text:
The 986-HP Ferrari SF90 Stradale Plug-In Hybrid Yanks Maranello Back Into Hypercar Race
The latest hypercar from Maranello has all-wheel drive and is stupidly powerful.
By Alexander Stoklosa
Ferrari's latest hypercar, the SF90 Stradale is the brand's first production plug-in hybrid.
Besides offering limited electric driving range, the SF90 packs 986 horsepower.
The SF90 Stradale also is Ferrari's first mid-engine all-wheel-drive sports car.
The least interesting aspect of Ferrari's all-new SF90 Stradale is that it's a plug-in hybrid with 16 miles of electric driving range. And even that's pretty noteworthy, given how the SF90 is Ferrari's first production plug-in hybrid, even if the Toyota Prius Prime smokes it in EV range (25 miles!). Other, spicier firsts and superlatives include the SF90 being the first-ever mid-engine Ferrari with all-wheel drive, and its V-8 engine being the most powerful eight-cylinder Ferrari has ever installed in a road car.
That V-8 is 88-cubic-centimeters larger than the Ferrari F8 Tributo's 3.9-liter V-8, making it a 4.0-liter unit, and generates 769 horsepower at 7500 and puts down 590 pound-feet of torque on its own. Those figures mean this V-8 tops the F8's 710-hp 3.9-liter twin-turbo V-8 and Ferrari claims its specific output, frighteningly high 192.7 horsepower per liter, is the highest in its segment. Don't worry, we're not finished with the maximal statements associated with this car.
Three electric motors—two on the front axle and a third between the engine and the eight-speed dual-clutch transaxle—join the V-8 and are powered by a 7.9-kWh lithium-ion battery. Those electric motors combine for a maximum of 217 horsepower, bringing the Ferrari's total system output to 986 horsepower. Eagle-eyed readers will note that the total output figure is simply the sum of the V-8's horsepower and the electric motors' horsepower.
Many might also have figured out that the SF90's electric-motor layout is similar to that in the Acura NSX; indeed, it is. Like the Acura, the Ferrari's front axle is exclusively driven by electric motors and it is capable of influencing yaw with torque vectoring. When operating solely on electric power, the SF90 Stradale relies on the front motors to pull it along; on EV power, the car is capable of up to 84 mph, so long as the car isn't driven very hard (accelerating harder than the equivalent of a 6.8-second zero-to-60-mph time will awaken the V-8). There is no reverse gear in the transmission—the front motors are simply spun backwards when reverse is selected. The motor stuffed between the gas engine and the transmission handles energy-recuperation duties, capturing energy that otherwise would be lost while coasting or braking and sending it to the battery pack.
With all four of its tires receiving torque and launch-control programming onboard, the SF90 Stradale is said to shoot off the line like a bottle rocket. Ferrari claims it'll reach 60 mph in 2.5 seconds, 124 mph in 6.7, and continue on to a top speed of 211 mph. In all likelihood, the SF90 will end up among the quickest roadgoing Ferraris ever—the brand's most recent moonshot hypercar, the LaFerrari, packed 950 ponies.
Amusingly, Ferrari not only claims the SF90 is 8 percent more efficient on the European fuel-consumption cycle, but that it's 1 percent more efficient around an unspecified racetrack than an unspecified gas-only sports car. The point is, the Ferrari's hybrid bits are as much about, if not more so, going faster while complying with ever-tightening fuel-economy regulations. We doubt many future owners will care about the mpg details.
All of this go-fast gas-electric tech is stuffed into an aluminum and carbon-fiber body shell that looks like a cross between the F8 Tributo and the hardcore, FXX K variant of the discontinued LaFerrari hypercar. The former seems to have contributed its wide hips and slit-like intakes throughout the body—carefully designed here to have a minimal impact on drag while feeding the greater volume of cooling air the V-8 and electric components require—while the latter donated its thin, horizontal headlights. The overall effect isn't groundbreaking by Ferrari design standards, but neither is it ugly. We think it's quite attractive, particularly the rear and its nifty new squircle-shaped taillights (that'd be squared-off circles, to the uninitiated). Ferrari claims it stripped a bunch of weight out of the structure to offset the hybrid gear's extra mass, but the SF90 remains heavier than, say, the new F8 Tributo based on the company's figures.
The narrow rear wing, which flows up behind the rear window, is particularly interesting. It has what Ferrari is calling a "shut-off Gurney." Traditionally a Gurney flap is a small vertical lip on the trailing edge of a spoiler or wing designed to increase the downforce. But when this "shut-off Gurney" is activated, it disrupts airflow beneath the SF90's rear wing to generate massive downforce at the expense of drag. At city speeds or ultra high speeds when traveling straight, the shut-off Gurney retracts (shuts off, get it?) to reduce drag. In its full downforce-producing configuration, the SF90's bodywork generates a whopping 860 pounds of downforce at 155 mph.
For all of its boundary-pushing technology—at least, boundary-pushing for Ferrari—the SF90 Stradale has a fairly normal interior. The dashboard design is in keeping with Ferrari's latest cabin styling, placing a curved 16.0-inch digital display ahead of the driver and a secondary unit for the front-seat passenger on the right side of the dashboard. Touch-sensitive controllers on the steering wheel are new, as are its eManettino controls (regular Ferraris have Manettino controls—note the lack of an "e" there) for selecting EV-only, Hybrid, Performance, and "Qualify" driving modes, that last one being the full-beans, maximum power setting. We can't wait to try it, and don't worry, we'll hold our Toyota Prius jokes at the door.


Application (app) component is responsible for all of the commands that are related to mobile application configuration management.
Copilot allows you to manage your application versions and easily communicate to users that an upgrade is required. This feature is useful in case of a new business or legal requirement, a critical issue with a deployed version, or a security issue (just to name a few use cases).The force upgrade state should correspond to the appropriate user interface with a message to the users and a call to action with a link to the relevant store to upgrade. The force upgrade process is triggered within Copilot Admin interface for either Android, iOS or both.
💡This is may be the first endpoint you would like to call when your application is loading. In case that this version should be upgraded, a common practice would be disabling any client<->server interaction as one of the use cases is the server cannot support the client anymore hence should be upgraded.
💡How application version is determined - Android uses the versionName property, iOS uses the CFBundleShortVersionString from app's info.plist file.
💡Version comparison - will be made according to OSGI semantic versioning. Meaning application version can be represented in up to 4 compartments: major.minor.micro.qualifier (qualifier is a string. For example 1.2.3.BUILD-2018-06-04). All compartments will be compared as integers until reaching the last compartment and it will be compared as string. For example, if the client application is 1.2.3.build8 and minimal supported version is 1.2.2.build7 the client application won't be requested to upgrade.
AppVersionBadFormat - Please check the application version set in your info.plist and build.gradle files. Refer versioning.
Fetch the configuration in order to receive the legal documents associated with your application. A legal document contains an url and a version. The document urls are controlled from Copilot Admin web UI.
💡You might use the url to display the content of the relevant property in a web view, so the user can approve or consult them.
💡You also might decide to trigger the terms and conditions approval flow again in your app in case the document version has changed.
Faq - The legal document for the faq. Contains the legal document URL and its version.
Validating passwords is required in case of user registration. Passwords should be validated according to your application's policy. The password policy rules are fetched by executing the fetchPasswordPolicy command.
This command will allow getting a set of rules to be enforced on the password the user types when registering to your application e.g. minimal length or existence of special characters.
In case you do not validate the password prior to the registration, and it does not comply with policy rules, you will receive an error passwordPolicyViolation when you will execute the signup command.
💡 You can fetch the rules before loading your registration screen and then use them to validate the password typed by the user on the fly. Alternatively, you might fetch them at the time the user tapped sign-up, and use the rules and validate the user password before executing the signup request.
NumericalValue - Most of the PasswordRuleId can be represented by a number, for example minimumLength could have a value of 5, meaning that the password cannot be shorter than 5 characters.
isValid(String password) - method used to check if the password is valid or not.
💡In the case the type of the PasswordRuleId is a boolean like the rejectWhiteSpace, the numericalValue returned will be 0.


Leave a legacy of love, health and happiness. Leave a bequest to the Bucks County SPCA in your will or estate plan and your legacy will include unlimited tail wags and happy purrs. It's easy to do! Simply include the Bucks County SPCA in your will or estate plan. Just mention us by name, and include our tax ID number (23-1365196).
We'd love to have the chance to say thanks, so please let us know you've done so and we'll include you in the L. Knickerbacker Davis Legacy Circle. Members of this circle will get special early access to Bucks County SPCA events and insiders' updates on our work.
Looking to leave a legacy and improve your tax situation? There are many options to help with income, capital gains and estate taxes. The Bucks County SPCA is not in the position to give definitive tax or financial advice. We recommend that you review these gifts with your financial adviser to determine the type of gift that best fits your personal situation and philanthropic goals.


text:
Semir Zuzo (* 11. August 1976 in Lyon) ist ein französischer Handballtrainer bosnischer Abstammung. Als Handballspieler war seine Spielposition Kreismitte.

Spielerkarriere

Verein
Semir Zuzo lernte das Handballspielen bei Vaulx-en-Velin. Nach zwei Jahren beim Villeurbanne HBC sollte er 1996 zum französischen Meister OM Vitrolles wechseln. Nach dem Rückzug Vitrolles' nahm ihn Massy Essonne HB unter Vertrag. In der Saison 1998/99 spielte der 1,95 m große Kreisläufer für den spanischen Erstligisten Bidasoa Irún. Anschließend lief er für Paris Handball auf. Seine erfolgreichste Zeit verbrachte Zuzo bei Montpellier Handball, mit dem er 2004 und 2005 die Meisterschaft, 2004 und 2005 den Ligapokal sowie 2005 die Coupe de France gewann. In der Saison 2005/06 war er einer von vier Kreisläufern neben Vereinsikone Laurent Puigségur, David Juříček und dem jungen Igor Anic. Im Januar 2006 verließ er Montpellier und ging zum Schweizer Erstligisten Kadetten Schaffhausen, mit dem er am Saisonende die Schweizer Meisterschaft feiern konnte. Von 2006 bis 2011 lief er für Tremblay-en-France Handball auf, mit dem er 2009 und 2010 den dritten Platz in der Liga erreichte. Nach der Finalniederlage im Pokal 2010 unterlag die Mannschaft ein Jahr darauf im Europapokal der Pokalsieger erst in den Finalspielen dem VfL Gummersbach. Nach der Saison 2010/11 war Zuzo zunächst vereinslos, ehe der luxemburgische Verein HB Esch ihn im Januar 2012 verpflichtete. Mit Esch gewann er den luxemburgischen Pokal. Anschließend spielte er noch für die Zweitligisten Saint-Marcel Vernon und CO-Vernouillet sowie den unterklassigen Verein Plaisir Handball.

Nationalmannschaft
Kurz nach seinem Debüt in der französischen A-Nationalmannschaft gewann Zuzo mit dem Team zunächst bei der Weltmeisterschaft 1997 die Bronzemedaille. Nur wenige Monate später gelang ihm der Gewinn der Bronzemedaille mit der französischen Juniorennationalmannschaft bei der U-21-Weltmeisterschaft 1997. Bei der Europameisterschaft 1998 belegte er mit Frankreich den 7. Platz. Insgesamt bestritt er 55 Länderspiele, in denen er 63 Tore erzielte.

Trainerkarriere
Zuzo übernahm im November und Dezember 2016 die Algerische Frauen-Handballnationalmannschaft. In der Saison 2017/18 trainierte er Puteaux Handball. Seit September 2018 ist er Trainer und Generaldirektor von Villeurbanne HA.

Privates
Zuzos Eltern stammen aus Bosnien und kamen vier Jahre vor seiner Geburt nach Lyon. Sein jüngerer Bruder Sedin (* 1977) war Handballtorwart und spielte gemeinsam mit ihm beim HB Esch. Seine Söhne Reyhan und Djeylan spielen ebenfalls Handball.

Weblinks
 Semir Zuzo auf der Website von Villeurbanne HA (französisch)

Einzelnachweise

Handballnationaltrainer (Algerien)
Handballtrainer (Frankreich)
Handballnationalspieler (Frankreich)
Handballspieler (Spanien)
Handballspieler (Luxemburg)
Handballspieler (Montpellier Handball)
Handballspieler (Paris Saint-Germain)
Handballspieler (Kadetten Schaffhausen)
Französischer Meister (Handball)
Schweizer Meister (Handball)
Kreisläufer
Franzose
Bosnier
Geboren 1976
Mann

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Never be without your favorite radio station. The Nightly Spirit is proud to present our OFFICIAL radio app. Listen to us at work, home or on the road. Install our app and get instant access to our unique content, features and more!


Celebrating arts and culture in Queensborough during November was a great chance to show my Fraser River Series and my "Hollenstyle" method of painting. The raking light was fabulous and the people were left in awe! I really enjoyed it too!
The Hollenstein Art Gallery in Carleton Place, Ontario hosts art showings by appointment. Call or write today to learn more.


CenturyLink is a premier provider of High-Speed Internet and phone service in Sedona, Arizona. With it you receive quality services at reasonable prices. If you would like excellent telephone and Internet deals, you will find a bundle deal to suit your needs. Technology bundles help you save a lot, and make it easy to pay one bill for a number of services.
You don't have to put up with sluggish Internet connections . High-Speed Internet is a better service. When you spend more time browsing and less time loading, you get more service for your buck With High-Speed Internet service you can upload videos, new music, big files, as well as surf the web at seriously fast speeds. Even better, with CenturyLink Sedona you can talk on the phone and surf on the Internet at the same time. You don't need to pick one or the other. An always on connection means there is no wait for a modem to connect. .
No matter your Internet needs you are sure to find a CenturyLink offer that fits. Starting with the satisfactory introductory plan all the way up to much faster plans, all you have to do is choose. The first speed option is perfect for sending and receiving email, instant messaging family and friends, and general browsing at great speeds. However, if you regularly stream videos, downloading larger files and doing any anything for which you need serious bandwidth, like online gaming, then the next package will suite you much better If you work at home or rely on your computer for online classes, the faster packages are likely the best suited option for you. These packages are much faster than dial-up and will supply you with the blazing-fast speeds that you need.
If you live in Sedona, Arizona, getting the CenturyLink Wireless Networking Modem will allow you to get Internet access from anywhere in your home. You can get a wireless modem which will let you connect all of your Wi-Fi enabled devices to your Internet access. Smartphones, Laptops and wireless printers; you can connect them all.
If you're looking for options with regards to your home telephone, CenturyLink is the company for you. With all the great call features at a price to suit your budget, you can find the phone service you are looking for. Every phone plan includes hassle-free billing options and many exclusive features. Packages let you choose from many features such as call waiting, caller ID, call forwarding, and much more . Pick the tier of service that makes the most sense for your needs. Once you call to get Home Phone Service you can ask the representative for more information about which plan would be best for you.
Save money and make your life easier by combining your Phone Service and High-Speed Internet into one particular monthly bill. Regardless of what you are looking for it has an option that seams customized for you.
CenturyLink is a top provider of High-Speed Internet access and phone service in Sedona, Arizona. Customers get quality services that are affordable and can complement any price range. With unbeatable phone service and exclusive High-Speed Internet deals, you can find a bundle deal to suit your needs. Phone and Internet bundles help you save a lot of money, making it easier with a single bill to pay .
Stop wasting time watching the progress bar online. When you go with this Internet provider, a blazing fast connection to the Internet is more affordable than you might think. When you spend more time surfing and less time buffering, you get a lot more Internet for your buck Send larger files, stream Internet videos and video message, without having to worry about slower connections, lagor intermittent losses of data transfer. It gives you an Internet connection you won't have to think about. Even better, with CenturyLink Sedona you are able to talk on the phone while you surf online. You don't have to choose one or the other anymore. The connection is always connected, so your connection won't stand between you and the web.
No matter your Internet needs CenturyLink has an option out there for you. You will be able to choose between speeds. The first plan is perfect for sending and receiving email, and casual browsing at great speeds. The next Internet package is ideal for people that spend a lot of time online downloading music on a regular basis. For those who telecommute, game or just have a significant need for speed, CenturyLink Sedona Arizona offers a blazing package that will get you from here to there faster than you can say High-Speed Internet.
Connect to your fast CenturyLink Internet from any point in your home. The modem is inexpensive and allows you to access the Internet from your cell phone, computer, right from the comfort of your home. Share files and printers among up to five computers with the built-in wireless router.
Since so many individuals rely on their cell phones, it doesn't seem sensible to spend a lot for home phone service. Depending on your cell company, you could be making inexpensive calls from home with CenturyLink Sedona Arizona. You can get premium home phone service for a low monthly fee that won't break the bank. Every phone plan includes convenient billing and many exclusive features. You get access to wonderful features like Caller ID, Voice Mail, Three-Way Calling, and many others for an excellent low price. If you select the basic Home Phone plan, you will gain access to many of your favorite calling features and can even add more later on according to your needs and budget.
Spend less and simplify your life by combining your CenturyLink Home Phone Service and Internet in to one low monthly bill. No matter your price range or way of life, this provider has a package that is perfect for you .


It feels like our current White House administration is getting closer and closer to unraveling. Between a GoFundMe page for the wall and Jim Mattis' resignation, this week has been especially chaotic.
It's no wonder people are feeling nostalgic for simpler times. In fact, residents of Los Angeles can now physically drive down memory lane, after signs honoring Barack H. Obama were installed on a stretch of the 134 Freeway this week.
The route from State Route 2 in Glendale to Interstate 210 in Pasadena was completed this week, according to USA Today, after being signed into law back in September 2017. Locals definitely love No. 44, but it's also a tribute to the period of time in Obama's youth when he attended college at Occidental College in Eagle Rock from 1979 to 1981 and later lived in Pasadena.
Obama has been out of office for two years, so it's about time he starts getting a few things named in his honor. In August, the city of Los Angeles also announced plans to rename Rodeo Road to Obama Boulevard. Maybe next, Obama could get an entire island that we can all relocate to. Just a thought.


Once the first meeting of Disoñadores was over, in 1996, we took on the task of keeping alive the ties of friendship and complicity that were woven among those who had attended that appointment in the South. The immense joy of those days challenged us to new encounters. Friends now of a project without a name, we returned to the places where dreams come to life. This dispersion became a new call and, as if attracted again by the cold air of La Cocha, in May of 1998 we returned to the lowest moors of the world.
New and old companions arrived to give way to imagination and ideas. The memories and the evidences beat that day. They returned from Cali the Molina, the Murgueitio, the Zangen and the Naranjo and, to each new embrace between old friends, the heads were raised looking for other eyes that each one missed. Of Palmira the poets with the smile who only know how to write the faces of poets; of Anzá, Urabá, Manizales and Medellín the whispers and the loud voices of the paisas joined unmistakable at the time of the census. From the Sierra Nevada and the Peruvian Andes, coppery faces and black hair presented their names, now forever dreamers: Leonor and Grimaldo. They came from the top of our mountains.
A troop of memories rode through the halls. Juan, Gonzalo, Sonia and Arturo cleared the doubts of the newcomers, and Eduardo crashed his hands and raised a toast to rid himself of his Uruguayan humor. Then, with a song of nostalgia, the first tears of Edvalda were translated, which let some of the water she lacks in the northeast of her Brazilian land shoot through her eyes.
They arrived in their boat traveling through the waves of La Cocha, Conchita, Jaime, Efren, Ignacio, Gloria, Eusberto, Cecilia and all the peasants of this patch of life; They gave us their houses, their joy, their wisdom. Manfred landed suddenly as brought by the powerful Thor of Scandinavia and, beside him, sweet, with the taste of chili, Gaby discovered this frantic brotherhood.
Diana with the story in her words seemed infected between the laughs of Marco Raúl and the labyrinths of Gustavo, while clota with his humor of the Pacific always put the note of ingenuity. So the meetings happened. But an emptiness defeated the search: Mario would no longer be the first to speak, nor the first to laugh. His death left us alone. We were together and alone. That murder against Mario, Elsa, and Carlos returned us to the country that called us, did not answer the importance of the appointment, hurried us to get down to work.
The task was arduous and at the same time enjoyed. The central theme of this call was to put our feet on the ground and we set out with delivery of lovers. We listened to the most moving experiences and the most heartbreaking analyzes: at the same time, life and death showed us hope and returned us to the blood that this piece of the world manages so profusely.
Manuel Serna told us about a new Santander on the path that won peace and lost the war. Carlos, on behalf of the Paez people and their five centuries of struggle and dignity, showed us that whoever does not lose his memory, does not lose the future. Alfredo reminded us of who is the business of war and where rifles point when peace is talked about.
The mixture of practice with theory, of youth with experience and of professionals with whom they accumulate knowledge from their daily life, has been tracing us a difficult but necessarily passable path: what is in these pages is a sheet of route where the multiple paths lead to respect as a basis of tolerance and the magic of difference to give color to the days.
The talks that are collected here are, in some cases, the transcription of the interventions and, in others, the texts that were prepared on that occasion. Nobody will leave this reading without having taken a step already in the third millennium and without making their eyes penetrate what they deserve to see the next generations.


Alta Vista, the search site which once rivalled Google and Yahoo, is to be closed today after a lengthy decline.
Yahoo, the site's current owner announced the site's closure in a post on its blog, which included a list of other products it intends to put an end to.
Alta Vista proved massively popular in the early 2000s as it was among the first sites of its kind to catalogue large amounts of the web's content.
At the time of its launch in 1995, search engines commonly struggled to keep up with the Internet's rapid growth. Alta Vista, however, indexed 20 million pages – a far greater number than its rivals. It developed a 'crawler' system that found the websites and logged their content– it then used behind-the-scenes machines to return the results to the user promptly.
Yahoo bought the firm, along with its technology, from ad company Overture in 2003. Two years previously, however, Google had overtaken Alta Vista in the search engine popularity table.
The closure of a site which was once played such a significant role in the lives of internet users shows just how one-sided the race has become. Google has a search engine market share of almost 90%, while Bing follows in second place with a share of only 6%. It is for this reason that marketers pay such close attention to the SEO-related advice of Matt Cutts, head of webspam at Google.


Funeral Flowers from LeeAnne's Floral Designs - your local Elko, NV.
Let LeeAnne's Floral Designs deliver a lovely floral expression of sympathy and reverence for you. This arrangement features white roses, Fuji mums, gladiolus, lilies and bells of Ireland.
This ivory and white bouquet inspires feelings of purity and peace. Our Heavenly Aura flower arrangement features crisp white stock, spider mums and snapdragons, as well as fragrant white lilies and blush ivory miniature roses. Send fresh flowers designed and delivered by LeeAnne's Floral Designs. Call us or order flowers from our website.
A funeral for a friend or loved one can be difficult, but funeral flowers from LeeAnne's Floral Designs of Elko, NV can help begin the healing process. Funeral flowers provide the opportunity to express how much the departed means to you. Celebrate the life of your loved one with one of the beautiful funeral flower arrangements found here such as: Classic Remembrance Urn, Mixed Flowers Sympathy Tribute or one of our standing sprays. Browse our funeral flowers page to find the perfect sympathy arrangement and place your order online. You can also call and speak with a designer at LeeAnne's Floral Designs in Elko, NV for funeral flowers just as unique as your friend or loved one.


The Orca Bay Creek Ladies Deck Shoe is a timeless classic that is double hand stitched in a true moccasin fashion for supreme comfort and durability, with rustproof aluminium eyelets. Rawhide laces and a 360 degree secure custom fit. Made with premium, full grain, salt resistant nubuck leather and razor cut soles for excellent slip resistance in the wet or dry.


text:
using UnityEngine;
using System.Collections;

public class firingMechanism : MonoBehaviour {

    [Range(0.01f, 5f)]
    public float m_RateOfFire = 1.0f;
    float timestamp = 0;
	public float bulletSpread = 0.5f;
	//public float recoilDistance = 0.1f;
	//IEnumerator recoil;

	void Start()
	{
		Messenger.AddListener<Transform>("RaySelectorTargetsFound", RaySelectorTargetsFound);
		//recoil = transform.TranslateTo(Vector3.forward, timestamp, Ease.CubeOut);
	}

	void RaySelectorTargetsFound(Transform target)
	{
        if (Time.time < timestamp)return;
  		timestamp = Time.time + m_RateOfFire;
		FireBullet(target.position);
	}

    void FireBullet(Vector3 p_target)
    {
        var pool = GetComponentInChildren<PlayerBulletPool>();
        if (pool == null) return;
        var bullet = pool.GetPoolItem();
        if (bullet == null) return;
		var endtarget = (Random.insideUnitSphere * bulletSpread) + p_target;
		bullet.SendMessage("firingMechanismFIRE", endtarget);
		BroadcastMessage ("firingMechanismRECOIL", m_RateOfFire/2f, SendMessageOptions.DontRequireReceiver);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Мэ́ри Лия Трамп (; род. 3 марта 1965 года, Нью-Йорк, США) — американский психолог, автор книг и бизнес-леди. Член Демократической партии США. Является племянницей 45-го президента США Дональда Трампа.

Биография

Ранние годы
Мэри Леа Трамп родилась в семье стюардессы Линды Клэпп и Фреда Трампа-младшего, работавшего пилотом в авиакомпании «Trans World Airlines». Является сестрой Фредерика Трампа III. В 1983 году окончила школу . В Университете Тафтса занималась изучением английской литературы. Получила степень магистра в этой области при Колумбийском университете, для чего изучала произведения Уильяма Фолкнера. Имеет докторскую степень по клинической психологии в Институте перспективных психологических исследований Дернера при .

Карьера
Трамп работала в Манхэттенском психиатрическом центре, трудясь над своим докторским исследованием. Она является одним из соавторов книги «Диагноз: шизофрения», выпущенной издательством Колумбийского университета в 2002 году. В магистратуре Мэри освоила психологию развития и психопатологию. Она является основателем и главным исполнительным директором «Trump Coaching Group», специализирующейся на коучинге. Трамп также владела и управляла рядом малых предприятий в северо-восточной части страны.

Too Much and Never Enough
«Слишком много и всегда недостаточно: как моя семья создала самого опасного человека в мире» — это книга, написанная Мэри и опубликованная 14 июля 2020 года издательством «Simon & Schuster». Согласно примечанию в начале книги, все записи были взяты либо из её собственных воспоминаний, либо из записанных разговоров с членами семьи и друзьями. Другими источниками были юридические, финансовые и семейные документы, а также электронная переписка. В книге подробно рассказывается о раскрытии налоговых деклараций семьи Трампов, опубликованных в «The New York Times». Данное расследование получило Пулитцеровскую премию 2019 года. Невзирая на многочисленные иски против данной книги, апелляционный суд дал своё согласие на публикацию. В первый же день книга разошлась тиражом около миллиона экземпляров.

Мэри неоднократно появлялась в эфире популярных американских программ, таких как «Good Morning America» (ABC), «Позднее шоу со Стивеном Кольбером» (CBS), а также в эфире телеканалов CNN и MSNBC.

Личная жизнь
В своей книге Мэри рассказала о том, что является человеком нетрадиционной сексуальной ориентации. Она вспоминала давнишний случай, когда её бабушка Мэри Энн Маклауд нелестно отзывалась о приверженцах такого рода течения. Это стало сдерживающим фактором для Мэри. Впоследствии она решила не делать так называемый каминг-аут.

Она женилась на женщине, с которой позже воспитывала дочь. Вскоре развелась. Живёт на Лонг-Айленде, штат Нью-Йорк, совместно с дочерью.

Конфликт с семьёй Дональда Трампа
После смерти Фреда Трампа-старшего в 1999 году, Мэри и её брат Фред III пытались оспорить завещание своего деда. Согласно ему Трамп-старший оставил большую часть своего состояния в равных долях своим детям. Внукам было выделено по 200 000 долларов. Отец Мэри умер раньше своего отца. В связи с этим адвокаты Трампа-старшего рекомендовали ему внести изменения в завещание, чтобы оставить Мэри и её брату Фреду III большую долю.

Вскоре Мэри родила сына с редким и изнурительным заболеванием, которое потребовало дорогостоящего медицинского обслуживания. У семьи был собственный фонд, который оплачивал все медицинские расходы. После того, как Мэри и Фред III подали иск против Дональда Трампа и двух из трёх его живых братьев и сестёр, Мэри и Фред III сообщили, что медицинский фонд больше не будет оплачивать их медицинские расходы. Иск был урегулирован в 2001 году. Окончательное решение спора о разделе имущества Трампа-старшего не принесло им той доли, которую унаследовал бы их отец, если бы он был жив.

Мэри поддержала Хиллари Клинтон на президентских выборах 2016 года. 15 июля 2020 года в интервью «ABC News» она заявила, что хочет, чтобы Дональд Трамп ушёл с поста президента. Мэри сказала, что он «совершенно не способен руководить страной, и опасно позволять ему заниматься этим».

Предки

Примечания

Трампы
Писательницы США
Выпускники Школы Этель Уокер
Выпускники Университета Адельфи
Выпускники Университета Тафтса
Выпускники Колумбийского университета
Члены Демократической партии США

Ссылки
 Мэри Лия на «Internet Movie Database»


// 1. Initialize fotorama manually.
// 2. Get the API object.
// 3. Inspect it in console.
Zero-based position of the fotorama within the all fotoramas on the page.
Number of frames in the fotorama.
Zero-based position of the active frame.
DOM element of the active stage frame. Wrapped in a jQuery.
DOM element of the active navigation frame with iPhone-style dot. Wrapped in a jQuery.
DOM element of the active navigation frame with thumbnail. Wrapped in a jQuery.
index: 1, // The second frame.
time: 500 // Half-second transition.
Starts the slideshow with a set interval in milliseconds. Default iterval is 5000, 5 seconds.
Opens fotorama in fullscreen mode, if allowed in options.
Starts the video if the active frame has it.
Stops and unloads the currently playing video.
Adds one or more frames to the beginning of the fotorama.
Reverses the fotorama in place.
Kills the fotorama and restores the original content.


Ford Trucks and the Ford Motor Company Fund have announced that they will team with the Texas FFA (Future Farmers of America) Association this year, extending the company's "Driving Skills for Life" program to all 1,000 Texas FFA chapters.
Texas is the biggest state in the country for the FFA Association, with membership in excess of 114,000 people. From March through June this year, each of the state's 1,000 high school FFA chapters will complete Ford's online Driving Skills for Life Academy, and then be eligible for a hands-on Ford driving clinic at this year's Texas FFA State Convention in Dallas come July.
"Since 1997, Ford has awarded more than $8 million in college scholarships to FFA students nationwide, and today we are furthering our commitment by together striving to combat the leading cause of death for young people in the US through education and hands-on training," said Ford Fund's Global Manager for the Driving Skills for Life program, James Graham.
Ford has a history with the FFA Association stretching back almost 70 years. Apart from this Driving Skills for Life involvement, Ford will award more than 500 scholarships to FFA members this year.


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DWI/OWI
Thomas S. Locke
Zachary A. Witte
Protection of the Immediate Family
One of the main purposes for making and leaving a will is to guide the administration of the estate of the testator–the person who made the will. A will should be written in language that is clear and indisputable. Alas, the language in a will may be unclear or vague. This article discusses will interpretation doctrines designed to protect the testator's immediate family from mistakes, or apparent mistakes, by the testator.
When a testator dies, his or her immediate family needs some protection from the shock and time to plan their way out of their change in circumstances. All states have at least some statutes designed to protect the immediate family of the testator for a reasonable period of time after the testator's death. As a general rule, surviving spouses are not left with nothing, even if the testator attempted to disinherit his or her surviving spouse. The testator's surviving spouse is either granted a right to elect against the testator's will or granted certain community property rights. Most states provide a variety of practical benefits to the testator's surviving spouse and surviving minor children.
Most states permit the testator's surviving spouse or surviving minor children to take an allowance in the form of money from the testator's net estate in order to meet their current living expenses.
Most states permit the testator's surviving spouse to the live in the primary residence of the testator, sometimes known as the mansion house, for up to one year rent-free. There may be a homestead statute that permits a surviving spouse and surviving minor children to live in the primary residence of the testator, free from the claims of the testator's creditors, until the last child reaches the age of majority. Obviously, such statutes give the testator's surviving spouse and surviving minor children time to plan where their next primary residence will be.
Another benefit commonly granted to the testator's surviving spouse by statute is permitting the testator's surviving spouse to select one of the automobiles of the testator that has not been specifically bequeathed by the testator in the testator's will. Obviously, such statutes give the testator's surviving spouse and surviving minor children a means to move to their next primary residence.
States may permit the testator's surviving spouse or surviving minor children to take allowances other than money from the testator's net estate. States may declare that clothing, furniture, and other personal effects are exempt from the testator's estate.
Your Lawyer
The practical benefits to the testator's surviving spouse and surviving minor children vary from state to state. Your lawyer can advise you as to the benefits available in your state.
Synthetic Cannabinoid
General Practice Fort Wayne Attorneys
Our Experienced Fort Wayne Practice Provides A Full Range Of Services
From the initial consultation to its final resolution, Locke and Witte prides itself on giving our clients hands-on, highly focused, personalized attention when handling Criminal Defense, Estate Planning, Bankruptcy, Family Law, Elder Law, Probate Law, Business Law, and Real Estate legal matters. You will find our general practice in Fort Wayne staff to be welcoming and professional. We work hard to bring you the best possible results for your important legal matters.
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The hiring of a lawyer is an important decision that should not be based solely upon advertisements. Ask us to send you free information about our qualifications and experience. This web site is designed for general information only. The information presented on this site should not be construed to be formal legal advice nor the formation of a lawyer/client relationship.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Multangular Tower, York
11 January 2022 15 May 2021 by admin
Multangular Tower, Abbey Gardens, York
The Multangular Tower is the best example of standing Roman remains in York. It is on the northern side of the gardens, between the Yorkshire Museum and St Leonard's Hospital. You can see the tower and fine stretches of the fortress wall from both sides, inside and out. The tower stood at the west corner of the legionary fortress. It was one of the two corner-towers of the huge stone wall that looked down onto the river. The small stones in the lower half are Roman whereas the upper half was reconstructed in the medieval period. The original Roman parts of the tower probably date from the early third century. Archaeologists can tell that the stone walls replaced timber fortress structures: an immense undertaking. The Romans used several types of stone in their buildings including limestone, tough millstone grit and elland stone, now better known as York stone, which was used for floors and roofs as it splits naturally into flat slabs. But it was not so much the stone but the use of mortar to hold it together that was the real Roman revolution. This allowed for the creation of far larger buildings than ever seen before.
The fortress wall was built 5m (c.15 ft) high. At the west corner stood what we now know as the Multangular Tower, which may have been well over 10m (c.30 ft) high. A matching tower stood at the fortress's south corner, with six interval towers in between, projecting from the wall. These corner and interval towers were a military innovation, as they enabled soldiers to fire along the sides of the wall as invaders tried to scale them. In practice, the Roman occupiers probably never expected an attack on Eboracum. The fortress was mainly a base from which to control the region.
We know very little about the medieval rebuilding and reuse of the tower but the fortifications were significant during York's role in the English Civil War and damage from a cannon ball can be seen in the wall to the North of the tower.
York Museums Trust
Categories Medieval, Roman, Ruins & Abandoned buildings, Towers, Yorkshire, North Leave a comment
Clifford's Tower, York
11 January 2022 19 April 2020 by admin
York, Clifford's Tower
Publisher: Francis Frith
Much of York's layout is the result of Roman and Viking construction but one iconic feature is distinctly Norman. The original mound of Clifford's Tower, with a timber structure at the top, was constructed by William the Conqueror in 1068 as a statement of his power over the region. This building stood for just over a century before being burnt down in one of York's bloodiest and tragic moments, when, in 1190, 150 Jews were massacred on the site.
Between 1190 and 1194, it was repaired at great expense, and the mound was raised to its present height. The second timber structure was destroyed (this time by a gale) in 1245. Under pressure from his wars with the Scots, Henry III ordered the tower to be rebuilt and strengthened, this time in stone. Master Simon of Northampton and Master Henry of Reynes, the senior carpenter and stonemason respectively in Windsor Castle, were sent up to York to consult on the new design of the castle. The result was a tower some 50ft (15m) high and 200 ft (61m) in diameter. Its design is 'quatrefoil', with four overlapping circles, resembling a four leafed clover.
History of York
The large stone tower, which we now know as Clifford's Tower, was built in the 1250s during the reign of King Henry III.For much of the 14th and 15th centuries, Clifford's Tower was used as treasury, exchequer, mint, gaol and seat of royal power. During the Civil War (1642-9), Clifford's Tower was held by the royalists while the city was under siege. In 1684 the tower was reduced to a shell after a fire. Eventually, most of the castle buildings were swept away when a new prison and court were built in the 18th and 19th centuries, leaving Clifford's Tower as the principal surviving remnant of the York Castle.
Categories Medieval, Towers, Yorkshire, North Leave a comment


Since it was founded in the 1800s astride the famous Yonge Street, Aurora grew from a quiet farming community into a thriving town. Its growth was supported by industries such as the J. Fleury's Son manufacturers, and was where future Canadian prime minister, Lester Pearson, grew up. Today many fascinating and important heritage buildings from the mid to late 19th Century have survived, giving the town a unique and distinct character.
This scene looking south on Yonge at Wellington was taken around 1910, after John Francis Willis purchased Dr. Rutherford's Drug Store.
Yonge Street looking north toward Aurora from Hutchinson's Hill.
Aurora Public School students and teachers posing on the front steps.
A group of men and young boys gather outside of Aurora's "skyscraper" Medical Hall circa 1890. When the drugstore finally opened in 1886 it had transitioned ownership to Dr. John Rutherford and was managed by Charles A. Willis. Impressively, the drugstore business remained in association with the Willis family for over eighty years. In 1910 Charles' son John F. took over the drugstore, and Charles' grandson, also named John F., operated a pharmacy there until 1969. The oriel window on the second floor and the unique brick cornice are just two of the building's distinguishing architectural features.
Boys on Tyler Street. Notice the homes remains the same.
This steel water tower was erected in 1906 and could hold 50,000 gallons of water, which was sourced from two artesian wells. It was replaced in 1931 with a standpipe style water tower.
Entrance to the Aurora Cemetery, which was established in 1869. The building is known as the Dead House and was constructed in 1868.
House and Tailor's shop at 38 Wellington Street.
A family poses in front of their home on Victoria Street.
Construction ongoing at Aurora's cenotaph, commemorating those who died in the First World War.
Group of workers outside of J. Fleury's Sons.


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WATCH: Veena Malik Says Aurat March Does Not Work For Or Help Women In Any Way
Aurat March saw women of all backgrounds marching for their rights in various venues throughout the country this year. Hundreds of women from different parts of Mazar-e-Quaid rallied amid tight security to celebrate the Aurat March, raising a voice for the oppressed.
While women around the country have lauded Aurat March's untiring efforts to raise voices against oppressed women, Veena Malik is of the opinion that Aurat March is nothing more than a display or a performance.
Image: File
In an interview with a local magazine, the actor shared her views on Aurat March. "There are a lot of issues women face and those are serious issues," she said. "But what I feel is that Aurat March is not working on issues that are imperative but are focusing on issues that are not helping women out at all. They will [Aurat March] will probably attract controversy. They are not serious."
"Women do [face] serious issues," Malik continued. "There are so many women who face severe health problems during maternity, childbirth. They should speak about pay parity and rally for equal pay to their male counterparts."
"There are so many other topics where they should speak out for women's rights and play their role," she further added. "You can help change constitutions. But you know what? When you are not serious, you go out on the streets and scream in the out. When you are serious, you go, get into the systems and change the laws which could help people. Those who only make noise, rarely get anything done."
Have a look at the interview:
However, we would like to emphasize that Aurat March has actively advocated for much of what Malik mentioned in her statement.
Throughout the country, women march annually on March 8 for their fundamental rights. But every year the Aurat March faces opposition from people who refuse to even comprehend what the movement stands for. In lieu, they label the placards as 'immodest' and alter the meaning of the words to fit their own perceptions.
Since 2018, Aurat March has been held in many cities across Pakistan to coincide with International Women's Day on March 8. Those who take part in this often face intense backlash, especially online. They have also received death and rape threats in the past. Religious and conservative groups have always incriminated the march to be against Islam.
An attack by religious party members forced the cancelation of the Aurat March in Lahore on Tuesday. The attackers were attempting to disrupt the march by taking out a Haya March against the Marchers. Meanwhile, in Islamabad, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam launched a hate-filled rally by chanting slogans against attendees of the Aurat March.
What do you think of this story? Let us know in the comments section below.
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10 Things to do on a Long Flight – ListApp – Discover the city Gem around you!
Long flights can be dreadful. Especially when Wi-Fi is down or the in-flight movies are less than appealing. You can always read a book, listen to music, or sleep, but for long flights, those three things can get old fast. Below are 10 productive things (well, except for number nine) you can do on a flight.
Free up some memory by getting rid of apps you never use and embarrassing photos of yourself you accidently snapped with your front facing camera. You can also organize your apps based on categories like travel apps, fitness apps, music apps, etc.
Using Spotify, 8Tracks or your own tunes, create playlists based on your interests or activities: Travel playlists, workout playlists, party playlists, road trip playlists–the options are limitless.
Offline tip: If you have Spotify Premium, you can make up to 3,333 songs available offline.
Podcasts are a great, free source of entertainment. The best part about podcasts is that you can download them and listen to them offline. The hit series Serial helped to popularize podcasts and due to its success, many more podcasts have emerged.
4. Plan out your trip.
On your way to explore a new place? Plan out the details of your trip like where to eat, where to grab a drink, and map out the sites you want to see. You can even use TripCase to help you plan out your travel itinerary.
5. Create an exercise or diet plan.
A successful exercise or diet plan requires planning. First, Take a moment to write out your goals. For workouts, plan out which exercises you'll do on what days. Include sets, reps, and duration. For your diet, make a list of foods you like and dislike. Decide which of those foods you'll eat for breakfast, lunch, and dinner (don't forget snacks).
Pack a small sketchbook and pencil in your carry on and try out your drawing skills (or use a stylus and tablet). Save a few photos to your phone that you can use as a reference or find an app or ebook that will walk you through the steps.
Coding is a great skill to learn and there are hundreds of programming languages you can explore. There are thousands of free references like W3Schools or Code Academy. For many languages, like HTML and CSS, all you need is a simple text editor like Notepad (but check out Notepad++ or Sublime for a better learning experience).
Offline tip: For offline learning, bring a book or save your favorite lessons from the web as a PDF.
Chances are, you have tons of photos on your phone–some may need more attention than others. Keep it simple with basic edits like brightness and contrast or play around with cool filters and special effects. Check out these photo editing apps for iPhone or these apps for Android.
9. Color in a coloring book.
Adult coloring books are all the rage right now. Aside from being a fun activity to kill time, there are claims that coloring has therapeutic benefits such as relieving stress or anxiety. If you prefer not to carry on a bunch of crayons or colored pencils, you can even download coloring books on your tablet.
10. Learn a new language.
This is a perfect option if you are traveling internationally. There are tons of websites and apps, like DuoLingo or Loecsen, that can help you conquer even the toughest languages. And in some instances, learning a new language or two can really help your career.


To help people find a job across the border, the Border Focal Point will support regions looking to deepen their cooperation.
Although the etiology of focal myositis is not fully understood, subclinical trauma or viral infections have been suspected.
OCT examination revealed extrafoveal inferonasal choroidal excavation in the right eye (Figure 1b), while in the left eye subfoveal focal choroidal excavation was observed, as well as separation of the retinal pigment epithelium (RPE) photoreceptor layer and subretinal fluid in the same area (Figure 1c).
All the concerned are requested to contact their related focal person at the given mobile phone number during Muharram ul Haram for redressal of grievances regarding continuity of electricity supply.
Focal One is the first device to address the need for an optimal focal therapy for prostate cancer while preserving patient quality of life, concluded the company.
There's a notion with focal therapy that I think is incorrect, which is if you can't see the cancer, it doesn't need to be treated," he adds.
The inclusion criteria were patients with solitary or multiple focal liver lesions, detected during routine grayscale sonography for abdominal complaints, incidentally detected focal liver lesions during CT or MRI of abdomen, screening for hepatocellular carcinoma in patients with underlying cirrhosis.
The researchers found the number of focal areas decreased from early to peak rut, whereas the average number of visitations increased.
Compared with Generalised seizures, Focal seizures (the term 'Partial' has been formally abandoned) mostly occur after previous focal brain injury (e.
He said that the focal persons would keep close coordination with local administration, health department and other stakeholders to make activities before, after and during campaign a success.
In conversation, people are always negotiating the focal point.
Kuala Lumpur, July 5, 2013 - (ACN Newswire) - Ong Radio Group, the leading distributor for the world's finest brands in high-end home entertainment and lifestyle technology, has today launched the Focal Scala V2 - a pair of floor standing loudspeakers - in commemoration of 76 years of business leadership in the high-end Audio Visual industry.


text:
Vertical Transmission
Treatment in Children
HIV in Adolescence
Innovations in Diagnostics
Point-of-Care Toolkit
Manuel sur le lieu de soins
ayKP Toolkit
Flourish to Flourish
HIV Service Delivery Hub
Infant Care and Virologic Testing
Paediatric Resource Library
Treatment Literacy Guide
Option B+ toolkit
Women and Girls Resource Guide
GLOBAL ALLIANCE
AGYW Learning Collaborative
Improving the Quality of Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis Implementation for Adolescent Girls and Young Women in Eastern and Southern Africa
This implementation brief examines the current efforts in eastern and southern Africa to accelerate and scale up evidence-based PrEP delivery platforms for adolescent girls and young women. The brief provides current knowledge and builds on WHO guidance to provide key considerations for implementation, including driving demand and improving quality, as well as focus on wider combination prevention and integration agendas.
Adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) remain disproportionately affected by HIV in eastern and southern Africa, however, they face many personal, social and structural barriers to access, uptake and use of traditional HIV prevention methods. Oral Pre-exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP) is proven to be highly effective as an additional prevention choice for reducing the risk of HIV acquisition, but the current demand for PrEP by AGYW is low with suboptimal adherence.
Within the region, there is currently great impetus to address these challenges and scale up PrEP for AGYW. A critical aspect of this is to leverage the learnings and evidence from implementation of how to improve the demand and quality of PrEP programming for this population. Improving the Quality of Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis Implementation for Adolescent Girls and Young Women in Eastern and Southern Africa is informed by knowledge and lessons learned emerging from a virtual thank tank and webinar convened by UNICEF together with WHO AFRO and the Global Fund, with support from the SIDA funded 2gether 4 SRHR programme, in early 2021.
AGYW PrEP Implementation Brief ESA
Adolescent Prevention
Copyright © 2022 Children and AIDS. All rights reserved.
About UNICEF
About Children and AIDS


How did the breakdown of the Republic come about? Why did it happen? In the 1928 elections the SPD, the party most strongly committed to the Weimar Republic, had fared well. For the first time since 1920 a Social Democrat (Hermann Müller) was appointed chancellor. He formed a government with broad parliamentary support. It was a new grand coalition including the SPD, most of the middle parties, and the DVP on the moderate Right. The interests of the parties in this coalition contradicted each other, especially since worker and employer interests were both represented in government, but as long as the economic situation remained stable the parties managed to solve their conflicts by compromise.
With the beginning depression the preservation of unemployment insurance at a time when millions lost their jobs became a serious problem. Employers and the bourgeois parties wanted to cut state support for the jobless; the SPD and the trade unions felt this to be too hard a measure at a time when more and more workers became dependent upon state support. The conflict ended in the breakup of the grand coalition in March 1930. After this no government was ever supported by a Reichstag majority again until the Nazis passed enabling acts following manipulated elections in March 1933.
The breakup of the grand coalition in 1930 marked a decisive step on the road from democracy to dictatorship. It was not simply a matter of unbridgeable conflicts. There is evidence that on the side of the bourgeois parties and the entourage of President Hindenburg the will to compromise had diminished. The Center Party, in conjunction with the other non-socialist coalition members and Hindenburg's advisors, exacerbated conflicts with the SPD in order to push the SPD out of government and to start a phase of presidential government. They felt that time was ripe for a more authoritarian political system that would reduce democratic and social rights. The Center Party politician Heinrich Brüning, one mastermind of this intrigue, hoped to restore a more authoritarian constitution limiting parliamentary rights and keeping the socialists and trade unions out of the state.
In many ways this vision aimed to recreate the political system of the Wilhelmine Empire: an alliance of iron and rye holding a monopoly on political power at the top, while excluding the workers. Brüning and many of his associates declared themselves monarchists and ultimately hoped for monarchic restoration.
Hindenburg agreed to appoint Brüning chancellor and to sign presidential emergency decrees (under Article 48) if the government faced opposition in the Reichstag. Under Brüning's chancellorship the government thus no longer functioned democratically. Brüning usually relied on the president's emergency powers to push through the legislation he wanted. Article 48 gave the president special rights to issue emergency legislation, but the Reichstag could disapprove the president's measures later. The president, in turn, could dissolve the Reichstag and call new elections. Between the dissolution and the elections he and his chancellor could enact laws without parliamentary control.
This is what Brüning and his successor did. Hindenburg's expanding role represented an abuse of the constitution's emergency powers, which were meant to protect the democratic functioning of the constitution, not to disrupt it. Worse, Hindenburg's failing energy (he was 85 when he got reelected in 1932) made him an easy prey to a group of narrow-minded rightists in his closest entourage. Hindenburg's approval to dissolve the Reichstag in the summer of 1930 and again in the middle of 1932 proved disastrous. Both times the extremist parties, profiting from the economic crisis, made enormous gains, particularly the Nazis.
Brüning and Hindenburg were frightened by the rise of the extremist parties, but reducing the Reichstag's power seemed more important to them than stemming the tide of political extremism. The growth of anti-democratic parties increased the disfunctionality of the Reichstag and thus made it easier to disregard it in politics – and this was precisely what Hindenburg's rightist advisers wanted. Nazis and Communists dealt the Reichstag's authority a final blow; they often deliberately obstructed parliamentary debates; sometimes they even beat each other up in the main hall. To those who wanted to limit parliamentary rights, such as Brüning and the people in Hindenburg's entourage, the chaos in the Reichstag was a welcome "proof" for their conviction that parliamentary democracy could not work.
It is possible that I am exaggerating the cynicism of Brüning here, but many people in the government and the center-to-right parties were not unhappy at all about the paralysis and loss of authority of the Reichstag.
Brüning's financial and economic policy has often been criticized for unnecessarily exacerbating the economic crisis. Recent research has shown that his latitude should not be overestimated. It was constrained by the regulations of the Young Plan, the most recent agreement about the payment of reparations (1930). The Young Plan made deficit spending and inflationary policies to fight the depression nearly impossible. It has often been ignored, moreover, that Germany to a large degree was obliged to follow policies of other states. Everybody fought the crisis in similar ways, and the nation that would have adopted different ones risked to slid into even greater chaos. Economists have also pointed out the short-sighted German usage of the American loans in the years preceding the crisis. Short-term loans were invested in long-term projects (such as swimming pools, town halls, and other public buildings). These investments created an artificial, unsound economic boom but did nothing to strengthen German productivity. When the American loans were recalled the towns often went bankrupt.
Whether Brüning could have done better in fighting the crisis or not, he certainly had specific priorities that may have further reduced his economic latitude. Brüning above all wanted to revise the Treaty of Versailles. His most urgent aim was not the solution of the economic crisis but the cancellation of reparations. He further wanted to abolish the rearmament clauses of the peace treaty and prepare the so-called Anschluss (integration) of Austria. Brüning did not exacerbate the economic crisis deliberately in order to get rid of reparations, but he did his utmost to use the crisis in order to wring concessions from the Allies. (Who would not have done so?) It remains unclear as to how much this priority on repudiating Versailles exacerbated the economic crisis. On one or two instances, it looks as if Brüning, following his foreign political priorities, made decisions that ruined the German economy even more. It has to be said, however, that Brüning, apart from his own nationalist convictions, hoped his course would win Nazi supporters over to the Center Party and the more moderate rightists.
In foreign politics, Brüning was not unsuccessful. He received far-reaching concessions from the Western powers. Reparations were stopped for the time being (the Hoover Moratorium), and a disarmament conference recognized Germany's right to insist on the disarmament of its former enemies (as stated by the Treaty of Versailles). But Brüning did not keep Hindenburg's confidence long enough. When the Allied concessions took effect he was out of office and could no longer benefit from them. His plans for a solution of the domestic crisis had alienated the most reactionary circles in German society, those intransigent Junkers who had the strongest influence on the increasingly senile Hindenburg.
Most of all, Hindenburg got tired of Brüning's politics because Brüning failed to secure Hindenburg's reappointment without an election in the spring of 1932. This was possible only through a two-thirds majority vote in favor of Hindenburg in the Reichstag. The Nazis, the DNVP, and the KPD, however, thwarted Brüning's efforts to avoid presidential elections. When they actually took place in March and April 1932, Hindenburg gained almost 50% of the vote, whereas Hitler received 30% and Ernst Thälmann, the Communist leader, 13%. In the second ballot Hindenburg beat Hitler again, winning 53% as to almost 37% for Hitler and only 10% for Thälmann.
Therefore, even at the time of Hitler's strongest parliamentary success in free elections, the clear majority of the German voters opposed him. Hindenburg, however, resented that he was elected not by the Right — which voted for Hitler — but by the moderate Left and the Center Party. At a time when a confidential contact between president and chancellor had become crucial, Brüning could not hold out in office for long and was dismissed in the end of May 1932.
Brüning had not had a parliamentary majority behind him, but he was the exponent of a relatively strong party, the Center Party, and temporarily tolerated by the SPD, which saw no better alternative. Franz von Papen and General Schleicher, Brüning's successors, had hardly any parliamentary support at all. Even more than Brüning, they were willing to violate the constitution and to impose some form of dictatorship on Germany. But after Brüning, in conjunction with Hindenburg and his reactionary entourage, had done so much to disrupt the existing political system, few alternatives were open to his successors.
Schleicher, the mastermind behind many intrigues around the president, had always hoped to reduce Nazi influence by letting the Nazis share government responsibility. The enormous burden of political responsibility, Schleicher and many others believed, would tame the Nazis and split the party into a moderate and radical wing. Several times Schleicher tried to convince Hitler or somebody else to join the government under a non-Nazi as chancellor. Hitler always refused and insisted on being given the chancellorship himself. Papen planned for a coup d'état (dissolution of the Reichstag without setting a date for reelection; army rule), but Schleicher rejected this idea because he feared a Polish attack on Germany.
Papen's reasoning was profoundly wrong. To let the Nazis share power in order to tame them and to split their movement was foolhardy. First, the Nazis' electoral rise had been stopped at the Reichstag elections in November 1932. Shortly thereafter the SPD newspaper wrote with exaggerated but not unjustified pride: "It will be the everlasting merit of social democracy to have kept German fascism from power until it began to decline in popular favor. The decline will hardly be less rapid than its rise has been." Disputes within the NSDAP and between the SA and the party showed that the Nazi movement might break up if it was held in opposition for much longer. Hitler grew increasingly desperate, since neither his bid for the presidency in early 1932 nor his repeated attempts to become chancellor had succeeded. Hindenburg for a long time was unimpressed with Hitler and refused to appoint him, a mere common soldier, chancellor. There was no need for Papen and Hindenburg to make Hitler chancellor in order to break the momentum of his movement.
Although it was true that voters in the Weimar Republic tended to desert parties which had the courage to participate in government in times of severe crisis, it was wrong for Papen to expect that the Nazis in government would act like the SPD or even the DNVP, which had both lost voters after participation in government. Having massive armies of violent street fighters without any respect for law and order, the Nazis were determined not to let power slip out of their hands once they had gotten access to the national government. Indeed, when the news spread that Hitler had become chancellor, the SA and huge crowds of Nazi supporters took to the streets. Tolerated and sometimes supported by the police, which was put under Nazi control, they started a which hunt against communists and opponents of all sorts. With their massive armed street gangs, the Nazis used terror and violence to stabilize their power.
Radical feminists have tended to see Nazism as an entirely male phenomenon and, more basically, denied that women in patriarchal societies are fully liable for their actions. Yet historians have been astonished by the sudden success of the NSDAP among women in the three Reichstag elections of 1932 and 1933. The Nazi party was most reactionary on women's issues; whereas all other parties, even the conservative DNVP, had sponsored female representatives in parliaments since the passage of female suffrage in 1918/19, the Nazis had declared that politics would debase women and draw them away from their "precious" work as mothers and housewives. No woman ever sat in a Nazi parliamentary group or an important party committee. It was clear that Hitler's coming to power would mean the loss of achievements in women's rights made during the Weimar Republic.
Initially the Nazis, like the communists, had received far more votes from men than from women. This changed dramatically in 1932. With its promise to restore law and order and to turn the economy around the Nazis seem to have appealed to many women voters earlier deterred by Nazi brutality. The Nazis now got even slightly more votes from women than men. This does not mean that women "brought Hitler to power," and one cannot derive a blatant anti-feminism from this preference, but it indicates that women did not consider their own power in politics a priority. This had precedents: since the beginning of the Weimar Republic the most emancipatory parties, the KPD, USPD, and SPD had received fewer votes from women than men. Even the Democratic Party, with the elite of the BDF and the bourgeois women's movement in its ranks, fared not well among the female electorate. The religiously oriented Center Party and the DNVP usually had the largest share of women among their voters. Women thus tended to vote more to the right (though until 1932 not for the extreme right) than men throughout the Weimar Republic.
Some historians have argued that the Republic's promise to women, after the initial revolutionary achievement of female suffrage, faded away too soon to make the Republic attractive to women. But one may also have to conclude that the majority of German women set different priorities than the feminists in the liberal BDF. Self-assertive and uncompromising nationalism and the defense of the church appeared more important to them than complete legal equality and a more numerous presence of women in labor, administration, and politics. Even the BDF, dominated by women who joined the Democratic Party, became increasingly influenced by rightist members who argued that women should be emancipated only to work better in traditionally "female" roles. Women should be educated to pursue their traditional roles to greater service of the nation. This rhetoric sometimes abounded with racism, as when female politicians saw German women as responsible for preserving a "pure" race.
But to say that women brought Hitler to power is unjust and simplistic. Until well after its first electoral breakthrough in 1930 the NSDAP was a predominantly male party. It won massive numbers of women only at a time when it broke into all sectors of the electorate deserted by the middle-to-right parties. The appeal of Volksgemeinschaft (community of the people) — so successful despite its contradictions — did not pass by the women of Germany. The Nazis' call for women to go back to home and hearth was not only popular among many men during the depression, it may also have sounded good to many women disappointed with how little their greater legal opportunities since 1918 had benefited them in a generally depressed period. In any case, the Nazis' reactionary policy toward women soon floundered when the Third Reich needed every available work force for rapid rearmament.
We encounter two separate though hardly inseparable questions: First: why did the Weimar Republic break down? Second: why did the Nazis, the most radical and violent group, succeed it? To answer the first question, we have to consider long-term, structural problems and short-term, immediate causes during the economic crisis of 1929-33.
First of all, people did not recognize that the Weimar Republic came out of a devastating war that Germany had lost. Given astronomic wartime spending and hidden inflation, Germany was a much poorer place after the war than before. As historian Richard Bessel has pointed out, the problem was that nobody acknowledged this in public and that most people remained unaware of these deep structural problems. Although the old elites had started the war and lost it, thus leaving behind a terrible mess, usually the revolution of 1918 and the Weimar Republic were blamed for Germany's economic and social problems in the 1920s and early 1930s. To get rid of wartime debts, to pay reparations, and to fund a social welfare state, the Weimar governments would have had to treble the taxes of 1913 at a time when most people were much worse off. Only full awareness of the problem and a strong, united government with widespread support could have put Germany's economy and finances on a healthy standing again. This would have implied many more years of suffering and poverty, a prospective unacceptable to the German masses, who had already sacrificed so much for the war and would neither believe nor accept that all had been in vain and that after all the suffering during the war they should be much worse off than before.
In one sentence: Germany was much poorer after the war than before not so much because it had lost the war but because it had fought it. Few people understood this at the time and those who did often preferred not to publicize their views. It was easier and seemingly more plausible to blame all hardship on Versailles and the Weimar politicians who had signed the peace treaty.
The second long-term point is that the revolution of 1918 was more of an accident and hardly expressed a majority feeling for the disappearance of the monarchy and the Bismarckian constitution. Most Germans were highly critical of Wilhelm II by the end of the war, but only the radical Left was determined to do away with the monarchy itself. Even the moderate Social Democrats tried to save it. When revolutionary unrest made this impossible, the SPD and later the democratic middle parties got power at a time when nobody else wanted it and when circumstances for the buildup of a social welfare state, the goal of the SPD, could hardly have been worse. Ludendorff's shrewd plan worked: the SPD and the Democrats had to share the blame for the mess the old elites had left behind. Historians have criticized the moderate socialists for not having imposed more socialist control over the political system (for instance by upgrading the workers' councils), but more socialism would probably not have stabilized democracy but rather led to civil war. As chaotic as Germany seemed in the winter of 1918-19, the countryside remained quite orderly and conservative. It would have risen against the socialists had they imposed more far-reaching reforms.
The third long-term problem of the Weimar Republic was the widespread anti-democratic feeling on the Left and, most of all, on the Right. To the radical Left the Weimar Republic appeared as a capitalist state based on a conservative and reactionary military, an aggressive industrialist group, and wrongheaded socialists who had betrayed their cause by allying with reactionary circles. The social achievements of the October Reforms in 1918, the eight-hour working day, for example, were withdrawn in the course of the Republic's history. Young, unskilled workers did not consider their interests compatible with the institutions of Weimar democracy and usually voted for the Communists.
To rightists the Republic was unacceptable. They saw the revolution of 1918 as a cut through the sacred thread of German history and never forgave the republicans for having helped to overthrow the monarchies. The stab-in-the-back legend served conveniently to put the blame for military breakdown and for the following peace treaty on the democrats and socialists. To the Right, Weimar and Versailles formed a unity, with the Weimar governments being the willing executioners of foreign interest. Rightists further argued that parties and parliaments had far too much power. They believed that parties part and undermine the true interests of the state.
Apart from these long-term problems we have to consider short-term causes of the Republic's breakdown and the rise to power of the Nazis. The first step toward this was the establishment of a presidential cabinet under Brüning in March 1930. Obviously the Right, the industrialists, and the conservative middle did no longer want to work within the democratic framework of the constitution. They conspired in late 1929 to overthrow the grand coalition, exclude the SPD from power, and start a gradual transformation of German democracy into an authoritarian system.
What exactly brought about this change is still not entirely clear. It seems as if big business circles reasoned that the beginning depression would make the removal of the SPD from power not only desirable but also possible. Trade unions and the parties associated with them often lose members at times of high unemployment and severe economic trouble. A crackdown against the SPD thus appeared possible, and it implied also an assault on democracy in general, since the SPD was the most outspokenly democratic party. Brüning and Hindenburg with his stubborn industrial and agrarian entourage became the gravediggers of the Republic. From March 1930 on the governments no longer worked fully within the framework of the constitution. Even though Hindenburg's emergency powers conformed to the constitution, they were used in an unconstitutional way because they aimed to undermine democracy, not to protect it (as Ebert had used them). The destruction of democracy from 1930 to 1932 did not lead to a stable authoritarian system but gave the Nazis unprecedented opportunities for expanding their power and ultimately for taking over a weak state.
This is the next important point in explaining the failure of Weimar. Although Hitler did not come to power by election he would never have done so without the overwhelming electoral successes of his party from 1930 on. We thus have to try to explain the sudden and rapid rise of the Nazis. Some historians stress that it was sudden in appearance only. To some degree the anti-democratic and anti-socialist attitudes the Nazis drew from existed already before 1930. The breakdown of the traditional supporters of these views, the conservative middle and right-wing parties, thus played a crucial role in making room for strong Nazi inroads into the electorate. The NSDAP could capitalize on the older resentments against the Republic and the socialists and become the most credible alternative to the more moderate parties.
But the Nazi message went beyond traditional anti-republican feeling. The Nazi idea of Volksgemeinschaft, for example, gave a vision of social unity and coherence to a society that was about to be torn apart by political and social antagonisms. The Volksgemeinschaft idea was a powerful propagandistic motive mainly among the young. The Nazis also managed to gather splintered older groups and infuse them with a spirit of unity. The very vagueness of the Nazi ideology and message proved more of an advantage than a drawback. The Nazis could promise many things to everybody; contradictions did not bother them. The NSDAP's appeal embraced simultaneously anti-elitist, anti-capitalist as well as fiercely anti-socialist and elitist notions. The party showed Janus faces on many sides: it appeared as reactionary and revolutionary, anti-modernist and dynamic-modern, agrarian-romantic and technologically-enthusiastic. The Nazis made promises to everybody and expected that all internal contradictions would be resolved in a "pure" Volksgemeinschaft.
But what was the specific content of the Nazi ticket in election campaigns, and what were its most successful elements? Abolition of Versailles came first, then law and order, restoration of a functioning economy, work, jobs, and anti-Semitism (in this priority). The Nazis received so many votes not primarily because of their anti-Semitism (and often in spite of it). And even voting for an anti-Semitic candidate did not automatically mean to condone the Holocaust and the Second World War. We must avoid the dangers of hindsight here.
The Nazis were elected first of all because they made the most convincing point about abolishing Versailles, reconstructing the country, restore jobs and national wealth, and lead Germany to new glory. Brüning still hoped to obtain Allied concessions by trying to fulfill the Treaty of Versailles in order to show that this was impossible; this was nothing else but Rathenau's policy, only that Brüning could practice it more openly. Hitler, however, preached unconditional rejection of the treaty. And few people doubted that he was serious about what he was saying.
Whereas the reform programs of the presidential cabinets remained half-hearted and doomed because of lacking popular support, the Nazis' revolutionary rhetoric and their impressive, nation-wide organization convinced many voters that they, the Nazis, would restore order and prosperity. Their violence was obvious, and it bothered even some supporters of the NSDAP, but it failed to deter many voters because Germans had gotten used to political violence since the revolution of 1918. Particularly in the cities, political violence had never ceased even in the Republic's quiet years. Many voters believed that the Nazis would restore order once they gained power.
The responsibility for the Nazis' rise to power lies with the Nazis themselves, with the millions of Germans who voted for them, with the industrialist and agrarian circles who did everything to undermine Weimar democracy (particularly from 1930 on), and with the opportunistic, anti-democratic, and anti-socialist attitudes of the center-to-right parties. The Communists must share the blame for having undermined the Weimar system. It has been argued that the Social Democrats were also responsible for the breakdown of Weimar because they did not rise energetically against the anti-democratic forces, but the problem is that the chances for resistance were slim. The SPD pursued a policy of responsibility when it tolerated Brüning as a lesser evil in order to keep the system from falling into Nazi hands already much earlier.
The Weimar Republic was first undermined by an aggressive group of industrialists, agrarians, and conservative party politicians. When they could not find much popular support for their authoritarian regime they thought about including the strongest right-wing party, the Nazis, in government, hoping to manipulate the Nazis so as to tame and split the party within a few weeks and to deal the socialist movement a decisive blow. This was a fatal miscalculation because it did not take into account the presence of several hundred thousand determined street fighters and the fact of Nazi control over the police (one Nazi became Interior Minister).
It is difficult to see what could have been done to avoid Hitler's appointment. After all, Hitler was the leader of the strongest party in parliament. Although the German constitution did not force the president to appoint the chairman of the strongest party chancellor, this would not have been an unheard of procedure. In Britain, for example, the leader of the strongest party always gets the first opportunity to form a government. On the other hand, to give Hitler power meant to surrender the state to a band of radicals intending to revolutionize both society and the political system. In historical hindsight, everything should have been done to keep Hitler out of government. But options were scarce. To govern with the Reichstag had become impossible after Nazis and Communists had won a destructive majority in it. Had Schleicher tried to get approval from the Reichstag, he would have been defeated.
There was no other way than to dissolve the Reichstag again or to adjourn it indefinitely. Hindenburg, after having strained the constitution beyond its limits before, should maybe have gone further in early 1933. Schleicher and Hindenburg should have declared that a temporary dictatorship was necessary to overcome the economic crisis. They should have held new elections only after the situation had improved. Schleicher and Hindenburg would have had to use their influence on the army in order to get its support for their dictatorial government. Such a temporary presidential dictatorship would have turned the tables on the Nazis. If they had reacted with an uprising they would have split their movement, since even many SA hotheads would not have risked an encounter with the army. Open insurrection, moreover, would have alienated the Nazis from their supporters in industry and the administration.
On the other hand, if the Nazis remained passive, they would most likely have lost support. Hitler had an excellent instinct for these situations. He knew that it was urgent for him to gain power in January 1933. He had experienced a similar situation in early November 1923: He had felt that the tide of radicalism was waning and that his promises would start to work against him. So he started a desperate putsch in the last feasible moment and ran into disaster.
In late 1932 Hitler again became nervous and felt that things began to slip out of his hands. The full presidential dictatorship that might have defeated the Nazis did not come into being, and I admit that it would have been a very risky venture, though a risk that would have deserved to be taken given the disastrous consequences of the Nazi dictatorship. Schleicher had toyed with this option for a while but rejected it because of the threat of a Polish invasion, whose plausibility seems doubtful to me. I admit that it would have been difficult to convince the army leaders to repress the SA if necessary, since the army hoped to incorporate the SA troops at some point. To the army leaders, as to many others, the main dangers were not the Nazis but the foreign powers and the communists.
This is a decisive point: to the stubborn, reactionary agrarians and industrialists in Hindenburg's entourage, to the leaders of the center-to-right parties, to the military, and to many officials, the Nazis were not such a terrible alternative after all. All these conservative circles in Germany shared much more with the Nazis than with the Communists or even the Social Democrats. The Nazis were intensely nationalist and wanted Germany to rise as a great power again; that was what the conservatives wanted, too. The Nazis were anti-democratic and anti-socialist. So were the conservatives. The Nazis seemed to have the means of power to repress communism. Well, wasn't that what most conservatives had hoped for ever since 1919?
In a nutshell: the circles around Hindenburg had few options left in early 1933 because they had contributed to demolishing the democratic political system. But they could have done more to keep Hitler from coming to power. Just imagine the Communists had been as powerful as the Nazis were at the time: the old elites would have exhausted every single possibility to keep the Communists from power. The point is that the old elites and the center-to-right parties agreed with many Nazi goals even though they had misgivings about the NSDAP's violence and radicalism or felt some snobbish disgust for its "plebeian" character.
That there were only few options to hold the Nazis off in 1933 was partly an effect of the destruction of the Weimar system but partly also a result of the electoral success of the Nazis. We have seen that the Nazis benefited from the extraordinarily severe depression and used propaganda successfully. And yet, the roots for the Nazi success remain debated. A psychological interpretation, focusing on the connection between the Germans' unresolved trauma of 1918 and Hitler's personal experiences, has been suggested by Rudolph Binion in Hitler Among the Germans.


Nils Asther (Night Monster 1942,Bluebeard 1944) plays Dr. Julian Karell a 120 year old scientist who has found a way to prolong life. Julian falls madly in love with Eve Brandon (Helen Walker Nightmare Alley 1947, Call Northside 777 1948) Unfortunately he needs new glands in order to survive, and not head toward decrepitude and die!
Written by the great Barré Lyndon and directed by Ralph Murphy. Hammer and Terence Fisher offered us a remake in 1959 The Man Who Could Cheat Death starring Anton Diffring, Hazel Court and Christopher Lee! Man in Half Moon Street includes a dramatic score by the wonderful composer Miklós Rózsa!
There are oodles and oodles of fantastic films in my collection, this is just one of them!
MonsterGirl forever young at heart!
Did you like it? I'd love to read a review…. perhaps you wrote one some where….
Yes, I remember watching it on television when I was a kid. They'd play it on Saturday mornings. I have a strong affection for the older obscure horror gems like this one, and Strangler of the Swamp, The Devil Commands etc. I might do a review of the film down the road… Have you seen it yet?
I wish I could get it on DVD.
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