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Home / Australia Company Profiles / Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd - Australian Company Profile
What does Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd do?
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd is a foreign owned private company, deriving revenue from the distribution of ophthalmic drugs, contact lens care products, intraocular lenses and surgical products. The company employs approximately 210 people, operates in Australia, and is administered from its head office in Macquarie Park, New South Wales.
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd is a wholly owned subsidiary of Alcon Inc, a Switzerland-based pharmaceutical company.
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd - Products & Brands
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's principal activities consist of the distribution of eye care products in Australia. The company provides the following products:
Contact Lens Care Products
Ophthalmic Related Surgical Products
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd - Financial Statements
pie_chart Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd Financial Profit & Loss Account
lock To view Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's full competitive environment, see report purchase options.
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd - Financial Ratios
pie_chart Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd Financial Growth
-10.84 17.60 -10.32 -13.16 5.89
pie_chart Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd Financial Ratios
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's Competitive Environment
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd operates in the following industries:
F3491 - Medical and Scientific Equipment Wholesaling in Australia
Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's main competitors:
EBOS Group Limited
A high-level overview of Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's registered business details, a company synopsis, history and background, as well as Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's main brands and products.
We outline the Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's key personnel by position type and title.
Get a full view of Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's financials, including Profit and Loss Account (Revenue, Interest, Profit and Loss, and Audit Fees) and Balance Sheet (Current Assets, Non-Current Assets, Current Liabilities, Non-Current Liabilities, Shareholders' Equity), as well as Number of Employees, Number of Share on Issue, Market Capitalisation and Earnings per Share where available. Note: we do not provide a full financial details for all company profiles.
Understand the main operating divisions of Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd, including Revenue and Assets under each Segment, Industries and Geographic Locations Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd operates in.
Understand the competitive threats and opportunities within the industries Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd operates in. Gain insight into the industry trends and competitive forces that Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd is exposed to.
We outline Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's ultimate parent and largest shareholders.
A list of Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's associated companies, holding company and trusts.
Where available, we provide details of Alcon Laboratories (Australia) Pty Ltd's banker, external auditor, insurance broker, internal auditor, solicitor and telecommunication provider.
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•FORWARD d: The turtle moves forward d steps in the direction of its current heading, and draws a line from its initial position to its final position.
•MOVE d: Same as FORWARD d without drawing a line.
•TURN a: The turtle changes it heading by rotating in the plane counterclockwise from its current heading by the angle a.
•RESIZE s: Changes the turtle step size by the factors.


The 2019 NDOA AGM will be held on Saturday 23rd February 2019 at 2.30pm at St. Matthew's Church, Church Hill, Midgham. RG7 5UW.
12 noon – Final Group Session of the NDOA 2018 Bursary Scheme for all participants.
1pm – Practice time for selected participants. Please bring your own packed lunch.
2pm – Performance by selected participants to NDOA members - arrive in good time for this.
3.30pm – NDOA members playing opportunity with tea and cake.
Priority will be given to anyone who has not played this instrument before.
4.00pm – Question and answer session with Sebastian Meakin of J.W. Walker & Sons, Pipe Organ Builders, who restored this instrument.
Please also find documents attached. The 2018 Treasurer's Report will be available on the day. Please bring these documents with you to help cut costs. If you would like Rosemary to print copies please let her know and she will bring them for you on the day.


The winds have been stronger over the last 24 hours and been around 20-22kts most of the time. We have 2 reefs in the main and a well reefed genoa and we're still making 7.5 to 8.5kts over the ground. In these conditions there's no need to play with the sails, they stay fixed and the boat just goes! The daily run, without having to try very hard, was 177.5 miles which was pretty good. The sea has also come up and while the motion is okay below most of the time, a bigger wave every now and again causes the boat to corkscrew round and roll, so you need to be holding on when that happens! We've had clear skies, so no rain and during the night the stars are just awesome - so many and they seem so close. We have the southern cross standing out on one side and the plough on the other. With clear skies during the day, it's been lovely and sunny and the sea is so blue, with foaming white horses here and there. Apart from the occasional wave down the side decks, the water is staying where it's supposed to be - in the sea! The hydrovane has been steering all afternoon. It seems to cope better in rougher conditions.


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Directory \ EXPLORE Walks all over the UK \ Northern Ireland \ South East of Northern Ireland \ Newry, Mourne & Down \ The Poet's Trail
The Poet's Trail
[1] The Poets Trail Walking Route - Creggan Loop - - - : [2] The Poets Trail Walking Route - Forkhill Loop - - - : [3] The Poets Trail Walking Route - Urney Loop
www.cycleni.com/68/poets-trail--oneill-loop/
Creggan
'During the last great age of Irish Literature in the 18th Century, the Ring of Gullion was famed for its strong association with "fili agus filíocht" (poets and poetry), with all the major poets coming from this area. Their remains can be found in Creggan Church and graveyard in Slieve Gullion, which is known as the poet's graveyard. There are three waymarked trails, for walking or cycling, around Mullaghbane, Forkhill and Creggan, collectively titled The Poet's Trail, along which you can visit locations associated with these bards and find out more about them.'
CycleNI
EXPLORE Walks all over the UK > Northern Ireland > South East of Northern Ireland > Newry, Mourne & Down
« Previous listing in Newry, Mourne & Down	| Next listing in Newry, Mourne & Down »
City of Belfast (18)
North East of Northern Ireland (36)
South East of Northern Ireland (54)
Armagh, Banbridge & Craigavon (12)
Lisburn & Castlereagh (8)
Newry, Mourne & Down (24)
North Down & Ards (10)
West of Northern Ireland (39)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Prime Minister Joseph Muscat is set to exit Maltese politics as early as the beginning of 2020, if negotiations with fellow socialists and allies inside the European Union lead to a meaningful offer for a top EU job.
Muscat, 45, has been actively canvassing with fellow members of the socialist political family for a top institutional post, and has already stated he will not run for a third general election in 2022.
But his chances are marred by the assassination of journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, whose unsolved murder is a black spot on Muscat's record and a key factor which will influence MEPs' views of the ambitious leader.
"Closure on the murder is key if Muscat gets to be considered for a job like EU Council president… especially if he wants to count on support from German chancellor Angela Merkel," a Brussels diplomat told MaltaToday.
Indeed, in a recent Cabinet meeting which discussed justice minister Owen Bonnici's legislative proposals for the Venice Commission's recommendations, consultant and former minister Louis Grech raised concerns over an unfriendly European Parliament.
The comments were made in support of Bonnici's legal amendments to separate the prosecutor's role from the office of the Attorney General, after strong criticism from Council of Europe experts.
Muscat has supported Bonnici's reforms, showing a keen interest in improving Malta's image with the EU institutions and stave off MEPs' criticism in the run-up to the 2019 elections.
"The fast-track adoption of the Venice Commission recommendations surprised some in the Cabinet," the government source said.
Another political source aware of the Prime Minister's EU plans refused to enter into details, insisting that Muscat was "totally focussed" on the 2019 MEP elections and "not wasting any time" on a post-May scenario.
But the Brussels diplomat said that despite criticism from MEPs and other international NGOs, Muscat remains a highly-respected prime minister among peers as the longest-serving EU leader after Merkel and as a team-builder with leadership skills.
The diplomat says Muscat hopes to woo French President Emanuel Macron, who refused advances to join the European liberals.
The government will table its Venice Commission amendments in parliament tomorrow, on five areas that also include the Ombudsman, positions of trust, permanent secretaries, independent commissions and the police.


BINGHAMTON, N.Y. - Smart knee implants may soon be a reality thanks to research conducted by a team including faculty at Binghamton University, State University of New York.
This research has been supported by the National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases of the National Institute of Health under award number R21AR068572. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.
The research was published in Smart Materials and Structures.


An estimated 200,000-plus service members transition out of the military each year. Each Transition from military to civilian life is unique, and USO Pathfinder® is there to help service members and military spouses through the process. Whether an individual needs help finding a civilian job that suits their skills and interest, securing financial stability, researching education options, taking advantage of their GI Bill, utilizing their VA Home Loan or any other veteran programs, maintaining family strength and personal wellness through the process, or more - participants will get a personalized Action Plan and one-on-one support from a USO Pathfinder Scout.
Do you know someone transitioning out of the military? Click here to find a USO Pathfinder location.
FedEx Corporation, in collaboration with the USO and NFL teams, has created the FedEx Football Fellowship – an opportunity for service members to gain professional experience as they transition from military to civilian life. This year, four former service members have been chosen to participate in a 12-week fellowship alongside the Washington Redskins and the Tennessee Titans.


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Game Preview: Patriots at Bills
by New England Patriots & Paul Perillo
WEEK 13 · Mon 12/06 · 8:15 PM EST
ESPN / WCVB
98.5 FM The Sports Hub
PATRIOTS: Game Release (PDF) | Roster | Depth Chart | Stats | Ways to Watch
BILLS: Roster | Depth Chart | Stats | Roster Flip Card (PDF) | Injury Report
The AFC East-leading New England Patriots will face the Buffalo Bills in a Monday Night Football Game in a battle for first place in the AFC East. Last season, the Bills swept New England for the first time since the 1999 season, including a victory on Monday Night Football on Dec. 28 with a 38-9 win.
The Patriots, who enter this week with the NFL's longest winning streak at six games, will attempt to claim their 35th winning season with a victory. It would be their 24th winning season in the 28 years of ownership under Robert Kraft and the 20th winning season in 22 seasons under head coach Bill Belichick.
The Patriots and Bills enter this week tied for second in the NFL behind Indianapolis (27) with 25 takeaways. The teams have the two best scoring differentials in the NFL with the Patriots at +146 and the Bills at +144.
Notebook: Pats prep for "game-changer" Josh Allen
How to Watch/Listen: Patriots at Bills
Huge divisional Monday night clash with Bills looms
PATRIOTS HAVE 15 WINNING STREAKS OF 6 OR MORE GAMES SINCE 2001
The Patriots have won six straight games and now have 15 winning streaks of six or more games in a season since 2001, the most in the NFL.
PATRIOTS LOOKING FOR 35TH WINNING SEASON
The Patriots have 34 seasons since the 1970 merger in which the team has finished above .500, second only to the Pittsburgh Steelers (37). New England also had 19 consecutive winning seasons from 2001-19, the second longest streak in NFL history.
SCOUTING THE MATCHUPS
By Paul Perillo
The Patriots look to keep it going on MNF in Buffalo
When the Patriots run - Edge: Patriots
Things didn't go great for the Patriots running game on Sunday against Tennessee. Playing against a banged-up Titans front that was missing three starters the Patriots struggled to get much going, particularly Damien Harris. Harris carried 11 times for just 40 yards and that included a late 14-yard touchdown. Rhamondre Stevenson was able to rip off a late 19-yard run in which he broke several tackles but was otherwise held in check as well, finishing with only 27 yards on his other eight carries. On paper Buffalo figured to pose a similar challenge, but as we saw two weeks ago the Bills can be run on despite their gaudy numbers. The Bills rank second in the league by allowing just 3.9 yards per carry and fifth with 96.6 rushing yards per game. However, that didn't prevent Indy's Jonathan Taylor from running wild en route to a five-touchdown afternoon. Despite last week's struggles the Patriots have done a nice job of establishing the run in most games, and Harris and Stevenson will likely get plenty of chances to test the validity of the Bills front. One big piece that could improve Buffalo's chances is Star Lotulelei, who missed the last two games due to COVID protocols. Lotulelei is a premier run-stuffer in the middle and if he returns he'll join Ed Oliver, Harrison Phillips and Vernon Butler on the inside. The Bills were also without linebacker Tremaine Edmunds against the Colts and he is expected to play. This matchup will be worth watching.
When the Patriots pass - Edge: Bills
The Bills also have excelled in the secondary and rank second in the league, allowing just 178.5 yards per game through the air and first with 5.3 yards per pass. But Buffalo will be without the best member of that secondary as Tre'Davious White tore his ACL Thanksgiving night and will be out for the rest of the season. Buffalo is still formidable with corners Levi Wallace, Taron Johnson and Dane Jackson joining one of the best safety tandems in football in Jordan Poyer and Micah Hyde. Much like the Patriots, that group has been excellent at taking the ball away. Buffalo ranks second in the league in interception rate and has 16 interceptions on the season with Poyer and Hyde combining for half of those. The Patriots are coming off a strong game through the air as Mac Jones hit a career high with 310 yards through the air against the Titans. Kendrick Bourne and Jakobi Meyers did the bulk of the damage, and they will need to continue their strong play against the Bills. Up front Mario Addison and rookie Greg Rousseau have done most of the damage for a pass rush that hasn't been overly effective, but the Bills will get aggressive with blitzes at times and Jones has had some trouble lately handling some of those looks. The key here will be how well Buffalo handles life without White, who is in the mold of how the Patriots used Stephon Gilmore to take away the opponents' top threat.
When the Bills run - Edge: Patriots
Buffalo hasn't run the ball effectively for most of the year – at least not in the conventional sense. Josh Allen is dangerous as a runner, and the Bills do use him on some designed runs to take advantage of his legs. But when it comes to traditional running, Devin Singletary, Zack Moss and newcomer Greg Breida haven't been consistently productive. Singletary does average nearly 5 yards per carry but hasn't been able to sustain his success for long stretches and Moss basically lost his job to Breida, who was effective last week against the Saints. Allen averages well over 5 yards per rush but the Patriots have been able to contain him in the pocket in previous meetings and should have a plan to do so Monday night. This is a ground game New England should handle, although the Patriots are coming off their worst performance of the season in that department. Tennessee piled up 270 yards on the ground despite playing without Derrick Henry and starting guard Nate Davis. The Titans consistently pushed the pile forward and managed to gain plenty of yards before contact, but that hasn't been the case against the Patriots this season, especially lately. Sunday's step back pushed the Patriots run defense back to 20th in the league, allowing almost 116 yards per game. Assuming it was just a blip on the radar, expect the front seven to return to their physical, dominant ways against the Bills.
When the Bills pass - Edge: Bills
This is another matchup of strength against strength as the Bills provide plenty to prepare for in the passing game. Allen has been less consistent than he was in 2020 but he's still been formidable. The Bills are seventh in the league, averaging 271 yards per game through the air. Allen is completing 67 percent of his throws and has 25 touchdowns against 10 interceptions this season. At times he tries to do too much on plays when he's under pressure, and that can lead to his mistakes. This is where the Patriots secondary, which has taken the ball away often during their six-game winning streak, can swing the tide. J.C. Jackson has seven interception and has been a ballhawk all season long. Last year Allen victimized Jackson by riding Stefon Diggs (67 catches, 847 yards, 7 TDs) often during their blowout win in Foxborough. Diggs remains the leading receiver but he's not alone. Cole Beasley (62 catches, 530 yards, 1 TD), Emmanuel Sanders (36 catches, 559 yards, 4 TDs) and tight end Dawson Knox (31 catches, 415 yards, 7 TDs) have also made a lot of plays. Pressuring Allen will be important for the Patriots and Matthew Judon will be a big part of that as he leads the teams with 11.5 sacks. If Judon & Co. can't disrupt Allen consistently it may be a long night.
Special Teams - Edge: Patriots
It's getting to the point where we've run out of superlatives for Nick Folk. Even Bill Belichick was gushing about his kicker last week, and that was before he hit 5 of 6 field goals including a 52-yarder into the open end of Gillette Stadium. Folk has been instrumental in many wins this season and with the Patriots occasional struggles in the zone the points he consistently provides have been vital. The Bills counter with Tyler Bass, who's been just as effective. Bass is perfect on PATs with 34 and has missed just three field goals, one of which clanked off the upright from 57 yards out against the Colts two weeks ago. Conditions figure to be challenging for both kicking at night in December in Buffalo. Punters Jake Bailey and Matt Haack have been effective as well, and Gunner Olszewski has done a nice job returning punts as of late. Isaiah McKenzie had been handling those duties for the Bills but a disastrous fumble against Indy caused Sean McDermott to turn things over to Marquez Stevenson, who did a nice job against New Orleans. Ball handling will be very important in what figure to be difficult conditions. The Patriots coverage has been rock solid over the past month-plus and their commitment to special teams generally earns them the edge.
New England and Buffalo will meet for the first of two meetings in 2021 and will play in a Monday Night game for the second straight meeting. Last season, the Patriots were swept by Buffalo for the first time since the 1999 season. The Patriots fell at Buffalo, 24-21, on Nov. 1 and then lost, 38-9, on Monday Night Football on Dec. 28 at Gillette Stadium. The last time the Patriots played at Buffalo in a Monday Night game was on Oct. 29, 2018 when the Patriots defeated the Bills, 25-6.
The Patriots will play Buffalo in a Monday Night game for the sixth time (1995, 2009, 2015, 2018 and 2020). The Patriots are 4-1 against Buffalo in Monday Night games.
This week's game will be the 123rd meeting between the two teams. New England holds a 76-45-1 edge in the series and have won 35 of the last 42 games between the clubs dating back to 2000.
The Patriots are 37-23-1 overall in Buffalo, including a 30-17 record at the newly-named Highmark Stadium in Orchard Park, N.Y.
The series between the AFC East rivals began in 1960. The Patriots' 76 wins over the Bills is their highest victory total over any opponent, nine higher than their next highest win total against the New York Jets (71).
After seven straight series sweeps and 15 consecutive Patriots wins from 2003-10, Buffalo ended the streak with a 34-31 victory at Ralph Wilson Stadium in the first meeting between the teams in 2011. The 15-game win streak is tied for the fourth-longest winning streak over a single opponent in NFL history. The Patriots avenged that loss in the 2011 regular season finale by overcoming a 21-0 first quarter deficit and scoring 49 unanswered points en route to a 49-21 victory.
The teams have had many memorable match ups over the years, including a span from 1999 to 2001 where four-of-five contests were decided in overtime.
The Patriots' first ever playoff game was a 26-8 win over the Bills at Buffalo on Dec. 28, 1963.
SERIES BREAKDOWN
Home Record: 39-22
Record in Foxborough: 33-17
Foxboro Stadium: 17-14
Gillette Stadium: 16-3
Record in Boston: 6-5
Road Record: 37-23-1
War Memorial Stadium: 7-6-1
Ralph Wilson/Rich Stadium/New Era/Highmark: 30-17
Largest Margin of Victory: 46 points (2007)
Largest Margin of Defeat: 35 points (1970)
Longest Win Streak: 15 games (2003-2010)
Bill Belichick vs Buffalo: 35-8 (35-7 with NE)
Sean McDermott vs New England: 2-6
The Patriots have recorded 77 wins over the Bills, the most by the Patriots against any one opponent. The Jets are second on that list with 73 wins by the Patriots.
The Buffalo Bills snapped a streak of 13 straight home wins by the Patriots, including 12 straight wins by the Patriots at Gillette Stadium, with their 17-9 win in the 2014 regular season finale on Dec. 28, 2014.
Bill Belichick has a 98-35 (.737) all-time regular season record against the AFC East as head coach of the Patriots.
PATRIOTS VS. BILLS ON MONDAY NIGHT
Table inside Article
10/23/95 W 27-14 Foxboro Stadium
9/14/09 W 25-24 Gillette Stadium
11/23/15 W 20-13 Gillette Stadium
10/29/18 W 25-6 New Era Field
12/28/20 L 9-38 Gillette Stadium
AP Photo.
TALE OF THE TAPE
Record 8-4 7-4
Divisional Standings 1st 2nd
Total Yards Gained 4,264 4,282
Total Offense (Rank) 355.3 (14) 389.3 (5)
Rush Offense 115.3 (12) 118.3 (11)
Pass Offense 240.0 (14) 271.0 (7)
Points Per Game 28.0 (7) 29.6 (2T)
Total Yards Allowed 3,800 3,027
Total Defense (Rank) 316.7 (4) 275.2 (1)
Rush Defense 115.8 (20) 96.6 (6)
Pass Defense 200.9 (3) 178.5 (2)
Points Allowed/Game 15.8 (1) 16.5 (2)
Possession Avg. 30:41 31:04
Sacks Allowed/Yards Lost 24/204 17/118
Sacks Made/Yards 30/208 21/116
Total Touchdowns Scored 35 38
Penalties Against/Yards 67/619 79/696
Punts/Avg. 36/45.8 30/42.9
Turnover Differential +10 (2) +9 (3t)
QUARTERBACK COMPARISON
MAC JONES, QB, PATRIOTS
HT: 6-3 WT: 217 COLLEGE: ALABAMA
SK/YDS
2021 268 381 2,850 16 8 75 24/204
JOSH ALLEN, QB, BILLS
HT: 6-5 WT: 237 COLLEGE: WYOMING
2021 274 410 3,071 25 10 61 17/118
STREAKING SUCCESS
The Patriots won 15 straight games against the Buffalo Bills from 2003 through 2010, tied for the fourth-longest winning streak over a single opponent in NFL history.
FORMER PATRIOTS
OC Brian Daboll - Defensive Coaching Assistant (2000-01), Wide Receivers Coach (2002-06), Offensive Assistant (2013), Tight Ends Coach (2014-16) - Won Super Bowl XXXVI, XXXVIII, XXXIX, XLIX and LI with the Patriots.
Asst. OL Coach Ryan Wendell (OL 2008-15) - Signed with New England as an undrafted free agent in 2008 out of Fresno State. He spent the '08 season on the practice squad and was promoted to the 53- man roster in December 2009. - Won Super Bowl XLIX with the Patriots.
FORMER BILLS
WHAT TO LOOK FOR...
The Patriots lead the NFL with 19 interceptions in 2021. In 2020, the Patriots tied for the NFL lead with Miami, New Orleans and Pittsburgh with 18 interceptions. The 2019 Patriots led the NFL with 25 interceptions. Two teams have led the NFL in interceptions in three or more consecutive seasons: Kansas City (5 straight – 1966-70) and the New York Giants (3 straight – 1937-39). Overall, the Patriots have led the NFL in interceptions four times (2003, 2010, 2019 and 2020).
The Patriots have returned three interceptions for a touchdown this season, tied with Dallas for the most in the NFL in 2021. The Patriots have returned at least four picks for a touchdown in a season four times with four in 1997 and 2010, and five in 2003 and 2001.
The Patriots have had four takeaways in each of the last two games and will look to have their third straight game with four turnovers. The last team with 4+ takeaways in three straight games was Baltimore (2010-11). Overall, the Patriots enter this week tied with Buffalo for second in the NFL with 25 total takeaways. Indianapolis is in first with 27 takeaways. The Patriots have reached at least 30 takeaways nine times under Bill Belichick.
The Patriots set a team record by going four straight games without allowing a point in the second half. The Patriots will look to extend that mark to five straight games against Buffalo. The longest streak in a single season is 8 straight games by the 1934 Detroit Lions. Since the merger, the NFL record is 4 and has been done by seven teams.
The Patriots have 34 seasons since the 1970 merger in which the team has finished above .500, second only to the Pittsburgh Steelers (37). New England also had 19 consecutive winning seasons from 2001-19, the second longest streak in NFL history. A win against Buffalo this week will give the Patriots their 35th winning season since the merger and their 20th winning season since the 2001 season.
The Patriots will look to improve to a 6-0 road record. The Patriots have finished undefeated on the road twice in franchise history (2007 and 2016). The Patriots have the best road record since Robert Kraft purchased the team in 1994 with a 137-84 (.620) record.
The Patriots will look to improve to a 7-1 record in the conference with a win against Buffalo. Cincinnati is second in the conference with a 5-2 record.
The Patriots defense enters this week allowing just 15.8 points per game, first in the NFL. Since 2001, the Patriots have recorded 13 seasons of 20.0 points allowed or fewer, tied for the second-most in the NFL during that span.
Hunter Henry has seven touchdown receptions in 2021 and needs one more to match the eight he had as a rookie with the San Diego Chargers in 2016. Rob Gronkowski is the only Patriots tight end to reach 10 touchdown receptions in a season. Gronkowski accomplished the feat five times with the Patriots.
Kendrick Bourne enters this week with 42 receptions for 623 yards and a career-high five touchdowns. He needs 8 receptions at Buffalo to establish a single-season high. He had 49 receptions in 2020 with San Francisco. Bourne needs 45 receiving yards against Buffalo to establish a single-season high. He had 667 receiving yards in 2020 with San Francisco.
WR Jakobi Meyers has the best two regular seasons for any Patriots wide receiver that originally joined the team as a rookie free agent. With a team-leading 59 receptions for 620 yards, he matched the 59 receptions he had in 2020 and needs 110 receiving yards to surpass the 729 yards he had in 2020 for the most in a season by an undrafted Patriots receiver.
Meyers completed two passes for 45 yards in Week 4 against Tampa Bay. He is now 4-of-4 for 88 yards with two touchdowns and a perfect 158.3 passer rating in his career. If he completes one more pass in 2021, he will be the first Patriots wide receiver to complete more than two passes in a single season. Julian Edelman completed two passes in 2018, 2019 and 2020, and Harold Jackson completed two passes in 1980. In addition to the Tampa Bay game, Meyers completed two passes, both for touchdowns, in 2020.
The most passes thrown by a non quarterback in a single season for the Patriots were by RB Andy Johnson, who was 7-of-9 for 194 yards with four touchdowns in 1981 and RB Dick Christy, who was 6-of-11 for 94 yards with two touchdowns in 1960.
Meyers has two 2-point conversions in 2021 after converting vs. Dallas on Oct. 17 and at LA Chargers on Oct. 31. Only 17 players have had three in one season. The NFL record for most in a season is four by Todd Heap of Baltimore in 2003.
Meyers has three total 2-point conversions and needs one more to tie Julian Edelman and Gino Cappelletti for the team's all-time career high with four 2-point conversions.
Damien Harris leads the Patriots with a career-high eight rushing touchdowns in 2021 and needs two more to reach double-digit rushing touchdowns. He can become the 12th Patriots player to do so and it would be the 16th time the Patriots had a player reach double-digit rushing touchdowns in a single season.
Harris has three 100-yard games so far in 2021. He needs one more to match Sony Michel, who had four 100-yard games in 2018. Since 1970, only Curtis Martin (9 in 1995), Corey Dillon (9 in 2004), and John Stephens (5 in 1988) have had more than four 100-yard games in a season for the Patriots.
Mac Jones has completed over 70 percent of his passes in eight of his first 12 NFL games. Jones can tie the rookie record this week against Buffalo. Dak Prescott completed 70 percent of his passes in nine games as a rookie in 2016. The NFL record is 13 games by Drew Brees in 2017.
Jones is leading all rookie quarterbacks with 2,850 passing yards and 16 touchdowns. He needs 150 passing yards and four touchdowns at Buffalo this week to become the 15th rookie quarterback to reach 3,000 yards passing and 20 touchdowns.
Through 12 games, Jones' completion percentage is 70.3. The best completion percentage for a season by a rookie quarterback is Dak Prescott at 67.7 percent in 2016.
Jones has won his first five road games and with a win this week at Buffalo he will join Dak Prescott (6 in 2016 with Dallas) and Ben Roethlisberger (6 in 2004 with Pittsburgh) as the only rookie quarterbacks to win each of their first six road games in league annals.
Jones has helped lead the Patriots to six straight wins. He is the seventh rookie quarterback in the Super Bowl era to lead his team to a six-game winning streak.
J.C. Jackson secured his 24th interception last week and is now tied with Ronnie Lippett and Nick Buoniconti for 9th place on the Patriots all-time interception list. With an interception this week at Buffalo he will secure sole possession of 9th place on the list.
Jackson has the most interceptions since he entered the NFL as a rookie free agent in 2018 with a total of 24 picks.
Jackson increased his two-year interception total to 16 (9 in 2020 and 7 in 2021) to tie Asante Samuel (16) - (10 in 2006 and 6 in 2007) for the most interceptions in consecutive seasons for the Patriots last week and needs one more interception to set the mark for most interceptions in a two-year total.
Jackson enters this week second in the NFL with 7 interceptions to Dallas' Trevon Diggs, who has 8 picks. If Jackson gets an interception this week, he will be the only Patriots player with at least two seasons with 8 or more interceptions.
Jackson has 24 career interceptions, tied with Pro Football Hall of Famer Kenny Easley (24 interceptions) and Richard Sherman (24) for the third-most by a player in his first four seasons since 1970. Only Lester Hayes (25 interceptions) and Everson Walls (25) have more.
Devin McCourty has 36 career takeaways in the regular season and is tied with Roland James for fourth all-time in team history. He needs one more takeaway to move into sole possession of fourth place.
LB Matthew Judon increased his 2021 sack total to 11 1/2 with an 8-yard sack of Ryan Tannehill in the first quarter last week. With a sack this week at Buffalo he will join Chandler Jones (12 1/2 in 2015) and Mike Vrabel (12 1/2 in 2007) for the most sacks in a season by a Patriots player under Bill Belichick.
Nick Folk enters this week first in the NFL with 31 field goals. Folk has never led the NFL in field goals. Since 1970, the Patriots have had a player finish first in the NFL in field goals five times – Tony Franklin in 1986, Adam Vinatieri in 2004 and Stephen Gostkowski in 2008, 2013 and 2014.
Folk tied the team record for most 50-yard field goals in a season with his fifth 50-yard field goal last week. If he connects on a 50-yard field goal at Buffalo he will establish the team record most 50-yard field goals in one season. Stephen Gostkowski had five 50-yard field goals in 2013.
Folk has connected on four field goals in four of the five road games in 2021.
Folk is leading the NFL with 122 total points. He needs 10 more points to establish a single-season high. He had 131 total points as a rookie in 2007 with Dallas.
Folk connected on five field goals vs. Tennessee, marking his fifth game in 2021 with four or more field goals. He had four field goals at the New York Jets (9/19), at Houston (10/10), at the LA Chargers (10/31) and at Atlanta (11/18). The NFL record for most games in a season with at least four field goals is six by David Akers in 2011 with San Francisco
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text:
Resistance and sectarianism in Iraq
Issue: 109
Posted on 2nd February 2006 by ISJ
Haifa Zangana and Sami Ramadani
Haifa Zangana and Sami Ramadani answered questions from Anne Ashford on the situation in Iraq as the third anniversary of the occupation approaches.
I'd like to start with the question of sectarianism. How do you see the problem?
Haifa Zangana: This identifying people by whether they are Sunni or Shia is something which we did not have in Iraq at the beginning of the 1980s. People didn't do that in society, and not in writing, not in history or in literature. It would be very difficult to find a reference book which deals with Iraqis by dividing them into sects.
Someone like Gareth Stansfield focuses on the idea that previously the Sunnis dominated the mechanics of government. Would you say that this is a false picture?
HZ: I think it is totally artificial, because if we applied that to Britain, and we started digging into the background of this person—is he Protestant, Catholic, Church of England—we might draw out certain patterns of who is ruling what, which could be conveniently adopted by a selective process.
If you look at the 52 playing cards of the Ba'ath leaders who were
wanted by the US immediately after the fall of Baghdad, you'll find that 38 of those leaders out of 51 are Shias. So who was ruling Iraq? I think this idea is a complete fabrication, it has been made intentionally, and it can be traced back to the beginning of the 1980s during the Iraq-Iran War. The statistics presented to us now say that the majority of Iraqis are Shias, so it was the
Shias who were fighting the Iranians, who are of course also Shias. They were also in the government.
This Shia-Sunni division of Iraqi society is a complete fabrication.
There is no such thing. There is class struggle, there is the oil, there are many other factors that you can really talk about in Iraq, but definitely not sectarianism. It has totally been manufactured in recent years. If you go back to the media, and look immediately after the invasion—have a pile of newspapers
and read articles—you'll see that it was only a few newspapers which used to identify Iraqis by sect. Now every single Iraqi is presented as Sunni or Shia.
If I go for an interview on Channel 4, for example, they say immediately, 'Haifa Zangana, are you Shia or Sunni?' I'm a bloody Iraqi! But the process is gradual, and we really have to examine the source of it, to understand what's going on. We shouldn't fall into this trap.
Sami Ramadani: On the communal, street level, there aren't these sharp divisions between people. People don't go killing each other because they are on the wrong side of the religious divide, or even national divide.
The wars against the Kurdish people, for example, were not communal wars whereby hundreds of thousands of Arabs went to fight Kurds, but rather a repressive state that was launching a chauvinist war against the Kurdish people, and it was the state against the people. Progressive Arabs from the South used to flee and use Kurdistan as the safe area to conduct their struggle against the regime. Thousands of soldiers used to flee to the
Kurdish forces, for example, at the height of these wars.
There has never been a sectarian conflict in Iraq on the communal, street level. Saddam's regime had obvious sectarian dimensions, especially after the 1991 uprising, which was centred in the South, and since most of the South is Shia, it appeared to be a campaign against the Shia. Iraq is not an apartheid society, and never was. Saddam's regime rested on using social strata and security services from across the sects and nationalities of Iraq. Saddam's regime could not have ruled the South or Kurdistan without people from the South and Kurdistan participating in that. So there was a social base, a narrow social base of course, that backed that fascist set-up, but it was a social base that was drawn from all sects and religions and nationalities.
Take a town like Fallujah. It was a very strong bastion of anti-
Saddamism, because back in 1996 there was a coup attempt and he traced it to people in Fallujah, and in 1998 he ordered the imams of mosques in Fallujah to sing his praises and pray for him and they refused, so he started punishing people in Fallujah. And until today the Ba'ath is very weak in Fallujah—that's why the resistance there is led by religious forces. This is an important point—he lashed out at any source of opposition, regardless of
religion, sect or nationality.
Do you think that the occupying forces have actually tried to create sectarian divisions, and if so how have they done that?
SR: Generally speaking they have encouraged it, even before the occupation, because they dealt with the Iraqi opposition forces at the conference in London and a couple of other pre-occupation conferences increasingly in terms of who is a Kurd, who is an Arab, who is Shia, who is Sunni, who is Turkoman, who is Christian, and so on. And they deliberately tried to foster this—that was quite evident. They continued that after the occupation, to an even greater extent. So any institution that they had a hand in forming had to be divided on a sectarian basis—even the army units they wanted to set up earlier were run on a sectarian basis. Paul Bremer's Iraqi Governing Council is a prime example of how they wanted to divide Iraqis.
A so-called 'balance' between the different communities basically enshrines very rigid sectarian and ethnic divisions, even down to the lowest level appointments or committees. This is completely alien to the country's general traditions, over hundreds of years.
HZ: For example, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) really represents a certain class of Shias. Muqtada al-Sadr represents another class—the poorest of the poor. SCIRI is more or less the middle class and the people who supervise the holy places. There are dynasties. Families such as al-Hakim, al-Sadr and al-Khalisi are in charge of the holy places, and a fifth of the money goes religiously to them from Shia tithes—khums. I see it as a class struggle, rather than anything else, because after all it's one religion, Islam. There is not really much difference if you come to the texts—what matters is who is in control of what. They are political parties, using this sect or another. This is something new, these parties based on sectarianism.
If you read all their programmes they will be exactly the same in the end, because they are all very caring about the Iraqi people, national unity, against sectarianism, and so on. People are telling us from Iraq that the ministry of the interior is divided into three floors—each floor follows one political party and they don't speak to each other. So it was just discovered that 167 Iraqis were imprisoned in the ministry buildings, and each political party in the interim government is accusing the other, because they don't even know who's arresting and who's torturing. This process doesn't just apply in terms of imprisonment or the militias, but is also having an impact on the population in terms of applying for jobs. To be appointed to the ministry of defence, for example, or the ministry of social affairs or any other ministry, you have to follow the criteria of the minister—what party he or she represents. If he is in the PUK [Patriotic Union of Kurdistan], you have to be a member of the PUK, otherwise forget it. It has nothing to do with your qualifications.
And it becomes almost part of the constitution. In fact it has been shown that the committee to write the constitution [in Iraq] was divided into sectarian and ethnic categories. Even that didn't work, and the committee has been pushed aside. The Americans have taken over the process because they felt it was taking too long. Their agenda is set by what is needed in America, rather than what is needed in Iraq. So they said, 'No, forget about it. We'll just present you with a copy of the constitution—you just agree or disagree.' But the minor details of it are sectarian division, totally, and it reflects on employing people. Employment is so important.
SR: There is a degree of tolerance in Iraqi society which allowed for the existence of a lot of sects, a lot of religions and nationalities. And that translated socially in terms of mixed marriages, mixed communities. There are more Kurds in Baghdad than in any city in Kurdistan, and so on. There are
Shia communities all over Iraq. A quarter of the population of Basra is Sunni. These are all indications of the general mix in the country, which they tried actively to break, to discourage.
The Western media say many Shias support the occupation and many Sunnis oppose it.
SR: I wouldn't describe it as most of the Shia community supporting the government. I think there are obviously Shia mass organisations like the SCIRI or the Da'wah Party, who are part of the government, and they do have strength within the southern cities and parts of Baghdad. But by no means—in my own assessment—do they represent the majority of people in those areas. The Sadr movement, for example, is quite popular, but it is very anti-government and anti-occupation.
Muqtada al-Sadr is playing quite a complex political role, whereby on the one hand he is maintaining a very hostile stand towards the occupation and government policies while, on the other hand, he is allowing his supporters to stand in these elections. But his latest decision to actually let some of his supporters join the official Iraqi National Coalition list has created a lot of debate among the ranks of his own supporters—some being completely against it, some saying, 'If we're to join in the elections we might as well go it alone, or at least unite with other anti-occupation groups which might be inclined to take part in the elections.'
Are the occupying forces trying to break the country up?
SR: I don't think that they came in to stir up civil war. They came to exploit Iraq and its oil and turn it into a strategic base within a global context. But because of the level of opposition to their presence in the country, and the swift rise of armed resistance across Iraq (except in Kurdistan), their policy of dividing people along sectarian and ethnic lines was developed into a full-scale scheme of inciting communal strife and violence. This is the only way that a colonial power—or any power—dominating another society would deal with this situation, even in a spontaneous way. If you have an enemy you try to divide them, and overwhelmingly the Iraqi people have proven to be anti-occupation to varying degrees. And the occupation's response was to try and entrench or play on differences, and to start to encourage or turn a blind eye to organisations which preach sectarianism and practice sectarian and ethnic violence.
HZ: I think it is divide and rule. The colonial powers experimented with this previously, during the British occupation. They didn't succeed. It was a complete failure for them during the 1920 revolution, which was followed by many other uprisings. Also the 1958 revolution itself, a major event in our modern history, really was a slap in the face for the colonial powers, to indicate that Iraq is far beyond these sectarian divides.
SR: I am on thin ground in terms of material evidence, but I am more in favour of what the popular street says in Iraq, and that is that the US is either behind, or encouraging, or turning a blind eye to organisations like Zarqawi's—even though they think that Zarqawi is a mythical figure now, but let's use him as an allegorical figure, or a symbol of a sectarian voice. This type of sectarianism and killings are strongly believed in the country to be the work of the occupation. However, there is enough evidence now, some of it emanating for the US itself, that the US forces run active American and Iraqi death squads engaged in assassinations and other murderous activities.
Nobody has come up with a logical reason as to why any antioccupation resistance force which wants to free Iraq from the occupation would go around blowing up innocent workers or worshippers in mosques or churches. Even if it is a nakedly sectarian force, as Zarqawi's statements indicate, the path it is following does not make sense, even within its own compass. Just to say that they are after creating chaos does not wash, because if they are clashing with the majority of the population in Iraq then obviously they have no chance in hell of evicting any occupier. To instantly make enemies of the overwhelming majority of the Iraqi people and of their friends across the world does not make sense at all. These terrorist acts so very obviously serve the occupation.
There have been a lot of incidents where there have been indications that these were not suicide bombers, but carefully timed devices in lorries and cars. There was an incident of children being killed a few months ago in Baghdad, and people throughout that area and in that street testified to the presence of American forces coming in and pretending to check a car which was booby-trapped but they then declared safe. Two minutes after they left, the car exploded. Before the car exploded they were actually distributing chocolates and toys to children, so many children gathered near that explosion site. Parents of the children were accusing the Americans of planting the bomb. There are even victims of a lot of these bombs in mosques and so on who say, 'The Americans are doing this so that we will fight each other.' So this anti-sectarian feeling is quite deeply ingrained.
HZ: If you ask any Iraqi in the street, 'Do you want Sunni or Shia to rule you?' the answer will come, 'Let the devil rule, as long as he is first an Iraqi, and second he brings us safety and security, and thirdly we can lead what is more or less a normal life—we don't give a damn.' Even when Talabani was being chosen as the president, I didn't hear an Iraqi saying, 'This Talabani is Kurdish, and we don't want him because he is Kurdish.' They can sit down and give you a list of why they hate Talabani: he is corrupt, to start with; he is responsible for killing many Kurds; sometimes it was almost a competition between himself and Saddam Hussein, how many Kurds he killed. So it is about economics and politics.
That's completely opposite to the picture that's presented here in the media, because the common view is that Iraq is divided between the Kurds in the north, the Sunnis in the 'Sunni Triangle' and the Shia in the South, and so on. Is this a false picture?
SR: Absolutely. And this picture unfortunately has struck roots, because it was repeated so many times that it has been taken for granted. The power of the modern media is such that this kind of myth becomes virtual reality in the minds of people outside Iraq. Within Iraq it has an impact in intellectual circles, and among certain political organisations. But down at the level of the street it's not that deep, and so far it has failed among the communities.
But something is happening around the militias and the armed groups?
HZ: This is the surface of things happening, and the surface says that there are militias—for example, Ahmad Chalabi's militia is still powerful. We have the Badr Brigade of SCIRI, which is notorious—and anyway we know they were established in Iran and they moved with the party itself to Iraq without having any roots in Iraqi society. We have the peshmerga [Kurdish militia] who have been used by the occupying forces in Najaf and Fallujah.
If we are talking about political parties, it is there, it does exist. But when we are talking about the people, on the contrary. For example, when the stampede happened on Jisr al-Imma' bridge in Baghdad and hundreds were killed, people hurried to help everyone. During the siege of Fallujah, people were donating and giving blood and sending cars to help with food and so on, from various parts of Iraq. So there is real solid unity, and I believe
this is the heart of Iraq. But how long will that unity survive under this daily hammering by politicians, the media—whether inside Iraq or outside?
SR: Obviously the past is important to look at, though there is no logical reason why the past and historical continuity could not be broken and new events take shape. There is a threat, the longer the occupation stays, the more these divisions will become antagonistic. The occupation is no longer an external factor to Iraqi society. It is within Iraqi society. It is building armed forces and security forces. It is colonising the state. It is dealing with political forces that are fairly well organised. It has spread its tentacles within every organisation in society. It has tens of thousands of foreign mercenaries and tens of thousands of 'secret' private armies roaming the country.
So obviously it is important to point to history, to point to the way the masses do not have this massive wall between them in terms of religions and nationalities and sects. But the longer the occupation stays, I think there are threats to this cohesion among communities in Iraq. In fact, one should reverse the slogan about the threat of civil war in Iraq, to say that the longer the occupation lasts, the more likely it is that conflict will occur. The sooner they withdraw, the more likely it is that Iraq will revert back to the relative cohesion that existed between the various communities. Your politics were always more important than your religion or nationality in Iraq.
In terms of organisations which could cut across the trajectory towards sectarianism—for example, genuine workers' organisations—do they exist at the moment, and if so what's their attitude to the occupation?
SR: This is probably one of the saddest aspects of Iraq today. Although historically the left was strong in Iraq, 35 years of fascism and Saddam's regime have meant that the organised secular left has been weakened beyond recognition. Saddam compromised with all political forces in Iraq, except the secular left. He would not tolerate a secular anti-regime left in Iraq. The Communist Party's leadership joined Saddam's regime in the early 1970s and up to 1978, and this further weakened the secular left. Its support for the Governing Council after the occupation dealt it yet another blow.
Secular and left wing ideas are still strong, but there is no organisational expression today which is strong enough to mobilise the people along a political platform which could mobilise the working classes and people in Iraq to defeat the occupation, and bring about genuine democracy in the country. So that is a crisis that Iraq faces. Despite the ruthless occupation and despite all that's happening in terms of the inadequacy of the religious forces and so on, there is as yet no secular left wing political force which is strong enough to mobilise across Iraq. And all the political forces are aware that they are addressing a population which is generally sympathetic to left wing and secular ideas, so they don't tolerate organisations which might grow that way.
There are good, healthy signs as well, in terms of workers organising in trade unions, in terms of the unemployed being active. There are signs that the student movement can be quite enlightened, and so are some professional organisations, like teachers, lawyers, and so on. There are sections within the various communities which give hope for the future, but as of
today there isn't a strong, left wing secular force to unite the Iraqi people.
There isn't one unified trade union movement either, and the picture became quite complex because the various political parties that cooperated with the occupation tried to take over the old trade unions, the Saddam federation. They were all after the federation because it had buildings all over Iraq, its assets were enormous, and it had exclusive rights to organise in all Iraq's establishments and factories. So all these pro-occupation political organisations were forming their own federations, including the IFTU federation. But there is independent trade union activity as well, especially among the oil workers in the South and in Basra. There is a strong trade union that organises oil workers, but a unified trade union movement across Iraq is lacking—despite the big-sounding names of the various federations that claim to be representing all workers in Iraq.
HZ: Look at the journalists' unions—we have five or six of them. Teachers, it is the same thing. A couple of months ago I think there were elections for the teachers to choose their new union representatives. And when they didn't manage to get the people they wanted, who would really represent the line of the government—the sectarian line—they abolished the union, saying, 'This isn't really representative.' There are something like three writers' unions—each one of them claiming to be the legitimate union, and each one of them accusing the others of malpractice. So we don't know who is representing who or what. There are students' unions, and again there are a couple of them. It seems as if union elections are taking place more or less locally rather than to represent the whole country.
None of them can claim that they represent all writers, or teachers, or journalists, or doctors, or university academics. Regarding the oil, this is a big thing. Also there is IFTU which claims to represent all the unions. And there is the Basra Oil Workers Union. They issued a statement last month saying that they are trying to unify their work with other branches of the unions in Nasiriyyah, Al-Amarah area, and they are hoping to do
something in Kirkuk. I think that this would be a fantastic way of working together if they can achieve that, although it will be very difficult—especially as all the programmes of the political parties are tending to divide it, as they are looking to who is taking control of this part of the oil industry.
SR: Unemployment is still very high. A lot of the industries have been crushed. It wasn't just that they shut down the ministry of defence or the armed forces or they closed the ministry of information, but they actually mothballed hundreds of factories and establishments across Iraq. The Coalition Provisional Authority had a website detailing hundreds of factories and establishments in Iraq, and within neat columns they would put what sort of assets each factory had, which one is suitable for closure, which one is suitable for mothballing and selling off. The upshot is the total closure of all these working class areas and centres of work. So unemployment rose enormously—some estimated up to 70 percent of the labour force becoming
unemployed literally overnight.
The factories that have reopened are a minority. Work is intermittent because of the power cuts and lack of raw materials, and the security situation. So people do other jobs—sell things in the streets, do decorating work, building work. Casualisation of labour is very extensive now. So this has hit the working class very badly. One incident that showed how callous the terrorists can be in Iraq, and how the working class is so badly hit, is the
explosion in Kadhimiyya (in Baghdad) in September 2005 that killed 114 workers and injured 156. They were casual workers, building workers gathered early in the morning. A van approached and somebody left the van, and they all thought that this was somebody asking for workers. Hundreds of them surrounded that single van which then exploded and killed so
many of them. The desperation to do 'an honest day's work', as they say, is so powerful. Patrick Cockburn of the Independent saw the dying and injured in hospital. Most told him that the occupation was behind the explosion, so that they make them blame and fight the Sunnis.
What about women's rights? One of the arguments advanced by people who are reluctant to call for the withdrawal of the occupation is that if the occupying forces leave then Iraqi women will be left at the mercy of the religious parties and anti-women bigots.
SR: This is parallel to the argument that if the occupying forces withdraw from Iraq there will be civil war. It sounds very appealing, sounds very logical, just like the civil war scenario—if they withdraw then all Iraqis will cut each other's throats and launch communal civil war tomorrow. I think this is a myth.
The conditions of women in Iraq have deteriorated sharply since the occupation, so if we want to assess whether there'll be civil war or whether women will be worse off one has to look at what is happening today rather than try to extrapolate into the future on the basis of logical arguments.
The facts on the ground are that women have suffered enormously, more than the men in many instances. For example, when there is no electricity, think of all the babies and children in poor working class areas, or across Iraq—no electricity means that the women have to struggle to look after the babies, give them clean water, try to warm up the place or cool it down in the heat of the summer. Think of the lack of fuel—the place will freeze up in the cold winter nights or will boil in summer. How are children and babies coping with that? How are their mums managing?
Water-borne diseases are hitting children and babies enormously, and traditionally who looks after them? The women. Who takes them to the hospitals? The women. And the hospitals have been run down—the health service is literally crumbling. So the burden on women is across the board, from the moment they wake up until the moment they sleep. Burdens of life have enormously increased, not to mention the security threats to women, their fear of going out—even in daylight hours women are frightened to go out. The kidnapping of women, the hurt that is being imposed on women, is across the board. Unemployment hit women probably proportionately more than men, as is usual in these circumstances—when there is a crisis women are hit first. So across the board women are suffering. Their situation is deteriorating. And I haven't even mentioned being bombed from the skies, or attacked by white phosphorous, or raided in the middle of the night by the US Marines, or the newborn babies affected by DU. But the women of Iraq, like most of the men, are fighting back in a variety of ways.
So to talk about an imaginary situation where if these 'enlightened occupiers' withdraw, Iraqis will turn against the women of Iraq is ridiculous. It doesn't bear close examination at all.
HZ: Iraqi women have never been victims, and they have never been weak. In fact, they are very well known in the Middle East for being quite powerful characters. They have been active politically and economically in building the country, in the legal system. They were equally responsible for building the new Iraq, from the 1920 revolution until now. So Iraqi women are not passive victims who are at the mercy of men, whether politically or otherwise. Of course, repression under Saddam's regime targeted everybody, so there was no difference. It wasn't based on sectarianism, or on ethnicity, or on gender—it was political, purely political.
So women are quite capable of deciding for themselves what they do, and examining what the US and British forces promised when they came to Iraq—and there is little room for optimism here, or that Iraqi women themselves can look forward to something different. They would rather deal with their problems organically and by themselves. Maybe some women were deceived to start with, by these ideas of democracy and women's rights. There were millions of dollars spent on it by the US government.
I did research on the women's organisations that came from the
States with the invasion. They are facing daily failure in Iraq. Women themselves dismiss them as representatives of women, though they claim that they have women leaders of this and that. But they are only an attachment of the sectarian or ethnic parties. So it doesn't really make a difference whether you are male or female, in a sense, if you are there to spout the same rhetoric of your political party, which is echoing US policy in Iraq. It has nothing to do with Iraqi women or establishing their rights
Look, for example, at the Women's Alliance for a Democratic Iraq. One of its biggest projects was about writing an essay, 'I love Iraq', and giving $100 to the family whose son or daughter won. The second project was to get women to draw on the old murals that Saddam put up. I mean, if you think that women hardly venture into the streets of Iraqi, can you imagine an Iraqi woman, with all the dangers, risking her life to walk in the street and stand in front of a huge mural, to draw a new mural. This is farcical. Its main project is to buy sewing machines, and they go on and on about the little details—how much it cost them, how they sent this delegation to negotiate the prices and so on. In the end, they got 15 sewing machines and they had photo opportunities and delegations to go and visit the families. The whole project was really just a photo opportunity for the media.
So it's more about a public relations exercise for the Western media than helping Iraqi women?
HZ: They used to tour the military camps in America to encourage the soldiers by saying thank you—thank you for what? For killing Iraqi people? All this was happening while Iraqi cities were under continuous bombardment, while women and children were being killed all the time, whether by direct bombardment or by using unconventional weapons, cluster bombs, white phosphorous, DU [depleted uranium], or by the effect of the conflict, of the war itself, on Iraqi health, education. So they are completely detached from Iraqi reality, and in particular the reality of Iraqi women.
And we can see, if we are talking about human rights in general, the occupation has nothing to do with human rights. In the end women's rights are part of human rights. Without the struggle for national liberation, which Iraqi women have been part of throughout all the history of modern Iraq, I can't see how they can really achieve anything.
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The Gallery is a showcase of FPGA designs that Fliptronics has developed for its clients. These pictures demonstrate examples of detailed floorplanning, and some demonstrate very high utilization of large FPGAs (vintage 1997. The biggest chips available now are FAR bigger). The pictures are organized in two groups, as two different Floorplan viewers were used. The style of each viewer is described at the top of each group. You can read more about Floorplanning techniques in the tutorials section.
All the Floorplan pictures can be selected to give a larger, more detailed view.
The first Gallery section is of some smaller FPGAs. In these pictures, object that are colored light or dark green are manually Floorplanned and placed. Objects that are colored orange are Floorplanned within themselves (with RLOCs), but are not locked to a specific place on the chip. The final placement for these orange structures was chosen by the FPGA placement software. The objects that are colored blue are unstructured logic (such as state machines, or non timing critical data path), and their placement is also unguided by Floorplanning.
In these pictures, when viewing the full size pictures, the main black grid is the array of CLBs (a white square). Each CLB has its usage indicated by colored cells within the square. Colored cells on the left are the function generators, and colored cells on the right are the flip-flops. A triangle over a flip-flop indicates that its D input is from a function generator in the same CLB. A thin horizontal rectangle (always green) in the bottom left corner of a CLB square indicates that carry logic is in use.
Click for a bigger picture CSCANNER The chip is an XC4008 FPGA. The blue stuff is an un-floorplanned state machine with over 100 states. The two columns of green on the right side are a pipelined bus interface, just to the left are 4 columns of RAM cells (also green, 8 CLBS high). The green stuff in the top middle area are some state counters and address registers. The lower left is a mix of 24 bit and 12 bit data path. Like most of my FPGA designs, the data path is carefully floorplanned (the stuff in green), and the rest (state machines and other control logic, all in blue) is left for the PPR placer to find a suitable location for it. Detailed TimeSpecs are used to describe ALL paths through the chip, and the design is fully synchronous. The design is in production, and runs at speed with reasonable extra timing margins beyond its design specification. This approach to selective floorplanning seems to result in very short design and compile times, with quite deterministic timing. Separate place and route runs result in almost identical timing.
Click for a bigger picture CHAINER This chip is mostly a 24 bit data path, with some 12 bit blocks, and a very complex state machine. Green stuff is the floor planned data path, blue stuff is the unfloorplanned statemachine. The light green stuff is the floorplanned part of the statemachine that directly drives control lines into the data path. For performance, just this part of the statemachine was floorplanned (about 20%).
Click for a bigger picture HUB_MOD This chip implements the Interleaver and modulator DSP for a Spread Spectrum Satellite transmitter. The I and Q portions of the DSP are the two horizontal blocks, each 9 rows high, that are in the top half of the chip, and span the full width. The bottom half of the chip implements a configurable interleaver. All the light and dark green stuff is floorplanned, the blue stuff is unfloorplanned state machine logic.
The Second Gallery section is of some more recent FPGAs.
Within each CLB, colored squares on the left are F & G function generators, colored squares on the right are the flip-flops, and a colored rectangle in the middle represents the H function generator.
Click for a bigger picture SRAMTEST The chip is an XC4028EX and implements the self test design that exercises the SRAM on the board. The Horizontal block (4 rows by 16 columns) implements 16 registers that are available to the software running on the host PC. The vertical structure on the right side is a datapath that generates and check various test patterns while the design is running. The blue stuff that is scattered around the chip is the state machine that controls everything. The vertical yellow stripes are the carry chains in various counters. The SRAM interface is on the right side, and the CPU/ISA interface are the I/Os on the bottom and left side.
Click for a bigger picture DRAMTEST The chip is an XC4028EX and implements the self test design that exercises the DRAM on the board. The Horizontal block (4 rows by 16 columns) implements 16 registers that are available to the software running on the host PC. The vertical structure on the right side is a datapath that generates and check various test patterns while the design is running. The blue stuff that is scattered around the chip is the state machine that controls everything. The vertical yellow stripes are the carry chains in various counters. The DRAM interface is on the right side, and the CPU/ISA interface are the I/Os on the bottom and left side.
Click for a bigger picture MFILT The chip is an XC4028EX that implements two 256 stage match filters for decoding a Spread Spectrum Satellite signal. The design has one 256-bit by 8 equivalent shift reg with taps every other sample. It matches against two codes being run simultaneously. This means there are two sets of everything except the shift register. The coefficients (all +1 or -1 ) are dynamically programmable by shifting in two new arguments up to 128 each. The clock rate is 32MHz. The sample rate is 8MHz. The chip rate is 4MHz. This design uses a hybrid of distributed arithmetic, serial/parallel computation, and required very careful floorplanning. The design includes ROMs, RAMs, carry logic, and a small amount of control logic. Operating at 32MHz, it performs 256 multiplies (8 bit) and 254 adds (9 to 15 bit) every 4 clock, delivering slightly over 4 billion operations per second.
Click for a bigger picture DVB_DEMOD The chip is an XC4062XL that implements a DVB demodulator.
Click for a bigger picture LINEAR The chip is an XC4085XLA that implements a TDI Linearizer.
Click for a bigger picture FORMATTER The chip is an XC4062XLA that implements a Fibre Channel Formatter.


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Kanye West Debuts New White and Grey Yeezy 700 Sneaker
By Soje Leslie Published: December 19, 2017 1:10 am
Soje Leslie Author
Kanye West set social media on fire over the weekend when he debut a never before seen white and grey Yeezy 700 sneaker.
Paparazzi snapped Kanye over the weekend donning the new version of bulky Wave Runner 700. The G.O.O.D. Music rapper donned a oversize camouflage jacket and black pants with the sneaker while heading inside Balenciaga in New York City. The is the latest version of the Wave Runners we've seen with white and grey colorway with a little 3M reflective accents at the top section of the shoe.
The pair Kanye West was wearing comes with a blacked out mid and outsole and white lace. It will likely be available in stores sometime soon, but in the meantime Kanye West and his family has the luxury of debut the kicks before anyone else even get their hands on them. These sneakers retailed by Adidas for around $300 but folks are reselling them on the market for double and triple that amount on the open market.
Aside from designing sneaker, Kanye West has been recording his upcoming album over the last year, but so far there are no signs on when this project will arrive.
https://www.instagram.com/p/Bc0yHyplvkU/
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NBA 'nuclear winter' arrives
NBA players delivered a resounding but risky response to one more ultimatum from NBA Commissioner David Stern: See you in court.
The players' association rejected the league's latest proposal for a new labor deal Monday and began disbanding, paving the way for a lawsuit that throws the season in jeopardy.
Negotiating went nowhere, so now the union is going away. And Stern said "nuclear winter" is coming.
"We're prepared to file this antitrust action against the NBA," union executive director Billy Hunter said. "That's the best situation where players can get their due process."
And that's a tragedy as far as Stern is concerned.
"It looks like the 2011-12 season is really in jeopardy," Stern said in an interview aired on ESPN. "It's just a big charade. To do it now, the union is ratcheting up I guess to see if they can scare the NBA owners or something. That's not happening."
Hunter said players were not prepared to agree to Stern's ultimatum to accept the current proposal or face a worse one, saying they thought it was "extremely unfair." And they're aware what this battle's costs.
Hunter said all players will be represented in a class-action suit against the NBA by attorneys Jeffrey Kessler and David Boies — who were on opposite sides of the NFL labor dispute, Kessler working for the players, Boies the league.
"Mr. Kessler got his way, and we're about to go into the nuclear winter of the NBA," Stern told ESPN. "If I were a player ... I would be wondering what it is that Billy Hunter just did."
The league already has filed a pre-emptive lawsuit seeking to prove the lockout is legal and contends that without a union that collectively bargained them, the players' guaranteed contracts could be voided.
Two years of bargaining couldn't produce a deal, with owners' desires for more competitive balance clashing with players' wishes to keep the salary cap system largely intact. The sides last met Thursday, when the league offered a revised proposal but told the players there would be no further negotiating on it.
Stern had urged players to take the deal on the table, saying it's the best the NBA could offer and advised that decertification is not a winning strategy.
Players ignored that warning, choosing instead to dissolve the union, giving them a chance to win several billion dollars in triple damages in an antitrust lawsuit.
"This is the best decision for the players," union president Derek Fisher said. "
Hunter said the NBPA's "notice of disclaimer" was filed with Stern's office about an hour before the news conference announcing the move. Now, the NBPA is in the process of converting to a trade association as the fight shifts to the courts.
"The fact that the two biggest legal adversaries in the NFL players dispute over the NFL lockout both agree that the NBA lockout is now illegal and subject to triple damages speaks for itself," Kessler said in an email to The Associated Press.
The NBA's last work stoppage reduced the 1998-99 season to 50 games. Monday marked the 137th day of the lockout; the NFL's lasted 136.


Born at Tanyfron, Wrexham, a journalist with the Liverpool Daily Post and in 1946 a regional officer of the British Council. A visionary, he conceived the idea of an International Eisteddfod and sowed the seed of that idea in Llangollen. He worked tirelessly to attract overseas competitors to the first festival.
"Without his inspiration there would not have been an International Eisteddfod at Llangollen in 1947" – Dudley R. Richards, Chairman 1986.
Mr. W.S. Gwynn Williams, an experienced and ardent Eisteddfodwr, was a native of Llangollen. Music was his lifelong passion and his concern for the preservation of Welsh Music, particularly Folk Music, amounted to a "mission". As proprietor of the Gwynn Publishing firm he produced much solo and choral music as welt as arrangements oi polyphonic music of many countries, factors which were to be of paramount importance to the launching of the International Eisteddfod. He was Organiser of Music for the Gorsedd of Bards for over 53 years and Honorary Music Director of the International Eisteddfod from its inception in 1947 until his retirement in 1977. Apart from the prodigious task of selecting test pieces for the various competitions, contacting the many groups and choirs from home and overseas, and the engagement of adjudicators and artists, he was responsible for the smooth running of the programme during Eisteddfod week. Without his enthusiasm and wide musical knowledge the International Eisteddfod could not have been undertaken.
necessary drive and enthusiasm to its early deliberations. From the very first he declared his complete faith in the success of the venture and his eloquent exhortations to greater effort by everyone concerned ensured that the presentation of the first Eisteddfod would be one worthy of the occasion. Lady Russon served as a Vice President from 1970-1994 and was a generous benefactor to the Eisteddfod.
The longest serving and much loved stage compere died in 1989 after appearing as Stage Conductor for forty consecutive years from 1949 to 1988.
The Stage Conductor has a task calling for efficiency and tact. He has, and is, a personality in his own right. His title implies much more than 'Master of Ceremonies' or 'Announcer', and the part he plays throughout every day's competitions and the evening concerts is vital. He must be prepared to spin out the time by talking agreeably to the audience during an awkward pause. He must be polite but firm with over-boisterous competitors and their fans, or with a group on the outside field that starts banging a drum in the middle of a choral contest item; to announce with equanimity a police message regarding a lost bunch of keys, an SOS for a doctor, a nervous children's choir or an equally nervous Prime Minister.
Mr. Reeves served on the Standing Board from its inception in 1949 until his retirement in 1992 and he continues to take a keen interest to the present day.
Bert Reeves moved to Llangollen in 1945 to join R. & C. Cuthbert (Seedsmen) and later became Managing Director of that company. The list of his offices above shows the degree of his involvement from the beginning and the continued application of his business experience and organisational skills to the administration of the Eisteddfod. His exceptional contribution to the success of the Eisteddfod was recognised in 1993 by the award of a Life Vice Presidency.
Copyright © Llangollen International Musical Eisteddfod. All rights reserved.


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Kristin Chenoweth: Coming Home
By Jennifer Robinson / Web Producer
Courtesy of Jill Solomon
Kristin Chenoweth goes home to Broken Arrow, Oklahoma, to perform music from her career.
Airs Friday, November 28, 2014 at 9 p.m. on KPBS TV
Emmy® and Tony® Award-winner and accomplished singer Kristin Chenoweth brings it home — to Broken Arrow, Oklahoma that is — to perform a career-spanning concert. With a classically trained voice set off by a gift for acting and comedy, Chenoweth appears at a state-of-the-art theater that now bears her name, performing Broadway, television and film songs like "Popular" and "For Good" from "Wicked," songs from her acclaimed performances on GLEE, and beloved music from "Les Misérables," "Phantom of the Opera" and many more. Backed by a 13-piece orchestra led by musical director Mary-Mitchell Campbell, Chenoweth welcomes song and dance friends from Broadway in a program sure to be unforgettable. Produced and directed for television by Scott Lochmus, "Kristin Chenoweth: Coming Home" premieres as part of the PBS Arts Fall Festival on Friday, November 28, 2014 on PBS.
Courtesy of © John Russo 2014
Kristin Chenoweth
Courtesy of Kristen Chenoweth
Give at the $144 level during our TV Membership Campaign and receive the "Kristin Chenoweth: Coming Home" CD and DVD combo. This gift also includes enrollment in the myKPBS Savers Club plus additional online access to more than 130,000 merchant offers and printable coupons, as well as a KPBS License Plate Frame (if you're a new member). The CD only is available at $72, and the DVD only for $84.
"Kristin Chenoweth: Coming Home" features these performances: "I Could Have Danced All Night," "Going To The Dance With You," "My Coloring Book," "Bring Him Home," "Upon This Rock," "Maybe This Time," "Fathers and Daughters," "Somewhere Over The Rainbow," "Popular," "For Good," "Wishing You Were Somehow Here Again," "All the Things You Are," "Enough Is Enough" and "I Was Here."
Emmy and Tony Award-winner and Hollywood Bowl and Oklahoma Hall of Fame inductee, Kristin Chenoweth effortlessly transitions between stage, television, film and an accomplished singing career. Many remember her show-stealing, Tony-winning performance in "You're A Good Man, Charlie Brown" and her triumphant star turn when she originated the role of Glinda the Good Witch in "Wicked," which earned her a leading actress Tony Award nomination.
While starring in the ABC series PUSHING DAISIES, she received an Emmy Award for Best Supporting Actress in a Comedy Series. Chenoweth has appeared on Fox's comedy GLEE in a role for which she was nominated for two Emmy Awards and for a People's Choice Award in the category of Favorite TV Guest Star.
In early 2015 she will return to Broadway to play the glamorous film star Lily Garland in the Roundabout Theatre Company's 20-week limited engagement of "On the Twentieth Century." Chenoweth has completed production on the Universal film "The Boy Next Door," alongside Jennifer Lopez, "Opposite Sex," an indie teen drama entitled "Hard Sell" and the Disney Channel's live-action original movie "Descendants," in which she will play the classic "Sleeping Beauty" villain Maleficent. On November 17, her new album, "Coming Home," will be released on Concord Records.
"Kristin Chenoweth: Coming Home" is part of the 2014 PBS Arts Fall Festival, an 11-week series hosted by Chenoweth that features artists and performances in a variety of disciplines from around the country. Now in its fourth season, the festival underscores PBS' strong, ongoing commitment to present viewers with America's best performing arts.
Kristin Chenoweth is on Facebook, Google +, Instagram, and you can follow @KChenoweth on Twitter.
Kristin Chenoweth: Coming Home Preview
Arts & Culture TVTV Highlights
Jen is a web producer at KPBS, responsible for program promotion, online membership-related activities, and is the editor of the KPBS community calendar. Jen has worked at KPBS since 2000. She is originally from Las Vegas and attended UNLV.
See stories by Jennifer Robinson


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Sophia Dorothea
German princess
Alternative Title: Sophie Dorothea
Sophia Dorothea, German Sophie Dorothea, (born Sept. 13, 1666—died Nov. 23, 1726, Schloss Ahlden, Lower Saxony), wife of George Louis, elector of Hanover (George I of Great Britain), who accused her of infidelity and imprisoned her for 32 years.
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100 Women Trailblazers
Meet extraordinary women who dared to bring gender equality and other issues to the forefront. From overcoming oppression, to breaking rules, to reimagining the world or waging a rebellion, these women of history have a story to tell.
The only child of George William, duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg-Celle, by a Huguenot lady named Eleanore d'Olbreuze, she was married, for dynastic reasons, to her cousin George Louis in 1682. The union was an unhappy one. Her mother-in-law, the electress Sophia, hated her, and this feeling was soon shared by the prince himself. Under these circumstances Sophia Dorothea made the acquaintance of Count Philipp Christoph von Königsmark, who assisted her in one or two futile attempts to escape from Hanover and who was regarded as her lover.
In 1694 the Count was assassinated, and the Princess was divorced and imprisoned in the castle of Ahlden, remaining in captivity until her death. Sophia Dorothea is sometimes referred to as the "princess of Ahlden." Her two children were the English king George II and Sophia Dorothea, wife of Frederick William I and mother of Frederick the Great.
George I
George married his cousin Sophia Dorothea of Celle in 1682, but in 1694, accusing her of infidelity, he divorced her and imprisoned her in the castle of Ahlden, where she died 32 years later. He succeeded his father as elector of Hanover in 1698. The English Parliament's Act of…
Philipp Christoph, count von Königsmark
…Hanover), alleged German lover of Sophia Dorothea, who was consort to the Hanoverian electoral prince George (later King George I of England). Their supposed relationship led to Königsmark's death and to Sophia Dorothea's lifelong imprisonment.…
George II
George II, king of Great Britain and elector of Hanover from 1727 to 1760. Although he possessed sound political judgment, his lack of self-confidence caused him to rely heavily on his ministers, most notable of whom was Sir Robert Walpole. George Augustus was the only son of the German prince…
November 23, 1726 (aged 60)
Schloss Ahlden, Germany
notable family members
spouse George I
son George II
English Monarchs - Biography of Sophia Dorothea of Celle