to the employing organisation (recognition via promotion/assignment of relevant tasks, institutional incentive arrangements) influencing motivation and opportunities. Contextual factors (such as labour market or public sector policies) influence the aforementioned organisational level determinants. Each training participant experience unique intersections of these factors and depending on perception of their circumstances, training participants decide to stay and contribute to varying degrees, or leave the institution altogether. In the event of turnover of trained personnel, the HRM capacity shortages in the organisation persist.
Recall and social desirability bias are possible limitations of the study. We strove to address such bias through long-term engagement, building trust and confidence to enable opportunities for open reflection and learning (50). Another limitation of the study pertains to the fact that dealing with issues related to impact and sustainability, which are key but long-term aspects of capacity development, was not feasible within the limited period of this research. Hence, the research was limited to investigating processes, and short and medium-term outcomes of capacity development.
The findings of the study are not generalizable to participants of other training programmes due to the qualitative research design and the use of purposive sampling and small sample size. A future comparative research examining similar in-service trainings and their relative contribution can help advance understanding and inform policy and practice.
The present case study highlights the complex contextual and relational factors that affect the contribution of training to organisational development. The results show diversity in graduates' ability, capacity and opportunity to apply newly developed skills and expertise. The paper argues that training, even if relevant and applicable, makes a 'latent' contribution which is activated and realised (or not) through the interaction of multilevel and interacting contextual and relational factors. The study clearly shows how a divergence in individual and organisational goals and expectations (related to financial incentives, work conditions or career path) leads to internal or external migration of trained personnel, which drains an institution of its capacity. Dissatisfaction with payment coupled with lack of opportunity to advance career and marketability of new qualification have led to turnover of trained personnel. The study further implies that implementers need to focus more deliberately on the likely interaction and best possible alignments between training relevance, student selection for potential to contribute, recognition and career advancement potential.
HR Human Resource
HRH Human Resources for Health
HRM Human Resource Management
MOH Ministry of Health
NGO Non-governmental Organisations
UWC University of Western Cape
Permission to undertake the research was secured from the Senate Research Committee of the University of the Western Cape, South Africa (Ref 12/10/19). Participants were provided with information sheet outlining the nature of research and their participation. Participation in the study was voluntary and participants were free to withdraw from the study at any time. All participants were provided with a consent form to sign as an expression of their voluntary participation. They were assured of respect, confidentiality and anonymity by removing any identifying information, and using systematic codes to refer to respondents (37,38,62). There were instances when participants would ask to discuss certain issues off the record or they would wait until the interview ended to raise issues they consider sensitive. We respected their wish for privacy and confidentiality.
All our data are anonymised. We have removed any specific contextual identifiers, and used systematic codes.
The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author. Due to the small number of research participants, public availability of the data could compromise research participant privacy and consent.
The World Health Organisation supported the research as part of grant to fund the Master's degree programme with a focus on Health Workforce Development, a collaborative initiative of four universities in Africa. The funding body had no role in the design of the study and collection, analysis, and interpretation of data and in writing the manuscript.
The manuscript is part of a PhD project. WA collected and analysed data, conceptualised and wrote the manuscript. UL, DS, and BM are PhD supervisors and provided substantive input to the conceptualisation of the paper, the interpretation of the findings, and writing the manuscript. All authors have read and approved the final manuscript.
The authors would like to extend their appreciation to all the key informants who shared their views and experiences. The authors alone are responsible for the views expressed in this publication, which do not necessarily reflect the views of the authors' institutions.
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Table 1 – Career progression and capacity application experiences of training participants
– before training
Position –
during/after training
Opportunities to apply
Reason for leaving/staying
Locally based training institute
Coordinator of the university's research project site
Had few opportunities to apply capacity in current role
Stayed despite lack of recognition by employer and lack of opportunities due to lack of better alternatives, has a non-medical background
MD and lecturer
Head of national human resources department
Multiple opportunity to apply capacity within the institution and represent institution in partnership with other institutions
Left despite high recognition by employer, seniority and multiple opportunity to apply capacity, due to career change, lack of commitment to organisation and family commitments
Head of national human resources department, and later head of the national health department
Stayed despite poor wages due to high recognition by employer, promotion, challenging assignments, and commitment to organisation and service
Head of human resource at provincial health department
Works for an international agency, advisor to the provincial health department
Former role offers multiple opportunity to practice, current role also offers opportunities for application
Left despite recognition, and challenging responsibilities, due to low salary, possibility to continue working with MOH as a member of external development partner
Human resource officer at provincial health department
Multiple opportunities to apply capacity within the institution and represent institution in partnership with other institutions
Stayed due to (albeit delayed) recognition by employer, promotion, challenging assignments
Training officer at MOH
Head of HR of a public hospital
Had opportunity to apply capacity in current and former role
Stayed due to recognition by employer, promotion, challenging assignments
Lecturer, teaching HRH–related modules
Stayed due to high recognition by employer, challenging assignments, career advancement, additional income
Procurement manager of a hospital
Head of HR development for a private company
Former role offers little opportunities to practice, multiple opportunity for practice in current role
Left due to low-salary, poor recognition and career prospects
Trainer at national human resource Directorate
Head of HR planning, National HRH Directorate, MOH
Stayed due to recognition, promotion, job satisfaction
Financial Manager, sub-national structure, MOH
Head of HR, public hospital
Had an opportunity to apply capacity in current and former role
Stayed due to recognition, and relevant assignments
Researcher and lecturer
Works for an international agency
Former role offers little opportunity to practice, multiple opportunity for practice in current role
Left due to low salary, low career prospects
Director of Health Training Centre in district
Permanent secretary of government in a district, Director General of a district
Stayed due to recognition, promotion
University research project staff
Lecturer, teaches HR-related courses. Coordinator of academic programmes, project manager
Multiple opportunities to apply within the institution and represent institution in partnership with other institutions
Stayed due to employer recognition, promotion, job security,
advanced from project to permanent academic staff
Local-based training institute
University project staff
Lecturer of HRH-related modules, coordinator of HRH-related postgraduate programme
Multiple within the institution and represent institution in partnership with other institutions
Stayed due to recognition; promotion, job security,
transitioned from project to permanent academic staff
District hospital director
Director General for Planning, Health Financing & Information System, MOH
Had multiple opportunities to practice in current role
Stayed due to recognition, promotion, challenging assignments, job satisfaction
Clinical practice, and management of private health facilities
Had multiple opportunities to apply capacity in former and current role
Left due to family issues, lack of administrative support, career change
Director of a unit, MOH
Stayed due to recognition, promotion, challenging assignments
Researcher and programme manager
Director of programme, MOH
Stayed due to recognition by employer, promotion
Editorial decision: Minor revision
Editor assigned by journal
Submission checks completed at journal
Editor invited by journal

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: How to make drawing on MKMapSnapshot faster? I use the following function to draw polylines on a UIImage snapshot of a MKMapView. The function works, but it's too slow for my purposes. Is there anyway to speed things up?
func drawLineOnImageFromLocations(image: UIImage, snapshot: MKMapSnapshot,
                                  polylineLocations: [CLLocation], color: CGColor) -> UIImage {

    UIGraphicsBeginImageContextWithOptions(image.size, true, 0)

    // draw original image into the context
    image.draw(at: CGPoint.zero)

    // get the context for CoreGraphics
    guard let context = UIGraphicsGetCurrentContext() else {
        return image
    }

    context.beginPath()
    context.setLineWidth(10)
    context.setStrokeColor(color)
    let coordinates = polylineLocations.map{$0.coordinate}
    var points = [CGPoint]()
    for coordinate in coordinates {
        let point = snapshot.point(for: coordinate)
        points.append(point)
    }
    context.addLines(between: points)
    context.strokePath()

    // get the image from the graphics context
    let resultImage = UIGraphicsGetImageFromCurrentImageContext()
    // end the graphics context
    UIGraphicsEndImageContext()

    return resultImage!
}

A: turns out calling:
UIGraphicsBeginImageContextWithOptions(image.size, true, 0)

is a very expensive operation. If you can refactor your code to call it just once it will speed up things considerably.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Act as a crucial component, which aims to source, procure, import, store and deliver medical items across multiple distributers; under the direction of the Head, assist in planning, and forecasting, preparing orders according to programme needs and carry out importation procedures and Tax exemption.
Support staff to correct or provide additional information when necessary, while formally incorporating each medical equipment finished requisition into the Supply Chain database.
Ensure that all cargo tracking are followed up and keep relevant stakeholders informed regularly; Work closely with other logistics team members and give necessary support when needed.
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Knowledge of Purchasing and Financial Control Procedures.
Experience in project assessments, project proposals.
Strong communication skills, with excellent written and spoken English, and arabic.


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text:
Sat, 11 Dec, 2021 - 08:28
Charlie Bird: 'I don't think I will see another Christmas'
The retired RTÉ reporter said he has been told he has between one and three years left to live
Charlie Bird said he does not believe he will "see another Christmas" as he discussed his diagnosis of motor neurone disease on Friday night.
The retired RTÉ reporter said he has been told he has between one and three years left to live and that he does not expect to be able to speak in three or four months' time.
His voice sounding markedly different, the 72-year-old told the Late Late Show that he cries every day because of his diagnosis and that the slightest thing makes him emotional.
"Hearing Ireland's Call made me cry because it's maybe the last time I'm going to hear that," Mr Bird told host Ryan Tubridy during an emotional interview.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KP0e_QpjDTc
He said there are "thousands" of people facing similar challenges to him and that it is his "final wish" that the country looks after people who are dealing with illness.
Mr Bird said he is lucky that he has great friends and great family, including his wife Claire Bird who appeared with him on the show. He is also still able to walk unaided and plans to climb Croagh Patrick.
"They say one to three years," Mr Bird said. "I've lost so much weight in the last few weeks. I probably won't have my voice in three or four months' time."
He said he struggles to eat and sometimes wakes up in the morning and forgets for a moment that he is "living this nightmare".
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UDP0S69eVFs
Asked about how he will face the end of his life, Mr Bird says he struggles with the issue and that he will "have to make up my own mind about where and how I end up".
Mr Bird said he has told his family that he does not want to end up in a wheelchair. On Monday, he is due to meet up with terminally ill cervical cancer campaigner Vicky Phelan, who he said he admires greatly.
He said he does not think he will see another Christmas but that he hopes he is proven wrong so he can spend more time with his five grandchildren and two daughters.
The former chief reporter with RTÉ announced he had been diagnosed with the terminal disease in late October. It came after he suffered a coughing fit and began to notice problems with his voice.
'Today is a good day': Almost all Covid-19 restrictions to be lifted from 6am
Emergency services at scene of an assault in Cork city centre


text:
I Ceratitidini sono Insetti di una tribù compresa nella famiglia dei Tephritidae, sottofamiglia Dacinae  (Ditteri Brachiceri Ciclorrafi Schizofori). Comprende specie prevalentemente originarie dell'Africa, alcune cosmopolite.

Sistematica
La tribù dei Ceratitidini comprende 12 generi con 167 specie  , di cui oltre 150 presenti o originarie dell'Africa.

Generi:
Capparimyia, con 3 specie
Carpophthoromyia, con 12 specie
Ceratitella, con 8 specie
Ceratitis, con 78 specie
Eumictoxenus, con una specie
Neoceratitis, con 5 specie
Nippia, con 2 specie
Paraceratitella, con 4 specie
Paratrirhithrum, con una specie
Perilampsis, con 15 specie
Trirhithrum, con 37 specie
Xanthorrachista, con 1 specie.

Note

Tephritidae

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Read Next:	BAFTA Undertakes Major Renovation of Its London Headquarters
February 6, 2014 3:47AM PT
Glenn Close, Sophie Nelisse, Octavia Spencer Join 'The Great Gilly Hopkins'
WestEnd Films is selling the pic at the EFM in Berlin
By Leo Barraclough
Leo Barraclough
Senior International Correspondent @https://twitter.com/LeoBarraclough	FOLLOW
Leo's Most Recent Stories
Greek Director Syllas Tzoumerkas on the Need for Defiance
Sony Pictures Classics' Dylan Leiner on Getting Filmmakers and Distributors on the Same Page
Karlovy Vary: 'Pigeon's Milk,' 'The Silhouettes' Win Works-in-Progress Prizes
BERLIN — Rising Hollywood star Sophie Nelisse ("The Book Thief," "Monsieur Lazhar") will play the title role in "The Great Gilly Hopkins," joined by Glenn Close, Kathy Bates, Danny Glover and Octavia Spencer ("The Help"). WestEnd Films is selling the pic at the European Film Market in Berlin.
The pic is to be directed by Stephen Herek ("101 Dalmatians," "The Three Musketeers," "Mr. Holland's Opus"), and produced by William Teitler ("What Maisie Knew," "The Polar Express," "Mr. Holland's Opus").
Bob Berney will be distributing in North America through his newly re-vamped Picturehouse. The film will start shooting on April 9.
"Gilly" is the adaptation of Katherine Paterson's young adult Newbery Award winning novel, published in more than 20 territories, and a regular on school curriculums. The 2007 Disney hit adaptation of Paterson's "Bridge to Terabithia" grossed more than $200 million worldwide.
As with "Bridge," "Gilly" has been scripted by David Paterson, who will be producing alongside Teitler and John Paterson. Executive producers William Kay and Peyton Kay round out the producing team.
Pic is co-financed by William Kay and Peyton Kay's Gemmill Media in association with Teitler.
"Gilly" tells the story of a wisecracking, gum-chewing 12-year-old (Nelisse), who is moved from foster home to foster home, outwitting them all. When she is placed in the home of Maime Trotter, the most unorthodox foster mom yet (Bates), Gilly battles her way out, but her life takes an unexpected turn.
West End describes the pic as a "side splitting, cocky and big-hearted story about a headstrong girl who wants to find a place to call home."
"WestEnd Films had a great experience working with Glenn Close on 'Albert Nobbs,' for which she was Oscar nominated as best actress, and we are thrilled she has joined this stellar cast," said Maya Amsellem, m.d. of WestEnd Films.
"Sophie Nelisse — who was outstanding in 'The Book Thief' – is an ideal match for Gilly's fierce yet endearing character and Oscar-winner Octavia Spencer rounds out a cast of truly extraordinary actors."
Berlin Film Festival
European Film Market
sophie nelisse
With 'Ad Astra,' 'Joker' Likely, Venice Set for Strong Showing by U.S., Bolstered by Streamers
Brad Pitt space odyssey "Ad Astra," Noah Baumbach's untitled new project, "Joker" with Joaquin Phoenix, Tom Harper's "The Aeronauts," Fernando Meirelles' "The Pope," the new "Rambo" installment, and heist thriller "The Burnt Orange Heresy," starring Mick Jagger as a reclusive art dealer, all look bound for the Venice Film Festival, sources tell Variety. The fest [...]


text:
Good things last himself runs nation Womens Pascal Siakam Jersey
av | feb 8, 2019 | Uncategorized | 0 Kommentarer
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His field goal percentage is 55% while his free throw percentage is currently at 70%.
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text:
Ray Salisbury
Tableland - The History Behind Mt Arthur, Kahurangi National Park
Tableland is the story of the area behind Mt Arthur on the eastern side of Kahurangi National Park, and of the explorers, graziers, miners, hunters and trampers, as well as many others who lived and worked in this much loved area of backcountry. Beautifully illustrated with the photography of the author, Ray Salisbury, as well as historical material and photos.
The story of the Tableland, the area behind Mt Arthur on the eastern side of Kahurangi National Park.
Generations of Nelsonians have lived in sight of the Arthur Range on the western border of the Nelson district. But few of them know the stories that were played out on the Tableland, the high tussock plateau behind Mt Arthur, in the adjacent Cobb Valley or in the ranges and valleys beyond.
Explored by surveyors, farmed by the early pioneers, prospected by goldminers, loved by trampers, hunters and cavers, and cared for by Forest Service rangers, DOC staff and conservationists, this is the story of a much-loved part of New Zealand's backcountry.
The chapters in Tableland reflect its diverse land usage, from grazing and gold mining, asbestos mining to hydroelectric power generation, but as well, tell the history of the characters who have worked, lived and played here. Beautifully illustrated with the author's photography, as well as a wide range of historic material and photos, this will be a book treasured by those with a connection to this area.
RELEASE DATE 9th NOVEMBER 2020


text:
Commission des normes du travail v. 1845 William C...
Commission des normes du travail v. 1845 William Commandité: Employee Status and the Gig Economy
Last November, Justice Granosik issued a decision that was in line with the current trend of increased recognition of "employee" status to people who are otherwise often considered to be self-employed.
In Commission des normes du travailc.1845 William Commandité,1the Court had to determine the status of Jennifer Jackson ("Jackson"), a real estate broker having worked for a company, 1845 William Commandité ("William"), as a sales representative and then sales manager, all under a service agreement providing that Jackson was a self-employed worker.
The facts of this case are simple. William is a company created to manage and complete a real estate development project consisting of three buildings comprising 161 condominiums with a total value of more than $60 million. In August 2011, after acting for a few months as a real estate broker for William, Jackson is offered to work for the company as a sales representative, which she accepted. Under the terms of this agreement, Jackson is paid only on commission, that is a fixed amount of $1,500 for each condominium, $250 for each parking lot, and 5% for any extra sold to William's customers. When Jackson accepted this position, William offered her the opportunity to join the company either as an employee or as a self-employed worker. Jackson made the choice to enter into an agreement under which she retained the status of self-employed worker.
In March 2012, Jackson is appointed as sales director. The agreement that bound her to William then remains substantially the same, except that she must henceforth provide certain reports regarding the sales progress and hours of work of one of the employees of the company, and that she receives commissions both at the time of sale and at the time of delivery of condominiums sold.
In March 2013, following an altercation with William's officers, Jackson decided to leave the company. She then filed a complaint with the Commission des normes, de l'équité, de la santé et de la sécurité du travail("CNESST") to obtain the unpaid commissions owed by William when she left. However, following its investigation, the CNESST concluded that Jackson was not a self-employed worker, but an employee of William, and claimed, on her behalf, the unpaid commissions as wages, as well as vacation and statutory general holidays indemnities.
In his analysis to determine Jackson's status within the meaning of the Act Respecting Labour Standards(the "Act") and jurisprudence, Justice Granosik reaffirms that an employee is a person who rents out their services to another a person (including a legal person) who pays them a salary in return. He also states that an employee-employer relationship must include: elements of subordination, that is, an authority or hierarchical relationship; the employer's determination of a working framework, meaning its parameters and objectives; and finally, the remuneration paid by the employer to the employee.2This definition can also include managerial personnel. On the contrary, the relationship between a service provider, or self-employed worker, and an enterprise will be characterized by the worker's independence in the performance of their work, as well as by their chances of profit or risks of loss. Moreover, independent workers will not be evaluated on the quality of their work as such, but rather on the final result of their performance. Finally, Justice Granosik explains that the most important criterion to be analyzed is the presence of a relationship of subordination between the worker and the company.
Applying these principles to the facts of the case, the judge determines that despite the absence of any assessment of Jackson's performance or any sales objective, and despite the fact that she never received or was submitted to the application of any company policy, the overriding evidence establishes the existence of a relationship of subordination between Jackson and William.
Indeed, in the Court's view, the overall relationship between Jackson and William must be qualified as an employee-employer relationship for several reasons. First, all the tools used by Jackson belong to William, besides her cellphone, which is paid for by the company. Second, Jackson's work schedule must be approved by William's officers. Third, Jackson has no discretion with respect to the price of condominiums, cannot sign a purchase agreement herself, and must obtain the consent of William's officers for any changes contemplated at the financial level. Fourth, the Court finds that Jackson, unlike an entrepreneur, runs no risk of loss or has no chance of making a profit because of her performance, since no matter how hard she works, her commissions are determined in advance.
Additionally, the Court notes that Jackson must notify William's officers of each of her absences, and have them approve her vacation. This is indeed what caused the altercation that led to Jackson's resignation, as she was reprimanded for an unplanned absence due to an illness. For the judge, this is clear evidence of a relationship of subordination between Jackson and William, which confirms Jackson's status as an employee, as well as the merits of the claim initiated by the CNESST.
In finding so, the judge rejects William's argument that not only has Jackson always been considered a self-employed worker in the eyes of the tax authorities, but more importantly, that she herself decided to work for William as a self-employed worker, when she had the choice of being an employee of the company.
1 2017 QCCS 5069
2 Id., para 37.
By: Michael Grodinsky, Marie-Pier Emery
Services: Labour & Employment


25 Adam lay with his wife again, and she gave birth to a son and named him Seth, saying, "God has granted me another child in place of Abel, since Cain killed him." 26 Seth also had a son, and he named him Enosh.
At that time people began to call on the name of the LORD.
We return to the original pair.
Apparently, this is the first time 'Adam' appears without a definite article in front of it. Previously it could be translated as 'Adam' or 'the man', but now it is more characteristically a proper name.
Seth is born to Adam's wife, and as with her other sons, she does the naming, seeing him as a gift from God in the face of what happened to Abel. The text is unlittered by feeling, with no glimpses of maternal emotion, but something in the phrase suggests to me that there is gladness where formerly there was sadness. Perhaps that's just me. After all, one of her two previous sons was murdered; the other was his murderer.
Seth also produces a child, and he names him Enosh – the first time a father has named a son.
An interesting phrase, and I suspect one that has been discussed at length by various commentators and scholars.
*I find the use of God's name in these passages interesting. God reveals himself as 'YHWH' to Moses in Exodus, but not only does the narrator(s) use it to refer to God in some of these passages, but it's put in the mouths of the humans themselves (see Eve, Genesis 4:1). Is this a suggestion of the previous intimacy in the garden – implying that they know his name?
Is this reference to calling on the name of Yahweh a reference to the divine name being used, or simply a way of saying they were calling on God himself? Is 'calling on the name of Yahweh' synonymous with calling on Yahweh himself – just a particular way of putting it?


text:
How 1934 Morris-Carter land report set stage for Mau Mau
Thursday, May 2, 2019 21:59
By DOUGLAS KIEREINI
Mau Mau fighters who fought in an uprising against colonial settlers. FILE PHOTO | NMG
While reviewing my recent article on All Saints' Church Limuru with a friend, I came across the name of a white extremist group called the "Tigoni Tigers", a militant offshoot of the long-established Limuru Farmers Association.
The group was formed during the State of Emergency period ostensibly to defend white settlers in Tigoni from the Mau Mau.
According to Christopher Lawrence Hiscox in his book The Dawn Stand-To, the group formed an all-white reserve officer regiment calling themselves "Dobie" or "D" Force. Egged on by early successes against the Mau Mau "D" Force got a bit naughty and, unfortunately, very trigger happy, killing too many Africans without sufficient justification.
In retaliation, they and their friends, men, women and children were being targeted for murder by the Mau Mau. Feeling that "D" Force had overstepped their mark, the Police Commissioner found the situation intolerable and ordered the vigilante force to be disbanded immediately.
There was a light moment in the Kenya Legislative Council meeting on May 6, 1960, when a member, Mr Alexander asked, "What about the Tigoni Tigers?".
In response, the Minister for Tourism, Game, Forests and Fisheries, Mr Crosskill said, "That comes under the National Parks".
The Tigoni Tigers was a blatant racist group that even refused to attend the church where Africans worshipped.
When the church in Limuru was integrated for all races those of the group who reluctantly attended would insist that they worshipped in the first service so that they do not sit on pews "which have recently been occupied by Africans".
But the Tigoni Tigers came to ignominy in 1958 in what came to be known as "the St Julian's Affair". Michael and Susan Wood (later Sir and Lady Wood, founders of AMREF) wanted to sell their 20-acre farm on St Julian's Lane in Limuru to an Anglican religious community from England as a place of rest for people of all races suffering from the pressures of modern life.
To put the matter into perspective, Michael Wood was at the time, chairman of the Capricorn African Society, a body that championed racial harmony and advancement of Africans.
The farm was in an area listed as agricultural land and therefore fell within the White Highlands, so the Tigoni Tigers took great exception to the idea that there could be people of other races living there, and tried all possible means to stop the sale.
They demonised the couple openly and threatened them with court action but the group did not act on their threats and eventually the sale was sealed after much hullabaloo.
Writing about the incident in the Kenya Weekly Guardian, Mervin Hill pointed out that "the wise policy of the settlers is to keep quiet about the White Highlands and to treat the reservation as an economic and agrarian measure which is amply justified … by the contribution of European farming to Kenya's economy … For many years, the reservation has been in respect of ownership and occupation of property. It has never been a question of who lives and works in the highlands".
The Governor, Sir Evelyn Baring, writing to the Secretary of State had some unflattering words to say about the incident: "At the moment the most contentious issue is that of the St Julian's Community … Unfortunately, this is in Limuru, exactly where the most foolish and noisy Europeans live.
The missionaries, somewhat unwisely, describe St. Julian's as a "multiracial centre".
The objection was taken by the local Limuru Farmers' Association which is now dominated by extremists … I have let those concerned know that should the (highlands board) recommend against the transfer, on the grounds that Africans would be lodging in the community house, I would regretfully have to reject."
The agitation by the Tigoni Tigers was rooted in the recommendations of the what was known as The Carter Land Commission of 1934.
The question of the White Highlands dates back to 1902 when Sir Charles Eliot, then Commissioner of the Protectorate, encouraged white settlement in the highlands.
In his view, only European settlers and agriculture could develop the region and generate the necessary funds to fund the colonial administration and recoup the massive capital cost of the railway.
Leading settlers Delamere and Grogan, who were among the first beneficiaries of large tracts of land in the highlands, supported his views.
Although this policy of racial segregation in the land use was practised to great effect on the ground, it was not entrenched in the law.
Following the publication of the Devonshire White Paper of 1923, which stated that "whenever the interests of the native Africans clashed with those of Asian, European or Arab settlers, those of the Africans shall remain paramount", the Europeans wanted their interests to be also safeguarded and entrenched in law.
In reality, nothing changed and the Africans continued to suffer discrimination in all aspects of life.
In 1932 the British administration appointed the Morris Carter Commission to look into native land grievances which were threatening to erupt into violence.
The three-person commission comprised two European settlers and the same judge who had previously ruled against the Maasai in 1913 and later devised the segregationist land settlement policy in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe today), Sir William Morris Carter.
The Morris Carter Commission defined the boundaries of the White Highlands for the exclusive use of White settlers and the native reserves for Africans.
It recommended that Africans had enough land but needed to adopt better farming methods and consolidate fragmented land holdings.
The commission also recommended the creation of a Highlands Board to look after the interests of White settlers.
In general, the commission recommended that Africans had little claim of right over the land in the highlands and where such claim could be proved, alternative land near each reserve could be made available as compensation.
By failing to create a more representative and objective panel, the British lost out on an opportunity to recommend an equitable land settlement proposal in Kenya which would ultimately foster the bloody Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s.
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