The Strategy Meeting 2019 will be held in Cambridge, UK at the Babraham Institute.
We are pleased to announce the first edition of the VIB Conference 'Emerging applications of microbes'.
The International Conference on Polyploidy will present cutting edge research into the importance of polyploidy and whole genome duplication for genetics, evolution and ecology.
The "Courses@CRG: Advanced proteomics course" targets international postdocs and students and aims to provide an extensive update on the most advanced proteomics techniques and applications.
Recent advances in technology now allow us to explore multiple aspects of heterogeneity at the single cell level.
The UK's Babraham Institute will host the 2019 EU-LIFE Scientific Meeting. This year's theme of Signalling and Gene Regulation in Health & Disease aims to bring together scientists from across the EU-LIFE alliance to address fundamental aspects of biology that underpin human health and bring about a greater understanding of disease.
Whole-cell models that predict phenotype from genotype by representing all of the biochemical activity inside cells are needed to advance biology, bioengineering, and medicine.
Oxylipins, from plants and other organisms, form a constantly growing group of signalling molecules that comprise oxygenated fatty acids and their metabolites.
Type 2 inflammation rich in eosinophils, basophils and mast cells and orchestrated by Th2 lymphocytes has been mainly studied in the context of allergies and immune responses to helminths.


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M. Ward: Sounds Of A Different Time And Place The singer-songwriter went to eight different studios to make his latest album, A Wasteland Companion. Ward drew inspiration not only from the different locations, but also from a variety of older production styles.
M. Ward: Sounds Of A Different Time And Place
M. Ward: Sounds Of A Different Time And Place 4:02
April 10, 201212:01 AM ET
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M. Ward's latest album, A Wasteland Companion, comes out April 10. Courtesy of the artist hide caption
M. Ward's latest album, A Wasteland Companion, comes out April 10.
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First Listen: M. Ward, 'A Wasteland Companion'
M. Ward's music inspires a sense of wonder — it recalls many sounds from a different time and place.
"I get most of my inspiration from older records and older production styles," Ward says, "and that ends up rearing its head in the records that I make. One of the great things about music is that it has the capability of time travel — you smell a certain smell in the room and it takes you back to your childhood. I feel like music is able to do that, and it happens to me all the time."
The making of Ward's new album, A Wasteland Companion, took him to some faraway places. He recorded his new material in eight different studios — from Austin to England — and had to reckon with spending more time away from his native Portland, Ore., often on tour.
"There's a lot of songs on the record that are about being away versus being home, and trying to bridge gaps, and how inspiration plays into all of that," he says.
Ward says he hopes listeners hear the album as a musical travelogue — "where the listener sort of does this traveling with the artist around to all these different places, and so there's this movement inferred in the listening of the record."
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There's more than one feminism
A reflection on women documentarians inspired by Barbora Baronová's book Women on Women
Martin Šrajer
The representation of women in the film industry is an important topic for film scholars, producers, festival organisers, and even newly founded initiatives (Film Fatales, Free the Work, The Topple List). A revision of the canonised version of the history of film that is told from the viewpoint of men and primarily takes into account men's contributions reveals that women were abundantly involved in film production from its very beginnings, as directors, producers, editors and screenwriters – albeit with limited opportunities to articulate their subjective experience. Retrospectively, women working in feature films are for now the most duly appreciated. Nevertheless, the point of a project like Women Film Pioneers is not to elevate one gender at the expense of the other, but rather to show that women were just as capable, clever, and inventive as men. There is no reason then for a certain profession to be connected only with the male segment of the population and for that segment to serve as the model of what, for example, director should look like.
In the process of uncovering the reality that the history of filmmaking is not merely the history of men, much less attention has been paid to non-fiction production – although even in the past women have found it much easier to find their place in this sector. This is perhaps due to the fact that production expenses for documentary films are generally lower and crews are smaller, and because, despite their greater social significance, documentaries are regarded as less prestigious. Feature film production carries with it more money and power, and therefore it is more tempting to try to keep one's position within its structure. At the same time, according to foreign research, the gender of the person in the leading position also plays a part in deciding the makeup of the rest of the crew. Female directors and producers are more likely to recruit women for other positions. In the example of Czech documentary film, it can also be observed that the mutual help and support networks in the documentary community function better than those in commercial feature film production.
Bodies That Matter
Why women and documentary?
Several forms of public funding, a number of networking programmes, workshops, and grant programmes for the development and production of documentaries in no small part aid in the procurement of contacts and funding. One who does not hold a privileged position in the system can thus through documentary film find relative freedom and tell their own stories in their own voice. Considering the question of symbolic capital proves especially important in the case of documentary film. If one of the roles of documentaries is to map the state of society, we should not neglect to ask who does the mapping – from what position, with what opportunities, and with what measure of autonomy. This is the only way to uncover the blind spots in the way society is reflected in the medium of film and discover how closely this reflection mirrors our reality.
In recent years, the greater representation of women among documentarians has been apparent at every presentation of the Oscars or other awards. Of the five documentaries nominated this year for an Academy Award, four of them were directed or co-directed by women (American Factory [2019], The Edge of Democracy [2019], For Sama [2019], Honeyland [2019]). By contrast, in the entire 92-year history of the awards the number of women ever nominated for an Oscar for best director of a feature film is only one more, meaning a total of five. The exceptional qualities of documentaries made by women is usually explained somewhat essentialistically by the conjecture that women are more empathetic and perceptive listeners and that they can form a stronger connection with the people they are filming. Men supposedly push their egos into the foreground more and mainly want to tell stories that are important to them personally. According to this interpretation, women have less of a problem stepping back and allowing social actors to come to the fore.
But are women truly predisposed to making documentary films? Or is it that given the systemic circumstances, it is simply more viable for women to make documentaries, and their greater recognition in the field is merely the logical result of their greater representation. In order to better understand this dynamic, in the tradition of Bill Nichols we should ask who is speaking to whom about what and through what means and take into account the position of power, the context of the statement, and the possibility of what can be shared in the scope of a certain discourse. For the answers to these questions, the statements of individual creators will likely aid us more than any statistical data. And this is exactly what we can find in the book of interviews published last year, Women on Women (Ženy o ženách).
Women on Women. Repro: wo-men
A diversity of perspectives
The author of the book is literary documentarian and publisher Barbora Baronová. The photographs accompanying the interviews with each of the 29 representatives of film or literary documentary are the work of Dita Pepe. The publication, which came about as a part of Baronová's dissertation at the Faculty of Multimedia Communication at Tomáš Baťa University in Zlín, is in a certain regard groundbreaking, as until now there has been no similarly extensive survey dedicated to women in Czech documentary (there was, for example, the research project "Contemporary Czech Documentary Film," which took place at the Department of Film Studies at Charles University's Faculty of Arts from 2016 to 2019, but this study did not employ a gender perspective).
The book fits among certain foreign projects attempting to make a proper accounting of the contributions of women in certain professional fields and at the same time offers a rich oral history for other researchers trying to understand, for example, the specific position of women documentarians and what it says about the film industry today. Instead of giving us generalising reflections, which as a result can only reinforce certain gender stereotypes and narrow the spectrum of roles that women will be offered, we are provided with a colourful parade of stories and access to what these documentarians think about their work, their profession, and their position in society. While the interviews themselves are preceded by an introduction to the problems of feminist historiography, Baronová deliberately offers no summarising conclusion. She respects the diversity of viewpoints of the individual women and does not attempt to define "women's writing" or "women's themes".
"If one of the roles of documentaries is to map the state of society, we should not neglect to ask who does the mapping – from what position, with what opportunities, and with what measure of autonomy. This is the only way to uncover the blind spots in the way society is reflected in the medium of film and discover how closely this reflection mirrors our reality."
It is not the ambition of Barbora Baronová's book to arrive, on the basis of 29 sets of questions and answers spanning nearly a thousand pages, at a universal definition of "women's documentary film".
It is also not the ambition of this text, in which, using the answers and films of two respondents, I will examine two different ways from the great number of possible approaches to documentary film that a woman can through the medium – and contrary to the dominant discourse – speak for herself. I focused my attention on a pair of filmmakers, avowed feminists, with whom one can assume themes regarding women will be more strongly accented, and who will, in accordance with the title of Baronová's book, speak as women about women.
The first of them is Olga Sommerová, whom Baronová included in the book because, in her own words, "she is one of the strongest feminist voices in Czech documentary film." Baronová also linked the second selected documentarian, Martina Malinová, to feminism in the explication to her book Women on Women, published by dok.revue: "I invited Martina Malinová to join the project in her capacity as a feminist author of some more experimental films."
Olga Sommerová. Photo Dita Pepe
In the eighties, after studying documentary filmmaking at FAMU, Olga Sommerová first made social documentaries. Later on, film portraits of prominent figures became her area of expertise. She was always fascinated by bold women with complicated life stories who confronted the oppression of the regime and condemnations of society. A history of the ordinary with no great drama or heroism is not her area of interest, and in that she differs from her generational peer Helena Třeštíková, who, in her own words, attempts "to capture life around us in all its banality."1) . This often takes the form of Nazi or communist totalitarianism (Czech Student Uprisings [České studentské revolty, 2016], My 20th Century [Moje 20. století, 2005], Seven Lights [Sedm světel, 2008], Committee for the Defence of the Unjustly Prosecuted [Výbor na ochranu nespravedlivě stíhaných, 2018], The Lost Soul of a Nation: Loss of Faith [Ztracená duše národa: Ztráta víry, 2002]). In the narratives of Olga Sommerová's films, the sides of good and evil are usually clearly demarcated and separated.
Trailer / Červená
As Sommerová portrays them, women were, due to a deeply patriarchal system, unable to fully develop their talents, whether in writing (The Immortal Star Božena Němcová [Nesmrtelná hvězda Božena Němcová, 1997]), sport (Věra 68 [2012]), or singing and acting (Cervena [Červená, 2017], The Magic Voice of a Rebel [Magický hlas rebelky, 2014]); however, at the same time they never stopped resisting injustice. Sommerová sees the mediation of women's stories itself as a form of resistance against the dominance of stories told by men. As she says in the book, in her childhood she had no other option but to read books written by men, which at that time seemed normal to her. Her work offers a corrective in the form of a female point of view and gives an account of women's experiences. With it she aims to "awaken the awareness in women that they have the right to an equal life."2). She also gives preference to women due to the fact that she works with them "much better than with men."3) She enjoys speaking with women and easily finds common themes with them.
Cervena (Červená)
With the exception of her portrait of the thief Máňa (Máňa [1992] and Máňa Ten Years Later [Máňa po deseti letech, 2003]), which she perceives as an anomaly in her filmography that forced her to abandon certain principles (for example, the protagonist's authorization for the resulting film), Sommerová exclusively offers positive models – brave, fighting women, who do not give up hope. However, her selection of fundamentally positive heroes and heroines, whose occasional transgressions are ignored ("What do I care that a person who did something amazing has a few sins, and I don't mean the mortal kind.")4), is not motivated merely by the desire to increase women's self-confidence. In her interview, Sommerová cites the axiom of classic British documentarian John Grierson, saying that documentary film must serve humanity and democracy. Which is why it is acceptable to idealise women, and in some cases even men, and turn them into role models. From her interview and also her films, it is clear that Olga Sommerová is interested in people we can be proud of – the exceptional, not the ordinary.
The Magic Voice of a Rebel
With regard to the stated thematic orientation, it is logical that Sommerová repeatedly picks stories that take place either completely or at least partially in the past. Her answers in her interview with Barbora Baronová also indicate that she considers the current conditions for women incomparably more favourable than those of the past. She associates the patriarchy's aggressive discrimination against women primarily with communism (which she supports, among other things, with her unpleasant personal experiences with Lubomír Jakeš, the former director of the production company Krátký Film). She feels that although women are still discriminated against, they are also more self-confident. They are more aware of their rights and their worth, and they are now more able to fight for their position both in society and in their families. According to Sommerová, even in her profession it is no longer hard for a woman to make it. This is thanks, among other things, to the fact that men supposedly do not flock to the medium: "Documentary film is absolutely a women's profession. No profit, no fame. For men, documentary is a kind of meagre profession. Men want money and worldly fame."5)
However, in Sommerová's view emancipation does not mean complete autonomy and life without a partner. From her perspective, fulfilment of a woman's roles above all requires family: "A woman comes first, because the family depends on her – and family is the foundation of the state. Thus women are the foundation of the state."6) In a different section of the interview, Sommerová expresses the thought that women "prefer life, love, relationships – that which is most fundamental in life."7). This understanding is reflected in her film Single Parents (Samoživy, 2015), one of the few that deviates from her series of portraits of extraordinary people. Granted she based Single Parents on the testimony of desperate single mothers (and one single father), but she depicts their lives without partners as a constant, exhausting struggle for a dignified existence. Only the few final minutes of the film are dedicated to a possible resolution to this trying situation, which could come from the side of the state. The majority of the time, however, the mothers remain in the position of victims arousing sympathy. The protagonists of her film What Women Dream Of (O čem sní ženy, 1999), based on the testimony of women with difficult lots in life, were obviously selected using similar criteria.
The book What Women Dream Of written by Olga Sommerová
As a documentarian, Olga Sommerová usually remains in the background and lets others speak. Her films do not explicitly reflect her own personal views. They can be seen mainly in her choice of themes and the method of their framing. It is also evident from the concept of the aforementioned documentary that the emphasis of her work is on the solitary strength of a person and the powerful drama of individuals rather than on the collective. Sommerová makes use of stylistic techniques typical of expository documentary – talking heads, archival footage, non-diegetic musical accompaniment. She does not attempt to undermine traditional narrative patterns, which are usually connected with the dominant ideology. She does not seek new meanings and explanations but rather keeps with the usual interpretations. Sommerová's documentary work also appears classical in that in terms of values, it follows in the footsteps of her partner Jan Špáta. Although the filmography of Olga Sommerová is rich in feminist motifs, her aim is clearly not to discover a language independent from the male discourse.
Martina Malinová. Photo Dita Pepe
A combination of participant observation and journalistic practice
Many signs of what some French feminists labelled women's writing (écriture féminine) can be found in the script of documentarian, activist, and poet, Martina Malinová. The difference in approach that sets her apart from Sommerová is immediately apparent. She usually steps in front of the camera, gets actively involved in the story, and reveals her position on the theme. She makes no attempt to hide her weaknesses and doubts about herself and also about the protagonists of her films (see the film Lets Block [Několik Let, 2014], in which she shows an unsuccessful blockade of a former pig farm in the town of Lety). She is not afraid to expose her body (in the "corporeal" feminist essay Woman Rose Song Bone [Žena Růže Píseň Kost, 2017]) or her worldview, no matter how radical it may seem (in the student film Thou Shalt Not Steal [Nepokradeš, 2013], in which she confesses to anti-establishment shoplifting). Instead of moving viewers with emotional stories and reassuring them with facts about which there is a consensus, she forces them adopt their own stance on ambiguous issues.
Malinová usually attempts to question the status quo with her films rather than preserve it, offering alternatives to the "official" interpretation. We could similarly characterise the films of Karel Vachek, her teacher from FAMU, who Malinová's says, despite her initial aversion, "inspires, fascinates, and entertains." 8). Aside from documentary film at FAMU, Malinová also studied social anthropology, media and communication studies, and journalism. It was only in documentary film, which she describes as "a combination of participant observation and journalistic practice" 9), that she discovered a platform allowing her to incorporate her knowledge from individual fields.
Thou Shalt Not Steal
This activist element is prominently represented in her custom-made documentaries for programmes on Czech Television, for example Watch Out! (Nedej se!), Mark of the Times (Otisky doby), and Queer. In contrast to her more experimental student films, for example the wild, nude, motion picture poem Bodies That Matter (2017), Malinová labels these works as "narrative TV documentaries that normal people watch." In them she focuses on such issues as homeless women (Watch out!: Unprotected Women [Nedej se! Ženy bez ochrany, 2016]), feminism (Queer: There's More Than One Feminism [Queer: Není jeden feminismus, 2017] and Queer: Footprints of Brno's Feminism [Queer: Stopy brněnského feminismu, 2018]), queer poetry (Queer: Poetry Has No Body [Queer: Poezie nemá tělo, 2018]), property seizure (Watch Out!: How Distraint Happens [Nedej se! Jak se peče exekuce, 2015]), and rape (Mark of the Times: Six Myths About Rape [Otisky doby: Šest mýtů o znásilnění, 2018]).
However, as the director confides in Baronová, she already feels so comfortable and self-assured in activist film that she has stopped enjoying it. This thought could be related to the fact that she is only at the beginning of her directing career and is still searching for her style (after all, she says herself that at any given moment she looks completely different, as do her films). Yet at the same time this statement reflects the form of Martina Malinová's films – they do not present authoritatively polished truths, but rather capture examinations of a certain theme as well as the author's own self-discovery and clarification of her position on the subject she is filming. For example, Malinová considers feminism, a theme we could associate with the majority of her filmography up to now, to be a topic about which she has already said all she wants, and therefore she has no need to address it any further with her films (though she adds that this in no way means that she will stop working for women's equality or questioning men's values).
Fanzin Drzost II (2017)
It has nothing to do with gender
As Malinová says in the book, in the beginning she sought her own womanhood through her films because she felt that she lacked the "ability to develop her female side." Then she realised that she could have both male and female sides in balance. It is clear from her interview that, as opposed to Sommerová, she does not see gender identity as a fixed category to which we can ascribe certain characteristics, but more as a fluid and changing concept – constant negotiation and searching for where we fit. She also doesn't see the male and female worlds as distinct spheres in the scope of documentary cinematography. According to Malinová, the difference does not lie in whether a particular film was made by a man or a woman, but rather in what kind of person the author is: "Each of us is a different person, and that's why I have different approaches to my work. It has nothing to do with gender."10)
Lets Block
Malinová admits that her style differs from that of directors such as Erika Hníková, Helena Třeštíková and Olga Sommerová, but her reasons for deciding to make films about women are similar: She likes to create space for women because they usually don't have much. However, it's clear from the thematic direction of her films that she considers the disadvantages women face today to be a pressing matter which is still far from resolved. At the same time, she doesn't focus only on women who have done or experienced something extraordinary, but she does indicate that in the future she would like to devote more attention to people "who are a step ahead of us, who can inspire us."11). However, from her existing work we can see that what interests her more than great stories and myths are the things with which she has personal experience. Thus far she has chosen social actors based not on whether they are well-known figures, but rather on whether they have anything to say about a given topic.
Martina Malinová's work often makes statements about women as a collective with shared experience, facing similar forms of oppression. Women's groups fighting for societal change are close to her heart, and she sees them as one of the paths toward disruption of the patriarchal structure. A returning theme in her filmography is, following in the main lines of feminist thought, the question of the dominance and power men have at their disposal in certain situations, whether it be as distrainors, judges, or rapists. The imaginary archnemesis here is not Nazism or communism, but, more broadly, the culture of a privileged social group which promotes competitiveness at the expense of solidarity.
Women's togetherness, intergenerational collaboration, and the search for female models and platforms are themes that, unsurprisingly, repeat throughout Women on Women. Each of the filmmakers briefly introduced above offers, both in the book and in her work, a different answer to the question of how it is possible to express subjective female experience and identity through the medium of film – how it's possible to resist power structures and their methods of narrativizing life experiences. Simply as women making films dedicated to women, Sommerová and Malinová are contributing to the liberation of women from positions defined by men or in relation to men and are opening new paths for women to represent themselves. With their films both directors create spaces in which feminist questions can be considered and contemplated through the words and bodies of women. Each of them does so in such a different way, based on various life experiences, sociocultural frameworks, and political beliefs, that together they prove the title of one of the above-mentioned documentaries to be true – there's more than one feminism. Using a number of other inspiring examples, Women on Women shows that the same diversity is characteristic of all our women documentarians and their work.
Translated by Brian D. Vondrak
1) Baronová, Barbora, Ženy o ženách. Praha a Zlín: Nakladatelství wo-men a Univerzita Tomáše Bati ve Zlíně, 2019, s. 516. Czech edition.
2) Ibid., s. 724.
10) Ibid., s. 477.
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[Report]
A Matter of Life
The death penalty as a conservative conundrum
by Mary Cuddehe,
Since 2009, the Georgia Tea Party has held biweekly meetings in Cobb County, an affluent Atlanta suburb that has voted Republican in nine of the past ten national elections. One winter night, the group invited an unlikely guest speaker, a young activist named Marc Hyden. He came to give a presentation against capital punishment, a policy most in attendance endorsed. "Nearly all of us are what you might call traditional conservatives on this issue," Steve Covert, a member of the advisory board, said. "We just believe that the death penalty is justified if someone is convicted of premeditated murder. To me, it's the right thing to do if someone takes a life."
"State Death House Prison, Carson City, Nevada," by Stephen Tourlentes, from his series Of Length and Measures, which documents prisons in the American landscape. Courtesy Carroll and Sons, Boston
The Tea Party rents its space, a bare-bones room that was once used to store auto parts, from the Roswell Street Baptist Church. Roswell belongs to the Southern Baptist Convention, a denomination that adheres to a harsh interpretation of biblical doctrine on execution. (Genesis 9:6: "Whoever sheds the blood of man, by man shall his blood be shed.") A crowd of about thirty people — mostly white, mostly middle-aged — settled into folding chairs. To start, they said a prayer, and then recited the Pledge of Allegiance.
Hyden was called to the front. He is thirty-two, with close-cropped brown hair and a ready smile. He wore one of the thirteen suits that he has acquired over a decade in politics. He runs 6.2 miles three times a week, so he's thin and fit, but he still has the fair skin of an indoor kid — he spends his spare hours reading Roman history. He lives in Acworth, a few exits up I-75, and opened with a neighborly greeting. Before he'd begun giving talks like this, he told the room, he'd worked for the National Rifle Association. "I'm a conservative," he said. This, as always, put his audience at ease.
Hyden grew up defending a state's right to kill. He spent most of his childhood in suburban Tennessee, where his father, Robert, worked as a pastor and then became a major-crimes detective. The entire Hyden family firmly supported the death penalty — during those years, most Americans did. In 1988, Michael Dukakis sank his presidential bid with a dispassionate response to a debate question about punishing his wife's theoretical murderer. When Bill Clinton ran for president in 1992, he scrapped his previous opposition to capital punishment and established his tough-on-crime bona fides by returning to Arkansas to oversee an execution. (The condemned man was Ricky Ray Rector, who had killed a police officer.) In the White House, Clinton went on to push a crime bill that vastly increased the number of offenses eligible for capital punishment under federal law. During his reelection campaign, he released an ad promising that he would "expand the death penalty. That's how we'll protect America."
But by the time Hyden got to college, in the early 2000s, public opinion on capital punishment was beginning to shift. Nonprofits like the Innocence Project were using DNA analysis to free the wrongly convicted. The horrors of lives circumscribed by false imprisonment, and the poignancy of triumphant releases, were covered widely in the press, displaying the justice system's fallibility. According to the latest count, since 1973 there have been nearly 160 people sent to death row and then exonerated. In 2014, the National Academy of Sciences estimated that 4 percent of prisoners sentenced to death are innocent; however, the academy also noted that the true number would remain a "dark figure" — "not merely unknown but unknowable."
When Hyden saw reports like this, he'd return to a question that had troubled him from a young age: What did God think of the executioner? Was he not a murderer? And, he began to consider, the danger of killing a possibly innocent person clashed with his belief in the sanctity of life. He opposed abortion; if life was sacred, the death penalty couldn't be pro-life. He also wondered whether capital punishment could be compatible with his ideal of small government. "There's really no greater power than the power to take life, and currently our government can kill its citizens," he said. "I don't think there's anything limited in that."
For a fiscal conservative, the high costs of capital trials presented another dilemma. In Texas, the state with the busiest death chamber, the expense of a capital case is roughly three times as much as imprisoning someone in a single cell for forty years. In Nebraska, the capital system costs taxpayers $14.6 million annually. And enforcing the death penalty in Florida comes to $51 million a year above lifetime imprisonment. Such price tags could exhaust a jurisdiction's entire budget. In 2013, Clallam County, in Washington (population 72,000), laid off 15 percent of its workforce to fund a death-row retrial, at a cost of a million dollars. In Imperial, California, a budget officer spent three days in jail for refusing to pay for a capital trial that would bankrupt the county; the budget officer's case wound up coming to half a million dollars, and the original defendant was ultimately acquitted. Hyden was appalled to learn that other counties were going so far as to pay for capital trials by raising taxes.
After graduating, Hyden traversed the South working on G.O.P. campaigns. In 2012, after finishing a congressional race in North Carolina, he took a position as a field representative for the N.R.A. in Florida. One day near the end of the year, he was at home browsing conservativejobs.com when he spotted an unusual ad. An advocacy group that he'd never heard of, Equal Justice USA, was looking for candidates with "experience" and "comfort working with conservatives" to join a national campaign to "expand understanding of the death penalty's flaws." The project was called Conservatives Concerned About the Death Penalty. Around twenty-five people applied. But Hyden was the jackpot. "I will never forget the phone interview," Heather Beaudoin, the national organizer for Conservatives Concerned, told me. "This guy was not messing around. He had a real conservative background. Gosh, he had come from the N.R.A."
Sketch of a cell by a man who has been on death row for more than thirteen years, from Black Is the Day, Black Is the Night, a self-published book by the photographer Amy Elkins. Courtesy Amy Elkins
As the group's political spokesman — his official title is conservative-outreach specialist — Hyden has been on the road for four years, pitching the abolition of capital punishment in America's least liberal corners. Facing his audience in Cobb County, he didn't focus on the vulnerability of offenders with mental illnesses or the iniquities against the poor and people of color. Instead, after telling the Tea Partiers where he used to work, Hyden opened up a PowerPoint with quotes from other "conservatives who are coming out." There was Oliver North ("There are very serious questions about the justice of the death penalty") and Michael Steele ("I do not support the death penalty"). He flipped through pictures of Anthony Graves, who was freed after eighteen years on death row, and Carlos de Luna, who was executed by the state of Texas even though another man confessed to the crime. Hyden explained the procedures of a capital conviction and the lengthy appellate cycles, which can drag on for decades, costing more with each passing year. Between 1978 and 2011, he continued, California spent $4 billion to execute thirteen people — a stunning fiscal burden. The state now leads the nation in the number of inmates on death row: 748. When he finished, he looked out at the group and asked, "Do you trust the government to fairly administer the death penalty?"
The crowd raised their hands in a vote. "The room was split half and half, and two or three people said he'd changed their minds," J. D. Van Brink, the Georgia Tea Party chairman, said. Hyden told me that was standard. "There's always at least one, usually more depending on the size of the group, that comes up to me afterward and says they changed their mind."
Donald Trump delivers a dystopian vision of crime and punishment. As the "law and order" candidate, he revived a proposal that he'd made in 1989, when he took out full-page newspaper ads advocating the death penalty for the Central Park Five — teenagers who had been convicted of a rape for which they were later proved innocent. During his campaign, he promised to issue an executive order mandating capital punishment for anyone who killed a police officer, assuring a crowd in New Hampshire, "It's gonna happen. Okay? We can't let this go."
Though the Supreme Court has ruled against mandatory death sentences, President Trump is certain to have a lasting impact on capital punishment, since he already has a chance to appoint a new justice. Over the past four decades, the Court has diminished the number of offenders eligible for the death penalty — no one with mental retardation, no one under the age of eighteen, only the "worst of the worst" — and in 2015, Justice Stephen Breyer's landmark dissent in Glossip v. Gross indicated an opening to consider the constitutionality of the practice itself. But it's safe to assume that any Trump nominee would reinstate a 5?4 conservative split and favor executions as law. His choice of attorney general — Jeff Sessions, who represented Alabama in the Senate for twenty years and opposes reducing mandatory minimum sentences — suggests that the Justice Department could pursue more aggressive penalties generally than it has in the recent past, including capital punishment. At the same time, the Food and Drug Administration could loosen restrictions on the importation of lethal-injection drugs, enabling states that are running low on supplies to proceed with more executions.
Yet by every measure, the death penalty is in decline. It has been abolished in more than a hundred countries worldwide, and a Pew poll found that American support has dropped to about 50 percent — its lowest level in forty years. Fewer death sentences are being handed down, and fewer executions are taking place. Prisoners can spend more than two decades waiting to be put to death, and in some places they are more likely to die from natural causes or suicide. In 1999, the modern peak in American executions, ninety-eight prisoners on death row were killed. Last year, the number was twenty.
The death penalty is sanctioned under federal and military law, and by thirty-one states, each of which individually determines the factors that qualify a capital offense. Was the crime "especially heinous, cruel, or depraved"? Was the victim a child or a peace officer? Tennessee law identifies twenty capital offenses; Texas has ten. District attorneys are left to decide when to pursue a death charge, and for more than a decade, they have become increasingly reluctant to do so, in part because it is an expensive, time-consuming affair. Capital cases require more preparation than regular trials, and most defendants are poor, leaving taxpayers responsible for funding both the prosecution and the defense. Moreover, courts are encouraged to provide a high level of scrutiny — "super due process" — and to grant capital defendants multiple attorneys, plus specialists, investigators, and an automatic appeal.
The Supreme Court ruled the death penalty to be unconstitutional in 1972, though the justices didn't agree on a rationale, and in 1976, after William O. Douglas was replaced by John Paul Stevens, the Court upheld new state laws that allowed executions. The decision, in Gregg v. Georgia, resulted in capital trials being split into two parts. The first, known as the guilt phase, is a regular criminal trial. The second, the sentencing phase, is a separate trial entirely, to determine whether a person deserves to die. The sentencing trial, held before the same jury as the first, allows the defense to present mitigation — details that might rescue the defendant from the flattening facts of the crime.
When faced with a compelling defense, a jury will often choose life. I have worked as a mitigation specialist and have seen how effective this persuasion can be. During a trial I worked on three years ago in Wyoming, the jury returned a guilty verdict in about an hour. Filing into the courtroom for the sentencing hearing, they looked implacable; I felt certain that they would decide to execute my client. But the man's family and friends spoke about the abuse and poverty he suffered as a child; an expert witness explained that a community that did not recognize mental illness had allowed the psychological unraveling that precipitated his crime to remain masked for years; a video was played of his young son describing how he dearly missed his father. The testimony was enough to persuade the jury not to kill him — he was sent to prison for life without parole.
In the high-profile case of Dylann Roof, the white supremacist who was convicted in December of murdering nine parishioners during Bible study at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina, Roof insisted on representing himself in his sentencing trial and declined any testimony relating to his mental health. His rejection of an attorney's help was extremely unusual, and a defense based on his troubled mental state might have been his only hope. After a three-hour deliberation, in what was the first capital trial involving the federal hate-crimes law, the jury returned a verdict that he be executed. (There will probably be years of appeals, but with a state trial still to come, his fate appears sealed.) Even some of his victims' families said that they hadn't wished for a death sentence.
In 1973, David Keaton was the first person in the United States to be exonerated from death row. Photograph by Edwin Tse
When a jury condemns a defendant, the execution itself can be impractical to carry out. One reason is that protection from "cruel and unusual punishment" was enshrined in the Eighth Amendment. Hangings have mostly been phased out, and reports of prisoners' bodies writhing, smoking, and occasionally bursting into flames rendered the electric chair virtually — though not entirely — obsolete. By the mid-Nineties, lethal injection was widely adopted as a seemingly peaceful alternative. But recently the global supply of lethal-injection drugs has been running low, and some prisons have resorted to creative cocktails, with grave results. In 2014, Clayton Lockett was administered an untested batch of drugs by a doctor at the Oklahoma State Penitentiary. He convulsed for forty-three minutes before dying. The incident sparked national outrage, even though it was hardly the first time an execution had gone awry. In Gruesome Spectacles, Austin Sarat, a professor of jurisprudence at Amherst College, recorded seventy-five earlier cases of prolonged or otherwise flawed executions using lethal injection, and concluded that it is more likely to be botched than any other method. The reality of condemnation by the justice system ultimately torpedoes the fantasy that there might be such a thing as a civilized form of killing.
Equal Justice USA, Hyden's employer, has been fighting against capital punishment since 1990. The group originated in College Park, Maryland, with a broad mission of reforming the criminal-justice system, but ultimately fixed its sights on the death penalty. In 2004, Shari Silberstein, a young documentary-film maker, took over the organization and later moved it to New York, where Equal Justice successfully campaigned to abolish executions. The group's work has helped do the same in Maryland, New Jersey, Illinois, Connecticut, and Delaware. There are now seventeen people on staff, and much of their budget — which totals a little more than $2 million — comes from large progressive philanthropies.
When I visited their headquarters, in a converted loft in Brooklyn, I found evidence of the group's modest origins. The team gathered for a meeting around a coffee table draped in an Indian tapestry. A puckered poster for The Hurricane, the Denzel Washington biopic about a boxer wrongly accused of homicide, stared down as staffers munched on bagels. Silberstein told me that they try to balance their lefty affiliations with new conservative donors, who sometimes grumble about being on the same list as George Soros. A couple of years ago, Susan Sarandon — an anti-death-penalty activist since she played a spiritual adviser to a condemned inmate in Dead Man Walking — agreed to sign on to an Equal Justice petition. Silberstein welcomed the star power and dashed off an enthusiastic note to the organization's subscribers, but a few of them were rankled. "Susan Sarandon is the epitome of radical liberal thought that is extremely abhorrent to me and my colleagues," one emailed back. "Sorry, but I won't be agreeing to 'Stand with Susan Sarandon' anytime soon."
Equal Justice knew that finding common ground with conservatives might be difficult, but believed it would be vital. After Silberstein moved the group to New York, one of her first hires was Laura Porter, a lawyer and community organizer, who told me that she had an "obsession with finding ways around the polarization in the country." One night, Porter happened upon a TV-news interview that featured an evangelical pastor who spoke against racial disparities in sentencing. She was moved. "I grew up Jewish in Massachusetts with Dukakis" — a family friend, Porter said. And yet the pastor sounded so much like her. "Why aren't we talking to evangelicals?" she thought.
Silberstein had been having similar ideas. While fewer Americans overall condone capital punishment today, some 72 percent of Republicans still do, and 83 percent of executions occur in the heavily conservative South. A recent poll, however, revealed a promising sign among practicing Christians (those who attended a service at least once in the month before the survey): nearly half of the boomers said they supported the death penalty, but among the millennials, only 23 percent did. Silberstein saw potential. "There was a real opportunity to bridge between left and right," she told me.
In 1990, Sabrina Butler was convicted of murder and child abuse in the death of her nine-month-old son, Walter, and sentenced to death. She was exonerated in 1995. Photograph by Edwin Tse
They decided to start with themselves. Silberstein and Porter began attending dinners hosted by Richard Viguerie, a prominent Republican fund-raiser and outspoken death-penalty adversary. ("Would Christ pull the lever and execute somebody? I don't think so.") Viguerie made his name pioneering political direct mail for G.O.P. causes. But among his fellow Republicans he felt alone on capital punishment. He'd started organizing the dinners at his office, in northern Virginia, as a bipartisan salon, where Republicans and Democrats could come together and discuss reform. Over Chinese takeout, Viguerie told Silberstein and Porter that he believed change could not happen until the right assumed the mantle. "Liberals cannot lead," he said. "Conservatives feel they would turn most people in prison loose, and we just don't trust them to make the right decisions."
While Equal Justice was meeting with Viguerie, one of its partners — the Montana Abolition Coalition — was launching a bipartisan campaign on the other side of the country. Heather Beaudoin, then a recent college graduate who had worked at the National Republican Congressional Committee, had just been hired. Beaudoin, an evangelical, believes that God called her to help stop executions. In 1998, when she was thirteen, she learned that Karla Faye Tucker, a convict in Texas who had undergone a jailhouse conversion to Christianity, had been put to death. "This woman really seemed to have turned her life around and was doing good things in the prison," Beaudoin recalled. "Even as a child, I just thought that that doesn't make sense. They're working on her. We're taking away her life, and why do we need to do that?"
Beaudoin had always struggled to communicate with other conservatives who opposed the death penalty. Lawmakers who held her position were sometimes grudgingly signing on to Democratic proposals. "It didn't feel like there was really any platform or way for us to get involved, because people didn't necessarily agree for the same reasons or they didn't necessarily feel comfortable at the same table as some progressive counterparts," she told me. When she applied for a job with the Montana Abolition Coalition, she figured that the organizers wouldn't want someone with "all of this Republican stuff on their résumé." Instead, they were thrilled.
Equal Justice had now found a door to the Christian right. Porter flew out to Montana to meet Beaudoin and guide her through meetings with G.O.P. and religious leaders. Following Viguerie's advice, she made sure that Beaudoin was the mouthpiece. Conservative legislators were receptive to her message, and Beaudoin began to speak at local Pachyderm Clubs, where Republicans convened. Just about every time, she said, someone would say that she had swayed his opinion. Conservatives Concerned was born as a forum for this emerging group of allies.
As the project expanded, Beaudoin dedicated herself to sitting down exclusively with religious organizations. In 2010, she met with a superintendent of the Assemblies of God denomination, who a year before had written to Montana's judiciary committee to protest a repeal of capital punishment. By the time their conversation was over, he told her that his faith in redemption had compelled him to reconsider; he recanted to the committee. And in 2014, Beaudoin gave a presentation to the National Association of Evangelicals, a group representing 45,000 churches and millions of congregants, which has for decades backed capital punishment. Several months after the meeting, the board issued a statement affirming "conscientious commitment of both streams of Christian ethical thought" — an unprecedented gesture toward sparing the lives of people on death row.
Perhaps the most encouraging sign came from Beaudoin's father, a farmer and rodeo champion. Throughout her childhood, he had supported capital punishment, but after hearing his daughter out, he started advocating for abolition. "He is totally against the death penalty now," she said. "He did a complete shift."
Each year, Hyden works a booth at the Conservative Political Action Conference, in Washington, D.C. The conference hall, in a sprawling convention center in National Harbor, overlooks the Potomac. In the basement, Conservatives Concerned shares real estate with stalwarts like the Heritage Foundation and the N.R.A. On the second floor there is a section called Radio Row, cordoned off for live broadcasts. One afternoon at the conference last March, Hyden made his way to an interview with the host Lars Larson. Larson, a steadfast Republican whose eponymous show is syndicated on more than a hundred stations, was the loyal opposition.
Applause from the main room, where a crowd was roaring for Ted Cruz, filtered into the hallway as Hyden passed young women in nude heels and elephant-patterned miniskirts, and old men wearing navy suits. When he arrived at the radio booth, Larson was finishing up with Stacey Dash, the actress and Fox News contributor. Dash stood to leave, and Hyden took her place in the guest chair, preparing to get grilled.
Larson smiled. "So we're going to talk death penalty, one of my favorite subjects," he said. He had a wide, protruding chin and a wave of black hair combed across his forehead. He wore a dark suit with an American-flag pin on the lapel.
Hyden chuckled. "We always have fun."
Larson turned to his microphone to start the interview. "Marc and I have talked before, because Marc is a conservative who does not believe in the death penalty and I'm a conservative who does. So, Marc, take your best shot."
Hyden leaned forward into his own mic. "There's an inherent risk to killing or taking innocent life when you give an error-prone government the power of death, and because of that, as a pro-life person, I think that's unacceptable," he said. "It risks innocent life, and I don't think it's the proper role of government, especially when you have other options."
As the conversation continued, Larson pressed him: "Cite for me in the modern era of the death penalty — the last forty-five or fifty years — one case where the government has actually executed a factually innocent person."
"Well, the criminal-justice system doesn't exist to go back and look at those cases, so it's impossible to actually prove that."
"I don't think that's true."
"It is very true."
"I don't think you can cite a single case where the evidence even suggests that we executed an innocent person," Larson said.
Randal Padgett spent five years on death row. He was exonerated in 1997. Photograph by Edwin Tse
I noticed color in Hyden's cheeks — Larson was blatantly, exasperatingly wrong. Hyden had the names from his regular presentation, but now, with the chance to make a wide appeal, he wanted to make a bigger point. "There's many cases where there's serious doubt regarding their innocence," he said.
"If you're telling me that you can only have the death penalty if we have a hundred percent certainty that it cannot ever be used on somebody who's not guilty, then we would never have that penalty," Larson said. "And then I'd ask you, should we lock somebody up if we can't be absolutely certain they've done what they did?"
"There is some collateral damage when it comes to life without parole," Hyden said. "You run a risk of wrongful convictions, but they have the rest of their lives to prove that they're innocent." His tone sharpened. "You execute someone, you can't bring them back from the grave."
Jay Sekulow, the chief counsel for the American Center for Law and Justice and an adviser to Equal Justice, told me that opposition to capital punishment has been an ongoing, if repressed, feature of conservatism. "It's the old story of 'You're not the only one that thinks this way,' " he said. Now, he went on, "If you say you're conservative and you're opposed to the death penalty, people don't go, 'Oh, that's like being a vegetarian for meat.' "
Some Republicans need only to watch their colleagues come out of the shadows. In May 2015, David Burge, a former Republican congressional-district chairman in Georgia, surprised his friends with an op-ed in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution: "As a conservative, I expect my government to find the most cost-effective means to achieve its goals, and life in prison without parole offers a far more cost-effective and speedy, yet still serious, punishment than the death penalty."
A rangy, soft-spoken man with a swoop of silvery hair, Burge had read about Hyden's work, and contacted him before he wrote his editorial. When I visited him at his office, he told me that he had quietly opposed the death penalty for decades. After law school, he spent a year as a "death clerk," reviewing capital cases for a federal appellate judge in Atlanta. "This sounds cool," he'd thought. But his enthusiasm faltered when the judge handed him two murder cases that were uncannily alike, both involving "mean white rednecks" and drug deals that fell apart. One of the men was sentenced to death, the other was imprisoned for life.
Burge drafted an opinion on the life case in an afternoon; he finished the death case six weeks later. "A month and a half of my time versus an afternoon for what to me were identical crimes just didn't make any sense," he said. And yet he felt that Atlanta was no place to address such concerns. "That was a very strong law-and-order time period, and I just kept my mouth shut. I was very Republican. Never said it to much of anybody and just kept my views to myself for twenty, thirty years."
Burge felt safe to speak out after watching the culture shift in Georgia and across the country. Last March in Utah, Steve Urquhart, a Republican state senator, sponsored a bill to abolish the death penalty. It went further than predicted, clearing the Senate before stopping shy of a vote in the House. The real surprise was Urquhart's sponsorship — a year before, he had backed a bill to resurrect firing squads. He had changed his mind, he told reporters, after a conversation with a fellow conservative over dinner.
Recently, Nebraska almost became the first red state in four decades to ban executions. An opening came when Colby Coash, a Republican senator, lent his support to a long-running effort by a "left of San Francisco" Independent named Ernie Chambers. Chambers is the longest-serving member of the state's legislature and the only African American. Year after year, he had presented some version of the same abolition bill, thirty-five times, but got only a few votes out of committee. "He was dogged," Coash told me.
In 2015, he approached Chambers with an idea to cosponsor his bill. Coash had supported the death penalty until his freshman year at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln, when he joined friends at the state penitentiary to count down a midnight execution. He was raised Catholic, but he hadn't seriously considered the punishment before. In the prison parking lot, a large crowd had gathered. He told me that he remembers people standing on one side of a makeshift fence, clutching candles and praying, and on the other side, a group partying to a live band, drinking beer, and shouting the minutes to "fry time" into a megaphone. Coash was standing with the fry-time crowd. But he was shaken, and told himself that he would never be on that side of the fence again.
Coash thought he knew how to get his Republican colleagues on board. Like most states, Nebraska was hardly using the death penalty; there were ten people on death row, but the state hadn't carried out a lethal sentence since 1997. Most of the inmates awaiting execution had died of natural causes. Instead of deploying the left's narrative — "You're targeting poor people, you're targeting black people" — he started to talk about "broken government," he told me. "And weren't we sent here to get rid of things that were broken?" Coash's argument started to take hold, and the bill passed with a bipartisan supermajority, overriding a veto from Pete Ricketts, Nebraska's Republican governor.
Conservative lawmakers in at least eleven other states had tried and failed to pass similar repeal measures in recent years, and Coash began fielding requests to explain how he'd done it. In August, he was invited to speak about the death penalty at the state legislators' conference, in Chicago. At a breakfast meeting with Eddie Lucio Jr., a pro-life Democrat in the Texas Senate, Coash advised, "Wherever it says 'death' in your bill, don't cross it out. Leave it in. Add 'by incarceration.' " Coash pointed to his temple. "It does something here when you have the word 'death,' " he said. "So then you can go back and say, 'Yeah, that guy's gonna die.' " Lucio started to laugh. Coash continued, "He's gonna die in his ten-by-ten cell walking circles." The men shook hands. "That is a great, great recommendation," Lucio said.
But the victory lap was premature. Governor Ricketts and his father, Joe Ricketts, the billionaire founder of TD Ameritrade, spent $400,000 to fund a public referendum on capital punishment. In November, Nebraskans backed Donald Trump for president, and they also voted to reinstate the death penalty. Voter referendums bolstering a state's right to kill passed in California and Oklahoma too.
I called Coash. "The effort that the legislature went through, it was still worth it," he said. "We had a conversation with Nebraskans about the efficiency of the death penalty, and the flaws in it." But in recent months, there had been a series of violent crimes around the state, and the abundance of news coverage had been alarming enough to precipitate a return to the status quo. "Unfortunately, it was too hard to convince Nebraskans that we're better off without it."
Hyden and his fellow activists maintain that, because capital punishment is regulated by the states, it is destined to disappear from the country in phases. "Progress doesn't happen in a straight line," Silberstein told me. "I think there's been so much momentum away from the death penalty over the past twenty years, one moment in time doesn't change that." They pointed out that, on Election Day, voters in counties nationwide picked reform-minded prosecutors — including three from jurisdictions with the most death-penalty cases. Hyden expects Republicans in Utah, Kansas, and Montana to push repeal measures in upcoming legislative sessions, and said that Equal Justice has no intention to shift its strategy under Trump. "Most of the change we're trying to effect is at the state level," he said. At the national level, no president has ever come out against executions while in office. "It's one pro-death-penalty president replacing another, one pro-death-penalty attorney general replacing another pro-death-penalty attorney general," he added. "So it's hard to see how that changes things."
In June, I took a last trip to Atlanta to visit Hyden and to meet his father, Robert, who had moved the family to Georgia when Hyden was in high school. He had gotten a law degree and was now working in Cobb County as a criminal-defense attorney. We stopped by his office, in a modest brick building in the town of Marietta, where Hyden often sets up to work beside him. A sign at the back entrance read innocent clients please use the front door. The interior was decorated with eighteenth-century American antiques.
I wanted to know what Hyden's father thought about his job. When we arrived, Robert was sitting at his desk, dressed in a crisp white shirt and a tie. A little fan whirred at his feet. He told me that he had come a long way on capital punishment in recent years, but he still believed that it had a place. In a case of treason — which, in his view, was graver than any murder because it was "the murder of an entire nation" — the death penalty ought to be enforced "strictly."
Hyden, who had taken a seat across the room, jumped in. "I understand the knee-jerk reaction, the gut feeling to that, but when it comes to the criminal-justice system, there has to be some sort of purpose. Is the purpose just retribution?"
Robert shifted in his chair. "That is one issue that he and I have had with each other," he said. "I don't think it's a knee-jerk reaction. I think it is a very legitimate reaction to what can happen to a country. Someone who has committed treason, my attitude is, the chances of us rehabilitating him to anything is null and void. It's nil."
Hyden didn't like to disagree with his father. "Let me clarify," he said. "Me and him both agree that there's just certain crimes that violate any sort of trust, at least me personally, to where I don't feel comfortable with them ever being rereleased into the general public. And life without parole — that's exactly what it means."
Robert nodded. "I'm in line with that. But I also understand how society can think that there are those that maybe need to be put to death."
Later, we headed to the Hydens' house to collect guns for a trip to the shooting range. In the living room, Robert gave me safety instructions, offering what he said was the cardinal rule: don't point at anything you don't intend to shoot. Father and son like to go to the GA Firing Line, in a nearby strip mall. "When you put the headphones on, it almost kind of quiets your mind," Hyden told me.
Hyden got into his car, a red Mustang, and I rode with Robert, following behind. I asked him about the political divide on gun control, which to me didn't seem so different from the schism over the death penalty. "I have no desire, honestly, to hurt anybody — I really don't," he said. "But on the other hand, I'm going to protect my wife, my family. I'm going to do what any other person would do."
When I mentioned this to Hyden, he told me, "I would agree with him. The last thing I want to do is hurt somebody. Life is a wonderful thing."
Mary Cuddehelives in New York.
21st century Capital punishment Christianity Colby Coash Conservatism David Burge Economic aspects Equal Justice USA (Organization) Ernest William Chambers Evangelicalism False imprisonment Georgia Heather Beaudoin Laura Porter Law and legislation Marc Hyden Montana Montana Abolition Coalition (Organization) Nebraska Political aspects Religious aspects Richard A. Viguerie Right and left (Political science) Shari Silberstein Steve Urquhart United States Utah Views on capital punishment
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Is Thai Corruption On The Rise In The Economic Downturn?
Carlo Alcos
In the wake of less tourist dollars, strained destinations like Thailand have seen a rise in corruption.
Recent headlines in Australian newspapers are putting the spotlight on Thailand, but for all the wrong reasons. Stories of tourists being detained, charged, made to pay hefty fines, and even beaten are raising some questions.
We've previously covered Extreme Cases Of Travelers Imprisoned Abroad, 5 Ways Travelers Can Avoid Being Caught With Drugs and How You Can Help Travelers Imprisoned Abroad.
But here are three relatively new cases to consider and the implication for tourists.
Case #1
Annice Smoel at Melbourne Airport. Photo: John Woudstra
Mother-of-four Annice Smoel has just been released and deported from Thailand after she pled guilty to stealing a $50 bar mat.
Mrs. Smoel was in Phuket celebrating her mum's 60th birthday when a couple of girlfriends decided to play a prank. They stuffed the bar mat into her purse without her knowledge.
The story after that is a bit hazy. One account is that after discovering the mat in her purse, the police let Mrs. Smoel go, but when bar staff caught up with her later they turned her back in to police. Another story says she was abusive to the police, which is what got her in the predicament she was in.
Mrs. Smoel, who has denied that she was abusive to the Thai police, says as women out by themselves, they were targeted. She claimes that had a man been present, he would have been able to bribe them and that would have been the end of it.
After spending four days in jail, her passport was confiscated and she was stuck in limbo awaiting a trial. Charged with theft, she faced up to five years in a Thai jail. After making a desperate plea to Australian officials and with the story getting worldwide attention, the pressure was on Thai officials.
The governor of Phuket relented and guaranteed that she would be let go if she pled guilty (a not guilty plea would have meant being stuck in Thailand for months awaiting trial).
While Mrs. Smoel is uncertain what happened behind the scenes, she is of the belief that the Thai authorities became worried about the negative effects her story would have on tourism. Her lawyer, Bernard Murphy, had this to say:
"The court hearing came out of the ether and essentially a deal evolved which was You plead guilty, we'll pay the ($38) fine, we'll apologise and you go home."
Bizarrely, as she was being deported, officials told her that she was welcome back any time.
Logan Hesse and his wife.
Shortly after Mrs. Smoel's story had been outed, Logan Hesse came forward to talk about the hell that he and his wife just went through.
In 2007, the house they were living in burned to the ground while they were out for dinner with friends. After investigators found an electrical fault to be the cause, the couple flew home to Melbourne, but not before confirming they were cleared to leave.
Last month, Logan and Urica returned to Phuket for a holiday, only to find out that there was an arrest warrant for them. They were detained and their passports taken away. It turns out that shortly after leaving Thailand in 2007, a new fire investigator changed the cause of fire from electrical to a cigarette.
Though Thai officials had their contact details, no attempt to reach them was made. 21 months later, back in Thailand, Logan claims they've been extorted for a total of $60,000 to pay off the landlord and officials. Because of the downturn in tourism, he says, "Their pockets are lighter so they are turning on tourists."
It was also claimed by the couple that the Thai official knew they would be returning because they had several friends there still. For Logan and Urica's full story, visit their blog Land of Trials: How Two Foreginers Were Extorted In Thailand.
A couple of months ago, a British man was jailed for 21 days and beaten after he became abusive as he tried to board his plane home. He was traveling on a British passport that was issued in Australia, but for some reason the British embassy told Thai immigration officials it was not authentic.
He eventually lost his temper and, in the eyes of the Thai, verbally abused them. He says he was sent to jail because he couldn't come up with 2000 British pounds for bail. He was eventually vindicated when his passport was found to be real.
It's not a new revelation that tourists are often targeted by corrupt officials to add a little extra linings to their pockets, but in this economic downturn, are we seeing this on a larger stage?
If Annice Smoel genuinely broke Thai law, why would she have been let go, apologised to and welcomed back?
Or, is it simply tourist beware? Should we be more mindful of any compromising positions we put ourselves in, even if we think we're acting within the law?
Feauture photo of Thai policemen: pandora23
Share your thoughts below!
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text:
#pragma once
#include <aws/ds/DirectoryService_EXPORTS.h>
#include <aws/ds/DirectoryServiceRequest.h>
#include <aws/core/utils/memory/stl/AWSString.h>
#include <aws/ds/model/DirectorySize.h>
#include <aws/ds/model/DirectoryVpcSettings.h>
#include <aws/core/utils/memory/stl/AWSVector.h>
#include <aws/ds/model/Tag.h>
#include <utility>

namespace Aws
{
namespace DirectoryService
{
namespace Model
{

  /**
   *
Contains the inputs for the CreateDirectory operation.

See
   * Also:
   AWS
   * API Reference

   */
  class AWS_DIRECTORYSERVICE_API CreateDirectoryRequest : public DirectoryServiceRequest
  {
  public:
    CreateDirectoryRequest();

    // Service request name is the Operation name which will send this request out,
    // each operation should has unique request name, so that we can get operation's name from this request.
    // Note: this is not true for response, multiple operations may have the same response name,
    // so we can not get operation's name from response.
    inline virtual const char* GetServiceRequestName() const override { return "CreateDirectory"; }

    Aws::String SerializePayload() const override;

    Aws::Http::HeaderValueCollection GetRequestSpecificHeaders() const override;

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline const Aws::String& GetName() const{ return m_name; }

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline bool NameHasBeenSet() const { return m_nameHasBeenSet; }

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline void SetName(const Aws::String& value) { m_nameHasBeenSet = true; m_name = value; }

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline void SetName(Aws::String&& value) { m_nameHasBeenSet = true; m_name = std::move(value); }

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline void SetName(const char* value) { m_nameHasBeenSet = true; m_name.assign(value); }

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithName(const Aws::String& value) { SetName(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithName(Aws::String&& value) { SetName(std::move(value)); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The fully qualified name for the directory, such as
     * corp.example.com.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithName(const char* value) { SetName(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline const Aws::String& GetShortName() const{ return m_shortName; }

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline bool ShortNameHasBeenSet() const { return m_shortNameHasBeenSet; }

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline void SetShortName(const Aws::String& value) { m_shortNameHasBeenSet = true; m_shortName = value; }

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline void SetShortName(Aws::String&& value) { m_shortNameHasBeenSet = true; m_shortName = std::move(value); }

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline void SetShortName(const char* value) { m_shortNameHasBeenSet = true; m_shortName.assign(value); }

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithShortName(const Aws::String& value) { SetShortName(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithShortName(Aws::String&& value) { SetShortName(std::move(value)); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The NetBIOS name of the directory, such as CORP.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithShortName(const char* value) { SetShortName(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline const Aws::String& GetPassword() const{ return m_password; }

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline bool PasswordHasBeenSet() const { return m_passwordHasBeenSet; }

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline void SetPassword(const Aws::String& value) { m_passwordHasBeenSet = true; m_password = value; }

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline void SetPassword(Aws::String&& value) { m_passwordHasBeenSet = true; m_password = std::move(value); }

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline void SetPassword(const char* value) { m_passwordHasBeenSet = true; m_password.assign(value); }

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithPassword(const Aws::String& value) { SetPassword(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithPassword(Aws::String&& value) { SetPassword(std::move(value)); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The password for the directory administrator. The directory creation process
     * creates a directory administrator account with the user name
     * Administrator and this password.

If you need to change the
     * password for the administrator account, you can use the ResetUserPassword
     * API call.

The regex pattern for this string is made up of the following
     * conditions:

Length (?=^.{8,64}$) – Must be between 8 and 64
     * characters

AND any 3 of the following password complexity
     * rules required by Active Directory:

Numbers and upper case and
     * lowercase (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and special
     * characters and lower case (?=.*\d)(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[a-z])

     *
Special characters and upper case and lower case
     * (?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[a-z])

Numbers and upper
     * case and special characters (?=.*\d)(?=.*[A-Z])(?=.*[^A-Za-z0-9\s])

     *

For additional information about how Active Directory passwords are
     * enforced, see Password
     * must meet complexity requirements on the Microsoft website.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithPassword(const char* value) { SetPassword(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline const Aws::String& GetDescription() const{ return m_description; }

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline bool DescriptionHasBeenSet() const { return m_descriptionHasBeenSet; }

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline void SetDescription(const Aws::String& value) { m_descriptionHasBeenSet = true; m_description = value; }

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline void SetDescription(Aws::String&& value) { m_descriptionHasBeenSet = true; m_description = std::move(value); }

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline void SetDescription(const char* value) { m_descriptionHasBeenSet = true; m_description.assign(value); }

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithDescription(const Aws::String& value) { SetDescription(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithDescription(Aws::String&& value) { SetDescription(std::move(value)); return *this;}

    /**
     *
A description for the directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithDescription(const char* value) { SetDescription(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The size of the directory.

     */
    inline const DirectorySize& GetSize() const{ return m_size; }

    /**
     *
The size of the directory.

     */
    inline bool SizeHasBeenSet() const { return m_sizeHasBeenSet; }

    /**
     *
The size of the directory.

     */
    inline void SetSize(const DirectorySize& value) { m_sizeHasBeenSet = true; m_size = value; }

    /**
     *
The size of the directory.

     */
    inline void SetSize(DirectorySize&& value) { m_sizeHasBeenSet = true; m_size = std::move(value); }

    /**
     *
The size of the directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithSize(const DirectorySize& value) { SetSize(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The size of the directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithSize(DirectorySize&& value) { SetSize(std::move(value)); return *this;}

    /**
     *
A DirectoryVpcSettings object that contains additional information for
     * the operation.

     */
    inline const DirectoryVpcSettings& GetVpcSettings() const{ return m_vpcSettings; }

    /**
     *
A DirectoryVpcSettings object that contains additional information for
     * the operation.

     */
    inline bool VpcSettingsHasBeenSet() const { return m_vpcSettingsHasBeenSet; }

    /**
     *
A DirectoryVpcSettings object that contains additional information for
     * the operation.

     */
    inline void SetVpcSettings(const DirectoryVpcSettings& value) { m_vpcSettingsHasBeenSet = true; m_vpcSettings = value; }

    /**
     *
A DirectoryVpcSettings object that contains additional information for
     * the operation.

     */
    inline void SetVpcSettings(DirectoryVpcSettings&& value) { m_vpcSettingsHasBeenSet = true; m_vpcSettings = std::move(value); }

    /**
     *
A DirectoryVpcSettings object that contains additional information for
     * the operation.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithVpcSettings(const DirectoryVpcSettings& value) { SetVpcSettings(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
A DirectoryVpcSettings object that contains additional information for
     * the operation.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithVpcSettings(DirectoryVpcSettings&& value) { SetVpcSettings(std::move(value)); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline const Aws::Vector<Tag>& GetTags() const{ return m_tags; }

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline bool TagsHasBeenSet() const { return m_tagsHasBeenSet; }

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline void SetTags(const Aws::Vector<Tag>& value) { m_tagsHasBeenSet = true; m_tags = value; }

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline void SetTags(Aws::Vector<Tag>&& value) { m_tagsHasBeenSet = true; m_tags = std::move(value); }

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithTags(const Aws::Vector<Tag>& value) { SetTags(value); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& WithTags(Aws::Vector<Tag>&& value) { SetTags(std::move(value)); return *this;}

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& AddTags(const Tag& value) { m_tagsHasBeenSet = true; m_tags.push_back(value); return *this; }

    /**
     *
The tags to be assigned to the Simple AD directory.

     */
    inline CreateDirectoryRequest& AddTags(Tag&& value) { m_tagsHasBeenSet = true; m_tags.push_back(std::move(value)); return *this; }

  private:

    Aws::String m_name;
    bool m_nameHasBeenSet = false;

    Aws::String m_shortName;
    bool m_shortNameHasBeenSet = false;

    Aws::String m_password;
    bool m_passwordHasBeenSet = false;

    Aws::String m_description;
    bool m_descriptionHasBeenSet = false;

    DirectorySize m_size;
    bool m_sizeHasBeenSet = false;

    DirectoryVpcSettings m_vpcSettings;
    bool m_vpcSettingsHasBeenSet = false;

    Aws::Vector<Tag> m_tags;
    bool m_tagsHasBeenSet = false;
  };

} // namespace Model
} // namespace DirectoryService
} // namespace Aws

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub