text:
The Electoral Paradox: Colonial History, Duterte, and the Return of the Marcoses in the Philippines
Vicente L. Rafael
Volume 20 | Issue 16 | Number 12
Article ID 5738
Abstract: In understanding the authoritarian character of Rodrigo Duterte's rule followed by the return of the Marcoses to power, it is important to situate both within the context of 'electoral dystopias' in the Philippines: the colonial and postcolonial history of democratic institutions deployed by rulers to produce undemocratic social effects. Elections thus look two ways: they seek to mobilise popular expectations for change even as they become instruments for reproducing hierarchy and reinforcing the power of elites. It is within this paradoxical conjunction of popular desires for radical change and elite attempts at containing and channelling those desires for conservative ends that we can see the rise of authoritarian figures such as Duterte. This essay is based on the first chapter of the author's The Sovereign Trickster: Death ad Laughter in the Age of Duterte, published by Duke University Press in 2022.
Keywords: Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, Ferdinand Marcos, Elections, Colonial History
Figure 1: Campaign closure speech by Ferdinand 'Bongbong' Marcos, Jr. Photo by patrickroque01 (Creative Commons).
It is not uncommon for the Philippines to attract global attention during times of natural catastrophes or manmade disasters. One such cataclysm arguably was the recent electoral victory of Ferdinand 'Bongbong' Marcos, Jr., the son of the infamous dictator who ruled the Philippines from 1965 to 1986, and his running mate, Sara Duterte-Carpio, the daughter of the authoritarian president Rodrigo Duterte (in office from 2016 to 2022).
While much of the world was shocked by their election, people in the Philippines were not entirely surprised. The country has been swept by the recent storms of authoritarianism blowing across the world for the past decade. In 2016, it brought them Rodrigo Duterte as part of this global trend. Thanks to his tough-guy talk, unapologetic misogyny, hostility to human rights, and most of all, his unremitting war on drugs, Duterte has become a global sensation. But it was also under Duterte's regime that the rehabilitation of the Marcos family, which had begun as early as 1991, intensified. Beginning with the controversial burial of Marcos, Sr.'s mummified corpse in the Libingin ng mga Bayani, or Hero's Cemetery, it culminated in the landslide victory of Marcos, Jr.
There are many other reasons for the Marcos-Duterte victory, from widespread cheating to the extensive deployment of social media to whitewash Marcos's brutal history, to the use of plundered billions to buy votes and the support of local officials. Rather than rehearse these reasons, I would like instead to situate recent electoral events in the context of the long history of colonialism in the Philippines under Spain and the United States, as well as the postcolonial Republic that continues to be under the spell of the United States.
The Colonial Roots of Elections
In most liberal democracies, elections tend to be Janus faced. On the one hand, they are essential to the ongoing democratisation of society insofar as they are expressions of popular sovereignty. The act of voting is an indispensable ritual, performed privately, yet counted publicly: a solitary act with collective consequences meant to ensure the peaceful and legitimate transfer of power and the legislation of social change. On the other hand, by mobilising people, elections set them against one another into a state of civil strife. Not for nothing are electoral contests, like wars, called 'campaigns'. Unleashing long-held social antagonisms, elections also act to contain them. Just as they drive one to become political, elections also set about domesticating politics, draining it of its potential insurgency. Voting rechannels the boisterous energies let loose by the street and arena campaigns into the orderly halls of Congress presided by political professionals. In this way, elections tend to turn movements into moments managed by elected representatives (Anderson 1998).
This dual character of elections can also be seen in formerly colonised countries, but with important variations. In a place like the Philippines where liberal democracy came by way of the most illiberal means such as wars of conquest and colonisation, the history of elections traces a different path. Voting was a colonial practice introduced by the Spaniards in the later seventeenth to the eighteenth century. The lowest ranks of the colonial bureaucracy had been opened to native and mestizo elites to aid in the administration of the colony. Members of the local elites and their surrogates could choose among themselves who would fill the positions of cabezas de barangay, or village headman, and gobernadorcillo, or municipal governor. They sent the names of their top three choices to the Governor General who made the final choice. These highly localised electoral exercises were strictly controlled by Spanish friar who had veto power over any of the winners. The franchise as one might imagine was extremely limited: only current and former officials and the male members of their families could vote. In some provinces, surrogates of elite families rather than elites themselves ran for office. (Abinales and Amoroso 2017; Fradera 1999; Llobet 2011; Robles 1969; Copurz 1957; May 1987) Elections then were instruments for regularising elite collaboration. They reproduced the colonial hierarchy by preserving the social positions and privileges of local leaders—especially their exemption from tribute and forced labour—and thereby secured the power of Spanish rulers.
In the wake of the Napoleonic invasion of Spain, Spanish colonial rule entered into a period of liberalisation after 1812. Representation to the Spanish parliament, or Cortez, was extended to the colonies to keep them within the Empire. While briefly granted representation, such a right was eventually withheld from las islas Filipinas—the only colony to be wholly without representation in the parliament. Such was due mainly to the fact that Spaniards regarded the Filipinos as too racially mixed and therefore inferior (Mojares 2006; Fradera 1999; Llobet 2011; Simbulan 2005). Filipino exclusion from political representation on racial grounds was resented especially by the Hispanised Filipino elites who, given their education and wealth, regarded themselves as more Spaniard that the average Spaniard. It became a major bone of contention in the emergent nationalist movement starting the 1860s triggered by the racist exclusion of highly competent Filipino priests from being assigned to parishes. Separatist sentiments gradually emerged from this experience of electoral exclusion and other acts of Spanish injustice, boiling over into the Revolution in 1896.
Initial successes against Spain led to the formation of the Filipino Revolutionary Government in March of 1897. Elections were held to determine its leadership. Participants were drawn mainly from a small number of male revolutionary leaders, many of them hailing from the ranks of the provincial elites who had earlier served in the colonial bureaucracy. Plagued by rumours, ad hominem attacks, and voter fraud, the very first presidential election was won by the Chinese mestizo military General Emilio Aguinaldo over the so-called 'father' of the Revolution, Andres Bonifacio. Denouncing the results, Bonifacio and his supporters decided to plot a coup. Hearing of this plot, Aguinaldo ordered the arrest and execution of Bonifacio. Held in a state of revolutionary emergency, the first Filipino election was marked by fraud, contested results, aggrieved candidates, coup attempts, and the violent arrest and execution of political rivals. This pattern of intra-elite factional rivalries exploding into violence would figure prominently the history of succeeding elections (Agoncillo 1956; Agoncillo 1960).
We can see this pattern in the second Filipino elections in 1898. As Filipino revolutionary forces proved victorious over Spain, and as they sought to deal with the growing presence of American troops in the archipelago, they retreated to the town of Malolos in Bulacan north of Manila. There, they crafted a constitution and formed the First Republic by calling for elections. The franchise was limited to the wealthiest and most educated men, who unapologetically referred to themselves as the 'brains of the nation' and an 'oligarchy of the intellect'. The conservative make-up of Congress was such that it retained much of the Spanish laws and restored the hated poll taxes and forced labour to support the new government. The First Republic eventually proved so unpopular among many in the lower classes, and resistance to its authority emerged. The masses had expected not merely regime change but a real social revolution that would restore true kalayaan, or freedom, understood as a moral society of mutual caring and compassion. But before such class tensions could escalate into a civil war, the US invasion plunged the country into an extended and brutal guerrilla war between 1899 and 1902 (Mabini 2007; Agoncillo 1960; Ileto 1979; Guerrero 2015).
The US invasion eventually overwhelmed the Filipino Republic after a long, protracted battle. However, insurgencies continued to break out all throughout US colonial occupation till the 1930s. Anxious to end the fighting, the United States set up elections as a counterinsurgent measure. Elections were seen as a means to coopt local elites, many of whom were leaders of the Filipino forces, and ensure their local basis of power. Local elections were held in places deemed 'pacified' by the US military between 1901 and 1903, followed by national elections for representatives to the First Filipino colonial assembly in 1907. The franchise, not surprisingly, was limited to those who were wealthy, educated, and male. Only about 1.7 per cent of the population was qualified to vote in 1907—educated male property owners with a degree of fluency in Spanish or English—a number that would rise gradually through the period of American rule (May 1980; Corpuz 1957; Stanley 1974; Cullinane 2005; Kramer 2006).
Electoral Counterinsurgency
Intended to be a counterinsurgent measure, elections not surprisingly produced largely conservative results. As in the Spanish colonial era, elections under US rule were meant to organize and regularise collaboration. They also had the effect of reproducing and protecting class and gender hierarchy in the face of an ongoing insurgency and the popular demand for social revolution. However, elections by themselves could not accomplish these twin goals and thus was joined to an ensemble of other measures. These included setting up a network of public schools, parks, a public health system, and new communication and transportation infrastructures designed to 'pacify' and 'reconcile' the population while suturing class divisions (May 1980; Cullinane 2005; Foster and Go 2006; McCoy 2009; McKenna 2017; Abinales and Amoroso 2017).
Colonial biopower, however, was sustainable only if the colonial state could assert its unwavering sovereignty and quell challenges to its rule. This entailed setting up paramilitary forces such as the Philippine Scouts and police forces to replace the departing American troops. Harking back to the colonial militias established by the Spanish regime, such native colonial forces were then assigned to provinces and attached to local elites who supported them in exchange for their services. Such services included intimidating rival elites, especially during elections, putting down dissident peasants and workers, and so on. In short, elections by the first half of the twentieth century were part of an ensemble of governing practices designed to regulate political participation in ways that would ensure colonial order while preserving social inequality essential to that order. Once again, democratic institutions were calculated to produce undemocratic ends. Key to this colonial paradox was the use of violence not just by agents of the state, but also by loose, informally organised militias acting often as paramilitary forces and private bodyguards to politicians. The relative strength of such local forces was further highlighted by the weak central apparatus of the colonial state and, as in the case of the United States, the absence of a professional colonial civil service to carry out federal mandates (Kramer 2006; McCoy 2009; Abinales and Amoroso 2017).
The nature of colonial electoralism—that is, elections as a form of counterinsurgency productive of social hierarchy the maintenance of which depended on highly localised paramilitary violence—continued in the wake of independence in 1946. However, it went through some important mutations. Chief among these changes was the expansion of the franchise. Such an expansion had been going on since the 1930s when literacy and property qualifications were modified and when women were given the vote in 1938. With independence, near universal voting rights were established, with the goal of democratising society. Of course, things did not quite work out as planned. Expanding the franchise gave the vote to the majority, many of whom were poor people. Politically empowered, they remained socially marginalised and economically impoverished. Ruling elites, many of whom had collaborated with both the United States and, during the Pacific War, with Japan, had to find novel ways to persuade and coerce this new electorate to vote for them under changed conditions (Kramer 2006; McCoy 2009; Abinales and Amoroso 2017). They did so in three ways.
First, they changed the style of campaigning. In the past, presidential candidates campaigned mostly from their homes, making limited appearances and rarely mixing with crowds. The presidential campaign of Ramon Magsaysay in 1953 changed all that. Directed by the legendary CIA-operative and former advertising executive, Edward Landsdale, Magsaysay turned campaigning into a series of public spectacles. A political upstart who banked on his close ties with the American military forces and his reputation as an anti-communist populist, Magsaysay toured the country, engaging in highly theatricalised campaigns, often photographed eating with his hands. Future candidates would follow his example, projecting themselves as 'men of the people' by posing with farmers planting rice, barnstorming across the archipelago and dazzling audiences with bombastic rhetoric and the singing and dancing of popular movie stars (Kerkvliet 2002).
The second thing candidates did in the face of an expanded electorate was to resort to massive vote buying. Earlier, they could rely on provincial ties of patronage to compel clients to vote for them. Now, they were faced with anonymous voters. In the absence of personal connections built over long histories of exchanging favours, candidates resorted to giving cash to gain their vote. This, in turn, made it imperative for candidates to raise huge sums of money to buy their way into office. Old-money oligarchs could rely on their inheritances and earnings from their lands and other businesses. However, newer politicians, such as Ferdinand Marcos, and local warlords who were outside the established oligarchy had to find ways to raise money quickly and massively. Aside from plundering state coffers, politicians supplemented their incomes by turning to a variety of criminal activities, such as smuggling, gambling, especially jueteng, or illegal numbers game, a variety of protection rackets, and more recently, drug dealing, especially crystal meth called shabu. Today, the cost of elections has become so steep that one would have to be many times a millionaire, or enjoy the patronage of one or several, to run even for local offices, much less the presidency (Mojares 1986; McCoy 2009; Hedman and Sidel 2000; Abinales and Amoroso 2017; Rafael 2000).
Finally, the third way that ruling elites dealt with the expansion of the franchise was to intensify the use of violence, intimidating and often assassinating their rivals. For this, they relied on their bodyguards and private armies recruited from former guerrillas who fought the Japanese, local police forces, lumpen proletariats, criminal gang members, former communist fighters, and other assorted thugs.
Postwar elections were thus characterised by the widespread use of 'guns, goons and gold'. Rather than peaceful transitions to power, elections increasingly unleashed as much money as blood. And winners were invariably tainted with charges of corruption as they assumed office even as they would turn around and accuse their opponents of being similarly corrupt. Corruption was normalised both as a means to win elections and as a major electoral issue to hurl at one's opponents. Once again, the irony: candidates railed against corruption even as they relied on corrupt practices to win.
From Martial Law to Elite Democracy
Ferdinand Marcos came into office precisely by promising to do away with corruption. At the same time, he proved to be the most corrupt politician to win the election of 1965 and win reelection in 1969. Allied with certain elements of the Stalinist Communist Party, Marcos sought to 'revolutionise' Philippine society (Scalice 2017). He did so principally by declaring Martial Law in 1972 and proceeded to steal the country blind in order to maintain his power. Along the way, he rewrote the constitution to his liking, ruled largely by executive order, abolished Congress, installed a rubberstamp Parliament and Supreme Court. At the same time, he ordered the disarming of an array of private armies to neutralise his elite rivals on his right even as he unleashed the Armed Forces of the Philippines against student activists, workers, peasants, and communists on his left. In a bid to monopolise the use of violence, Marcos turned the Philippine military and the Constabulary into his own private army to do his bidding (Wurfel 1988; Mojares 2017; McCoy 2009; Hedman and Sidel 2000; Abinales and Amoroso 2017).
Figure 2: Ferdinand Marcos pauses to wave to the people waiting to welcome him as he arrives for a visit to Washington DC, 1983. Source: The US National Archives.
After two decades in power, Marcos was finally overthrown by a nonviolent uprising called 'People Power' in Manila. This civilian-led uprising came on the heels of a failed military coup. It was initially provoked, however, by Marcos's rash decision to hold snap elections that he declared on American TV in order to prove to his Washington critics that he was still popular. But he vastly underestimating the necrological aura that surrounded Cory Aquino, widowed after her husband and chief challenger of Marcos, Ninoy Aquino, was assassinated on the airport tarmac as he returned from exile in Boston in August of 1983. Marcos did what he had always done: he tried to steal the election by rigging the computer tabulation of the results. The public exposure of manual and electronic ballot stuffing by disheartened computer tabulators and by the media further contributed to triggering the uprising that overthrew Marcos. Just as rigging elections allowed him to seize power, so did its exposure bring him down (Thompson 1995).
With the end of Martial Law, electoral practices in the post-Marcos era resumed much of their pre-Marcosian patterns. Such was not surprising since the end of Marcos marked not a revolution but a restoration of the old oligarchy side by side with the new rich presiding over a divided society where over a third of the population lived below the poverty line. Elections continued to be marked by fraud and violence. Yet, there was also something different (David 2013; McCoy 2009; Kerkvliet and Mojares 1992; Anderson 1988). Aside from their rampant brutality and mindboggling thievery, the Marcos years left behind three related legacies.
One was the spectacular growth of the Maoist Communist Party and their armed wing, the New People's Army led by former English professor and teacher of Rodrigo Duterte, Jose Maria Sison. The communists offered the best, and often, the only organised resistance movement during the dark days of Martial Law, and Marcos was often referred to as their single best recruiter. At the same time, the Stalinist leadership of the Party had long worked to hasten the coming of Martial Law in order to intensify oppression and thereby drive people to join the Party. Indeed, towards the end of Martial Law, the communists had managed to control over 20 per cent of the countryside and had extensive networks of allies above ground organised into an urban coalition called the National Democratic Front. Holding fast, against all odds, to their strategy of 'protracted people's war' (PPW) designed to take the cities by surrounding the countryside, the Maoist insurgency continues to operate on a smaller scale with far less support in several areas of the country, especially in Northern Mindanao (Abinales and Amoroso 2017; Scalice 2017; Quimpo 2012).
The second legacy was the spread of organised Muslim separatist movements led by Nur Misuari, who founded the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in 1972 in the wake of the infamous and controversial Jabidah Massacre whereby Muslim military recruits were allegedly killed by their military trainers for reasons that remain vague to this day. This massacre came on the heels of centuries-long tensions between Muslim peoples and Christian settlers in Mindanao, whereby the latter were largely seen to be favoured by the Christian government in Manila while the former woefully neglected and marginalised. Since Marcos, the government response has alternated between diplomacy and scorched-earth policy. The latest attempt to pass a Bangsa Moro Law that would grant greater political, economic, and religious autonomy to the predominantly Muslim areas has come with relentless military attacks in areas like Marawi in Western Mindanao where Islamic State-inspired groups have sought to take control. Albeit splintered into several factions, the separatist movement thus continues to this day. Younger members aided by a few foreign fighters are daily radicalised by both global jihadist movements and the continuing conditions of violence and poverty widely blamed on both local Muslim elites and the Manila government. To counter these so-called terrorist activities, Duterte has declared Martial Law in Mindanao (appropriately while on a visit to Putin's Russia) with the approval of both the Congress and the Supreme Court. In Mindanao, the history of electoral politics has gone full circle, returning to the authoritarianism of the Marcos years (Lara 2014; Hutchcroft 2016).
The third legacy of the Marcos years was the fracturing of the military. Racked by corruption and favouritism, the officer corps was split between Marcos' cronies who benefitted from his wealth and power, and disillusioned and highly professional soldiers who held the latter in contempt and had sought to overthrow Marcos. Divided, demoralised, and politicised, the military found itself fighting a two-front war: the communists and the Muslim separatist rebellion in the south. To remedy their weakness, they began to rely on paramiliary groups and volunteer militias that they armed and paid for. Let loose on the population, such undisciplined forces terrorised towns and preyed upon their residents, quickly devolving into death squads and vigilantes. In addition, the faction in the military who called themselves the Reformed Armed Forces Movement (RAM) had triggered the coup attempt against Marcos that led to the People Power uprising. In the wake of the Marcos dictatorship, they would launch a series of coups seeking to topple Aquino's government between 1987 to 1989.
Figure 3: A photo from the People Power uprising in 1986. Source: Gov.ph via Rappler.
Under Cory Aquino (1986–92), there was an initial attempt to get rid of these armed groups and negotiate with the Communist Party. However, beset by coup attempts from a military hostile to the left, peace talks eventually broke down, and fighting resumed. Supplementing an emboldened military, Cory tolerated the formation of rightwing civilian volunteers, many of whom were drawn from overlapping social groups: lumpens, former rebels, and gang members. They were formed and funded with the aid and protection of local police and the military. Anti-communist death squads proliferated in areas where the communists were strongest and the rate of extrajudicial killings rivalled those of Marcos's time (Coronel 1993; Abinales and Amoroso 2017).
Thus can we see the intertwined histories of elections, money, and violence in the post-war Philippines. Rooted in colonial and postcolonial history, all three are essential elements in the formation of the state and the making of civil society. During the transition from Marcos to Aquino, that is, from the end of authoritarian rule to the restoration of elite democracy, the post-Martial Law oligarchy turned to civilian volunteers, organised and sponsored by the police and the military, as anti-communist vigilantes. Such death squads were the other side, the dark side if you will, of People Power.
Originally directed against Marcos, populist violence was now aimed at the communists and assorted criminal gangs. Under succeeding presidents, the police and their volunteers were tacitly empowered to carry out summary executions of suspected communist leaders, while local elites subcontracted death squads to deal with labour leaders, journalists, and rival elites. Gruesome displays of violence—severed heads and mutilated corpses displayed on roadways—was the signature of vigilante groups like Alsa Masa in places like Davao where the mayor then was none other than Rodrigo Duterte (Coronel 1993).
Figure 4: Cover of Vicente L. Rafael's The Sovereign Trickster: Death and Laughter in the Age of Duterte, published by Duke University Press in 2022.
President Duterte made his reputation as the tough-talking mayor of Davao by negotiating with both vigilantes and communists, absorbing elements of both into his regime. According to various reports, he, or at least those around him, recruited former NPAs and other lumpen types to serve as paramilitary forces in dealing with a new enemy: drug lords and drug users. After having served as prosecutor, he became vice-mayor of Davao. Duterte's mother had been a strident opponent of Marcos (even as his father served in his cabinet). He subsequently ran for mayor and has won every election since then, including a brief stint in Congress. Coming from the ranks of provincial elites, Duterte's father, Vicente, was also the governor of Davao province and was a prominent cabinet member of Marcos's government. While he was President, Rodrigo's daughter, Sarah, served as the mayor of Davao (she is now vice president), his youngest son Sebastian as vice-mayor (he is now mayor), and his eldest son, Paolo, served in Congress. Such family ties, always crucial in Philippine politics, clearly situates Duterte as part of a political dynasty—and thus part of the very oligarchy that he is given to condemning in his speeches. His reputation as 'the Punisher' emerged at the crossroads of democratic transition and counterinsurgency, when 'People Power' was taken to mean that ordinary people would be empowered to act on behalf of the state and kill its designated enemies. In a way, death squads have become the perverse doubles of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), since both share a parallel history in the outsourcing state functions (Paddock 2017; Heyderian 2018; Curato, ed. 2017).
Spanish and American colonialism followed by the postcolonial Republic thus established the historical conditions for Philippine elections. By intensifying the circulation of money, elections have called for, as much as they have enabled, the mass mobilisation of voters. But they also intensify the proliferation of armed vigilantes and death squads to coerce political rivals and run rackets for the accumulation of money. Regarded in the late 1980s as a much-needed supplement to the military's counterinsurgency war, they have now morphed into the death squads serving as essential supplements to the police in Duterte's war against drugs. Accompanying electoral contests, especially after World War II, death squads, vigilantes, paramilitary volunteers of all sorts have long been an integral, though disavowed, feature of the state.
Politics by Way of Necropower
As with other modern states, the Philippine state has pursued what seems like a contradictory course: it has simultaneously sought to monopolise the use of violence even as it outsources it, using uncivil means to secure civil society. The legal and the illegal constantly blur into one other, as the language of the President, both during and after the elections, often sounds like the rhetoric of a gangster. The police often double as vigilantes when they are not moonlighting as racketeers, working both within and outside the cover of law. Extrajudicial killings, sold to the public as a remedy to the inefficient and corrupt legal system, normalise mass murder, especially of the poor, even as it foregrounds fear as a primary technique of governing. Public resources are used to forge private armies—a kind of public-private-partnership for the efficient delivery of justice in the way of assassinations. Exercising a kind of biopower, the state seeks to secure the life of its citizens. But it does so by way of a necropower, whereby the state designates accursed others as social enemies destined for abjection and disposal.
To conclude, I want to return to the idea I began with—that of elections as Janus-faced especially visible in countries like the Philippines that bear the deep traces of a history of colonialism. Taking place amid conditions of socioeconomic inequality, a culture of impunity and deeply entrenched practices of political patronage and routine fraud, elections unsurprisingly produce conservative results. At the same time, elections are also moments of intense popular mobilisations that stimulate expectations. Such expectations vary. From the perspective of the ordinary people who are often regarded as passive objects to be exploited and set aside rather than active participants in the political process, elections arouse the possibility that things may be different.
Such expectations arguably swept Rodrigo Duterte into the presidency in 2016 by an impressive plurality of votes by an electorate who saw him as a strongman who could address their fears of criminality amid conditions of precarity. As he prepared to step down, his approval rating remained high—as much as 85 per cent in some of the last polls before the end of his presidency—despite his failure to deliver on many of his promises, especially ridding the country of drugs. In the recent elections, the opposition made up of Leni Robredo and Francisco Pangilinan put up a valiant fight propelled by enthusiastic bands of volunteers to restore liberal democracy. But they fared badly against the Marcos-Duterte tandem who were widely perceived as continuing Duterte's authoritarian legacy. The cross-class popularity of Bongbong and Sara suggests that Filipino political culture, deeply entrenched in centuries of colonial history, skews towards reproducing social hierarchy, shoring up an ideology of inequality that allows for patronage and strongman rule, and a pronounced preference for security and policing over deliberative democracy and broad-based accountability. The electoral system as it is currently structured lends itself to replicating this deeply conservative and reactionary political culture even as it is capable of periodically mobilising mass resistance and radical hope. Offering possibilities for change by momentarily gathering new imagined communities of hospitality and generosity, elections nonetheless tend to return us to variations of the colonial-authoritarian nightmare from which at the moment there seems to be no escape.
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Tuquero, Loreben. 2020. 'As Pandemic Persists, Are Filipinos Still Satisfied with Duterte?' Rappler, 6 July.
Wurfel, David. 1991. Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Vicente L. Rafael is Professor of History and Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Washington in Seattle. He is the author of several works on the political and cultural history of the Philippines, including Contracting Colonialism (Duke University Press, 1988), White Love and Other Events in Filipino History (Duke University Press, 2000), The Promise of the Foreign (Duke University Press, 2005), and Motherless Tongues: The Insurgency of Language amid Wars of Translation (Duke University Press, 2016). His most recent book is The Sovereign Trickster: Death and Laughter in the Age of Duterte, published by Duke University and in Manila by Ateneo University Press in 2022.
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Pop-up Mall Made of Shipping Containers Appears in London's East End – Boxpark
Dec 4, 2011 By jonathan
I think this is really cool – a new pop-up shopping mall has been setup in London's East End across from Shoreditch station called Boxpark.
From the Daily Mail:
Built entirely from recycled shipping containers, London's latest retail park is not your average shopping experience.
Boxpark opened in east London today and claims to be the world's first ever 'pop-up' shopping centre.
Located on trendy Shoreditch High Street, it is made up of 60 standard-sized shipping containers which are stacked two stories high and five rows wide.
What a great use for old shipping containers!
Boxpark has a five year lease for the land and it will be returned to its original condition when they're done. We'll definitely check this out next time we're in London.
Here are some pictures of Boxpark:
Filed Under: Buildings, Culture, Londonism, Shopping, Travel Tagged With: East End, Shoreditch
What greatness the brittish business owner shows by taking scrap and turning it into a store and sell goods from it. Well done, at least we know the brittish economy is improving with this kinda of smarts.
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Connection between infertility and misalignment of biological clock clarified
A research group led by Associate Professor NAKAMURA Wataru (Laboratory of Oral Chronobiology, Center for Frontier Oral Science, Graduate School of Dentistry, Osaka University), through collaborative research with UCLA, Meiji University, and Ritsumeikan University, verified the causal correlation between the biological clock and age-related infertility.
The reproductive function of females weakens with age, with irregularities of the menstrual cycle and infertility presenting themselves by the time females reach menopause, but the factors acting in this transitional period were not clear. This group discovered that mice missing the gene that controls circadian rhythm (Cry-KO mice) showed irregularities in the estrous cycle and infertility of mice in the early aging process otherwise capable of giving birth (8~12 months of age, equivalent to the mid-30s~40s in humans).
Through this research, it is hoped that a "circadian timing strategy" will be established in order to improve infertility by leading a life with consideration for an aging circadian clock through efforts such as alleviating the common misalignment of life rhythm between weekdays and weekends.
Female reproductive function changes during aging with the estrous cycle becoming more irregular during the transition to menopause. We found that intermittent shifts of the light-dark cycle disrupted regularity of estrous cycles in middle-aged female mice, whose estrous cycles were regular under unperturbed 24-hr light-dark cycles. Although female mice deficient in Cry1 or Cry2, the core components of the molecular circadian clock, exhibited regular estrous cycles during youth, they showed accelerated senescence characterized by irregular and unstable estrous cycles and resultant infertility in middle age. Notably, tuning the period length of the environmental light-dark cycles closely to the endogenous one inherent in the Cry-deficient females restored the regularity of the estrous cycles and, consequently, improved fertility in middle age. These results suggest that reproductive potential can be strongly influenced by age-related changes in the circadian system and normal reproductive functioning can be rescued by the manipulation of environmental timing signals.
To learn more about this research, please view the full research report entitled "Recovery from Age-Related Infertility under Environmental Light-Dark Cycles Adjusted to the Intrinsic Circadian Period" at this page of the Cell Reports website.
Laboratory of Oral Chronobiology, Center for Frontier Oral Science, Graduate School of Dentistry, Osaka University
irregular estrous cycle
NAKAMURA Wataru


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"I'm a blunt instrument, and I'm damn good at it." Mary Poppins Returns, Bumblebee, and Aquaman
For the past few years now, Disney and Lucasfilm have had a lock on the holiday blockbuster season with a little, revived franchise named Star Wars. Alas, the wheels fell of that wagon when the underrated, under-performing origin story Solo debuted in theatres this May with a thud, and there was no end-of-year galactic adventure to follow.
Into this December's "let's thumb our noses at Oscar bait" box office breach rushed Warner Brothers'/DC's Aquaman, Paramount's Transformers prequel Bumblebee, and Disney's own Mary Poppins Returns. By some strange twist of fate, the fish king roundly beat the giant robot and the buttoned-up British nanny in ticket sales in their collective first weekend of release.
I am certain that all of these popcorn epics will clean up, though, in the gray and dreary vacation days following Christmas, as they each bring a great deal of heart, just enough ingenuity, and a comforting if lightly derivative familiarity.
[Image Source: Wikipedia]
"Still. Today or never. That's my motto." – Mary Poppins (Emily Blunt) in Mary Poppins Returns
Mary Poppins Returns is, yes, practically perfect. Predictable and formulaic? Mayhaps. But it doesn't matter. You'll laugh and cry, occasionally scratch your head … at times all three simultaneously. You'll love it nonetheless … in great part due to Emily Blunt's bonkers, measured, heartfelt commitment to the title role.
Not dissimilar to Disney's decades-later reboot Star Wars: The Force Awakens, Mary Poppins Returns feels like a subtle remix on the original film's greatest hits.
The screenplay by David Magee dutifully follows the same story beats as Julie Andrews' flick – for example:
a crabby dad (little Michael Banks, portrayed poignantly by Ben Whishaw, all grown-up and repeating the sins of his father, but in a mopey/angsty widower way);
a politically woke sister (Emily Mortimer's Jane Banks, the sunniest class warrior you'll ever see, taking the place of Glynis Johns' suffragette Mrs. Banks);
some lost soul children who need to rediscover the joys of imagination;
a no-good banker (Colin Firth, all sleazy charm as nothing says holiday kids movie like the threat of foreclosure!);
a winking-wise lamplighter instead of a chimney sweep (Lin-Manuel Miranda being slightly less insufferable and overeager than usual … and, yes, he raps, sort of … once);
and a finale that swaps out balloons for kites, and throws in Angela Lansbury for good measure … in case you'd forgotten about Mary Poppins' knock-off Bedknobs and Broomsticks.
The score by Marc Shaiman (Hairspray) is perfectly fine, but follows a similar path as the script, presenting new numbers that evoke the overly familiar tunes of yore and serving similar narrative purposes. "Spoonful of Sugar" becomes "Can You Imagine That?" to get the ornery kids to embrace bathtime. "A Cover is Not the Book" (the best number in the new film) is an animated fantasia a la "Supercalifragilisticexpialidocious." "Trip a Little Light Fantastic" is an ode to the unappreciated lamplighters (who even do some BMX- style bicycle tricks?!?), not unlike "Step in Time." And so on.
Rob Marshall's direction (Into the Woods, Nine, Chicago) is effective, if workmanlike, evoking the past film through iconography, color palette, choreography, and overall composition. Mary Poppins Returns doesn't wow as much as it sedates the viewer, and the film never quite escapes the physical confines of the sound-stages upon which it was obviously filmed.
In the end, though, this is Blunt's show, and she is an absolute pip. I could watch her read the phone book as Mary Poppins, with a knowing glance here, an arched eyebrow there, and a master plan to make all of us decent again. And that is why we all need a movie (and a damn nanny) like Mary Poppins Returns.
"The darkest nights produce the brightest stars." – Memo (Jorge Lendeborg, Jr.) in Bumblebee
If you'd told me the tone-deaf, garish, migraine-inducing, jingoistic Transformers film franchise would eventually yield one of the sweetest, warmest, funniest, family-friendliest "girl-and-her-[robot]-dog" coming-of-age yarns since, say, the Paddington movies, I'd have sold you my vintage Hasbro figures for $1. But here we are. Bumblebee, the sixth (!) installment in this series, jettisons director Michael Bay (praise be!), adds nuanced and charming leading lady Hailee Steinfeld, and delivers a lovely cinematic homage to simpler sci-fi allegories of the Spielbergian 80s.
Travis Knight, Oscar-nominated director of Kubo and the Two Strings, picks up the reins from Bay, working from an almost pastoral (!) script by Christina Hodson that wisely puts human/robot emotion and familial interaction before special effects and mind-numbing battle sequences (although there are still about two or three too many of those).
Borrowing liberally from producer Steven Spielberg's own E.T. (and at this point, that's just fine), the plot relates Autobot warrior Bumblebee's arrival on earth, circa 1987. Within moments, the big, yellow, bug-eyed 'bot finds himself used and abused by the American military (sparkling John Cena, wryly channeling every "shoot first, ask later" cinematic armed forces cliche). Bumblebee is eventually, inadvertently rescued from a junkyard by a plucky, sweet teenage girl Charlie Watson (Steinfeld) looking to rediscover the love of her deceased father at the bottom of a bin of used auto parts. Unsung Pamela Adlon is harried brilliance as Charlie's befuddled and exasperated mother Sally.
Steinfeld is still coasting a bit on her stellar Edge of Seventeen performance as a misunderstood adolescent with a dazzling heart of gold buried under a sullen, surly, glowering pout. I guess this is her niche, for now, and it works to great effect in Bumblebee as well.
Two broken souls – in this case pubescent and robotic – heal one another by giving voice to the underdog and by waving a Breakfast Club fist in the face of institutional repression. I dug it. And the exquisitely curated soundtrack of late FM 80s hits adds an unexpected and refreshing layer of musical-comedy-esque commentary to a movie about giant robots taking over our planet.
"I'm a blunt instrument and I'm damn good at it." Arthur Curry (Jason Momoa) in Aquaman
I enjoyed Aquaman a lot, but could have used about 30 minutes less of blurry aquatic battles and about ten minutes more of authentic wit. Nonetheless, this is a visually stunning film that never takes itself too seriously and with the wisdom to assemble a world-class cast. Throw The Once and Future King, Black Panther, Tron, Flash Gordon, Jewel of the Nile, Krull, Thor, Big Trouble in Little China, Hamlet, and Lord of the Rings into a Mad Libs blender and you yield this wonderfully loony pic.
Momoa is nothing but utterly charming in interviews. A great actor? Meh. But a star? Absolutely. That said, he looks great, but I couldn't help feeling like some of his best lines likely landed on the cutting room floor to make way for more CGI soldiers riding giant seahorses. That's a shame. The best parts of this film are the human parts. Nicole Kidman deserves a medal for making the Splash-meets-Terminator opening sequence of her Atlantean queen meeting cute with a Maine lighthouse keeper (Temuera Morrison), playing house, and popping out a half-breed sea-prince baby not only palatable, but poignant and downright thrilling.
Taken at a superficial level, the plot is almost identical to Black Panther's. Two beefy men square off to rule a hidden, technologically advanced kingdom with the "bad guy" claiming his rule will right the wrongs of the outside world (in Black Panther, it was racial divide, and, in Aquaman it is pollution and global warming). Black Panther has more nuance in its conflict and thereby the stakes are higher.
Aquaman telegraphs its punches, so it is quite obvious from the minute Aquaman's/Arthur Curry's half-brother Orm (a dolphin-sleek Patrick Wilson) enters the screen that he is basically a nogoodnik, regardless his sweet speeches about keeping the seven seas free of man-made detritus. He'd like to buy the world a Coke, as long as you keep the plastic six-rings, than you very much. But, with Aquaman, the fun is in the journey, not necessarily the destination. And Wilson is terrific, by the way.
Director James Wan (Furious 7, Insidious) takes his sweet time getting us to Arthur's inevitable victory over and acceptance by both land and sea. The visuals are sumptuous, even if the running time is gluttonous. There are moments of true wonder – any time Momoa communes with the creatures of the deep, for instance – and, on the balance, the film is a joy for those who have hoped DC could really start having fun with their characters.
The pitch perfect Wonder Woman seems less like an anomaly now and more like the beginning of a new, humane, inclusive direction for DC's movies. I'll consider my 2.5 hours watching Aquaman an investment in that future.
So, in 2018, we traded one time-worn, bloated Star Wars entry for three heartfelt, loving, and, at times, inspiring homages to other past fantasy hits. I think that's a decent, if safely unimaginative, return.
Reel Roy Reviews is now TWO books! You can purchase your copies by clicking here (print and digital).
In addition to online ordering at Amazon or from the publisher Open Books, the first book is currently is being carried by Bookbound, Common Language Bookstore, and Crazy Wisdom Bookstore and Tea Room in Ann Arbor, Michigan and by Green Brain Comics in Dearborn, Michigan.
My mom Susie Duncan Sexton's Secrets of an Old Typewriter series is also available on Amazon and at Bookbound and Common Language.
Posted By: Roy Sexton (Reel Roy Reviews)	Category: (Dark) Slice-of-Life, Comic Books, Disney, Film Review, Must See	Tags: a cover is not the book, Angela Lansbury, aquaman, arthur curry, autobot, bedknobs and broomsticks, Ben Whishaw, Big Trouble in Little China, black panther, breakfast club, bumblebee, can you imagine that, chicago, christina hodson, colin firth, david magee, dc comics, disney, edge of seventeen, emily blunt, emily mortimer, flash gordon, force awakens, furious 7, glynis johns, hailee steinfeld, hairspray, hamlet, hasbro, I'm a blunt instrument and I'm damn good at it, insidious, into the woods, james wan, jane banks, jason momoa, Jewel of the Nile, john cena, Jorge Lendeborg jr, julie andrews, Krull, Kubo and the Two Strings, lin-manuel miranda, lord of the rings, mad libs, maine, Marc Shaiman, marvel, mary poppins, mary poppins returns, memo, michael banks, nicole kidman, nine, orm, paddington, patrick wilson, reel roy reviews, Review, rob marshall, roy sexton, splash, spoonful of sugar, star wars, step in time, Supercalifragilisticexpialidocious, temuera morrison, terminator, The darkest nights produce the brightest stars, the once and future king, thor, Today or never That's my motto, transformers, trip a little light fantastic, tron
Adrift in a sea of male menopause: Two Muses' production of Jake's Women
And presenting: ALL of Jake's Women. His girlfriend, his therapist, his sister, his wife, his late wife, his daughter aged 21 and 12. Through December 7. [Photo by Melissa Tremblay of Platinum Imagery.]
Playwright Neil Simon has always seemed to me like a man adrift in a sea of male menopause. The man sure can write a very funny line (I often think his work is best served in a musical comedy setting), yet he seems preserved in Swinging 60s amber, a throwback to another time when the whole country fantasized about living on the Upper East Side of Manhattan and found humor in delicatessen euphemisms and sitcom-sexualized comedies of error.
Simon's semi-autobiographical memory play Jake's Women, thereby is an interesting conundrum. First produced in 1990 and starring Alan Alda, the show is Simon's post-mid-life-theatrical-crisis-writ-large. Simon literally and figuratively exorcises the the ghosts of women who have influenced and shaped his work. Take that, Joan Baim! And that, Marsha Mason! And that … Elaine Joyce?!? In the wrong hands, the play could be an exercise in misogyny at worst or farcical foolishness at best – a kind of Borscht Belt version of Fellini's 8 1/2 (itself later staged/musicalized by Maury Yeston as Nine).
I am happy to report that the sparkling ensemble in Two Muses' current production of Jake's Women (directed by Bailey Boudreau) hits all the right notes. Given that Two Muses' mission is to promote and celebrate the artistic contributions of women, this play is an inspired and intriguing choice. In lead actor Robert Hotchkiss, the production gives us a sensitive and grounded Jake, informed and haunted as much by modern life/sensibilities as he is by any kind of cooked-up gender war.
Jake's marriage to whip smart corporate warrior Maggie is failing as he has never gotten past the death of his first wife Julie. The past and present collide as Dickensian specters (wives, daughter, therapist, sister, paramour) shadow Jake's every move, given vibrant, intrusive life by his crumbling mental state. Jake as a writer is forever trapped in his own head, revisiting the past as a means of understanding the present yet never truly living in any moment. Jake's laptop computer is an omnipresent stage symbol of the wall he puts between himself and the rest of humanity. I suspect anyone with a smart phone can relate to that.
As Maggie, Amy Morrissey provides the perfect counterpoint to Jake's neuroses. She has a tricky task of playing Maggie both in the present day and as an idealized Maggie from the early days of their relationship. The actress shows great warmth and humor for the material but is never sidelined by Simon's more misogynistic tendencies. Maggie is a person first and foremost, as she intones to Jake in one of their later conversations.
The ensemble work is particularly strong in this production. Charlotte Weisserman as Jake's 12-year-old daughter Molly beams with a mischievously angelic presence – as does Barbie Weisserman as Jake's sister, the chaotically big-hearted filmmaker Karen. (No shock there I supposed as Charlotte clearly has inherited some lovely, natural stage gifts from her talented real-life mom Barbie.)
Some of the production's most emotionally affecting moments come from the theatrical mother-daughter team of Meredith Deighton as Jake's late wife Julie and Egla Kishta as college-age Molly. The familial dynamic achieved between Alexander, Kishta, and Hotchkiss during the play's second act is remarkable – deeply felt with a comfort and ease rarely seen on any stage.
It wouldn't be a Neil Simon show without some broad comic relief. Margaret Gilkes is sharp-edged fun as Jake's saucy therapist Edith, aided and abetted by some of the script's best zingers, which Gilkes nails with Elaine Stritch-y aplomb. Luna Alexander as Jake's of-the-moment mistress has the show's most raucous scene (think The Odd Couple's Pigeon Sisters by way of The Jersey Shore's Snooki and Jwoww), and she wrings every bit of rimshot glee from her second act moment.
Like the majority of Two Muses' output, the production values are spot-on, with clever and efficient use of the space, detailed but never overdone set dressing, classic character driven costuming, and an evocative lighting plot.
Back to Jake: Hotchkiss builds his character beautifully, giving us a broken soul who is not just relatable but a lot of fun to watch. Jake's journey is a difficult one to convey on stage, rife with potentially self-indulgent pitfalls, but Hotchkiss is very smart, warm, and wry and never panders to the audience or to his character's many, many flaws.
Jake follows a similar arc to Company's Bobby, never sure who he really is and only finding motivation by pinging off the input of others. Unlike Sondheim, however, Simon offers Jake a bit more redemption. Hotchkiss does a fine job walking Jake's circuitous path as he realizes that snark and witty wordplay do not healthy flesh-and-blood relationships make. The play's script leaves us with an ambiguously happy ending, as Jake and Maggie set off to resolve their differences, but the rich performances by Hotchkiss and Morrissey overlay that denouement with a believable and honest sense of the couple's future chances.
The play runs through December 7 at Two Muses Theatre. Two Muses Theatre performs in the Barnes & Noble Booksellers Theatre Space, 6800 Orchard Lake Rd, West Bloomfield, MI 48322, South of Maple (15 Mile). Enter the bookstore, and the theatre is on the left. Tickets can be purchased online here or by calling 248.850.9919 (Box Office Hours: By phone: 10am-5pm. In person at the theatre, 60 minutes prior to all performances.)
Reel Roy Reviews is now a book! Thanks to BroadwayWorld for this coverage – click here to view. In addition to online ordering at Amazon or from the publisher Open Books, the book currently is being carried by Bookbound, Common Language Bookstore, and Crazy Wisdom Bookstore and Tea Room in Ann Arbor, Michigan and by Green Brain Comics in Dearborn, Michigan. My mom Susie Duncan Sexton's Secrets of an Old Typewriter series is also available on Amazon and at Bookbound and Common Language.
Posted By: Roy Sexton (Reel Roy Reviews)	Category: Uncategorized	Tags: 8 /12, alan alda, amy morrissey, bailey boudreau, barbie weisserman, bloomfield, borscht belt, charlotte weisserman, Comedy, Company, Diane Hill, dickens, drama, egla kishta, elaine joyce, elaine stritch, fellini, jake's women, jersey shore, joan baim, jwoww, luna alexander, margaret gilkes, marsha mason, maury yeston, meredith deighton, michigan, misogyny, neil simon, nine, odd couple, pigeon sisters, Review, robert hotchkiss, snooki, sondheim, theatre, theatre review, Two Muses, west bloomfield
Empathetic philosophy and ebullient heartache: Laura Benanti at Indianapolis' The Cabaret at the Columbia Club
Benanti with my mom and me
On this Tony Award weekend, we had the privilege of meeting a fabulous Tony-winner – Laura Benanti – last night at Indianapolis' The Cabaret at the Columbia Club.
The Columbia Club
You might recall last fall that I was a staunch defender of NBC's production of The Sound of Music (click here), which I thought suffered unfairly from a lot of social media-fueled schadenfreude. The one element that did not need defending, by me or anyone else, because it was universally lauded as perfection, was the performance by Laura Benanti as the Baroness.
Roy and Susie with poster
I am happy to report that she is even more terrific in real life.
Benanti with my dad
Throughout her fizzy cabaret show, not a note is missed – musically, comedically, thematically. She is one of the most engaging performers I've ever had the privilege to observe.
But even more importantly, she is kind and down-to-earth and real.
My mother and I accidentally ran into her at the elevator right before her performance. Rather than keep her distance, she walked right over to us, and with an effervescent smile, queried, "You're coming back, aren't you?" Of course we were! And, even though she had a two hour set to get herself psyched up for, she stood there and talked to us for several minutes.
I might add that she is just as gracious with all of her fans following the performance in what otherwise can be sometimes awkward for both audience and performer: the dreaded meet and greet. She takes time with each and every one and genuinely connects with all.
Almond with me and my mom
With my starstruck gushing aside, what about the performance itself? It is such great fun – a brilliant blend of soaring vocals, crack comic timing, cheeky irreverence, and poignant character analysis. The essence of what makes cabaret such a viable art form.
The Big Room
Benanti is marvelously aided and abetted by her amazing musical director Todd Almond who is as much sidekick and partner as accompanist, composing the original tunes, vocalizing with Benanti, and offering the periodic witty aside. And, by the way, he is equally personable, following the performance, happily taking my loony suggestions of pop nuggets they can skewer in their act – notably, my latest obsession Ariana Grande and Iggy Azalea's "Problem."
Why, might you ask was I so bold to suggest such a silly song for these accomplished musicians to perform in their act?
Susie and Roy Capone
Well, for someone like Benanti who moves seamlessly between My Fair Lady's "On the Street Where You Live" to Beyoncé's "Single Ladies" to Nine's "Unusual Way" (mesmerizing!) not to mention Sisqo's "The Thong Song," it seems a logical addition.
What you may gather from the preceding paragraph is that Benanti's show is a gutsy synthesis of her tastes and style and identity. She wears all these songs easily … which is a remarkable gift. She is always herself yet simultaneously channeling a wild array of characters.
Benanti and me
This tour is captured live on her album "In Constant Search of the Right Kind of Attention," recorded at 54 Below, formerly the iconic disco Studio 54. My recommendation? Buy this album now, and enjoy it like you would a cast recording before going to see a Broadway show. The album is remarkable, but seeing Benanti act and sing these songs live is something not to be missed. There are enough variances between the album and the show to keep things interesting, and I won't spoil the surprises here. If she comes to your town, run (don't walk) to see her.
Most compelling is the manner in which Benanti paints a picture of her life as a perpetual (though fiercely independent) underdog. About someone so talented and beautiful, that may be hard to believe, but the reality is she has always been a quirky theater kid on the outside looking in. Amusingly, she lays bare the personal turmoils of a young girl listening to cast albums, learning to play the ukulele, and dressing up as obscure musical theater characters for Halloween.
(She also isn't afraid to go off script, poking gentle fun at the more provincial elements of the Hoosier-land where she was performing. I love my home state, but I give Benanti many props for gently reminding her audience that tolerance and compassion and humanity are essential regardless your background or beliefs. And if one can get that message across with a smile on one's face, it makes an impact.)
I leave you with a clip of her singing "Mr. Tanner," a forgotten gem by Harry Chapin. This number was a highlight for me both when I first listened to the recording as well as during the live performance. It definitely gives you a sense of her empathetic philosophy and ebullient heartache. Enjoy!
[All photos by Don Sexton – more here.]
Posted By: Roy Sexton (Reel Roy Reviews)	Category: Americana, Concert Review, Music Review, Musical, Must See, Theatre Review	Tags: 54 below, ariana grande, beyonce, broadway, cabaret, carrie underwood, columbia club, disco, don sexton, gypsy, halloween, harry chapin, hoosier, iggy azalea, in constant search of the right kind of attention, indiana, indianapolis, laura benanti, mr. tanner, my fair lady, nbc, nine, on the street where you live, problem, Review, reviews, rodgers and hammerstein, roy sexton, shannon forsell, single ladies, sisqo, studio 54, susie duncan sexton, the cabaret, the sound of music, theatre, thong song, todd almond, tony, tony award, tony awards, ukulele, unusual way
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Happy New Year karaoke shenanigans: a musical salute to Dreamgirls, Country Girls, and Funny Girls?
"I retain the right to be moved by those little things that nobody notices." Cats (the movie!), Bombshell, Star Wars: The Rise of Skywalker, Little Women (2019), The House with a Clock in Its Walls, The Man Who Invented Christmas, Where'd You Go Bernadette?
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Facebook accounts of Brampton mayor and councillor hijacked to steal money from business owners
Cottage prices climbing across Canada due to COVID-19
Prices for cottages are on the rise in Canada as an unexpected side-effect of the pandemic.
According to a report from Royal LePage, a significant increase in the number of Canadians working remotely has driven the average price of recreational properties across the country.
Based on the data, the average price of a single-family home in Canada's recreational market rose 11.5 per cent to $453,046, while the aggregate price of a condominium rose 9.7 per cent to $280,830.
Waterfront properties saw the biggest increase, as the average price jumped 13.5 per cent to $498,111.
"The pandemic has effected enormous economic and health challenges upon the nation; it has also opened a world of possibility for thousands of Canadians," Phil Soper, president and CEO of Royal LePage, said in a news release.
"On lake and on sea, upon soaring mountain tops and on expansive farmlands, many Canadians are embracing a bold, new work-from-home doctrine: 'I can live anywhere in this huge land," he continued.
Additionally, according to Royal LePage experts, two reasons for the increase in demand were Canadians choosing to relocate due to their newfound ability to work remotely, and retirees looking to move to cottage country to improve their quality of life.
"In addition to the new wave of pandemic-era buyers, simple demographics have been buoying the exurban market as more and more of the giant Baby Boom generation retire," Soper said.
"Interest in all types of recreational property is soaring, and I have never seen the number of cottages, cabins, chalets and farmhouses for sale at such a low level relative to demand," he added.
Mississauga house prices up 13 per cent despite COVID-19 pandemic
Mississauga experiences biggest spike in housing prices in Canada so far this year: survey
Average housing prices expected to increase in 2021
Average home prices in Mississauga rose over $100,000: report
Home prices to rise more than 9 per cent in 2020, Canadian Real Estate Association forecasts
You Can Finally Experience Japanese Omakase in Mississauga
Tomo Sushi
A new BBQ restaurant just opened up in Mississauga
The food scene in Mississauga is always evolving so foodies might be happy to hear that a new Pakistani and Indian restaurant is now open here in the city.


The Electricity Settlements Company (ESC) would like to inform Suppliers that the Electricity Capacity (No.1) Regulations 2019, laid in Parliament on 28 February 2019, were made on 9 April 2019 and came into force on 10 April 2019. Suppliers can now choose to make voluntary payments to ESC via the Voluntary Supplier Arrangement in accordance with the new Regulations and as detailed in EMRS Circular EMRC178, Working Practice WP199 and the ESC Terms and Conditions. ESC has also published Frequently Asked Questions on the new Voluntary Supplier Arrangement.


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Chepstow Choral Society concluded their 2015/2016 season in fine style with their contribution to Chepstow Festival 2016, which was entitled a Summer Gala Concert, consisting of popular opera choruses, solos, and duets , along with some light opera and musical theatre.
This was an ideal choice of music for such an evening, and it was reflected in the excellent audience attendance., a clear indication that, despite the many rival attractions within the Chepstow Festival – and the sporting attractions on TV! – there is an enthusiasm amongst music-lovers for this kind of programme.
The choir were ably helped by the choice of excellent soloists. Angharad Morgan (soprano) and Stephen Hamnett (bass) are both superb professional singers and provided some wonderful singing. Angharad's solos (including the famous Puccini aria O Mio Babbino Caro, Dvorak's Song to the Moon from "Rusalka" and Gershwin's Summertime) proved to be quite stunning, as did her solo with the choir in Mozart's Voyager's Chorus from "Idomeneo".. Stephen Hamnett demonstrated a wealth of experience with highly varied contributions., ranging from the famous bass solo within the Waltz Scene from Tchaikovsky's "Eugene Onegin" –supported by the choir who thoroughly entered into the spirit of the piece, producing a real party atmosphere (complete with interaction , and glass of wine passed, to the conductor at the start! - to Gilbert & Sullivan, Cole Porter and Gershwin. Stephen inserted a highly topical extra verse into When Britain Really Ruled the Waves, and his rendering of Cole Porter's Tale of the Oyster illustrated his huge capacity for delivering excellent contrasting bass solo items.. Angharad and Stephen joined forces in two iconic duets –Mozart's La Ci Darem, and Gershwin's Bess You Is My Woman Now, and these were sung with brilliant artistry. Ruth Rusling (trumpet) played a magnificent contribution to Verdi's famous Grand Triumphal March and the G & S March of Peers from "Iolanthe", and also played a beautiful solo, On My Own from "Les Miserables".
The Choir rose to the occasion well –delivering opera choruses within a concert setting is not easy and it is to their credit that they conveyed a range of contrasting styles well. The chosen programme itself, directed by the Society's Musical director Graham Bull, was excellent entertainment which was hugely appreciated by the audience.
The evening concluded with presentations to Marjorie Duerden, the Society's piano accompanist, for whom this performance was her final one in that role. Marjorie has chosen to stand down as the Society's pianist , a job she has done fully for some 16 years, and this concert certainly marked a fitting finale. Marjorie accompanied every item on the programme and her playing was simply superb, responding to the many changes of mood and the demands the music created – huge sensitivity in solos and duets, and coping brilliantly with the demands that opera choruses present in their orchestral piano reductions versions!


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Flooded With Support, Standing Rock Vets Ramp Up Operation And Brace For Showdown
Adam Linehan
AP Photo/James MacPherson
Veterans Stand For Standing Rock, the group planning to "deploy" hundreds of military veterans to the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation to protest the Dakota Access Pipeline in early December, has raised upward of $80,000 on GoFundMe in the past 48 hours, bringing the total to more than $100,000 at the time of this writing. The surge in donations has coincided with a wave of media attention the group has received over the past two days. The organizers also raised their original campaign goal from $100,000 to $200,000, a sign of their increasing confidence that they will draw big numbers to the protest on Dec. 4.
dakota access pipeline michael a wood jr. veterans stand for standing rock wes clark jr.
'Where Evil Resides': Veterans 'Deploy' To Standing Rock To Engage The Enemy — The US Government
"Most civilians who've never served in a uniform are gutless worms who've never been in a fight in their life," Wes Clark Jr. declares. "So if we don't stop it, who will?"
dakota access pipeline general wesley clark michael a wood standing rock sioux reservation wes clark jr.


Age-old traditions of European cooking, bold shoots of revived Russian cuisine, light and savory samples of Asian and Eastern cuisine have all met at one taste point. Our chef has cleverly combined these three elements in one menu, giving all our guests the opportunity to choose.
A diversified business lunch menu is waiting for you during the weekdays from 12:00 until 16:00.


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Local hero Richie Fallows fancies his chances in Canary Wharf shoot-out
Alan Thatcher March 4, 2019 No Comments on Local hero Richie Fallows fancies his chances in Canary Wharf shoot-out
Richie Fallows is looking forward to playing at Canary Wharf
'The reason I became a squash player was because of Canary Wharf'
By ALAN THATCHER – Squash Mad Editor
Two of England's rising stars, Josh Masters and Richie Fallows, will clash in the Wildcard Challenge at the 2019 Citigold Wealth Management Canary Wharf Squash Classic next week.
The prize for the winner is a place in the main draw of London's most popular tournament next year.
While Masters will be attempting to gain his first win at the third attempt in the Challenge, having lost out previously to Nathan Lake and Lyell Fuller, this will be Fallows' first experience of playing on the glass court before a full house at the spectacular East Wintergarden venue at Canary Wharf.
As a local lad, living just a few tube stops away in Stratford, he is determined to put on a good show when the Challenge takes place before the main final on Friday March 15.
With Masters ranked 54 in the world and Fallows at 59, it is bound to be a close battle between the two 23-year-olds.
Fallows said: "I have played in the qualifying rounds a few times without getting through to the main draw so this will be my first appearance on the glass court.
"It has always been a big dream of mine to play at Canary Wharf. It's a great tournament and an amazing venue. The place is packed out every night and it's just an incredible atmosphere to play in.
"The first live matches I ever saw were at Canary Wharf and I grew up watching guys like Nick Matthew and James Willstrop. They became heroes of mine and their two-hour battle at Canary Wharf in 2011 was one of the best matches I have ever seen. Two things stuck with me, firstly the intense quality of play from them both throughout the match, and the respect at the end when Nick refused to take the win when James injured himself.
"I can honestly say that the reason I became a squash player was because of Canary Wharf. Watching those players in that amazing venue made my mind up: That's what I want to do.
"I am looking forward to it so much. Josh is a good friend and a very talented player. He loves going for his shots so I will try not to give him too many openings."
Last month Fallows reached the quarter-finals of the British National Championships in Nottingham, losing a tough match to Scotland's Greg Lobban 11-5, 13-11, 12-10. Masters lost in the first round to the experienced Chris Simpson.
Josh Masters is hoping for third time lucky at Canary Wharf
The 6ft 4in tall Masters is now based in Birmingham and working with top coach Robert Owen.
"I finished my studies in Bristol 18 months ago and now base myself in Birmingham, training with Rob. I moved up here in the summer and it's going well so far. Physically, I'm getting better and am playing with more structure in my game," Masters said.
"I am really looking forward to playing on the Canary Wharf court again. It's one of the best venues in the world to play squash."
To further his career, Masters bade farewell to his long-term Bristol base, where he regularly trained with World No.1 Mohamed ElShorbagy.
The two were reunited just over a week ago when they met in Chicago in the first round of the men's 2018-2019 PSA World Championships presented by the Walter Family, with ElShorbagy winning in four games.
Fallows, meanwhile, made it to the second round before being eliminated by World No.5 Simon Rösner.
Richie Fallows faced Simon Rosner in the World Championships in Chicago
The 2019 Citigold Wealth Management Canary Wharf Squash Classic takes place between March 10-15 and will see a best-of-three games format trialled for a second successive year up until the semi-finals.
All fixtures from East Wintergarden will be broadcast live on SQUASHTV (rest of world) and Eurosport Player (Europe only). Semi-final fixtures will also be shown live on BT Sport, Fox Sports Australia, Astro and other mainstream broadcasters.
Citigold Wealth Management are pleased to offer squash fans the chance to win a one on one session with a pro-player as well as VIP tickets, when you enquire about Citigold today. Terms and conditions apply. Offer ends 5th March 2019. Learn more here
Tournament website: citigoldcanarywharfsquash.com
Pictures courtesy of PSA
https://squashmad.com/breaking-news/local-hero-richie-fallows-fancies-his-chances-on-the-glass-court-at-canary-wharf">


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Swimming Pool Action Group
The Swimming Pool Action Group
We thought SWAG Had DONE IT!!!
Fundraising had been very successful. Thanks to the people of Biggin Hill, Bromley Council, Biggin Hill Airport for £2000 and a contribution from Biggin Hill Juniors. Which has brought us to £24,000. BUT it has all gone horribly wrong and people have been given their money back!
BUT WAS IT NECESSARY WHEN THERE IS ALREADY A SWIMMING POOL AT BIGGIN HILL
What was SWAG?
SWAG was a local community fundraising group formed to support the development of a community swimming pool in Biggin Hill at Darwin Leisure Centre. We are all residents in Biggin Hill many with children from Charles Darwin School, we have longed for a pool here in the community and there was the chance to make this dream a reality.
People in the community have campaigned many times over a period of 10 years for a pool and now the London Borough of Bromley have promised £250,000 to build the pool and the ongoing running costs. The total cost of the project is estimated at £800,000
SWAG have contacting businesses in the local area and wish to thank all those that have supported them in raising the funds and as a thank you for those who donated to this cause they were going to name every company as a founder sponsor in the reception area of the new pool. Darwin leisure centre has over 60,000 attendees' per year, which of cause is likely to double with the introduction of a pool, receiving tremendous support from the community.
What your money was going to provide
A indoor 20 metre by 8 metre pool
New changing facilities (including a family changing village)
Spectator viewing area and facilities
Reception area with snack vending
Pool situated next to the existing facilities at Darwin Leisure centre
As well as recreational swimming it will offer:
Mother and toddler sessions
Early morning sessions
Over 50's sessions
Gym 'n' swim
Ante-natal sessions
GP referrals
One thought on "Swimming Pool Action Group"
Great news when do you think this pool will be up and running.?


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2018 November 7
Stories for November 7, 2018
Tom Keegan: Despite shooting struggles, Dedric Lawson thrives in debut
Indianapolis — In his much-anticipated Kansas debut Tuesday night in Bankers Life Fieldhouse, fourth-year junior Dedric Lawson forced a couple of bad shots, shot just 27.8 percent from the field, ran the floor with that borderline awkward gait of his and still showed why he easily represents his team's best shot at making it back to the Final Four.
by Tom Keegan at 10:12pm
Kansas pushes past UMKC in season opener
After swatting five blocks in the paint, senior guard Kylee Kopatich had something to add on a question for Bailey Helgren about how her mentality was after "exploding on the defensive end" in Kansas' 67-55 win over UMKC on Wednesday night.
By Andrew Rosenthal
November 7, 2018 10:35 p.m.
Tom Keegan: How old is Les Miles? Who cares?
Free agent football coach Les Miles' age seems to be a concern for some who wonder if it's a reason for Kansas to pass on hiring him.
By Tom Keegan
November 7, 2018 5:48 p.m.
Report: FBI gives NCAA clearance to begin investigating some basketball programs in corruption scandal
The FBI has given the NCAA clearance to begin investigating possible code violations at universities related to the recent college basketball corruption trial, according to a Yahoo Sports report published Tuesday night.
By Dylan Lysen
November 7, 2018 9:32 a.m.
Sophomore center Bailey Helgren looks for a pass in a game against UMKC Wednesday night at Allen Fieldhouse. Published at 10:31pm
FILE - In this Sept. 5, 2015, file photo, Arkansas offensive coordinator Dan Enos walks the sideline during a timeout in the second half of an NCAA college football game against UTEP in Fayetteville, Ark. Enos left a head coaching job at Central Michigan to become the offensive coordinator at Arkansas. (AP Photo/Samantha Baker, File) Published at 12:43pm


Emily Carver 18, Mya Smith 11, Carly Banks 12, Peyton Cathey 8, Mae Cordiale 7, Emma Green 2.
Vanie 5, Manning 20, Hammer 4, Smith 9, Lenderman 10, Shivers 1.
Rebounds: Enka - Emily Carver 10, Mya Smith 7, Emma Green 5.
Assists: Enka - Emily Carver 8.
Records: Enka 2-3, 1-1; Asheville 1-5, 1-2.
Cambrie Lovin 14, Sierra Wachacha 8, Harleigh Lane 8, Liz Ayers 4, Karlyn Matheson 4, Erin Teesateskie 17, Abigail Knight 2, Mickayla Morgan 11, Jacey Underwood 6.
Abigail O'Dell 1, Savannah O'Dell 1, Gracie Stroud 4,; Hope Ward 2, Makayla Rowland 8.
Records: Robbinsville 2-2; Nantahala 2-3.
Brantley Compton 2, Caroline Condra 15, Emma Newton 22, Cloe Sneider 2, Joy Barker 6, Caroline Sikkink 2, EP Sluder 2, Maleeah Langstaff 14, Kayla Ausbrooks 2, Hannah Babcock 4, Jay Cruell 4.
Records: Gaston Christian 2-2; Asheville Christian 8-0.
E. Ducker 6, A. Baldwin 6, Makensie Chandler 5, A. Yurko 5, C. Plemmons 4, D. Cox 2, A. Edmonds 2, S. Eubanks 2, M. Fisher 1, Mikayla Chandler 1.
Katelyn Messer 19, Amber Redmond 7, Ashlynn Wolfe 6, Amari Stover 6, Emily Willis 4, Allie Jones 3, Keyasia Meade 3, Jaiden Bartley 2, Haley Breeding 2, Caitlyn Taylor 2.
Rebounds: Erwin - K. Messer 8.
Steals: Erwin - K. Messer 5.
Records: N. Buncombe 3-1, 2-1; Erwin 3-1, 3-0.
Patton 2, Baldwin 12, Honeycutt 3, Harri 8, Hedgepath 15.
Williams 13, Proffitt 3, Reynolds 4, Shivers 7, Henderson 1, Fletcher 6, Barnes 5, Davison 2.
Records: N. Henderson 1-6; Reynolds 2-4.
Robinson 16, Jackson 9, G. Glance 2, Krege 2, S. Glance 15, Huskey 6, Young-Scavotto 4.
Norris 9, Creson 6, Woods 18, Sorrells 10, Gibson 13.
Rebounds: Pisgah - Sorrells 8.
Assists: Pisgah - Sorrells 9.
Records: Tuscola 3-2; Pisgah 3-1.
Shea Sutton 9, Shay Tisho 29, Kyra Fowler 3, Andrea Floyd 4, Meli Jackson 5, Taylor Douthit 2.
Ashley Valencia 13, Caitlyn Ledford 6, Kendal Marlowe 8, Chesney Gardner 11, Dee Graves 15.
Records: Smoky Mtn. 4-0; Owen 6-2.
Zaria Joyner 9, Kasey Kidwell 4, Eliza Greiner 7, Nautica Smiley 9, Dani Sweeney 6.
Records: LC 7-0; CD 6-2.


Bus boycott in Baton Rouge, Louisiana - lead to compromise making busses slightly more integrated. The peaceful, organized, protest was effective and inspired Martin Luther King Jr.
Claudette Colvin, a pregnant fifteen-year-old-girl from Montgomery, is arrested for refusing to give a white passenger her seat and is charged with disorderly conduct and violating segregation laws. -- Since she was a pregnant teen and unwed, her case was not pursued by the NAACP or other black leaders.
We should continue the boycott "..to gain justice on the buses in the city." - Martin Luther King Jr.
Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on the bus to a white man. She was arrested for violating the law. Her actions and arrest launched the Montgomery Bus Boycott.
First day of the boycott. King decides to continue the boycott until bus policies are changed. The buses would need to be integrated.
80+ leaders of the boycott are indicted as a result of Alabama's anti-conspiracy laws. King is indicted as the boycott's leader on March 19. He is ordered to pay $500 or serve 386 days in jail.


I missed last weeks 'stuff on a Sunday' post because I spent that day mostly being sick. Arlo got sick on Friday, throwing up all over himself in his pushchair (thank god he wasn't in a sling for once as we were out shopping!) and we'd walked into town, so I had to cart him and Athena home quick sharp on the bus! Poor pickle was under the weather the next day and then on the Sunday Sam and his mum took the kids out and he did it again! Big thanks to Granny B who bought him a new outfit from M&S to replace his sicky one! Anyway that day I was feeling rough and spent a lot of time chucking up, and didn't really stop till the early hours of Monday! The rest of the week has been spent trying to play catch up from everyone being ill and doing endless loads of washing! Thankfully Athena seems to be okay, and Sam is too!
On Thursday we celebrated our fourth wedding anniversary, I worked in the day but Sam took the evening off work and cooked a nice dinner which I actually enjoyed after a few days of bland food! I've also been on a mega clear out session this week, taking a bin bag of clothes or toys to the charity shop almost daily, but the problem is that we walk past it on the way to and from preschool and so the kids see their old toys in the window and get a bit confused, or want to buy them back! We spent hours at soft play on Friday, as well as a little trip to the garden centre to see the Christmas displays! I need to work out where our Christmas decorations are, as I don't remember seeing them in the attic but realistically that's the only play they can be, unless we lost them when we moved (a mile down the road!) though I don't plan to put them up until at least mid December! All you folk with your decs up before advent Sunday and mad!
I'm not sure why all my favourite pics from this week have Athena in and no Arlo, I promise he's still about!
Four years ago, how time flies! Today is going to be a chilled out one with a little trip to town for boring things like sellotape and screws, then a family chilli tonight!


Overnight... A 30 percent chance of showers, mainly after 3am. Cloudy, with a steady temperature around 51. Light southeast wind.
Thursday... Showers likely, mainly after 2pm. Cloudy, with a high near 65. South southeast wind around 5 mph becoming light and variable. Chance of precipitation is 70%. New precipitation amounts of less than a tenth of an inch possible.
Thursday Night... A 40 percent chance of showers. Cloudy, with a low around 49. North northwest wind 5 to 10 mph.
Friday... Mostly cloudy, then gradually becoming sunny, with a high near 62. Northwest wind 13 to 17 mph, with gusts as high as 28 mph.
Friday Night... Mostly clear, with a low around 40. Northwest wind 5 to 9 mph becoming light west northwest after midnight.
Saturday... A chance of showers and thunderstorms between noon and 1pm, then showers likely and possibly a thunderstorm after 1pm. Partly sunny, with a high near 61. Chance of precipitation is 70%. New rainfall amounts of less than a tenth of an inch, except higher amounts possible in thunderstorms.
Saturday Night... A 40 percent chance of showers and thunderstorms before 2am. Mostly cloudy, with a low around 41.
Sunday Night... A 20 percent chance of showers after 2am. Mostly cloudy, with a low around 41.
Monday... A 50 percent chance of showers, mainly after 8am. Mostly cloudy, with a high near 56.
Tuesday... A 50 percent chance of showers and thunderstorms. Mostly cloudy, with a high near 65.
Wednesday... Showers and thunderstorms likely. Mostly cloudy, with a high near 69. Chance of precipitation is 60%.


Dhadak proves to be the ideal film for Debutants Ishaan Khattar and Janhvi Kapoor. Read why in the review below.
Soulful and motivational music, phenomenal performances and a strong storyline make up for this inspirational journey of Sandeep Singh.
This film ties you up with all its emotional moments and makes you rightly travel through this journey of the most controversial star Sanjay Dutt.
This Race finishes it off last when it comes to Story line, Dialogues, Music, Direction and Action.Read on to know the hits and misses of Race 3.