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1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Palmer Report: Here's what happens if the Arizona GOP tries to shoehorn Martha McSally into the Senate after losing to Kyrsten Sinema
In a close race that took several days to finally call, Democratic candidate Kyrsten Sinema has now officially won the U.S. Senate race in Arizona over Republican candidate Martha McSally. This has led to a whole lot of mainstream media speculation that the Arizona GOP might try to shoehorn McSally into the Senate after all, by putting her in the other seat. This is entirely possible – but if it does happen, it may not matter much.
Arizona has a unique Senate situation. Republican John McCain passed away earlier this year, vacating a seat that he was supposed to hold until 2022. This prompted the state's GOP Governor to appoint familiar Republican face Jon Kyl in his place, while scheduling a special election for 2020. As this was going on, Republican Jeff Flake announced his retirement, setting up a 2018 Senate race in Arizona with no incumbent. Sinema won, meaning that Arizona has gone from having two Republican Senators, to one Republican and one Democratic Senator.
The story goes that Kyl – who by all accounts doesn't want the seat for the long haul – could step down, allowing the Governor to appoint Martha McSally in his place. This would create the surreal situation in which Kyrsten Sinema, and the opponent she just defeated, would be the state's two Senators. But this would still give Arizona one Democratic and one Republican Senator, meaning that swapping Kyl for McSally wouldn't change the overall Senate math at all.
The only appreciable change is that it would set up Martha McSally as an incumbent, so she could run for "reelection" in the 2020 special election. We believe she was going to run for that seat in 2020 anyway. The GOP could be thinking that making her an incumbent could boost her 2020 odds. But from the Democrats's point of view, they just finished proving they can beat McSally in Arizona, and perhaps wouldn't mind facing her again in two years.
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Palmer Report
Author mikenovaPosted on November 14, 2018 Format AsideCategories Auto-Posted - Trump Investigations from Michael Novakhov
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Just Security: Initial Reactions to OLC's Opinion on the Whitaker Designation as "Acting" Attorney General
Here are some very preliminary reactions to yesterday's OLC opinion, in which Assistant Attorney General Steve Engel explained OLC's pre-decisional advice to the President that he could lawfully designate the Chief of Staff to the Attorney General, Matthew Whitaker, to perform the functions and duties of the Office of Attorney General during the vacancy in that office that exists by virtue of Jeff Sessions's resignation last Wednesday.
In sum, our tentative views are:
i. that OLC's analysis is solid, very professional, and formidable—not remotely the hackwork that some are describing it as;
ii. that the two questions the opinion addresses—one statutory, the other constitutional—are genuinely difficult, and thus perhaps you ought to be wary of easy or over-confident answers;
iii. that OLC's conclusion that the Whitaker designation is authorized by the Vacancies Reform Act of 1998 is possibly (but not certainly) correct, primarily because of an unexplained oddity of the 1998 Act, but that there are serious counterarguments, too, some of which OLC doesn't address;
iv. that if Whitaker now holds an "office" within the meaning of the Appointments Clause (an unresolved question the opinion does not purport to answer), OLC has not adequately explained why Trump's designation of Whitaker would be consistent with that Clause and, in particular, why the Supreme Court's decision in U.S. v. Eaton (1898) does not undermine rather than support the President's designation here;
and therefore, at the very least,
v. that the "constitutional avoidance" canon may counsel in favor of a reading of the VRA that preserves the primacy of the AG Succession statute, pursuant to which Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein would perform the AG's functions during the vacancy (however long it might last).
The Vacancies Act and the AG "Succession" Statute
Although the statutory question here is actually quite complicated and difficult, we'll try to be relatively brief about our initial take in reaction to the OLC opinion.
OLC concludes that Congress has afforded the President two alternative options for filling the Sessions vacancy:
OPTION 1: If the President did nothing, then Deputy AG Rod Rosenstein would perform the AG's functions, as the AG-specific Succession Act, 28 U.S.C. 508, prescribes. OLC does not deny that that would have been the only possibility before 1998.
OPTION 2: According to OLC, however, in 1998 Congress dramatically changed the law that had been applicable to AG vacancies for the preceding 130 years, by giving the President the option of assigning the extensive and awesome powers of the office to someone else, including to any DOJ employee, such as Whitaker, who's served at DOJ for at least 90 days in the past year and whose salary is at least equal to the rate of pay at level GS–15 of the General Schedule, even though such a person has not been Senate-confirmed to a DOJ office.
As we see it, the strongest arguments in the OLC opinion in support of this conclusion are:
(i) that although Section 3347(a) of the VRA by its terms recognizes that a statute such as the AG Succession Act is an exception to the VRA's exclusivity, it does not foreclose the VRA's possible applicability, as an alternative to such an office-specific succession statute;
(ii) that there's nothing in post-1998 law indicating that Congress intended to make Section 508 the exclusive means of dealing with AG vacancies;
and, perhaps most importantly,
(iii) that although the Senate-passed version of the VRA would have expressly retained the exclusivity of Section 508 for purposes of AG vacancies, the VRA conference committee inexplicably, and without explanation, omitted the AG exception from the final, enacted version of the VRA, thereby (arguably) creating a sea change in the rules that had applied to AG vacancies since 1870.
The strongest counterarguments, in our view, are these five, the second and fourth of which former OLC Deputy AAG John Bies first floated in this July 2017 post:
(i) As the State of Maryland emphasizes in its brief challenging Whitaker's designation, if the 1998 Congress truly did what OLC claims, it would, indeed, be a huge sea change from the rules the legislature had prescribed for the preceding 130 years—a system that worked well and to which no one publicly objected. And as Justice Scalia was wont to say, "Congress … does not alter the fundamental details of a regulatory scheme in vague terms or ancillary provisions—it does not, one might say, hide elephants in mouseholes."
(ii) Section 508(a) provides—without any mention of the President—that "[i]n case of a vacancy in the office of Attorney General, . . . the Deputy Attorney General may exercise all the duties of that office." OLC's reading of the VRA thus creates the anomaly whereby the President's VRA designee (here, Whitaker) and the Deputy AG are simultaneously authorized to perform the AG's duties. (It's obviously unlikely any DAG—removable by the President—would actually assert his authority to do so in such a case; but the point is that OLC's reading leaves open that possibility—something Congress presumably would have precluded had it actually wanted to afford the President the option of using either mechanism.) The OLC opinion does not address this anomaly.
(iii) Moreover, as a friend of ours flagged today, in a Department such as DOJ, OLC's reading can also lead to another anomaly—one that is in fact currently occurring at the Department of Justice: A mere agency employee, never considered by the Senate, now has supervisory authority over many Senate-confirmed officers (the DAG, the SG, the head of OLC, other Assistant Attorneys General, all confirmed U.S. Attorneys, etc.). Can Congress really have intended such a counterintuitive and, frankly, bizarre situation? The OLC opinion does not address this question, either.
(iv) Section 508 further provides that in a case where there's no Senate-confirmed Deputy AG in office, the Associate Attorney General (assuming there is such an officer in place, unlike today, where there's not) "shall" perform the AG's duties. (Moreover, even though subsection (a) says only that the Deputy AG "may" perform such duties, it might be fair to read that provision, too, to impose an obligation on the DAG (i.e., that Congress didn't mean to suggest the DAG could decline to fill in.) As one of us wrote previously with respect to a similar provision in the statute governing a vacancy in the Office of CFPB Director, Congress's use of the mandatory "shall" might fairly be understood to at least create a presumption of congressional intent that Section 508 supersedes the permissive provisions of the VRA, which provide the President "may direct" certain individuals to perform such functions. DOJ has, however, contested that view, and one district court accepted its argument (see pp. 22-23) that "shall" in the CFPB statute does not reflect a congressional intent to require application of the agency-specific statute rather than the VRA.
(v) Finally, and as the Maryland brief also emphasizes, OLC's reading of the VRA would require resolution of the difficult Appointments Clause question we discuss below, whereas reading Section 508 to be exclusive (or at least to be applicable where possible) avoids teeing up the serious constitutional doubts in those cases where a President might use the VRA to designate someone other than a Senate-confirmed officer in the same agency to perform the duties of a Department head.
The Appointments Clause Question
OLC's analysis of the Article II question is also very rich, and thorough—and it makes a strong case that the Appointments Clause does not impose a categorical rule that a President may never assign a non-Senate-confirmed person to perform the functions of a principal officer such as the Attorney General when that office is vacant. Even so, the opinion never quite engages forthrightly with the characteristics that make this particular assignment so potentially problematic under the Constitution.
The gist of the Appointments Clause argument against Whitaker's assignment is that the Office of the Attorney General is a "principal," rather than an "inferior," office (that's undisputed), and that therefore the Appointments Clause requires that someone can hold that office, even on a "temporary" basis, only if the President appoints him to it by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Because the Senate hasn't confirmed Whitaker to be AG, or "Acting" AG, goes the argument, Trump's designation of him to perform the AG's duties and functions is unconstitutional, even if the VRA authorizes it.
In order to put this question in context, it's important to keep in mind a couple of things that distinguish the Whitaker assignment from the usual presidential practice of filling "principal" officer vacancies:
To begin with, in the vast majority of historical cases in which someone has stepped in to perform the functions of a "vacant" office of the head of a department, that "acting" official has been someone holding another office in that same department—usually a "deputy" or "first assistant"—whom the Senate has already confirmed for that underlying office. In such cases, the Supreme Court has deemed the Senate to have already in effect approved that person's authority to step into the principal's shoes during vacancies: The prospect of such an "acting" role is deemed part of the duties of the office for which the person was confirmed—those duties are said to be "germane" to the confirmed office. From an Appointments Clause perspective, therefore, it doesn't matter how the person was assigned to perform the functions of the higher office (although of course the assignment must be consistent with any relevant statutes). (Shoemaker and Weiss are the leading cases on this point.) In other words, where the "acting" officer is someone who was appointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate (colloquially known as a "PAS" appointee) to another office in the same agency, there's no Appointments Clause issue at all. That scenario accounts for mine run of cases. But not this one.
Second, the Whitaker case deviates from this historical norm in another respect, as well, namely, that the President himself caused the vacancy: he gave Sessions an ultimatum of resigning or being removed. Of course, in and of itself that's hardly unheard of: Jeff Sessions isn't the first cabinet official to be removed by a President. What is very rare, however, is that although the President reportedly planned to rid himself of Sessions many months ago, he did not announce a nomination of a replacement for the Senate's consideration when he created the vacancy. We're not sure that's never happened before with respect to the head of a department; but if has, it's very rare. (We're aware of one partial analogy, but presumably it's not one Trump would eagerly cite as a precedent: After the Saturday Night Massacre in late October 1973, it took President Nixon 13 days to announce his intent to nominate William Saxbe to replace Elliot Richardson. (The formal nomination came a few weeks later.) But Nixon, of course—in contrast to Trump—had no inkling in advance that he'd be forcing Richardson to resign and therefore had no reason to be thinking about who the next Attorney General might be. Moreover, it's very unlikely that Trump will announce a new AG nominee within the next week.)
Now, as for OLC's analysis:
The OLC memo rightly emphasizes that before enactment of the Vacancies Act of 1868, Congress enacted a series of statutes that authorized the President to choose persons other than PAS (i.e., Senate-confirmed) officers from the same department to perform the functions of a principal officer in the event of a vacancy (or a disability of the officer); that Presidents exercised such authority over 100 times; and that, in particular, Presidents on at least three occasions assigned others—two confirmed cabinet heads and one non-confirmed assistant to the AG—to perform the functions of the Attorney General's office after AG resignations, even though there wasn't even any statutory basis for such assignments and even though the Senate hadn't had an opportunity to consider whether those three persons should be eligible to be assigned such authorities.
This pre-1868 practice has not been the norm with respect to vacancies in the office of a Department head for the past 150 years. Even so, that early practice—almost never questioned on constitutional grounds for over 75 years—must surely have some bearing on the Article II question.
There are two possible theories that can explain the early practice.
1. First, our sense is that many (perhaps most) actors in the political branches early in the Nation's history thought that the assignment of such functions to someone on an "interim" basis—even the significant functions of a cabinet official—did not necessarily make the assignee a constitutional officer at all, in which case the Appointments Clause would simply be inapposite. This argument is based on the idea that holding a constitutional "office" requires not only the performance of "significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United States" but also an assignment to a "continuing and permanent" position in the federal government. Lucia v. SEC, 138 S. Ct. 2044, 2051 (2018); see also United States v. Hartwell, 73 U.S. at 393 (holding that a clerk held an office because, inter alia, "his compensation was fixed by law" and "[h]is duties were continuing and permanent, not occasional or temporary").
As OLC itself explained in a major 2007 opinion (at p.112), although the temporary nature of an assignment does not categorically preclude the possibility that it amounts to holding an "office," in order to quality as an "office" "[t]he position should not be 'transient': The less fleeting and more enduring it is (or is likely to be), the more likely it is to be a continuing seat of power and thus an office." See also id. at 77 ("for a position to be a federal office, it also must be 'continuing,' which means either that the position is permanent or that, even though temporary, it is not personal, 'transient,' or 'incidental'"). In other words, the person exercising the duties of an office does not necessarily "hold" that office if such exercise is merely "transient." Id. at 101 n.11.[1]
To some modern observers—especially those inclined to exaggerate the constraints of the Appointments Clause—this "transience" factor might appear to be a "trivial distinction[]." NLRB v. SW General, Inc., 137 S. Ct. 929, 946 n.1 (2017) (Thomas, J., concurring). We suspect, however, that it was much more commonly accepted earlier in our constitutional history than it might be today (concededly a topic for further research). (At a minimum, it wasn't universally accepted before 1868: OLC cites an 1857 case, for instance (In re Boyle), in which the Court of Claims held that "the office of Secretary [of the Navy] ad interim is a distinct and independent office in itself" that had been held temporarily by the chief clerk of the Navy, and that the appointment was constitutional because the office was "inferior").
If this understanding is correct, then it's possible that Matthew Whitaker is simply not holding an office to which the Appointments Clause applies at all. That's why he (presumably) isn't receiving the salary that Congress has prescribed for the Attorney General, and why he (presumably) hasn't received a presidential commission to any new "office," something that Article II, section 3 of the Constitution requires for "all the Officers of the United States." (We're not sure of these facts, of course. It'd be interesting to learn from the government whether Whitaker is, in fact, collecting an AG's salary or has received a presidential commission.)
Although yesterday's OLC opinion doesn't expressly rely upon this not-an-officer theory, it's noteworthy that OLC does not disclaim, it either: Indeed, the opinion subtly but distinctly signals (p.6) that it's an open question whether Whitaker is holding an office to which the Appointments Clause applies: "[I]t does not matter whether an acting official temporarily filling a vacant principal office is an inferior officer or not an 'officer' at all within the meaning of the Constitution, because Mr. Whitaker was appointed in a manner that satisfies the requirements for an inferior officer." See also id. at 14 (characterizing the Supreme Court's decision in Eaton (discussed below) as "emphasiz[ing] that the temporary performance of a principal office is not the same as holding that office itself").
2. Assuming, however, that a temporary assignee does occupy an Article II "office" by virtue of his or her assigned functions—e.g., in Whitaker's case, what we might call the "Office of the Acting Attorney General," although there's no formal position with that name—there's another possible Appointments Clause explanation for the early practice, as well, one that depends crucially upon the Supreme Court's 1898 decision in United States v. Eaton, 169 U.S. 331.
In Eaton, the U.S. counsel to Siam (under the Appointments Clause the equivalent of a principal officer whose appointment required Senate approval)—acting pursuant to a regulation, and with the approval of the State Department—appointed Eaton, a vice-counsel (not a Senate-confirmed officer) to take charge of the consulate after Boyd's departure. Eaton served as "acting" U.S. counsel at Bangkok for ten months. In resolving a dispute about salary payments, the Court held that Eaton's assignment as "acting" counsel didn't violate the Appointments Clause even though the Senate hadn't confirmed him. It reasoned that because Eaton was "charged with the performance of the duty of the superior for a limited time and under special and temporary conditions, he is not thereby transformed into the superior and permanent official. To so hold would render void any and every delegation of power to an inferior to perform under any circumstances or exigency the duties of a superior officer, and the discharge of administrative duties would be seriously hindered."
In its opinion yesterday, OLC argues (pp. 14-15) that Eaton explains, or "confirm[s]," the extensive pre-1868 practice: "In view of the long history of such appointments, Eaton simply confirmed the general rule. It did not work any innovation in that practice." And that much seems correct—Eaton might be said to establish, and to confirm, a sort of "exigency" exception to the Appointments Clause, for circumstances in which someone is assigned to perform a principal officer's duties "for a limited time and under special and temporary conditions," lest the discharge of those duties "be seriously hindered."
As the language of Eaton itself suggests, however, this exception is not unlimited: The temporary assignment must be reasonably tailored to deal with the particular exigency that requires deviation from the ordinary processes the Appointments Clause requires. So, for example, the OLC opinion appears to agree with Justice Thomas, who in the recent NLRB v. SW General case argued that the rationale of Eaton could not be used to justify an "acting" designation that had lasted more than three years "in an office limited by statute to a 4-year term." 137 S. Ct. at 946 n.1. Similarly, OLC approvingly cites one of its own opinions from 1977, in which it concluded that even though there was no "express statutory limit on the length" of the tenure of an "acting" OMB Director, "it may not continue indefinitely. Within a reasonable time after the occurrence of a vacancy in the office of Director, the President should submit a nomination to the Senate." 1 Op. O.L.C. at 289-290.
That is to say, the Eaton exigency/"special and temporary conditions" "exception" requires that the "temporary" assignment be "reasonable," which we think is best understood to mean that it must be at least reasonably t
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Putin and American political process – Google News: Flake: I Won't Vote To Confirm Judges Until Senate Protects Mueller – RealClearPolitics
Flake: I Won't Vote To Confirm Judges Until Senate Protects Mueller
… shameful counter-offensive by the White House has taken place because another part of Special Counsel Mueller's charge is to determine whether the Russians had any American cooperation in their effort to undermine the sanctity of our electoral process.
Putin and American political process – Google News
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): putin won US 2016 election – Google News: Flake: I Won't Vote To Confirm Judges Until Senate Protects Mueller – RealClearPolitics
Flake: I Won't Vote To Confirm Judges Until Senate Protects Mueller
U.S. Sen. Jeff Flake (R-AZ) Wednesday took to the Senate floor with Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.) in an attempt to secure immediate passage of S. 2644, the Special Counsel Independence and Integrity Act. The bill, which passed the Senate Judiciary …
GOP Sen. Jeff Flake, who is leaving office in January, vows not to vote on Trump judicial nominees until Senate …CNBC
Jeff Flake threatens to block Trump's judicial nominees until Senate votes on bill to protect MuellerBusiness Insider
all 602 news articles »
putin won US 2016 election – Google News
You've Been Trumped
Anthony Baxter
Author mikenovaPosted on November 14, 2018 Format AsideCategories Auto-Posted - Amazon.com: Trump
trump putin – Google News: This RSS feed URL is deprecated
trump putin – Google News
trump putin – Google News: After chummy summit in Helsinki, Putin and Trump appear headed for bickering in Buenos Aires – CBC.ca
After chummy summit in Helsinki, Putin and Trump appear headed for bickering in Buenos Aires
A closer look at the day's most notable stories with The National's Jonathon Gatehouse: Trump and Putin will have lots to talk about if they meet in Buenos Aires for G20; Prince Charles turns 70 but he may not be in a celebratory mood; legal cannabis …
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Donald Trump: Bob Woodward: The Media Has Become 'Emotionally Unhinged' About Trump
Trump is probably saying, "This is great," the prize-winning journalist said of CNN's lawsuit seeking to restore its reporter's White House access.
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Do police officers shootings increase trump election chances? – Google News: This RSS feed URL is deprecated
Do police officers shootings increase trump election chances? – Google News
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Donald Trump: Goodbye To Donald Trump's Fake Election Day Tax Cut
Congressional Republicans had his back, even if nobody could say exactly what Trump was talking about.
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): putin won US 2016 election – Google News: Trump attacked the legitimacy of the midterms the same way his own officials warned Russia would – SFGate
Trump attacked the legitimacy of the midterms the same way his own officials warned Russia would
The Department of Homeland Security warned that Russia would attempt to undermine the midterm elections by spreading doubts that votes were counted correctly — and President Donald Trump has done just that. Former US intelligence officials are …
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): FBI politicization – Google News: Stop politicizing hate crimes and start actually taking them seriously – Washington Examiner
Stop politicizing hate crimes and start actually taking them seriously
The FBI has released its latest hate crime statistics. As is typical of these hyper-partisan times, the observer sees in them what they are conditioned to. The 2017 report acknowledges upfront that more police departments are reporting these incidents …
The Daily 202: Hate crimes are a much bigger problem than even the new FBI statistics showWashington Post
FBI politicization – Google News
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Lawfare – Hard National Security Choices: Government Seeks Expedited Consideration in Transgender Service Member Ban Litigation
Last Wednesday, the government filed notices with the Ninth Circuit in Karnoski v. Trump and in the D.C. Circuit in Doe 2 v. Trump, informing the courts of the government's intent to seek expedited review by the Supreme Court, bypassing the regular appeals process if necessary. In each case, the government is appealing preliminary injunctions which currently block implementation of a policy barring transgender individuals, with few exceptions, from serving in the military.
A three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit heard oral argument in Karnoski on Oct. 10 and has not yet issued a ruling. In its Nov. 7 letter, the government asked for an expedited decision so that, if the ruling is adverse to the government, it may submit a petition for a writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court no later than Nov. 23, which it says is necessary to ensure the case can be heard during the current term. If the court does not issue a ruling by then, the government will file a cert petition before judgment, an unusual request that the Supreme Court will only grant "upon a showing that the case is of such imperative public importance as to justify deviation from normal appellate practice and to require immediate determination in this Court." The government claims that review is urgently needed because "the district court's preliminary injunction prevents the military from implementing a policy that, in its professional judgment, is necessary to ensure readiness, good order and discipline, steady leadership, unit cohesion, and effectiveness and lethality, among other interests."
The D.C. Circuit set oral argument on the government's appeal in Doe 2 for Dec. 10. The government accordingly notified the court of its intent to seek certiorari before judgment in that case, for the same reasons discussed above.
The plaintiffs in each case responded that there is no reason to accelerate the already-expedited appeal; that the government's urgency is belied by its previous litigation choices, including its decision not to seek a stay from the Supreme Court pending appeal; and that the interlocutory appeal does not squarely present the merits issues on which the government apparently intends to seek certiorari before judgment. The plaintiffs also rebut the government's claim of imminent injury, noting that the Obama-era policy allowing open service "has now been in effect for more than two years without any showing of any actual adverse effects …"
The documents filed in both cases are below:
Ninth Circuit: Government Request for Expedited Decision
9th Circ Government Request for Expedited Decision (PDF)
9th Circ Government Request for Expedited Decision (Text)
Ninth Circuit: Plaintiff's Response
9th Circ Plaintiffs' Response Letter (PDF)
9th Circ Plaintiffs' Response Letter (Text)
D.C. Circuit: Government Notice of Intent to Seek Cert
DC Circ Government Notice of Intent to Seek Cert Before Judgment (1) (PDF)
DC Circ Government Notice of Intent to Seek Cert Before Judgment (1) (Text)
D.C. Circuit: Plaintiff's Response
DC Circ Plaintiffs' Response (PDF)
DC Circ Plaintiffs' Response (Text)
Lawfare – Hard National Security Choices
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Lawfare – Hard National Security Choices: An Announcement: David Priess Becomes Chief Operating Officer of the Lawfare Institute
I am delighted to announce an important new hire by the Lawfare Institute: David Priess is coming on board as our Chief Operating Officer.
Many Lawfare readers already know David's work, on the site and elsewhere.
David served during the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations at the CIA as an intelligence officer, manager, and daily intelligence briefer as well as at the State Department as a desk officer in the Near East Bureau. He served, among other roles, as the daily intelligence briefer to then-FBI Director Robert Mueller and then-Attorney General John Ashcroft.
What a lot of readers don't know is that since leaving the CIA almost 15 years ago, Priess has held management positions in private sector companies, with a specialization on small, growing entities. His experience overseeing operations, interacting with clients and stakeholders, and engaging in strategic planning have armed him well to join Lawfare's leadership team in charting and managing the organization's growth.
David is also a writer and speaker on national security, intelligence, and the presidency. For his 2016 book, "The President's Book of Secrets: The Untold Story of Intelligence Briefings to America's Presidents," he became the first author to interview for one book every living former President, Vice President, and CIA Director from previous administrations, as well as nearly 100 other national security and intelligence leaders of the past half century. His new book, "How To Get Rid of a President: History's Guide to Removing Unpopular, Unable, or Unfit Chief Executives," conveys the rich stories of the many ways American presidents have left office.
Priess obtained his BA in politicial science from Illinois Wesleyan University, his MA in political science from Duke University, and his PhD in political science from Duke University. He has taught political science classes at Duke University, the George Washington University, and George Mason University.
We are very excited to have him on the team.
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): trump in financial times – Google News: Donald Trump's dream of an Arab Nato is a fantasy – Financial Times
Donald Trump's dream of an Arab Nato is a fantasy
Before his visit to Saudi Arabia in May last year, Donald Trump and his entourage talked portentously about creating an "Arab Nato" to counter the regional ambitions of Iran. What happened next takes more than a tweet to describe. Mr Trump was …
trump in financial times – Google News
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Russian Intelligence services – Google News: A cloud for Russia – DatacenterDynamics
A cloud for Russia
The initial search service was successful because it was uniquely adapted to the Russian morphology (how words are formed) and could recognize inflection in search queries – providing more accurate results than alternatives, designed to index text in …
Russian Intelligence services – Google News
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Lawfare – Hard National Security Choices: Let there be Merch!
We are excited to announce, in plenty of time for the holidays, our new—and dramatically improved—Lawfare swag shop.
You want shirts? We've got lots of shirts, for women and men and everyone.
Onesies? We've got onesies.
Mugs and hats? We've got you covered.
And folks: if you missed our challenge coin promotion but really want the Lawfare challenge coin? We've got challenge coins.
All proceeds, of course, support the operation of the site.
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Politics: Senate Republicans reelect Mitch McConnell as their leader, according to an individual familiar with the proceedings
The Kentucky lawmaker led the GOP to victory in the midterm Senate elections, albeit by a narrow margin. Republicans have a 51-to-47 advantage, with two races in Florida and Mississippi unresolved. This is a developing story. It will be updated.
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Politics: Senate Democrats reelect Charles E. Schumer as their leader, according to an individual familiar with the proceedings
Although Democrats fell short in claiming the Senate majority in the midterm elections, Schumer (N.Y.) held losses to a minimum despite a brutal political map. Ten Democratic incumbents sought reelection in states Donald Trump won in 2016. Six won, while one race — Florida — remains unresolved. This is a developing story. It will be […]
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): trump russian candidate – Google News: Review: "The Apprentice: Trump, Russia and the Subversion of American Democracy" – The Missourian (blog)
The Missourian (blog)
Review: "The Apprentice: Trump, Russia and the Subversion of American Democracy"
Author Greg Miller, "Washington Post" national security reporter, skillfully recaps Putin's covert plan to elect the candidate of his choice as U.S. president. The Pulitzer Prize winner reveals Trump's ardent allegiance to Putin and his barefaced …
trump russian candidate – Google News
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Politics: Marco Rubio roasted for '3 pt kick' tweet about Florida election
The consensus online was that the senator did not quite split the uprights with his analogy.
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Lawfare – Hard National Security Choices: Document: Justice Department Office of Legal Counsel Memo on Designating an Acting Attorney General
On Nov. 14, the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel released a memo defending the legality of President Donald Trump's Nov. 7 designation of Matthew Whitaker as acting attorney general. Read the document in full below.
OLC Acting AG memo (PDF)
OLC Acting AG memo (Text)
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Do police officers shootings increase trump election chances? – Google News: The Daily 202: Hate crimes are a much bigger problem than even the new FBI statistics show – Washington Post
The Daily 202: Hate crimes are a much bigger problem than even the new FBI statistics show
THE BIG IDEA: The FBI announced on Tuesday a disturbing 17 percent increase in reported hate crimes last year. Law enforcement agencies disclosed 7,175 hate crimes in America during 2017, up from 6,121 in 2016. This is the third consecutive year that …
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): trump and russia – Google News: This RSS feed URL is deprecated
trump and russia – Google News
1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (198 sites): Lawfare – Hard National Security Choices: Israel's Supreme Court Hands a Victory to Lara Alqasem, But the Future of Foreigners' Free Speech Remains Uncertain
On Oct. 18, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled in favor of the appeal of Lara Alqasem, the 22-year-old American student who was detained upon her arrival at Ben-Gurion International Airport and denied entry into Israel when border officials discovered her involvement in pro-BDS activities (BDS is the movement to boycott, divest from and sanction Israel). While the court based its decision on relatively narrow legal grounds, the ruling was attacked by conservatives for reflecting the "extreme liberalism" of an overactive judiciary and criticized by the left for not going far enough.
The decision to deny Alqasem's entry was based on a 2017 amendment to the Entry to Israel law, preventing boycott activists from obtaining visas to enter the country. As Lawfare readers may recall, the law states that non-permanent residents cannot be granted visas, as a rule, "if they, or an organization they act for, has knowingly promulgated a public call to boycott" Israel or the settlements. The law came in the wake of several steps by the conservative-leaning Israeli government in recent years to combat international efforts to boycott and delegitimize Israel—efforts which it has identified as a major strategic threat. For many Israeli liberals, it was one of the latest expressions of "the closing of the Israeli mind"—a narrowing of the bounds of acceptable political discourse that threatens to stifle political dissent.
Delegitimization, Boycotts and Dissent: Some Context
Back in 2011 the Knesset approved a special "Boycott Law" that imposed civil tort liability on individuals publicly calling for a boycott of Israel or "an area under its control" (i.e. Jewish settlements in the West Bank). The law also empowered the government to impose various administrative sanctions on individuals or institutions that have either called for a boycott or committed to participating in one—including denying them certain subsidies and benefits and barring them from competing for government contracts.
In 2015 in Avneri v. The Knesset, a divided Supreme Court upheld the Boycott Law, striking down only one provision that provided for punitive damages. Justice Hanan Melcer, writing for the majority, held that while the law did implicate freedom of expression, it served the legitimate purposes of preventing harm to the state and protecting its citizens from unjustified discrimination—not unlike statutes that seek to combat unfair treatment based on national origin. It also served to protect free speech from the coercive impact of boycotts, which aimed to shut down, rather than promote, intellectual discourse. However, the court also held that to pass constitutional muster, the law must be construed narrowly—limiting liability to cases where plaintiffs could prove a causal link to concrete damage and where the defendants were aware that their call to boycott had a reasonable chance of actually causing harm. Four justices dissented, three focusing their ire at the provision's conflating boycotts of the settlements with boycotts of Israel. Only one justice—Neal Hendel, who also wrote the court's opinion in the Alqasem case—held the civil tort in its entirety to be an unconstitutional violation of free speech. (For more on Avneri and its significance, see Elena Chachko's discussion on Lawfare.)
Also in 2015, the government tasked the Ministry of Strategic Affairs with spearheading the fight against BDS and "delegitimization." Over the years, the ministry has sought to pursue shady policies like the establishment of a database of Israeli BDS activists, an initiative that was met with the ardent opposition of Israel's attorney general. (It is unclear whether it was pursued further.) The ministry has over the same period aroused concerns that its activities—pursued with little oversight—serve to "securitize" criticism of government policies (a Justice Ministry bill even seeks to exempt the Strategic Affairs Ministry's efforts to combat BDS from Israel's Freedom of Information Act). Early this year, reports indicated that the ministry planned to transfer huge sums of money to a nonprofit corporation formed to promote global engagement and "non-governmental discourse" in the fight against delegitimization—including through what it called "mass consciousness activities" (As of late October, the collaboration appeared not to have gotten off the ground). It is the ministry that has busied itself with compiling blacklists of foreign BDS organizations whose members are to be denied entry to the country according to the 2017 amendment.
The Court's Ruling in Alqasem: Prevention, not Punishment
Concern that the government had begun treating dissent as a strategic threat reached a crescendo last summer, following a slew of cases in which both Israelis and foreigners—including prominent Jewish-American journalist Peter Beinart—were subject to political questioning at the border, triggering an inquiry by the attorney general. Against this backdrop, the Alqasem case drew heightened attention both in Israel and abroad. The stakes seemed high, transcending the specific legal questions surrounding the revocation of a student visa: Would the court push back against a government that appeared to be exploiting its authority in order to police political opposition?
The facts of the case, as described by the court, were as follows: Lara Alqasem, an American college graduate, arrived in Israel after being accepted to Hebrew University's master's program in Human Rights and Transitional Justice and after obtaining a student visa from the Israeli consulate in Miami. When she landed at Ben Gurion Airport, authorities questioned Alqasem about her past activities in her college's tiny chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP)—and her visa was revoked after officials determined she had been involved in BDS. The decision to deny her entry cited "considerations regarding the prevention of illegal immigration" and "considerations of public security, public safety or public order."
Rather than be deported, Alqasem decided to challenge the decision and remained in detention for over two weeks as her case wound its way through the justice system. She argued that she hadn't been a member of SJP since April 2017, and that even when she served as the chapter's president, she was only marginally involved in promoting boycotts. In addition, she promised to refrain from participating in any BDS activities during her stay in Israel, affirming that—as indicated by her determination to study at an Israeli university—she currently does not support a boycott.
The case reached the Supreme Court after Alqasem's initial appeals were rejected by the administrative immigration tribunal and by the District Administrative Court in Tel Aviv. The proceedings were joined by Hebrew University, which argued that the government's policy could cause irreparable damage to Israeli academia and the university's international relationships. The right-wing organization Im Tirzu asked to join the proceedings to argue for the government, asserting that allowing Alqasem to attend the university would cause "tension" among students that could lead to physical harm.
The case was heard by a panel of three judges: Justices Neal Hendel and Uzi Vogelman, both of whom had dissented in Avneri, and Justice Anat Baron, who joined the court in 2015, after the Avneri ruling. In the Alqasem decision, Hendel, writing this time for a unanimous court, emphasized that the purpose of the 2017 BDS law is preventive rather than punitive: It does not seek to punish activists for past statements, but rather to give the government an additional tool to fight the boycott movement and protect its citizens against discrimination. This tool, however, is subject to the general purposes of the Entry to Israel Law—the protection of Israeli sovereignty, public safety and security—which preclude purely punitive measures. Thus, the 2017 law allows the government to bar entry to individuals who seek to exploit their physical presence in the country to act against the State; but given the above purposes, it only applies to those that "threaten Israeli democracy and seek to subjugate it through the imposition of an aggressive and violent boycott." In addition, it only applies to current activists (though the question of when an individual can be said to have ceased past activity could vary from case to case).
Hendel also referenced internal guidelines approved by the interior minister and the minister of strategic affairs that limit the application of the statute to senior members of organizations (or individuals) that act in an "active, consistent and continuous" manner to promote boycotts. While he accepted the interior ministry's argument that the 2017 statute may not be exhaustive of its authority to prevent entry by boycott activists, he emphasized that even the broad discretion granted to the government in immigration matters had to be exercised in line with the Entry to Israel Law's general purposes, outlined above.
The court held that the preventative rationales justifying the law simply did not apply in Alqasem's case. Given the amount of time that had passed since her involvement in BDS, her young age, and her very minor role in the movement to begin with, Alqasem's desire to study at an Israeli university was enough to negate any concern that she sought to exploit her presence in Israel to promote a boycott. Recommendations by college professors, describing her interest in Jewish studies and her eagerness to engage in open and respectful dialogue, were also cited by the court. At the same time, the court noted that that the decision to allow her into the country did not grant her carte blanche: If at any point she "returned to her problematic ways," the minister could always revoke her visa and send her home. The fact that she had gotten a visa in advance, and relied upon it in making her plans, was given some weight by the court but was not a decisive factor; had she not so clearly distanced herself from BDS in the period leading up to her arrival, it would not have been enough to enable her to stay.
Justice Vogelman, in a concurring opinion, also emphasized the preventive nature of the law, which sought to prevent boycott activists from entering Israel and spreading their ideas from inside the country. Justice Baron took the most strident tone against the government, noting that the circumstances of Alqasem's case create the inevitable impression that her visa was revoked simply for her political opinions—a "dangerous and extreme step that could lead to the disintegration of the pillars upon which Israeli democracy is built."
The Preventive Paradigm in the Service of Ideological Screening
The court in Alqasem found itself navigating a difficult terrain. Only three years earlier, an extended panel of nine justices had upheld much of a law imposing civil liability and administrative sanctions on domestic boycott advocates—and even the portion of the law struck down by the court has since become the focus of renewed legislative efforts (last June, the Constitution and Law Committee of the Knesset voted to approve for first reading a new bill seeking to reinstate punitive damages for BDS activists). Furthermore, Israeli law—like many jurisdictions—grants the government particularly broad authority to regulate entry into the country, and aliens generally have no vested right to obtain a visa. Under these circumstances, the very fact that the court intervened at all is noteworthy.
At the same time, while the decision in Alqasem does place some limits on the government's power to exclude aliens on ideological grounds, the use of the "preventive" paradigm in this context raises significant problems of its own.
Baron blasted the government for seeking to deport Alqasem for her political views rather than due to concern she would exploit her presence in Israel to further BDS. In Alqasem's case, this nuance provided a legal basis for her to stay in the country. But for the free speech issues at stake, it's a distinction without a difference. While the government may not be able to overtly punish people for having held objectionable opinions in the past, it can enlist the logic of "prevention"—verbiage usually associated with threats to national security—to keep them out of the country, as long as it can point to a reasonable "danger" that they continue to espouse such views and will spread them while they are here.
Worse, consider the implications of admitting a student into the country on the explicit condition that they refrain from engaging in certain noncriminal political speech. An unwitting result of the decision in Alqasem could be the creation of a class of individuals—foreigners—subject, while they are in the country, to a specialized regime of ideological scrutiny.
Foreigners, as noted, do not generally have a right to enter the country, and visas can be subject to all sorts of conditions. But censorship at the border chills the space for free discourse for everyone, marking certain beliefs as "off limits" and blocking at least one important avenue for the free exchange of ideas. Israelis have the right not to have their exposure to certain political opinions "managed" by the government; and even aliens, once they are present in the country, should not be threatened with deportation for engaging in speech that has not been criminalized—speech that constitutional considerations of proportionality preclude from criminalizing.
Alqasem left a lot of questions open. How will the BDS law be applied to people who promote boycotts of Israeli settlements rather than Israel itself—can they also be said to "threaten Israeli democracy" or undermine Israeli sovereignty? In addition, the justices took pains to note that a separate constitutional challenge to the 2017 law remains pending. As Elena Chechko argued in March 2017, it was always unlikely that the court would strike it down. The Alqasem ruling, it seems, makes that possibility even more remote.


text:
Q: Highlight my "@users' name" in a string in Javascript I'm trying to highlight the username of a user when it's detected in a string like @login. Here's the code which doesn't seem to work:
function parse(string) {
    var regex = new RegExp('(\W|^)@('+username+')(\W|$)', 'i');
    return String(string).replace(regex, '@$2');
}

And here's a jsfiddle to test it: http://jsfiddle.net/2pmLT/3/
When I type my @login, it highlight it but only if it's the only text in the string: "@login haha" won't work.

A: You need to escape your backslashes. Also, you should also add $1 and $3, else you drop your spaces. Use a g-flag for multiple replaces
http://jsfiddle.net/7h8Aq/
function parse(string) {
    var regex = new RegExp('(\\W|^)@('+username+')(\\W|$)', 'ig');
    return string.replace(regex, '$1@$2$3');
}

A: Here you go, you only need to replace certain instances, so there's no nee to match the whole string, you also need to specify the global g flag for regex:
function parse(text) {
    return text.replace(new RegExp('(@' + username + ')', 'g'),
        '$1');
}

A: Consider this example instance.
HTML

JQuery
$('#test').on('keyup', function(e) {
    $('.label').text(parse($(this).val()));
});

function parse(myString) {
    var find = "(\W|^)@(" + username + ")(\W|$)";
    var regex = new RegExp(find, 'i');
    return myString.replace(regex, '@$2');
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Q: Continuous Azure WebJob with Http Triggered Functions I currently have an azure webjob that performs a daily sync from one database to another, but would like to add the ability to manually trigger the sync as well. I have set up the functions as follows in the webjob project:
public static void SyncData([TimerTrigger("0 0 5 * * *", RunOnStartup = false)] TimerInfo timerInfo) { }

[NoAutomaticTrigger]
public static Task SyncAll(TraceWriter log){ }
[NoAutomaticTrigger]
public static Task SyncBranches(TraceWriter log){ }
[NoAutomaticTrigger]
public static Task SyncCustomers(TraceWriter log){ }
[NoAutomaticTrigger]
public static Task SyncInventory(TraceWriter log){ }

I can see the functions in the Kudu dashboard under the webjob, but am not sure how I can trigger the functions with an http request as listed on the MS documentation (here):
http://<yourapp>.azurewebsites.net/api/<funcname>

When I make a request to that endpoint I get a 404 response - what do I need to do in order to trigger those functions manually via http request?
Thanks,
Ryan

A: We can use the Kudu WebJob API to start or stop a continuous job

POST https://{user}:{password}@{sitename}.scm.azurewebsites.net/api/continuouswebjobs/{job name}/start

We can get user and password info from the Azure WebApp publishSetting file. And We can download the file from the portal

Test the Rest API using the fiddler

Note: How to create Azure function please refer to the document.
Update:

is there a way I can trigger a specific function in that continuous job?

Based on my experience, I can't find a way or Rest API to trigger a sepcific function in continuous job directly.
My work around is that we can use Webjob QueueTrigger. According the queue message info to trigger the sepcific function.
We can create a WebJob with QueueTrigger
The following is my detail steps according to your code.
1.Create an Azure storage queue for trigger

2.Create a Webjob project and add the following code
 public static void SyncData([QueueTrigger("backup")] string logMessage, TextWriter logger)
    {
        Console.WriteLine($"Start time:{DateTime.Now}");
        switch (logMessage.ToLower())
        {
            case "syncall":
                SyncAll(logger);
                break;
            case "syncbranches":
                SyncBranches(logger);
                break;
            case "synccustomers":
                SyncCustomers(logger);
                break;
            case "syncinventory":
                SyncInventory(logger);
                break;
            default:
                Console.WriteLine("Default case");
                break;
        }
        Console.Write($"Endtime:{DateTime.Now}");

    }
    [NoAutomaticTrigger]
    public static Task SyncAll(TextWriter log)
    {

        Console.WriteLine("SyncAll :"+DateTime.Now);
        return null;
        //await Task.Delay(10);
    }

    [NoAutomaticTrigger]
    public static Task SyncBranches(TextWriter log)
    {
        Console.WriteLine("SyncBranches :" + DateTime.Now);
        return null;
    }

    [NoAutomaticTrigger]
    public static Task SyncCustomers(TextWriter log)
    {
        Console.WriteLine("SyncCustomers :" + DateTime.Now);
        return null;
    }

    [NoAutomaticTrigger]
    public static Task SyncInventory(TextWriter log)
    {
        Console.WriteLine("SyncInventory :" + DateTime.Now);
        return null;
    }

3.Use Azure Storage Queue REST API to create a queue message.
4.Check result the from the console.

A: You're looking at the doc for Azure Functions but it looks like you're using WebJobs (which is different from Azure Functions).
I suggest using Azure Functions instead, in which case your scenario becomes more straightforward.

A: when you have
SyncData([TimerTrigger("0 0 5 * * *", RunOnStartup = false)]

it is the continuous job, which IMHO is not optimal, you could change it to really running on schedule (meaning it will not consume resources when it's idle), then you could run it simply from UI

For this you have to remove timer trigger:
public static void SyncData() { }

Schedule in this case provided in Settings.job text file in the root of your WebJob project, with content:
{
  "schedule": "0 0 5 * * *",
  "is_singleton": true
}

And also adjust a bit Program.cs:
//now it will start your functions manually
var host = builder.Build();
using (host)
{
  var functions = host.Services.GetService(typeof(Functions)) as Functions;
  //in my case it is Run method, but I guess you have there SyncData
  await functions.Run();
}
//when it was continious
//var host = builder.Build();
//using (host)
//{
//    await host.RunAsync(ct);
//    tokenSource.Dispose();
//}

You also need to make your job type of triggered, republish it and remove old Continuous one.


She knows she isn't going to, but isn't lying when she says she hasn't ruled it out.
This way, she can have some kind of exploratory committee that can take donations. There are enough idiots out there that some of them will donate. Or maybe a few companies that figure it is worth a few bucks on the off chance.
Either way, she gets more money.


text:
Stay Out Late During Inauguration Week at These 13 DC Bars and Restaurants
By Lani Furbank Published On 01/17/2017
For DC residents, Inauguration Week always comes with a slew of headaches, from navigating expansive road closures to jostling through masses of clueless tourists. But there is one major perk to come out of the whole ordeal: late-night drinking and dining. From January 14th through the 22nd, 44 bars and restaurants have permission from the Alcoholic Beverage Regulation Administration to stay open 24 hours a day and serve booze until 4am. The restaurants on the list will also be required to serve food until at least two hours before closing. (Curiously, the Trump International Hotel's Benjamin Bar & Lounge isn't among them, so it'll be closing at midnight or 2am, depending on the day of the week.)
So, whether you want to toast our new president, drink until you forget what year it is, or have a nightcap after a long day's work, you legally can do so until the wee hours. There are lots of options for your late-night debauchery. Here are our picks for inauguration imbibing, with a little something for everyone, no matter your budget or sense of refinement.
Get Your Game On: The Best Bars in DC for Everything From Shuffleboard to 'Big Buck Hunter'
9:30 Club
Say #thanksobama with a "Dancefloor Journey" dedicated to him on the night before the nation bids him farewell. The 9:30 Club is your one-stop shop for booze, grooves, and moves, where you probably won't be able to hear any political arguments over the loud music.
Courtesy of Bonfire
For comfort food and unique cocktails, head to Bonfire. Their bar snacks -- like short rib tots and skillet mac made with smoked gouda and truffle Cheddar -- lay the perfect foundation for copious drinking. Plus, you can never go wrong with warm, sweet s'mores on a bitterly cold night. All the marshmallows are house-made and come in flavors like peppermint, salted maple, and pumpkin spice.
Cafe Milano
One of DC's OG power-dining spots, Cafe Milano may be your best bet to rub elbows with the political elite during normal hours. It's doubtful she'll be there this week at any hour, but Hillary Clinton was spotted there this month in one of her rare public appearances since the election. Don't expect things to get rowdy here, but stop in to finish off a sophisticated evening with a Negroni nightcap and classic Italian dishes.
Compass Rose Bar & Kitchen
Embrace the spirit of inclusivity by dining your way around the world at this cozy gathering place. Compass Rose's menu showcases street foods from Nigeria, Korea, Tunisia, Argentina, and many more. Don't miss the restaurant's signature dish, khachapuri, a traditional Georgian item that combines some of our favorite things: cheese, bread, eggs, and butter. The drinks are also quite eclectic: You can close out a night with an amber wine, a Moscow Mule draught, or a good old-fashioned Stroh's lager, among many other selections.
Telling Stories With Booze: Exploring Columbia Room's World-Class Cocktail Tasting Menu
Movers and Shakers: Meet the DC Bartenders of the Year
Hard Rock Cafe Washington D.C.
Even if you haven't set foot in a Hard Rock Cafe since the Clinton administration, don't write it off for inauguration festivities. There's bound to be tons of great people-watching with all the rowdy tourists, and for history buffs, it's located right next to Ford's Theatre. And who knows -- maybe some celebs will decide to hang there simply to hide in plain sight?
This fine French establishment is another good bet for politician sightings. Michelle Obama, Newt Gingrich, and Joe Biden are just a few of the VIPs who have stooped to dine with the plebs here. You can gossip the night away over on-point steak frites and a nice glass of red wine like a true American pretending to be a Parisian. Don't skip dessert, because masterful pastry chef Fabrice Bendano turns flour and sugar into gold on a daily basis, like the Palet Chocolat-Framboise.
Old Ebbitt Grill
Throw it back to the 1800s with a visit to the old time-y Old Ebbitt. They have a dedicated late-night menu with wings and burgers, in addition to a respectable entrée selection including steaks, seafood, and pastas. The biggest reason to go? Half-priced oysters nightly from 11pm to close.
Flickr/Art Around
Madam's Organ
When you're in for a night of bad decisions, Madam's Organ has got you covered (and possibly uncovered, if things go well). Cheap booze and karaoke are often a recipe for regret that also has the potential to lead to an inaugural hookup. Just avoid disclosing your political views before stumbling off into the pre-dawn glow, or else risk sabotaging your romantic rendezvous.
DC's Best Oyster Happy Hours by Neighborhood
The Best Beers From DC-Area Breweries This Fall
Laura Hayes/Thrillist
Craft cocktails at Red Light often come with a pyrotechnic show: think blow-torched garnishes and drinks that are literally on fire. Bring a date and snuggle up on the heated outdoor patio or mingle in the often-crowded bar area for some unique spins on drinks and snacks.
Ritz-Carlton Georgetown
The Ritz-Carlton Georgetown
Here's a gameplan for the lazy: drink at a hotel bar so you don't have to find a way home at the end of the night. Then again, running a tab at The Ritz might cost you a small fortune, where signature cocktails go for $17 a pop. But if you're feeling fancy, you won't be let down by the two swanky food options. The dining room, Degrees, offers upscale American fare, including regional nods with the DC Brau Brined Cornish Hen and District Hot Chicken with Virginia hot sauce. The cocktail lounge, dubbed The Living Room, has a huge fireplace and free s'mores that are passed around by butlers.
Ginny Filer Photography
Tasty Burger
This Boston transplant is here for you when all you want is a cheap burger and a beer in the wee hours. There's no need to panic over pronouncing foie gras that late at night -- the wildest thing on the menu of classic fast-food offerings is a jalapeño burger. And while not overtly political, Tasty Burger does reference Parks and Recreation with its Chicky Chicky Parm Parm.
The Prospect
Like any respectable sports bar, The Prospect is lined with giant TVs -- over 40 of them in total, plus two private viewing boxes. For a refreshing change of pace, you can belly up to the bar and scream at strangers over ESPN highlights instead of politics while noshing on more-creative-than-average pub food, like loaded venison fries and crab flatbread.
We Rounded Up All 119 BYOB Restaurants in DC (Because We Love You)
Clyde's Restaurant Group
The Hamilton
Wave goodbye to the Obamas or say hey to your new neighbors from The Hamilton, which is just a stone's throw away from the White House. (Please do not literally throw stones at the White House, unless you want to spend the rest of inauguration week in the clink.) Enjoy live music and cocktails that come with a history lesson, as the drinks list features American spirits and recipes that predate Prohibition.
Sign up here for our daily DC email and be the first to get all the food/drink/fun in town.
Lani Furbank is a DC-area freelance food writer who will be as far away from the city as possible for the inauguration. Follow her on Twitter and Instagram @lanifurbank or read her work at www.LanisCupOfTea.com.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Afri Plastic Challenge – Strand 2
Leave a Comment / Funding Opportunities / By Utibe Etim / Afri Plastic Challenge / 2 minutes of reading
To stimulate the decrease or elimination of plastic usage across Sub-Saharan Africa, we are looking for unique or early-stage solutions, technology, and/or services to be developed.
Successful community-centered products and services will have demonstrated a long-term approach to reducing plastic use while also supporting women and girls' empowerment by the end of the Challenge.
Benefits for Participants
In February 2022, 25 Semi-Finalists will be selected and each receive a £25,000 grant.
In June 2022, of those 25 Semi-Finalists, 10 will be selected to move forward to the finalist stage and will receive a grant of £75,000 to support in the development and validation of their solutions.
In February 2023, at the end of this finalist stage, the 10 finalists will be required to submit a detailed development plan, together with a pitch video for evaluation by the judges against the criteria (see the Applicant Handbook for more details).
In March 2023, three winners will be selected and receive the following awards:
First Place: £750,000
Second Plasce: £250,000
Third Place: £100,000
Applicants must have a new or early-stage idea that seeks to reduce or eliminate plastic usage across Sub-Saharan Africa.
Ideas must be focused in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Applicants can be formally constituted and operating in Sub-Saharan Africa as either a registered business or NGO, but applications from individuals and community groups will also be accepted.
Applicants can be an individual, single entity (organisation or community group), an African partnership or an international partnership. For partnership applications, the nominated lead applicant must be operating in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Applicants must own or be licensed to use relevant intellectual property included in their applications. If your application is proposing a new idea, then Nesta would expect that you would own all resulting intellectual property which may be able to be registered on a local basis if you become a successful participant in the Challenge. Nesta would not be able to give you specific legal advice on the protection or exploitation of intellectual property.
Application is ongoing and will close finally on 1st December 2021 at 12 noon.
Following the closing date on Wednesday 01 December 2021 at 12 noon (BST), entries for the will be screened for eligibility and assessed. A diverse portfolio of entries that best meet the relevant assessment criteria will be long-listed by a group of external assessors, then later shortlisted by a Judging Panel.
For more information visit the official website
Utibe Etim
Utibe Etim is passionate about supporting entrepreneurship and helping young entrepreneurs. He has helped many of his subscribers won free grants. He is a business developer and also an IT expert. meet him on www.UtibeEtim.com. Email: utibeman(@)gmail.com
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Two Cameroonian asylum seekers, the playwright Lydia Besong and her husband Bernard Batey, have been told by the UK Border Agency (UKBA) that they will be deported from the UK on Saturday September 10. Batey is currently in immigration detention, and campaigners are calling for his immediate release and a cancellation of the deportation order.
Five UKBA officers went to their home in Bury on Monday morning, detaining Batey and taking the keys to the house. Supporters of the couple are demanding to know why Batey was detained when the UKBA was supposed to still be considering fresh evidence relating to their asylum claim put forward by the couple's lawyer in July.
There had, they say, been no indication to the couple or their legal representative that the new evidence had been rejected. The UKBA later faxed the legal representative with the reasons for rejection and removal instructions for Bernard, but campaigners say the paperwork states that the decision to reject further submissions of evidence was taken on August 17. Supporters want to know why the couple and their lawyer were not informed about this decision – to which they might have lodged an appeal – before UKBA officers swooped on their home on Monday morning.
A spokesperson for the human rights organisation RAPAR of which Bernard is a member said: "This is yet another example of the UKBA failing to act within their own procedures." Lawyers are now preparing to challenge the decision as campaigners send letters, emails and faxes to the Home Secretary and Immigration Minister urging them to intervene.
Lydia and Bernard were politically active in Cameroon with the SCNC, a pressure group that campaigns peacefully for independence for southern Cameroon and is persecuted by President Paul Biya's regime. They were both imprisoned and tortured in Cameroon and Lydia was raped by a prison guard.
Since then, their story has been the subject of hostile press reports in Cameroon and, in December 2009, a High Court judge granted an injunction to prevent them being deported and asked the UKBA to review their case.
Paul Rowen, former MP for Rochdale whose constituency they lived in for three years, said he had looked into the case in detail and was convinced there was a "real and substantial danger to Ms Besong and Mr Batey should they be returned to Cameroon." While they have been living in Bury, their MP David Nuttall has raised their case with Immigration Minister Damian Green and their supporters have sent hundreds of postcards and letters to the Home Secretary.
Lydia and Bernard's many supporters include English PEN, the organisation which campaigns for writers who have been persecuted, the actor Juliet Stevenson, and the Bishop of Manchester who has written to the Home Secretary on the couple's behalf. An open letter sent to The Guardian in July by leading writers and actors raised concerns about Lydia's case.
The couple are both members of the union Unite, Lydia is a long standing member of the management committee at WAST (Women Asylum Seekers Together) , and both she and Bernard are members of RAPAR. They are also members of the Bury AcaPeelers Choir. Their campaign is backed by Community Arts North West, the GAP Unit and Commonword, the Manchester writers' organisation.
Lydia has written three plays, one of which remains unpublished and is critical of President Paul Biya, who has ruled in Cameroon for 28 years. Her play "How I Became an Asylum Seeker" has been performed in Manchester, Salford, Liverpool and London. In London, she shared a platform with actor Juliet Stevenson in a discussion around issues raised by the play.
– If living in Bury North, contact the MP David Nuttall.
Just in case people think that Cameroon is a nice sunny place because you don't hear about their uprisings see what Amnesty, as reported by the UNHCR say! Visit http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,,,CMR,,4dce15783c,0.html.
So the UKBA staff have got it wrong yet again have they?
I thought public servants were saintly, selfless, highly professional people, working tirelessly and efficiently unsullied by the profit motive.
Is there any particular reason to suppose that UKBA staff are an exception to this rule?
Yes Simon, in answer to your question there is. Go and visit Dallas Court or look at the expression and listen to the UKBA staff at Dover.
Their asylum claim has failed so they should be deported as they are not legally entitled to remain in the UK.
Britain is well and truly full and bankrupt as well. We cannot afford to pay legal fees for endless appeals for ever growing numbers of cases.


text:
Q: How to make an outer class inherited from an inner class? How can I make something like this work:
class Outer {
  int some_member;

  abstract class InnerBase {
    abstract void method();
  }
}

class OuterExtendsInner extends Outer.InnerBase {
  OuterExtendsInner(Outer o) { o.super(); }
  void method() {
    // How do I use some_member here?
    // Writing Outer.this.some_member -> error about Outer not being an enclosing class
    // Writing just some_member -> no-go, either
  }
}

The workaround is to have a method in InnerBase that returns Outer.this and call THAT from derived classes, but is there another way?
I primarily want to extend the InnerBase from outside in order to have better code-organization, but I could move all derived classes into Outer.

A: You could do this in OuterExtendsInner:
class OuterExtendsInner extends Outer.InnerBase {
    Outer o;

    OuterExtendsInner(Outer o) {
        o.super();
        this.o = o;
    }

    void method() {
        // now you can reference o.some_member
        int x = o.some_member;
    }
}

A: The problem here is that the synthetic field which links InnerBase to Outer is a private field. Thus, we can only access the outer object from within InnerBase, or if some method or field there provides a reference to the same object.

A: The answer is: you can't, because it would break encapsulation. Only InnerBase can have access to attributes of Outer, not OuterExtendsInner. It is not direct inheritance. InnerBase does not inherit of Outer.

A: I haven't tried WhiteFang34's answer.  It might work, but I'm not clear on it ...
If you really want to define an extension of your inner class elsewhere than in the outer class, the most natural thing would be to define it as an extension of the inner class in another outer extending your outer class as follows:
class Outer {
  int some_member;

  abstract class InnerBase {
    abstract void method();
  }
}

class OuterExtendsOuter extends Outer {
  class InnerExtendsInner extends Outer.InnerBase {
    void method() {
       System.out.println(some_member);
    }
  }
}

I haven't actually run this code either, but it should work.
Update:
Based on the comment thread, I have now compiled and run both my code above and WhiteFang34's code.
Both in fact work, but as noted in the comments by Paŭlo Ebermann, both create two copies of the outer inside the instantiated inner class.
I'm going to upvote  Paŭlo's answer, and would advocate just not trying to do this by either tactic, as it's really an abuse of the inner class mechanism.
Just make your extended inner classes live inside the same outer class!
Update 2:
What happens in my code, based on runtime examination using a debugger and on examining the output from javap inspections of the classes, is that both InnerBase and OuterExtendsOuter$InnerExtendsInner have synthetic private final fields named this$0.  Because no constructors are explicitly defined, the default constructors are used, and the code snippet
    OuterExtendsOuter outer = new OuterExtendsOuter();
    Outer.InnerBase inner = outer.new InnerExtendsInner();

causes these two fields to both reference outer.
In other words, Paŭlo's  comment is entirely correct.
By further experimentation, the same actually happens if you extend InnerBase in another inner class of Outer, so it has little to do with it being defined in the same outer class or an extension of it, but is in fact an outcome of how non-static inner classes are handled generally.
I suspect this is documented somewhere, but I haven't seen that.
Probably best to mix inheritance and inner classes as little as possible!

A: Just have a getter method in the InnerBase?
class Outer {
  int some_member;

  abstract class InnerBase {
    abstract void method();
    protected int getSome_Member() // This is possible, because Abstract classes can have non-abstract methods.
    {
       return some_member;
    }
  }
}

class OuterExtendsInner extends Outer.InnerBase {
  OuterExtendsInner(Outer o) { o.super(); }
  void method() {
       // you can access "some_member" now
      int myNumber = getSome_Member();

  }
}

A: Well your problem is that every instance of InnerBase (I know it's abstract) has to have a reference to an Outer object. That is part of the semantics of nested classes. Instantiating OuterExtendsInner would need such a reference.
You can avoid that making InnerBase a static nested class.

A: The outer class can extend the inner class iff the inner class is compiled to ".class".
Now, every time you compile the outer class it encounters the "extends innerclass" which is
not yet compiled and the compiler will throw a NoClassDefException or ClassNotFoundException.
Isn't it ? So you will never get that inner class compiled. If you can overcome this problem
then you can also extend the inner class :)     .


It is finally time to jump into a brand new semester of Kindermusik! I couldn't be more excited to get my classes started. Ever since becoming a licensed Kindermusik educator, I enjoy discovering how well the program works in harmony with music therapy. The Kindermusik curriculum is based on research demonstrating the benefits of music at each stage of a child's development. As both a music therapist and a Kindermusik educator, it is such a joy to facilitate musical experiences that enrich both a child's environment and development. The classes are designed to give kids a lifelong love of music and a solid foundation for learning. Of course, the fact that music is super fun doesn't hurt! I love being able to watch parents and children learn, grow, and experience music together.
Research continues to prove what parents, teachers, and therapists already know: children thrive with music! It still amazes me that music is such a powerful gateway to learning and development. Singing and vocal play build the phonological processing, language, and comprehension skills that are the foundation of reading. Dancing and instrument play develop motor skills and can aid the development of spatial-temporal and reasoning skills that are necessary in math and science. (If only everything that was good for us could be this fun!) Participating in group musical experiences help kids develop the social and emotional skills they will need in school. Kindermusik activities encourage freedom within a fun and friendly structure to spark children's creativity and imagination. And, of course, they develop a lifelong love of music.
Through all this developmentally beneficial musical play, kids (and parents) learn about different musical concepts (high/low, fast/slow, bumpy/smooth, etc.), and gain exposure to musical styles and instruments from around the world. Children learn and participate in very different ways. Some are quiet in class, while others are decidedly less so. Some play alongside others, and some prefer to do their own thing. No matter how a child chooses to participate (or not), it doesn't mean that they aren't learning! Kindermusik class is designed to provide children the freedom to explore and learn at their own pace and comfort level, and to continue the process in their most important learning environment…at home! I've had kids who wouldn't sing in class, but would sing every single word at home or in the car.
Yes, technically I am the "Kindermusik Educator," but mostly my job consists of providing tools and resources for your child's best teacher…YOU! I love the way that both the classroom experience and the At-Home materials are all designed to enable the fun and learning to continue at home. Most children (and parents) are more comfortable singing and dancing in a familiar home setting. By becoming confident in classroom material in the home, kids are able to display more confidence and explore in class!
One of my favorite things about Kindermusik is watching the class become a community over the course of the semester. It provides a safe and accepting environment for children of all abilities to grow and express themselves, as well as a great network for parents to encourage and support one another. Parents have told me they love the special time they get to spend making music with their child.
Of course music is fun! That's why it's such a powerful tool for learning! Kindermusik class is a great place for kids and parents (and teachers, too!) to come together and just have a good time while developing a lifelong love of music. The developmental benefits are amazing, but the act of making music for music's own sake is an experience like no other. It is the one language we are all able to understand, and opens up doors for a lifetime of musical enjoyment.
Is it any wonder why I am so excited to get this semester underway? We are currently offering an Our Time class (18 months to 3 yrs), a Family Time class (fun for the WHOLE family, newborn and up), and a Sign & Sing class (6 months to 3 yrs). Enroll now to join in the fun all semester long, or try out a free demo!


text:
Myanmar, also known as Burma, is a country of 55 million people located in Southeast Asia.
GHNI is working in two communities in Myanmar: one in Western Rakhine State and one in the Irrawaddy Delta region. In Western Rakhine the community is currently focusing on income generation and water access while in the Irrawaddy region, the village has identified the lack of clean drinking water as their primary obstacle to sustainable development.
Myat Hlae, The Village Chief
"On behalf of the whole villagers, I am so thankful to GHNI for helping us along side to do good works in the village. We really feel good to have toilets in each household. This promotes the image of our community in this area. I let the villagers get partial support from GHNI first to build toilet, I waited for them. Now, I am glad I have a chance to build for my own."
Khim Lo, Villager
"I am so glad GHNI helps us start this [agricultural rehabilitation] program. I choose to do elephant-yam plantation under this program. It will take me three years for the first harvest. It gives me hope for my family even though we have some struggles now. My plants are growing well. I took good care of them. I feel so pleasant to work again in my field after a few years. I believe this program would increase my family income by the time the harvest is due."
Myat Hlae Village
Yone Taw 2 Village
GHNI has been working in Myat Hlae for several years. Initially, we observed a lack of latrines, water shortages and in general poor hygiene and sanitation. Through the TCD process the community identified additional priorities: road renovations, early childhood education and a lack of income opportunities.
Beyond these issues, the community has suffered through years of conflict in the area but so far, has weathered the storm and continues to make progress towards a better future.
The community has built more than 120 latrines, started and maintained an early childhood education center and paved the main road in the village. Current work continues to focus on building additional latrines and improving the economic situation in the village. Thirty-one households are participating in an agricultural rehabilitation program designed to generate sustainable income for their households.
Yone Taw 2 is located about three hours from Yangon, the main city in Myanmar. Primary issues observed by our team and reported by community members include a lack of clean drinking water, poor nutrition and minimal income generation opportunities. A primary challenge for this community is access to capital for small business development.
The village themselves identified lack of electricity and their undeveloped road as a major problem as well.
The village has already paved their road using local resources and successfully petitioned the government to have electricity installed (in progress). The TCD committee has identified the lack of clean drinking water as their next priority. Our team hopes to introduce low cost, locally appropriate filtration as a possible solution. To address other areas, our team plans to bring awareness training on diet & nutrition, the value of kitchen gardens, and micro-enterprise models that generate capital from within the village.
Yone Taw 2
Check out some of our TCD projects in Myanmar!
Western Rakhine Food Relief
During the regional conflict in Western Rakhine, GHNI provided thousands of kilograms of food relief over a period of two years to sustain several communities after their harvest was destroyed in 2019 and their fields unusable for two years. In early 2022, once the situation stabilized and these communities were able to harvest rice from their fields again, the relief program ended.
Myat Hlae Sanitation Program
When GHNI staff entered the village of Myat Hlae, there were 12 latrines for 200+ households. Our team engaged in six months of wellness and hygiene training, culminating with the local community leaders asking us to help them build latrines to improve the sanitation in the community. Currently, 92 latrines have been built with a 50% subsidy from GHNI, while an additional 28 latrines have been constructed outside of the program!
Early Childhood Education Promotion
The village TCD committee in Myat Hlae organized several events to promote the importance of early childhood education. A center in the village (not a GHNI project) saw enrollment increase following these events, as parents had gained a greater understanding of the importance of education starting early.
Agricultural Rehabilitation Program
The village TCD committee in Myat Hlae has developed a rehabilitation program that 31 families have joined. Each family is growing one of seven agricultural products, using a 50% subsidy from GHNI and 50% of their own funds. Upon their initial harvest, these families will return the original 50% to the committee plus a small amount of interest so the committee can help another family start a small agricultural business.


Take command of the road in the 2015 Subaru Forester. It features a continuously variable transmission, all-wheel drive, and a 2.5 liter 4 cylinder engine. This model accommodates 5 passengers comfortably, and provides features such as: a rear window wiper, 1-touch window functionality, an outside temperature display, front bucket seats, power door mirrors, cruise control, and remote keyless entry. Enjoy your favorite music via the stereo system, which includes a CD player with MP3 capability, steering wheel mounted audio controls, and 4 speakers, providing excellent sound throughout the cabin. Side curtain airbags deploy in extreme circumstances, shielding you and your passengers from collision forces. Our sales reps are extremely helpful & knowledgeable. They'll work with you to find the right vehicle at a price you can afford. Come on in and take a test drive!


text:
La  du Tour du Limousin s'est déroulée du 19 au , et a vu s'imposer le Français Éric Salomon.

Classements des étapes

Classement final

Liens externes
 Site officiel
 Tour du Limousin 1982 sur Cyclebase.nl

Tour du Limousin
Cyclisme en France en 1982
Cyclisme sur route en 1982
Sport en août 1982

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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text:
A Process Model
Eugene Gendlin (Author)
Robert Parker (Contribution by)
Eugene T. Gendlin; Foreword by Robert A. Parker
Eugene T. Gendlin (1926–2017) is increasingly recognized as one of the seminal thinkers of our era. Carrying forward the projects of American pragmatism and continental philosophy, Gendlin created an original form of philosophical psychology that brings new understandings of human experience and the life-world, including the "hard problem of consciousness."
A Process Model, Gendlin's magnum opus, offers no less than a new alternative to the dualism of mind and body. Beginning with living process, the body's simultaneous interaction and identity with its environment, Gendlin systematically derives nonreductive concepts that offer novel and rigorous ways to think from within lived precision. In this way terms such as body, environment, time, space, behavior, language, culture, situation, and more can be understood with both great force and great subtlety.
Gendlin's project is relevant to discussions not only in philosophy but in other fields in which life process is central—including biology, environmental management, environmental humanities, and ecopsychology. It provides a genuinely new philosophical approach to complex societal challenges and environmental issues.
EUGENE T. GENDLIN received his Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of Chicago and taught there from 1964 to 1995. He was honored four times by the American Psychological Association for his development of Experiential Psychotherapy. He was awarded the 2007 Viktor Frankl prize by the city of Vienna and the Viktor Frankl Family Foundation. He is the author of a number of books, including Focusing, Experiencing and the Creation of Meaning, and Focusing-Oriented Psychotherapy.
ROBERT A. PARKER is a psychologist and Focusing-Oriented Psychotherapist at the Focusing Institute.
"This book is a masterful contribution to its field, both highly original and qualitatively sound. Moreover, it is a pivotal work in the large oeuvre of its author, a world-known figure in a number of fields in academia and in the many practice fields he has touched."
—Mary Jeanne Larrabe, editor of An Ethic of Care: Feminist and Interdisciplinary Perspectives


text:
Q: Knockout JS Fill table with Ajax Request I am new to Knockout JS and I have been trying without success to fill a table with the result of an Ajax request. I have followed several tutorials and many a Stack Overflow questions but I am still not getting the results I need.
The error that I am getting right now is that my observable array is not defined. Here is my JS code:
function FeatureRequest(data) {

    if(data != null){
        // console.log("Feature Request");
        // console.log(data);
        this.title = ko.observable(data.title);
        this.description = ko.observable(data.description);
        this.client_id = ko.observable(data.client_id);
        this.client_priority = ko.observable(data.client_priority);
        this.product_area_id = ko.observable(data.product_area_id);
        this.user_id = ko.observable(data.user_id);
        this.target_date = ko.observable(data.target_date);
        this.ticket_url = ko.observable(data.ticket_url);
        this.date_finished = ko.observable(data.date_finished);
    }
}

function FeatureRequestViewModel() {
    // Data
    var self = this;
    self.features = ko.observableArray();

    console.log("Sending requests...");
    $.getJSON("/api/obscure/request", function(response) {
        var mappedFeatures = $.map(response, function(item) {
            return new FeatureRequest(item)
        });
        self.features(mappedFeatures);

    });

}

ko.cleanNode($("body")[0]);
var viewModel = new FeatureRequestViewModel();
ko.applyBindings(viewModel);

The variable that is "undefined" is the self.features observable array.
Here is my HTML table I want to fill:

A: Within foreach: features, the binding data for the inner HTML is an element of the features array.
Fix your code by removing the features. prefix from your table cells.

A: In foreach: features dont use features.[property] but only [property].


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