The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), based in Geneva, publishes an annual Trade and Development Report (TDR) that covers global economic and trade policy with an emphasis on economic and social development. This year's Trade and Development Report is titled, "Policies for Inclusive and Balanced Growth" and highlights through thorough research and analysis the trend of increasing global and national inequality.
The TDR begins with an introduction on the current state of the world economy, which is slated to continue suffering from the fallout of the financial crisis that began in late 2007 and the meltdown in September 2008. In the US, a sluggish recovery and looming unemployment persist. Europe is on the brink of a deep recession. Both regions, the report points out, attempt to overcome their crisis by fiscal austerity, combined with calls to further "flexibilize"their labour markets. This means means wage restraint andin some cases massive wage reductions, which are more likely to further weaken growth and increase unemployment instead of stimulating investment and job creation.
At the same time, as has been demonstrated with similar structural reform policies in the developing world over the past 30 years, they will also serve to reinforce the trend towards greater inequality, which has become a visibly damaging feature of finance-driven globalization.
The immediate problem for developed countries is their inability to return to a normal growth pattern, but there is also an equally serious problem of contagion. Amidst their fragile recovery, an unreformed (and unrepentant) financial sector and macroeconomic policies that are timid at best, and counterproductive at worst, the developing countries will find it difficult to sustain their own growth dynamic, let alone that of the global economy.
The TDR argues that a fundamental policy reorientation is urgently needed, recognizing that healthy and inclusive growth will require a stable expansion of consumption and investment in productive capacity based on favourable income expectations of the working population and positive demand expectations of entrepreneurs. This requires a rethinking of the principles underlying the design of national economic policy and supportive international institutional arrangements.
In particular, while globalization and technological change, and their interplay, have created both winners and losers, their apparent adverse impacts on overall income distribution in many countries must be understood in the context of the macroeconomic, financial and labour market policies adopted. Those policies have caused unemployment to rise and remain high, and wages to lag behind productivity growth, and they have channelled rentier incomes towards the top 1% of the income ladder.
Neither globalization nor technological improvements inevitably require the kind of dramatic shift in the distribution of income that favours the very rich and deprives the poor and the middle-class of the means to improve their living standards. On the contrary, with more appropriate national and international policies that take into account the crucial importance of aggregate demand for capital formation, structural change and growth dynamics, job creation can be accelerated, inequality reduced and the requisite degree of economic and social stability guaranteed.
advice to never let "a serious crisis go to waste" has gone unheeded.
Instead, the massive bailouts of banks and firms has led to even greater concentration in the financial sector, which has largely regained its political clout. Short-term rewards rather than long-term productivity remain the guiding principle for collective behaviour in the financial industry, even today. There is a very real threat that financial institutions and shadow banking activities may again succeed in dodging the regulators, as vividly demonstrated by recent banking scandals.
The crisis in Europe is being widely referred to as a "sovereign debt crisis," marked by a deep deterioration of public finances and soaring interest rates across distressed economies. However, the situation with public finances is less dramatic in most countries in the euro zone than in other developed economies such as Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, which have seen their bond yields fall to historical lows.
Rising fiscal deficits in Europe are but symptoms – not the root cause – of the euro-zone crisis. Underpinning the huge divergence of long-term interest rates in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) are the wide wage and price differentials and the related build-up of large regional trade imbalances among the members. These imbalances started to build up at the very juncture when the most important instrument to deal with such imbalances – namely changes in the exchange rate – was no longer available. With fiscal policy ideologically blocked in many key countries and the existing monetary policy toolkit clearly inadequate, unconventional policy instruments are now needed.
Fiscal austerity, combined with wage restraint and further flexibilization of labour markets, not only causes an economy to contract, but also creates greater inequality in the distribution of income. The ensuing threat to social cohesion is already visible in several countries. However, rising inequality is by no means a recent phenomenon; it has been a ubiquitous feature of the world economy over the past 30 years, even if in some developing countries this trend appears to have come to a halt since the beginning of the new millennium.
The TDR report provides some perspective on the trajectory of developed country inequality since the 1970s and 1980s. It states that in developed countries, a period of "deindustrialization" began in the 1970s and 1980s, followed by structural change in recent decades shaped by the aggressive growth of the financial sector, advances in Information and Communication Technologies and increased competition from developing countries. Labour markets in some developed countries experienced declines in the demand for moderately skilled workers relative to both high- and low-skilled workers. As production offshoring came to mark corporate production models, the rise of imports from developing countries accelerated from the mid-1990s onward.
Corporate strategy, related to trade liberalisation and the pursuit of developing countries to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), reflected a fast-growing emphasis on the maximization of shareholder value. This incentivised managers to focus on short-term profitability and a higher stock market valuation of their companies, which altered the way companies respond to competitive pressures under conditions of high unemployment. Instead of adopting a long-term perspective and trying to further upgrade production technology and product composition through productivity-enhancing investment and innovation, companies began to increasingly rely on offshoring production activities to low-wage locations in developing and transition economies, and on seeking to reduce domestic unit labour costs through wage compression. This compression of labour costs is aided by the weaker bargaining position of developing country workers faced with the persistent threat of becoming unemployed, yielding a strengthening of profit-earners power vis-à-vis that of wage earners.
The TDR's analysis explains how in a number of developing countries, especially in Latin America but also in some transition economies, the trend towards greater inequality in the 1980s and 1990s occurred in a context of "premature" deindustrialization.
Labour moved from formal sector manufacturing activities to informal sectors and primary commodities with lower wages, benefits and security. Declining industrial employment, combined with large falls in real wages, in the order of 20–30 per cent in some Latin American countries, led to increasing income gaps in conjunction with stagnating or declining average per capita incomes.
The TDR examines several explanations for this "premature" deindustrialisation, including that nascent industrial sectors were unable to sustain "dynamic processes of structural change" upon opening up to global competition. Some developing countries that were at the initial stages of industrialisation did not, or no longer, possessed abundant cheap labour and thus could not benefit from outsourcing by developed country firms. Imports of manufactured goods at cheaper prices than domestic-made goods disabled economic survivability of some firms as well.
However, the TDR report contends that the main cause of deindustrialization in a number of developing countries in the 1980s and 1990s lies in the macroeconomic and financial policies they employed in the aftermath of the debt crises of the early 1980s. In the context of structural adjustment programmes implemented with the support of the international financial institutions, they undertook financial liberalization in parallel with trade liberalization, accompanied by high domestic interest rates to curb high inflation rates and/or to attract foreign capital.
Frequently, this led to currency overvaluation, a loss of competitiveness of domestic producers and a fall in industrial production and fixed investment even when domestic producers tried to respond to the pressure on prices by wage compression or lay-offs. In other countries, such as India and many African countries, the manufacturing sector has not grown fast enough to generate sufficient employment and a much larger proportion of the labour force has been absorbed in informal and less remunerative employment, while agricultural price liberalization has led to lower incomes for farmers, particularly in Africa.
To the extent that liberalization has brought benefits, these have accrued mainly to traders rather than farmers. Moreover, where industrialization has largely relied on integration into international production networks, as in a number of countries in Southeast Asia and parts of Africa, production activities and job creation have been mainly in labour-intensive activities without igniting or sustaining a dynamic process of industrial deepening and value-add creation. As a result, traditional patterns of specialization in primary commodities and natural-resourceintensive manufactures have been preserved, if not reinforced.
A key message of the TDR is that to comprehend the causes of growing inequality, it should be borne in mind that the trend towards greater inequality has coincided with a broad reorientation of economic policy since the 1980s.
In many countries trade liberalization was accompanied by deregulation of the domestic financial system and capital-account liberalization, giving rise to a rapid expansion of international capital flows. International finance gained a life of its own, increasingly moving away from financing for real investment or for the international flow of goods to trading in financial assets.
Such trading often became a much more lucrative business than creating wealth through new physical investments. More generally, the previous more interventionist approach of public policy, which strongly focused on reducing high unemployment and income inequality, was abandoned. This shift was based on the belief that the earlier approach could not solve the problem of stagflation that had emerged in many developed countries in the second half of the 1970s. It was therefore replaced by a more "market-friendly" approach, which emphasized the removal of presumed market distortions and was grounded in the strong belief in a superior static efficiency of markets.
This general reorientation has been centered on a monetary policy that gives almost exclusive priority to fighting inflation, while the introduction of greater flexibility in wage formation and in "hiring and firing" conditions is intended to reduce unemployment. The idea behind this approach, based on static neoclassical economic reasoning, is that flexible wages and greater inequality of income distribution will enhance investment by boosting net profits and/or aggregate savings.
In the context of expanding financial activities, greater inequality often led to higher indebtedness, as low- and middle-income groups were unable to increase or maintain their consumption without resorting to credit. This in turn tended to exacerbate inequality by increasing the revenues of owners of financial assets.
When excessive sovereign debts eventually led to financial crises, inequality frequently rose because the costs of the crises generally had a disproportionate impact on the poorest. While this shift in policy orientation occurred in most developed countries from the late 1970s onwards, the new thinking also began to shape policies in developing countries in the subsequent decades. In particular, a large number of countries were forced to comply with the conditionalities attached to assistance from the international financial institutions or followed their policy advice in line with the "Washington Consensus" for other political reasons.
With regard to labour markets, this new policy orientation meant deregulation and the introduction of greater flexibility. The unwillingness of workers to accept lower wages was considered the main reason for unemployment. In an environment of high and persistent unemployment, the influence of trade unions was weakened in countries where they had previously been influential, and in countries where they were initially weak, they could not be strengthened. As a result, the power in wage negotiations shifted towards employers, and wage increases were kept low in comparison with overall productivity gains, leading to a widespread increase in the shares of profits in total income.
The new spike of unemployment in the context of the financial crisis in 2008–2009, rather than motivating a rethinking of this approach, has, curiously, led to a reiteration of the presumed superiority of flexible labour markets in most developed countries. Only a few governments, notably in Latin America, have not followed such an orientation. Instead, they have focused on policies that improve the economic situation of the poor and the bargaining power of workers without hampering growth and global economic integration.
In terms of fiscal policy, the reorientation of economic policy since the early 1980s towards the principle of minimizing state intervention and strengthening market forces entailed the elimination of "market distortions" resulting from taxation. According to this view, the distribution of the tax burden and the allocation of public expenditure should primarily be determined by efficiency criteria and not by distributive considerations.
Lower taxation of corporate profits and lower marginal income tax rates at the top of the income scale were expected to increase companies' own financial resources for investment. Another argument in support of lower taxation of high-income groups and profits was that the resulting shift in income distribution would increase aggregate savings, since these income groups have a higher-than-average propensity to save. Supposedly, this in turn would also cause investment to rise.
Fiscal reforms in developing countries in the 1980s, together with the loss of tariff revenues resulting from trade liberalization, played a key role in the consistent reduction of public revenue, or prevented it from rising to an extent that would have enlarged the scope for governments to enhance the development process and to act to improve income distribution.
This problem was aggravated by the stagnation of per capita flows of official development assistance (ODA) in the 1980s and their dramatic fall in absolute terms in the 1990s. As a result, in many countries the provision of public services was reduced or user fees for public services were introduced, often with regressive effects or leading to the exclusion of low-income groups from access to such services, especially in Africa and Latin America.
In subsequent years, although the share of ODA flows into developing countries increased, they were chanelled into social sectors almost exclusively. This implied a decline in the share allocated to growth-enhancing investment in economic infrastructure and productive capacities. As a result, the effects on structural change and the creation of new employment and wage opportunities were limited.
Insufficient growth of average real wages, coupled with inappropriate tax reforms, constitute the root causes of rising inequality in most countries, but they have not led to the promised outcomes of faster growth and lower unemployment.
This is because any policy approach that dismisses the important contribution of income distribution to demand growth and employment creation is destined to fail. A shift in income distribution to high income groups with a higher savings rate implies falling demand for the goods produced by companies. When productivity grows without a commensurate increase in wages, demand will eventually fall short of the production potential, thereby reducing capacity utilization and profits. This in turn will typically lead to cuts, not to an increase, of investments.
The TDR's most pervasive argument is that influencing the pattern of income distribution in a way that society as a whole shares in the overall progress of the economy has to be a leading policy objective.
That is why, in addition to employment- and growth-supporting monetary and fiscal policies, an appropriate incomes policy can play an important role in achieving a socially acceptable degree of income inequality while generating employment-creating demand growth. A central feature of any incomes policy should be to ensure that average real wages rise at the same rate as average productivity. Nominal wage adjustment should also take account of an inflation target.
When, as a rule, wage growth is aligned with productivity growth, plus an inflation target, the wage share in GDP remains constant and the economy as a whole creates a sufficient amount of demand to fully employ its productive capacities. This way an economy can avoid the danger of rising and persistent unemployment or the need to repeatedly adopt a "beggar-thy-neighbour" policy stance in order to create demand for its supply surplus.
In applying this rule, wage adjustment should be forward-looking. This means that it should be undertaken in accordance with the productivity trend and with the inflation target set by the government or the central bank for the next period, rather than according to actual rates of productivity growth and inflation in the preceding period (i.e. backward-looking).
These latter instruments are of particular relevance in developing countries, which generally may need to achieve a more drastic reduction of income inequalities than developed countries. There is considerable potential for enhancing productivity growth in these countries by increasing the division of labour and exploiting opportunities to draw on advanced technologies. This means that there is also considerable scope for these countries to reduce inequality by distributing productivity gains more equally, thereby also fostering demand growth.
No doubt, in developing countries, which are still highly dependent on the production and export of primary commodities, the link between growth and employment creation is less direct than in developed countries. Their growth performance is often strongly influenced by movements in internationally determined prices of primary commodities.
Moreover, in many developing countries the dominating sector is informal and is characterised by small-scale self-employment. Formal employment in the manufacturing sector accounts for a relatively small share of total remunerative occupations, and labour unions and collective bargaining typically play a much smaller role than in most developed countries. It is therefore important to complement an incomes policy for the formal sector with measures to increase the incomes and purchasing power of the informally employed and selfemployed.
In addition to labour market and wage policies, taxation of income and accumulated wealth on the revenue side, and social transfers and the free and universal provision of public services on the expenditure side, play a central role in influencing distributional outcomes.
Progressive taxation can lower inequality among disposable incomes more than among gross incomes. The net demand effect of an increase in taxation and higher government spending is stronger when the distribution of the additional tax burden is more progressive, since part of the additional tax payments is at the expense of the savings of the taxpayers in the higher income groups, where the propensity to save is higher than in the lower income groups.
Indeed, the scope for using taxation and government spending for purposes of reducing inequality without compromising economic growth is likely to be much larger than is commonly assumed.
Taxing high incomes, in particular in the top income groups, through greater progressivity of the tax scale does not remove the absolute advantage of the high income earners nor the incentive for others to move up the income ladder.
Taxing rentier incomes and incomes from capital gains at a higher rate than profit incomes from entrepreneurial activity – rather than at a lower rate as practiced so far in many countries – appears to be an increasingly justifiable option given the excessive expansion of largely unproductive financial activities.
Well targeted social transfers and the public provision of social services can reduce inequality of disposable income. For example, higher spending on education may contribute to more equitable income distribution, especially in the poorer countries, but only if job opportunities are provided to those who have received such education. Employment creation also depends on overall economic dynamics such as the expansion of the formal manufacturing and services sectors.
Public employment schemes, such as those launched in a number of developing countries in recent years, may have a positive effect on income distribution by reducing unemployment, establishing a wage floor, and generating demand for locally produced goods and services. These can be implemented even in low-income countries with low administrative capacity, and can be combined with projects to improve infrastructure and the provision of public services.
If well conceived, they may also help to attract workers into the formal sector, and the proceeds from higher tax revenues coming from an enlarged formal sector may also be used for different forms of concessional lending and technical support to small producers in both urban industrial and rural economic sectors. Apart from supporting productivity and income growth, the provision of such concessionary financing can also serve as a vehicle to attract small-scale entrepreneurs and workers into the formal sector.
Public spending on essential goods and services in order to make them more affordable and accessible.
In a world of increasingly interdependent, open economies, a country's macroeconomic performance is increasingly influenced by the policies and circumstances in other countries. Sharp fluctuations in the international prices of goods and currency misalignments can lead to distortions in international competition between producers in different countries.
The TDR recommends that macroeconomic shocks arising from such mispricing in currency markets cannot be tackled at the firm level, and should not be tackled by wage cuts in countries whose producers are losing international competitiveness. In order to protect global economic health and prevent beggar-thy-neighbour behaviour in international trade, mispricing in currency markets should be addressed by currency revaluation or devaluation, and nominal exchange rate movements should reflect changes in inflation rate differentials or in the growth of unit labour costs.
Another important aspect of the international framework is the way in which countries deal with the relocation of fixed capital. Greater coordination among developing countries may be necessary to avoid wage and tax competition among them. Such coordination should aim at obliging foreign firms to conform to two principles: to fully accept national taxation schemes; and to adjust real wages to an increase in national productivity plus the national inflation target.
Both these principles would set a standard for domestic firms. The latter would not deprive the foreign investors of their – often huge − extra profits arising from the combination of advanced technologies with low wages in the host country, because their labour costs would not rise in line with their own productivity but in line with the average productivity increase in the host economy as a whole.


Over the past four seasons combined, the San Jose Sharks boasted the No. 2 overall defenseman for scoring. Now they have the top two.
Since the 2014-15 season, Brent Burns' 278 points have only been topped by Erik Karlsson's 281. The next closest defenseman is Victor Hedman with 220.
In that same span, Burns and Karlsson are the only two defensemen with more than 100 power-play points (Burns with 106, and Karlsson with 101). The Sharks' power play just became the scariest in the NHL with that duo on the back end. Between Joe Thornton, Joe Pavelski, Logan Couture and Evander Kane, the team has at least three top-end forwards to stack on the man advantage even if injury should befall one of them (cough, cough, 39-year-old Thornton).
Having two defensemen from the same team top 50 points is unusual, but not too rare. With the uptick in overall league scoring, a couple of teams managed it last season (Toronto, Nashville). But there are previous examples before the scoring bump, including Roman Josi and Shea Weber in 2015-16 and P.K. Subban and Andrei Markov the previous season.
Fifty points is actually a low target for these two defensemen -- they averaged 70 points per season for the past four years running. You have to go back to 2005-06, when scoring was up over 6.0 goals per game, to find an example of two defensemen from the same team even topping 60 points: Brian McCabe and Tomas Kaberle for the Toronto Maple Leafs. But that's a fantastic example to use, as the duo managed the feat by running the second-best power play in the league that season.
Not only will the addition of Karlsson boost the power play, but all boats should be lifted by adding his presence at even strength. Think about it: Most of the time the key offensive players for the Sharks will have at least one of Burns or Karlsson on the ice. The way they join the rush, it's like having a power play all the time.
Karlsson remains my first defenseman off the board for fantasy this season (yes, I was OK with it even if he stayed in Ottawa). I had Burns a bit lower, but will move him back into my top three for fantasy, somewhere inside the top 30 picks.
The odd man out on the power play, likely Kane, will take a hit if everyone is healthy.
Back in Ottawa, we are left with a pretty ugly situation. Honestly, this hurts basically every single Senators player except for Thomas Chabot, who will be forced to take the next step this season as the anchor for the power play. But it won't be a great power play without Karlsson. Mark Stone and Matt Duchene, who are now the only Senators worth even considering in 12-team leagues, lose a lot of their shine here. At the end of the day, Karlsson was needed to drive the offense for this team as the main playmaker, and let's be honest, Duchene will be next to go via trade in this stripped-down rebuild.


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The Executive Committee is made up of twelve elected academics, drawn from amongst the ECPR membership. A cohort of six are appointed every three years to serve a six-year term, in order to provide continuity. The current EC will serve the term 2018–21 and is chaired by Kris Deschouwer; the next election will take place October-March 2020/21.
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Kris Deschouwer
Kris Deschouwer is a Research Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel. He obtained a Master degree in Sociolog and in Political Science at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel in 1981 and in 1987, he obtained a PhD in Political Science. He started his career at the VUB in 1988, where he has been teaching general introduction to political science, comparative politics, Belgian politics and parties and elections. In 1999, he was a research fellow at the European University Institute in Florence. From 1987 until 1993, he was associate professor at the Department of Comparative Politics of the University of Bergen. In 2004 he held the Chaire d'honneur de la ville de Lausanne at the University of Lausanne.
Professor Deschouwer's main area of research is political parties and elections, as well as related topics like political representation, regionalism and federalism, and consociational democracy. His areas of interest are reflected in the following books: Luther K.R. & Deschouwer, K. (eds) (1999), Party elites in divided societies. Political parties in consociational democracies, London: Routledge Keating, M., Loughlin, J. & Deschouwer, K. (2003), Culture, institutions and developments: a study of eight European regions, London: Edward Elgar, Deschouwer, K. (ed) (2008), New parties in government. In power for the first time London: Routledge, Deschouwer, K. (2012), The politics of Belgium. Governing a divided society, London: Palgrave MacMillan, Deschouwer, K. & Depauw, S. (eds) (2014), Representing the people. A survey among members of statewide and substate parliaments, Oxford University Press. Professor Deschouwer was editor of the European Journal of Political Research from 2003 to 2009, and co-founder (in 1990) and several times convener of the ECPR Summer School on Parties and Party Systems.
Mary Farrell
Mary Farrell (PhD, London School of Economics) is Professor in International Relations at the School of Government, Plymouth University. Her research interests include the political and policy processes in global governance, the interface between regional and global governance, the United Nations in global politics and policy, European Union external relations, and Africa in the international system. She has published widely on the European Union at the United Nations, EU-Africa relations, and comparative regionalism. Professor Farrell also serves on the Committee of the University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES), and is a current member of the Board of Directors of the Academic Council of the United Nations. She has taught courses on European and global governance in a number of European universities as well as in Ghana and China, and has acted as an expert on various European Commission research programme evaluations.
Giliberto Capano
Executive Committee Member
Giliberto Capanois Professor of Political Science and Public Policy in the Department of Political Science at Bologna University. From 2003-2009 he was Dean of Bologna University's II Politics Faculty.
Giliberto specialises in Comparative Public Policy and research interests include comparative higher education policy, comparative policy design and policy instruments, the role of agents in public policy, and the professionalisation and social impact of political science. In this regard, he chairs the 'Professionalisation and Social Impact of European Political Science' Cost Action, bringing together scholars from 35 European countries, to reveal the untapped potential of political science not only as an academic discipline, but also as a means by which to improve the quality of our societies.
He has been the director of the Rivista Italiana di Politiche Pubbliche (Italian Journal of Public Policy) and is co-editor of Policy & Society. He was a member of the Executive Committee of the International Political Science Association from 2009-2014 and co-founder of the International Public Policy Association.
Giliberto has published nine monographical studies and edited twelve books, while his work in English has been published in several books and in journals including European Policy Analysis, Higher Education, Journal of Legislative Studies, Higher Education Policy, Public Administration, Southern European Society and Politics, Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, Journal of European Public Policy, Comparative Education Review, Policy and Society, Policy Sciences, and European Political Science.
Maurizio Carbone
Carbone is Professor of International Relations & Development at the University of Glasgow, where he also holds the Jean Monnet Chair in EU External Policies. In 2013 he received the Abilitazione as Professore Ordinario (Full Professor) from Italy's National Agency for the Evaluation of Universities and Research Institutes (ANVUR). Professor Carbone joined the University of Glasgow following the completion of his PhD at the University of Pittsburgh in 2004, first as Lecturer (2005-2009), then as Senior Lecturer (2009-2011) and finally as Professor (2011 -). He has taught courses at Carnegie Mellon University, Duke University, Johns Hopkins and the University of Bologna, and held official visiting research positions at the Université Libre de Bruxelles, University of Canterbury in New Zealand, European University Institute, University of Cambridge, Sciences Po Paris, University of Cologne, and University of Bologna.
Professor Carbone's main area of research is related to the EU's external relations, particularly foreign aid and various development-related policies (i.e., trade, security and foreign affairs). He is also interested in the process of European integration, the politics of international development, and the role of Italy in the international arena. He has published more than 50 journal articles and book chapters and 6 books. Together with James Newell, Professor Carbone is the founding editor of Contemporary Italian Politics, published by Taylor & Francis (Routledge). In addition, Professor Carbone has been member of the Executive Committee of the University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES); member of the Executive Committee of the Italian Politics Specialist Group within the British Political Studies Association (PSA) and of the Conference Group on Italian Politics and Society within the American Political Science Association (APSA); and founding chair of the interest section on The European Union and the Developing World within the European Union Studies Association (EUSA). He was also the local organiser of the 2014 ECPR General Conference.
David Farrell was appointed to the Chair of Politics at University College Dublin in 2009, having returned to Ireland after two decades working at the University of Manchester. In 2013 he was elected a Member of the Royal Irish Academy.
He has held visiting positions at the Australian National University, Harvard, Mannheim, and the University of California Irvine.
A specialist in the study of representation, elections and parties, David has published 19 books and over 100 articles and book chapters. His most recent books include, with Russell J Dalton and Ian McAllister, Political Parties and Democratic Linkage (Oxford University Press, 2011; paperback 2013), which was awarded the GESIS Klingemann Prize for the Best Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) Scholarship and, with Michael Marsh and Gail McElroy, A Conservative Revolution? Electoral Change in Twenty-First Century Ireland (Oxford University Press, 2017).
David's current work is focused on constitutional deliberation, and in that capacity he was the research director of the Irish Constitutional Convention (2012-14) and the research leader of the Irish Citizens' Assembly (2016-18).
Reuven Y. Hazan
Reuven Y Hazan is Chair of the Political Science Department at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He has Masters degrees in Political Science and Philosophy from Columbia University, where also obtained his doctorate in 1992. Professor Hazan has taught at the Hebrew University since 1995; he was made Senior Lecturer in 1999, Assistant Professor in 2005, Professor in 2009 and Chair in 2012. He has also been visiting professor at Emory University in 2003 and Harvard University in 2009.
Professor Hazan's research interests cover comparative democracies in general but particularly parties and party systems, legislative studies, and electoral systems. He is the author and editor of several books, most recently Understanding Electoral Reform (Routledge 2012, co-edited with Monique Leyenaar) and Democracy within Parties (Oxford 2010, co-authored with Gideon Rahat). He has edited special issues of Party Politics, the Journal of Legislative Studies and West European Politics and has published widely in many leading journals. He is on the editorial boards of the International Political Science Review, the Journal of Legislative Studies, Party Politics, and on the international scientific board of the Italian Review of Political Science. He has also been actively involved in the Standing Groups on Political Parties and Parliaments.
Petri Koikkalainen
Petri Koikkalainen is Senior Lecturer of Political Science at the University of Lapland in Rovaniemi, Finland. Professor Koikkalainen has studied at the Universities of Tampere (1991-97) and Lund (1994), been a Visiting Postgraduate Researcher at UC Berkeley (2003) and a visiting post-doctoral scholar/fellow at UC Berkeley (2010) and the European University Institute, Florence (2011-13).
Professor Koikkalainen's research interests include political theory, governance, the history of political thought and contemporary political history of northern Europe. He has published in journals such as History of Political Thought and History of European Ideas and in a number of edited anthologies; he has also published in Finnish (in, e.g., the comprehensive textbook 'Klassiset poliittiset ajattelijat', Classical Political Thinkers, edited with Paul-Erik Korvela, and in several other articles and book chapters.) He has served the Finnish Political Science Association (FPSA) as a member of its national board since 2006, Vice-President since 2010 and President since April 2014. He was the editor-in-chief of Politiikka, FPSA's peer-reviewed journal, in 2009-10, and one of the initiators of Politiikasta.fi, a popular web portal administered by the FPSA designed to popularise and open up political science to the general public and the Finnish media. Prior to being president of the FPSA, Professor Koikkalainen was also responsible for developing the series 'Books from the Finnish Political Science Association'.
Hana Kubátová
Hana Kubátová is Assistant Professor at the Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University. Since 2018, she has headed up the Center for the Transdisciplinary Research of Violence, Trauma and Justice (VITRI).
Hana studied political science and international relations at Charles University, nationalism studies at Central European University in Budapest, and modern history at Charles University. Throughout her doctoral and postdoctoral studies, she has held research positions at Tel Aviv University, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Heinrich Heine University Düsseldorf, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, and the Institute of Advanced Study at CEU.
Hana has been the recipient of numerous fellowships, including the Marie Curie Fellowship for Early Research Training, Charles H. Revson Foundation Fellowship, Felix Posen Fellowship, Gisela Fleischmann Scholarship, and more recently, the Junior Core Fellowship from the Institute of Advanced Study, CEU.
Her research interests include majority-minority relations in wartime and postwar Slovakia, identity construction, and microdynamics of (ethnic) violence. Hana has published in English, German, Slovakian, Czech, and Hungarian.
Petra Meier
Petra Meier is Professor of Politics at the University of Antwerp. She joined the Antwerp Department of Political Science in autumn 2006, as Assistant Professor, and has been its Chair for the last six years. In the period 2008-2016, with Stéphanie Loriaux, she chaired Sophia, the Belgian association of gender studies.
Petra studied political science at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel and the Université libre Bruxelles, and social geography at the Universiteit van Amsterdam. In 2002 she gained her PhD from the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, and went to Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen for a postdoctoral research project.
Petra's research looks into the representation of gender in politics and policies. She studies questions of democracy and representation; electoral systems and their degree of inclusiveness; electoral system design and gender quotas; symbolic representation and its connection with other dimensions of representation; the inclusiveness of public policies, their framing, discursive constructions and design; the gendering of public policies, especially through gender impact assessment and discursive practices; the Belgian women's movement and women's policy agencies; and issues of inequality in multi-level systems, especially federations.
She co-authored The Symbolic Representation of Gender: A Discursive Approach(Ashgate, 2014) and co-edited The Discursive Politics of Gender Equality: Stretching, Bending and Policy-Making (Routledge, 2012).
Petra was a member of the local organising committee for our Joint Sessions at the University of Antwerp in 2012. She has been a co-convenor of our Standing Group on Gender & Politics, and has served on the Jean Blondel PhD Prize jury for the last four years.
Thomas Saalfeld
Thomas Saalfeld is Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Bamberg and Director of the Bamberg Graduate School of Social Sciences.
Before joining the University of Bamberg in 2009, he held academic positions at the Universities of the Federal Armed Forces Munich and TU Dresden in Germany, and at the Universities of Hull and Kent in the UK.
His research focuses on the representation of citizens of immigrant origin, legislative behaviour, legislative organisation, parliamentary accountability and coalition government in European democracies.
Thomas's work has been widely published in academic journals, and he co-edited The Oxford Handbook of Legislative Studies (2014).
He has held visiting positions or fellowships in France, Sweden and Turkey, and is currently engaged with the project 'Anxieties of Democracy in Europe and North America', a network of researchers seeking to refine the research agenda on the link between social inequality, institutions and political behaviour.
In 2015, Thomas served on the Council of the German Political Science Association (DVPW). He is a Fellow of the UK Academy of Social Sciences and serves on the Advisory Board of the Italian Political Science Review. In the past he has been managing academic editor of German Politics and associate editor of the Journal of Legislative Studies.
Thomas has co-directed several workshops at our Joint Sessions; co-organised Standing Group summer schools and conferences; co-convened sections and panels at General Conferences; and organised a Research Sessions. He was a convenor of our Standing Group on Parliaments, and is local organiser of the ECPR Winter School in Methods and Techniques.
Sabine Saurugger
Sabine Saurugger has been a Professor of political science since 2005 and, since 2010, Research Dean at Sciences Po Grenoble where she co-directs the Master's Programme on European Governance.
Sabine completed her PhD at Sciences Po Paris and spent 2001-2002 as an Assistant Professor at Sciences Po Lille, moving on to an associate professorship at Sciences Po Grenoble from 2002-2005.
She is an honorary member of the Institut universitaire de France (IUF) and has held visiting research and professorship positions at the College of Europe and the Universities of Cologne, Montreal, Brussels and Oxford.
Her research focuses on public policy and comparative politics. More specifically, she concentrates on interest group studies, theories of European integration, European public policies and the politics of law. Most recently, she has analysed the impact of economic and financial crises on public polices and legal frameworks.
Results of Sabine's research have been published in journals including the European Journal of Political Research, Journal of Common Market Studies, West European Politics, Political Studies, Journal of European Public Policy and the Revue française de science politique.
In 2013, she published Theoretical Approaches to European Integration (Palgrave McMillan). More recently, her co-authored book with Fabien Terpan The Court of Justice and the Politics of Law was published by Palgrave in its European Union Series (2017).
Sabine serves on the editorial boards of the European Journal of Political Research, Interest groups and Advocacy and the Revue française de science politique.
Anna M. Sroka
Anna M. Sroka is Assistant Professor at the University of Warsaw. Professor Sroka completed her doctoral thesis on 'Spanish Road to Federalism' in the Institute of Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and her habilitation (second dissertation) on 'Accountability in Studies on the Quality of Democracy' (Examples of Poland and Spain) at the University of Warsaw. She is visiting professor at the National Distance Education University (UNED) in Madrid and has lectured in Berlin, Konstanz, Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia.
Professor Sroka's main research interest is quality of democracy. In 2015 Professor Sroka was the head of the local organizing committee of Joint Sessions.
The European Consortium For Political Research
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text:
Anchirithra insignis är en fjärilsart som beskrevs av Butler 1878. Anchirithra insignis ingår i släktet Anchirithra och familjen ädelspinnare. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Ädelspinnare
insignis

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About MindFreedom Ireland
MindFreedom Ireland is a voluntarily run, psychiatric survivor-led organisation which campaigns to abolish the power of psychiatry within the present so called 'mental health' system, a system that denies human rights in the name of 'care'. MindFreedom Ireland explores and promotes healing alternatives to the mainstream psychiatric model (sometimes called the 'medical model').
We are affiliated to MindFreedom International
History of MindFreedom Ireland
Helena King, Greg White, Dr Terry Lynch, Dr. Peter Breggin and Cork Advocacy Network all played their part in the genesis of MindFreedom Ireland. It was their raising of a critical psychiatric consciousness in the early years of the new millenium that led to a connection being established with MindFreedomm International in America and its Director, David Oaks. Originally known as Support Coalition International, David Oaks had built up the organisation to be in the vanguard of the struggle for a non-violent revolution in the mental health system both in the US and around the world. A psychiatric survivor himself, David Oaks today leads a coalition of over 100 like-minded groups.
The initial contact with MindFreedom took place in September 2003 when Mary Maddock e-mailed David Oaks and began the process which led to the formation of MindFreedom Ireland. The actual birthday was December 15th, 2003 and the inaugural meeting took place in the house of Helena King in Cork. Just five people were present on that historic occasion - Helena King, Maria O'Mahony, Marguerite Gates, Mary Maddock and Jim Maddock. Vowing to be as truly democratic as possible, it was agreed that Mary Maddock, a psychiatric survivor herself, would act as a liason person with David Oaks. Today MindFreedom Ireland is an affiliate of MindFreedom International with whom we share our Mission Statement in addition to campaigning in a specifically Irish context. We reject all discriminatory psychiatric labels and work to win human rights and alternatives for people who experience emotional distress.
MF Ireland Vision:
Our vision is a non-violent revolution in 'mental health care'
MF Ireland Goals:
Full human rights for people experiencing emotional distress.
Challenge abuse by the psychiatric drug industry.
Campaign for full legal recognition of Advanced Directives.
Promote safe, humane and effective alternatives.
Campaigns to abolish electroshock and has had 8 public electroshock protests.
MF Ireland endeavours to promote activism, advocacy, peaceful protest, public education and mutual support. While most of us are psychiatric survivors, we are open to all who supoprt human rights including psychiatric professionals, advocates, family members and the general public.
MF Ireland is one of the very few totally independent groups in the mental health field with zero funding from the mental health system, government or drug companies.
MF Ireland supports informed choice in mental health care. Some of our members choose to take psychiatric drugs, more do not. We are united in saying 'No' to human rights violations by psychiatric drugging. Drug companies often use fraud to promote their products. The public is sold a myth of 'chemical imbalance'. There is no scientific proof of a genetic or biological basis for any psychiatric diagnosis.
MF Ireland calls for a full range of voluntary, humane and safe alternatives for all who choose to use them. These options should include mutual support, jobs, housing, peer-run programmes, nutrition, advocacy, quality counselling and other more holistic approaches.
OUR RECORD Since our establishment in 2003, MindFreedom Ireland has achieved the following:
Established links with both the European Network of ex/Users and Survivors of Psychiatry (ENUSP) and the World Network of ex/Users and Survivors of Psychiatry (WNUSP).
Supported the petition and signature gathering campaign 'We Deserve to Know the Truth about Psychiatric Drugs' organised by Nuria O'Mahony
Given evidence to the Oireachtas Sub-Committee on Health which published its Report on 'The Adverse Effects of Psychiatric Drugs' in 2007
Conducted an on-going letter writing campaign in the national press
Participated in RTE programmes Prime Time, The Big Bite, The Afternoon Show, Would You Believe, TG4, TV3's The Morning Show and documentary 'Out of Sight Out of Mind' and on national radio with Today with Pat Kenny, Talk to Joe, The Matt Cooper Show, The Right Hook, Spirit Moves, The Niall Boylan Show on 4FM, Cork 96FM, TippFM and Donegal Highland Radio
Mounted exhibitions and information stands at conferences in Ireland, UK, Germany, Denmark and US.
Made submissions to The Mental Health Commission, the Expert Group, The Vision for Change Blueprint, Amendments to the 2001 Mental Health Act and proposed capacity legislation
Liased with Independent MEP Kathy Sinnott in making submissions to the EU Green Paper on mental health
Established collaborative links with the International Network towards Alternatives and Recovery (INTAR), Psychrights in Alaska, the Soteria Network in the Uk, the Campaign against Psychiatric Assault (CAPA) in Canada and Patients' Rights Advocacy in New Zealand
Formed a close alliance with Asylum, the UK organisation for democratic psychiatry and its Campaign for the Abolition of the Schizophrenic Label (CASL)
Represented by John McCarthy at the UN Ad Hoc Committee on Disability
Facilitated the establishment and inaugural meeting of Hearing Voices Ireland in Cork, November 2006
Organised the first ever anti-electroshock protest in Ireland in May, 2007 with further protests in 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011.
Supported Amnesty Ireland's campaign against psychiatric human rights abuse
Supported the Delete 59b Campaign to ban forced eletroshock
Facilitate a weekly support 'Stand by Me' support group
Facilitate a weekly 'A Little Help from my Friends' music group
Organised 'Epidemic Exposed - Are Magic Bullets an Illusion?' talk by Robert Whittaker in 2011
Organised talk and launch of his new book Selfhood by Dr. Terry Lynch in 2012
Organised a Selfhood discussion group
Held a major 10th Anniversary Conference September 2013
Logo By Mel O 'Dea
I based the sign on the Celtic drawing that I picked up from a tourist office.
I wanted the design to be distinctively Irish.
The bird motive drew me. Birds are an image of freedom and hope and the dove is a symbol of peace.
I did the entire design myself, but the idea of using a Celtic motive came from Colette Ni Dhuinneacha.
I hope the logo symbolises freedom, hope, peace and uncoercibility and that it represents the idea that the mind can never be truly tamed!
Mel O'Dea.
Survivor Websites
Professional Viewpoints
Campaign Links
© Mindfreedom Ireland 2022


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How to Ace the Q&A (When You Don't Know the Answer)
Even the most confident communicators can fumble when fielding unpredictable questions in front of an audience.
While some leaders shine at open forum Q&As, others can experience stomach butterflies or existential dread. I spoke to Leigh Buchanan at Inc. about some strategies to maintain credibility as you react and respond, even if you don't know the answer.
You can still ace the Q&A when you don't know the answer. Click To Tweet
Empower your experts.
Founders know more about their companies than anyone. But as companies grow, that knowledge becomes less comprehensive. So let employees know, as a matter of course, that you can't answer every question–but that the team can. Then make your experts available whenever questions will be asked.
"Build up people around you so that they are willing to step up and have a voice," says Jo Miller, founder of Be Leaderly, a career strategy firm for women. During Q&As, "call out your experts and encourage them to share the answer." That tactic not only takes pressure off of you, Miller says, but also develops your team members' confidence and leadership skills.
There's no reason to say "I don't know."
Even if experts aren't handy or can't answer a question, you can still do better than a straight-out confession of ignorance. Miller recommends language like, "That is just what we are trying to determine" or "I don't have enough information yet to answer your question."
Alternatively, "You can just turn it back on the questioner and say, 'Why is that important to you?'" Miller says. The response may give you more information to work with–or an opening to answer a different question entirely.
Manage the mansplainers.
Sometimes people don't have real questions, just axes to grind or criticisms to level. Or they just like to hear the sound of their own voices. Women leaders, in particular, face the prospect of men wanting to enlighten them, Miller says.
In those circumstances, don't get defensive. "The best way to deal with those questions is to have a confident and unapologetic posture," she says. Adopting a tone of amusement can help get the audience on your side, she adds: "Respond as though you are enjoying a game of intellectual ping-pong."
Read more of this Inc. article.
Leaderly Quote: Taking a 'Seat at the Table'
Leaderly Quote: When the best leader's work is done...


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Raeda Wazzan
Attacks on the Press 2005: Iraq
IRAQ Iraq was an assignment of unending danger for the hundreds of journalists covering the world's biggest news story. Journalist murders, deaths in crossfire, abductions, and detentions continued apace, reinforcing Iraq's distinction as the most dangerous place in the world to work as a journalist and as one of the deadliest conflicts for media in…
correspondent abducted in Baghdad
New York, October 19, 2005—The Committee to Protect Journalists is alarmed by today's abduction in Baghdad of a veteran reporter for London's Guardian newspaper. The Guardian said it believes a group of armed men seized Rory Carroll, the paper's Baghdad correspondent, as he left a house in the Sadr City, a stronghold of radical cleric…
French journalist, Iraqi interpreter freed after five months in captivity
June 13, 2005 12:00 PM EDT
New York, June 13, 2005—The Committee to Protect Journalists welcomes the release of a French journalist and her Iraqi interpreter who had been held captive in Iraq for more than five months. Florence Aubenas, a veteran foreign correspondent for the French daily Liberation, and her Iraqi interpreter Hussein Hanoun al-Saadi, were freed on Saturday. Hanoun…
Freed Italian journalist wounded by coalition fire
New York, March 4, 2005—Italian journalist Giuliana Sgrena, held hostage in Iraq for a month, was wounded shortly after her release today and an Italian security agent was killed when U.S.-led coalition forces fired on their car near a military checkpoint in Baghdad. Sgrena, a reporter for the Rome-based daily Il Manifesto who was held…
French reporter abducted in Iraq pleads for help in video
New York, March 1, 2005—A French reporter who disappeared in Baghdad nearly two months ago appeared pleading for help in a videotape released today by her captors. In the videotape, Florence Aubenas, a correspondent for the French daily Libération, is shown looking pale and tired and states that she is in bad health, The Associated…
Kidnapped journalist killed in IraqJournalist injured in separate incident
February 28, 2005 12:00 PM EST
New York, February 28, 2005—The Committee to Protect Journalists is outraged by the murder of Raeda Wazzan, a news anchor with the Iraqi state TV channel Al-Iraqiya who was kidnapped on February 20. Wazzan's body was found on Friday, February 25, on a roadside in Mosul, where the journalist had lived and worked, according to…
FEBRUARY 25, 2005 Posted: March 1, 2005 Raeda Wazzan, Al-Iraqiya KILLED—CONFIRMED Wazzan, a news anchor with the Iraqi state TV channel Al-Iraqiya who was kidnapped on February 20, was found dead five days later on a roadside in Mosul, where the journalist had lived and worked, according to press reports citing her husband. She had…
Iraqi journalist reportedly abducted
New York, February 22, 2005—Two Indonesian journalists and their driver, who were abducted by gunmen last week west of Baghdad, were released yesterday, according to international press reports. According to The Associated Press (AP), reporter Meutya Viada Hafid and cameraman Budiyanto, who work for Indonesia's 24-hour news channel Metro TV, and their driver, Ibrahim Abdel…


Winnaar van de Muziekband prijsvraag en de mini-prijsvraag 8.0!
Foil (premium) lid t/m 13-1-2037!
Hoe zit een beurt in elkaar?
2: Op de stack leggen (Let op, nog NIET gecast dus je kan hem nog NIET aanwijzen als target!).
9: De spell/ability werkelijk behandelen als 'gecast' of 'gespeeld'.
Subtypes zijn verdeeld per type. Instant en sorcery delen een lijst (die bestaat uit Trap en Arcane). Artifact heeft z'n eigen lijst (Equipment), Land heeft een eigen lijst (Urza's, Desert, Swamp, Island, etc), Planeswalker een eigen lijst (Liliana, Bolas, etc), Enchantment een eigen lijst (Shrine, Aura) en Creature en Tribal delen een lijst (alle creaturetypes, zoals Goblin, Merfolk, Fish, etc).
Beginnen met 'When' , 'Whenever' of 'At'.
Jan (3x) 2e x in 1 dag binnen - vanuit België!
Hallo allemaal, ik ben Crucifix (echte naam: Loek, ook wel bekend als Crusifix omdat ik het ooit verkeerd heb gespeld), 20 jaar oud! Ik ben al ongeveer twee jaar columnwriter hier op Nedermagic en Official Rules Advisor. Naast school heb ik doordeweeks ook nog werk, dus je zult meer van me horen in het weekend. Echter, dat neemt niet weg dat ik graag 's ochtends nog even mijn berichten e.d. check! Voel je dus vrij om een vraag, voorstel voor een column of iets anders te messagen!
Ik heb ADD waardoor ik soms dingen door elkaar haal. Helaas, ik kan het niet veranderen. Als ik snel ergens reageer, dan is het uit een impuls. Het kan dus zijn dat ik een foutje maak! Echter, over het algemeen let ik daar op, dus ik probeer die kansen zo klein mogelijk te houden. Bedankt voor je begrip!
Geintresseerd in wat ik allemaal schrijf/geschreven heb? Klik op de link hieronder om al mijn columns te vinden!
De officiële KvdD, SvdW en CvsC-Catalogus!
Al mijn decks zijn op multiplayer gefocust. Tips worden altijd gewaardeerd!
: Back from the dead for another round of multiplayer!
The big story of the Honolulu Pro Tour wasn't Kazuya Mitamura's $40,000 victory in the finals. The big story happened in the first round, where a young boy known only as Hans did something that is causing many to call him a hero.
Hans's game was looking unwinnable. He had a negative life total and was kept alive only by his Platinum Angel. His opponent had just cast a Molder Slug, threatening to remove the Angel — Hans's only artifact — at the beginning of his next turn.
But when it got to that next turn, Hans would say a word that would put the whole series of events in motion. A word that would send ripples throughout Magic history. A word that would cement Hans's legendary status.
Hans stared at his opponent and said, "No."
His opponent was taken aback. "Judge!" said the opponent. "He's refusing to follow my Molder Slug's triggered ability."
The judge said, "I have to issue you a game loss, Hans."
Hans pointed to his Platinum Angel. "I can't lose the game," he said. And with that, he proceeded to his draw step, undaunted by the judge's ruling. Then he skimmed through his deck for marked cards and put those into his hand as well.
"You're violating multiple game rules," said the judge, "in addition to ignoring my ruling, and I am issuing a game loss to you."
Hans, his finger still stuck to the Platinum Angel, like a modern day Little Dutch Boy with his finger plugging the leak in the dike, said, "You can issue all the game losses you want, but with my Platinum Angel in play, they have no effect." Hans proceded to the attack phase and swung for 4 with his Angel. He then looked at his opponent's face-down morphs, referred to outside notes, and substituted cards from his sideboard.
It was when Hans cast a Demonic Attorney that the head judge was called over. "Ante cards are banned," the head judge said. "That's a complete violation of the rules." But when he saw Hans's Platinum Angel in play, he was quieted. He knew he was defeated.
Hans said, "Since the Demonic Attorney's in the game, we have to do what it says." He proceeded to put the top card of his opponent's deck into his trade binder.
The head judge frowned in disapproval. "He's right."
It was a matter of hours before Hans owned his opponent's entire deck, as well many other cards from his opponent's collection, thanks to a Mindslaver and Ring of Ma'rûf. Each time judges tried to issue Hans a game loss for casting cards without mana, or playing cards in his graveyard, Hans merely pointed to his Platinum Angel.
The cards Hans didn't want to take from his opponent he tore up, due to interactions involving Chaos Confetti, March of the Machines, and Cytoshape.
Having by this time gathered quite a crowd, Hans produced a folded and wrinkled copy of the DCI Infraction Procedure Guide from his pocket and began skimming it for ideas. He noticed that kicking an opponent's chair out from under them was listed under "Unsportsmanlike Conduct," so he did just that. He also kicked the chairs out from under several other nearby players and spectators.
The sun was starting to set. The judges had not even attempted to give Hans a game loss for stalling. One by one, they had hanged their heads and walked away, resigned to their powerlessness in the face of the Platinum Angel. Then one of them hatched a plan. "I know who we can call," the judge exclaimed.
The next morning, Hans was woken by a voice blaring across the room from a police loudspeaker. "Hans," the voice said, "this is your mother. I love you. Please sacrifice your Platinum Angel to the Molder Slug's triggered ability so this can all end."
Hans lifted his head, looked around the room, and kicked his opponent's chair out from under him once more.
"Hans," his mother said, "we miss you. We just want you to come home."
It was Day Four of the standoff when another voice blared across the room. "Hans," the voice said, "this is your fiancé. There are only two more days until our wedding, honey. Don't you still want to get married? You have to end this game now, Hans. Please just sacrifice the Platinum Angel to the Molder Slug. We love you. We're worried about you."
Hans's mouth hung open, agape. A tear came to his eye. "Marcia," he said. "I love you too." He looked about him, seemingly aghast at what he had done. "I…" he paused. "I concede."
A flurry of applause burst through the room. Judges began high-fiving each other and giving Marcia hugs. "Unfortunately," Hans said, "the concession has no effect since my Platinum Angel is still in play."
It was two weeks into the game when the military showed up. "Hans," came a voice from a helicopter. "We have you surrounded. If you do not concede immediately, we will open fire."
To this day, a sleeved Platinum Angel remains embedded in Hans's tombstone. Hans may have lost his life that day, but he never lost the game.
- Notitie: Bob loyaal throwen!


Goedknegt, M. A., Havermans, J., Waser, A. M., Luttikhuizen, P. C., Velilla, E., Camphuysen, K. (C. J.), van der Meer, J., Thieltges, D. W.
An introduced species' invasion success may be facilitated by the release of natural enemies, like parasites, which may provide an invader with a competitive advantage over native species (enemy release hypothesis). Lower parasite infection levels in introduced versus native populations have been well documented. However, any potential competitive advantage will depend on whether native competitors exhibit higher parasite loads than introduced hosts and whether native hosts suffer more (e.g., reduced reproduction or growth) from parasite infections than introduced hosts. In this study, we compared macroparasite richness, prevalence, and intensity in sympatric populations of one native and two introduced brachyuran crab hosts in the centre of their European range. While the native green crab Carcinus maenas (Linnaeus, 1758) hosted three parasite groups (acanthocephalans, microphallid trematodes, rhizocephalans), the two invasive crab species Hemigrapsus sanguineus (De Haan, 1835) and H. takanoi Asakura and Watanabe, 2005 were only infected with acanthocephalans. All acanthocephalans were molecularly identified (COI) as the native Profilicollis botulus (Van Cleave, 1916). Prevalence and intensities of P. botulus were generally lower in the introduced than in the native crabs. Metacercariae of microphallid trematodes were only found in the native C. maenas, with mean infection levels of 100–300 metacercariae per host, depending on geographical location. Likewise, the castrating rhizocephalan barnacle Sacculina carcini Thompson, 1836 was only found in C. maenas at a few locations with low prevalences (< 3%). This first study on infection levels in invasive Hemigrapsus species in Europe indicates that these invasive crabs indeed experience lower infection levels than their native competitor C. maenas. Future experiments are needed to investigate whether this difference in infection levels leads to a competitive advantage for the invasive crab species.


The Seattle Seahawks visit the Dallas Cowboys in Week 16 of the 2017 NFL season. PFF previews the top player matchups of the game.
PFF's Zoltan Buday outlines who should be in for the 2018 version of the NFL's All-Star game, played in Orlando, Fla. on January 28, 2018.
All of the PFF-exclusive takeaways from Week 13 in the NFL, and the Cowboys 38-14 victory over the Redskins.
Taking a look at the standouts from the latest Sunday of the NFL season. PFF's Gordon McGuinness outlines Week 8's top performances on offense.


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Telangana's annual iftar party hosted with govt funds 'unconstitutional', activist moves HC
Stating that the funds were not meant to host parties for the elite, the petitioner called the move 'unconstitutional'.
File photo: PTI
news News Thursday, June 15, 2017 - 08:28
TNM Staff Follow @thenewsminute
The Hyderabad High Court pulled up Telangana's Minority Welfare Department on Wednesday, and asked it to submit the details of the funds being spent for the annual 'Iftar party', being organised by the state government.
The court was hearing a plea filed by social activist Lubna Sarwath, who questioned the state's move, and termed the iftar party 'unconstitutional'.
Pointing out that the funds were meant for the welfare of poor minorities, including Muslims, the Times of India reported that the petitioner's counsel told the court that the state was wasting several crore rupees on the upcoming annual party on June 18.
The TOI report adds that the petitioner also contended that none of the GOs issued by the state, revealed the actual amount of money that was being spent.
Citing GO 144, the petition stated, "As per the GO, the government wants to host Iftar in 420 mosques across the state. Hence, such extravaganza should not be permitted."
"It was submitted that a grandiose dinner in the name of 'iftaar party' is thrown by the Telangana government for VVIPs, since the past 3 years, and thus funds meant for 'minority welfare' is neither going to minorities nor to welfare. It was submitted that Chief justice and Chief Minister were partaking from this lavish menu hosted from 'minority welfare' funds," Lubna later said.
The case will come up for hearing again on Thursday.
In February this year, Lubna had filed a petition with the High Court, to declare Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao's offerings to gods and temples using taxpayer money, as illegal.
"I want to know who paid for the travel expenses of the officials and the chief minister's family, who went with him for the 'thanksgiving trip' to Tirupati. We want a white paper with a list of all the expenses incurred from government funds in the form of offerings for religious purposes. The expenses for his family, relatives and ministers should be from their own pockets, and not from public money," she had told TNM at the time.