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Should sex workers still end up in handcuffs?
Varavin88/Shutterstock
Lawmakers are looking into transforming New York's prostitution laws.
New York lawmakers are reevaluating the labor of lust.
By LISA PETERSON
On a February afternoon last year, about 150 people gathered in lower Manhattan's Foley Square to kick off a campaign to radically transform New York's prostitution laws. Cecilia Gentili, a veteranadvocate for the transgender community and former sex worker, strained to be heard over the raucous cheers. "It is incredibly, incredibly surreal to have the support of our elected officials for this," she told the crowd. A lineup of state lawmakers – state Sens. Julia Salazar and Jessica Ramos, and Assembly members Richard Gottfried, Dan Quart and Catalina Cruz – stood a few feet away, all openly supportive of the decriminalization of sex work.
The new coalition, Decrim NY, aims to "decriminalize, decarcerate and destigmatize the sex trade" – in other words, to repeal criminal laws regarding the purchase or sale of sexual services in the state. It's a radical idea, but not entirely unprecedented. New Zealand fully decriminalized sex work in 2003, and two states or territories in Australia have done the same. The World Health Organization, American Civil Liberties Union and Amnesty International are among the high-profile groups that publicly back the policy, citing its potential for reducing the spread of HIV and decreasing violence against sex workers, among other benefits. And Washington, D.C., considered a bill to decriminalize sex work in 2017 (though it has not passed yet, despite being reintroduced in 2019). Thanks in part to a recentprogressive shift in Albany (several of New York's newest legislators, including state Sen. Alessandra Biaggi as well as Salazar, ran on platforms that included the decriminalization ofsex work), the once-unimaginable seems closer to reality than ever before: New York couldbecome the first state in the U.S. to decriminalize sex work.
In June, the final month of the 2019 legislative session, Salazar followed through on a campaign pledge by introducing the Stop Violence in the Sex Trades Act, with Ramos and fellow Democratic state Sens. Luis Sepúlveda and Robert Jackson joining as co-sponsors. "What this bill does is it removes from the criminal code the buying or trading of sex between consenting adults," Salazar explained recently, while leaving in place the portions of the law that address "coercion of minors (or) anything to do with minors" as well as trafficking and exploitation.
How has New York – a blue state, but one founded on the same Puritan values as the rest of the nation – found itself on the front lines of decriminalizingthe trade of sex for money? Combine millennial and Gen Z's increasing rejection of strict binaries – gay or straight; male or female; slut or virgin – with a burgeoning gig economy in which people patch together all kinds of income sources, and it makes sense that Americans have become steadily more accepting of sex work. In a November 2019 poll of 1,029 voters conducted for Data For Progress, 52% of respondents reported being somewhat or strongly in support of fully decriminalizing sex work. For younger voters ages 18 to 29, support hit 65%. Shifting attitudes, along with widespread calls for criminal justice reform and the evolving discourse around economic disparities, have repositioned sex work from what was once taboo into yet another labor issue: a case of regular people trying to do their jobs.
According to sex workers and their advocates, this newfound enthusiasm among politicians to join in the push for decriminalizationis hardly the result of any one "blue wave." It's the outcome of a decadeslong campaign of public outreach and education led by current and former sex workers. It's no easy endeavor to "peel back layers of prejudice" built up over time, Decrim NY member Jared Trujillo said. But by showing people "that sex workers are your neighbors, they're not these horrid people," the group hopes to speak a language politicians can't ignore: public sentiment.
That work is gradual and grueling. And for that reason, despite the widespread press coverage, the backing of legislators and solid supporter turnout, Decrim NY organizer Nina Luo expressed cautious optimism on the day of the organization's launch. She "wouldn't have believed it" if someone had told her a couple of years ago that even a handful of legislators would come out to support a full decriminalization bill, but one promising day of public support was just the start. "You know, it's easy to feel like a win is close when you have electeds with you," she said. "We know that there's a lot more work to do."
Luo suspects a decriminalization bill would pass much faster in a watered-down, "shitty" form, as she put it, perhaps one that simply moved prostitution charges into the civil code. For sex workers, Luo argued, making too many concessions means permitting more of the same harassment and arrests. Instead, she prefers the longer, more difficult route, taking advantage of the movement's momentum and using it to build a wider consensus around more sweeping changes.
In 1973, former sex worker Margo St. James founded Coyote, or Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics, the first American organization solely dedicated to securing rights for sex workers. Dubbing themselves a "loose union of women" (and sometimes, in their brassy humor, a "union of loose women"), the San Francisco-based group fought to end the stigmatization and criminalization of prostitution by hosting "hooker conventions" and public education forums. An outspoken feminist, St. James upended the assumption that all sex workers were inherent "victims," poking fun at American prudery with cheeky Coyote slogans like "The Trick Is Not Getting Caught" and "My Ass is Mine."
Coyote's efforts kick-started a wave of sex worker community organizing outside of San Francisco. New branches formed across the country during the 1970s, and in 1976, sex worker Jean Powell launched Prostitutes of New York. Following St. James' lead, sex work activism focused on repealing anti-prostitution laws. But organizers knew that eliminating the threat of arrest was only one of many necessary steps; eradicating the stigma that made it difficult for sex workers to secure resources, like health care and housing, was just as crucial.
Coyote and its sister organizations didn't make much legislative headway, but they did force once-unmentionable issues into the public sphere. As women secured new rights throughout the 1970s – in 1972, single women won the constitutional right to acquire birth control, and a year later, the U.S. Supreme Court made it illegal to ban abortions with its ruling in Roe v. Wade – sex workers asked: What about bodily autonomy around pornography, prostitution and all other jobs in the sex trade?
Luo suspects decriminalization would pass much faster in a watered-down, "shitty" form. She prefers the longer, more difficult route.
They met fierce opposition, even among avowed supporters of the women's liberation movement. The "sex wars" of the early 1980s pitted anti-pornography feminists (calling themselves "abolitionists") against pro-sex feminists, who supported – and included – sex workers. The self-proclaimedabolitionists argued that pornography and prostitution were a direct result of patriarchal oppression and that all women participating in those trades were victims of exploitation and thus not true laborers with their own agency. Feminist sex workers bristled at the notion that they had no minds or wills of their own.
With the rise of Reaganism in the 1980s and the country's subsequent conservative turn, the "radical right" surged, often campaigning specifically against the sexual expression and self-sovereignty of women and LGBTQ people. The AIDS epidemic only increased public squeamishness around sex. While sex worker advocates argued that decriminalization would help prevent the spread of HIV, few agencies or legislators responded.
Throughout the 1990s, gentrification pushed urban streetwalkers away from busy areas, while the rise of internet access drew many of them indoors. The personals sections of message boards and online listing services became lively commerce hubs where sex workers advertised their services. From behind computer screens, sex workers communicated with each other more freely, flagging dangerous johns to avoid and trading safety tips. Some sex workers still solicited outdoors and the trade was still illegal, but the internet created a much-needed safe harbor for many.
In the early 2000s, President George W. Bush's administration presented advocates and organizers with a tricky new obstacle: the label of sex trafficking. Meant to describe the forcible, exploitative push of people into the sex trade, the term was so loosely defined and applied that it swept up consensual sex workers along with it. In the name of "rescuing" girls and women, Ronald Weitzer, a George Washington University sociologist who is an expert on sex trafficking, said the Bush White House waged a "moral crusade" against all prostitution.
New York followed the Bush administration's lead in 2013, throwing resources behind an experimental judicial systemintended to pull victims from the clutches of traffickers. Instead of incarcerating people picked up for prostitution, this system – called the Human Trafficking Intervention Courts – funneled them into required counseling sessions. If the defendant attends the mandatory appointments and avoids getting arrested again within six months, the charges (other than a loitering with the intent for prostitution violation, which is never sealable) are expunged from their records.
In 2017, sex work organizers in New York saw a glimmer of possibility when the Independent Commission on New York City Criminal Justice and Incarceration Reform published a landmark report. Celebrated by many for calling for the closing of Rikers Island, the report also recommended movingNew York's laws relevant to the exchange of sex for money between consenting adults from the criminal code to the civil summons system – basically, likening a prostitution summons to something more like a parking ticket. While New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio agreed to close Rikers Island within the next 10 years, he reasoned that the second suggestion would make it difficult for officers to identify and rescue sex trafficking victims. Then-New York City Police Department Commissioner James O'Neill dismissed the need for any changes. Pointing to the city's overall reduction in prostitution arrests, he said that officially decriminalizing prostitution wasn't necessary. While arrest data provided by the NYPD showed that specific prostitution arrests in New York City dropped 62% from 2016 to 2018, Documented reported a simultaneous major uptick in arrests under a different statute: loitering for the purpose of prostitution – a charge that allows NYPD officers to arrest anyone they believe might be trying to sell sex.
Not long after the commission's report, organizers turned their attention to a more pressing matter: FOSTA-SESTA. A two-part piece of federal legislation, FOSTA (Allow States and Victims to Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act) and SESTA (Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act) aimed to thwart online sex trafficking, specifically through the blocking of adult online advertisements. Holding websites liable for any trafficking that they "knowingly" allow to take place on their platforms (a technicality advocates for internet freedom argue is too vague), the new legislation made it difficultfor sex workers to operate their businesses and communicate with one another online. Craigslist shuttered its personals section days before the law was signed in April 2018, and the popular personal ads host Backpage.com was seized by federal forces. By winter, Tumblr, a once-popular porn destination, moved to block all adult content. With the mayor unlikely to back the reform recommendations and with FOSTA-SESTAencroaching on sex workers' income, activists ramped up the fight at the state level. As Gentili, the former sex worker, put it, her community wasn't about to let lawmakers "just fuck with our livelihoods" without a fight.
Immediately after FOSTA-SESTA passed the U.S. Senate in March 2018, Rep. Carolyn Maloney, who co-sponsored the bill, sent out a celebratory tweet: "Survivors and law enforcement now have the tools to seek justice and prevent others from being trafficked online. #TimesUp." Her message spurred an immediate outpouring of angry replies from the sex work community.
"Takes some nerve to slap #TimesUp on a policy that will make it dramatically *easier* for predators to abuse sex workers," one critic tweeted. Sex work organizer Liara Roux accused Maloney's bill of making sex workers "even more vulnerable" without safe access to the discussion boardsand chat rooms "where we used to be able to tell (each other) how to avoid violent clients."Another simply asked Maloney, "How could you get this so wrong?"
For her part, Maloney now says she agrees that "equality, rights and protections" for those working consensually in the sex trade are "long overdue," though her thoughts on decriminalization are less clear. (She expressed being open to "gradually" moving from a Nordic model, where only buyers are criminalized, toward full decriminalization, though one does not create an obvious pathway to the other.)
When Luo read the outraged reaction to Maloney's FOSTA-SESTA position, she saw an opportunity. "I realized, this is the kind of tremendous pain and anger that can mobilize a vote of her out (of office)." Luo reached out to her friend Daphne Weinstein, co-chair of the lower Manhattan branch of the New York City chapter of Democratic Socialists of America, the leftist organization whose nationwide membership has exploded from roughly 5,000 to over 40,000 people since late 2016. Through mutual connections in leftist politics, Weinstein helped put Luo in contact with Maloney's primary rival, Suraj Patel. Advised by Luo and others from the sex work community, Patel denounced FOSTA-SESTA, citing harm reduction as the main reason behind his decision. The move garnered attention, and Luo didn't let it go to waste. Flattering coverage for Patel could be found on Bustle and The Daily Beast. In a widely shared op-ed for Vice, Patel called FOSTA-SESTA a "continuation of our country's policies profiting off the mass incarceration of already vulnerable people." He then held a sex worker town hall – reportedly the first one ever hosted by a congressional candidate. As "risky" as he said it felt to step in the "minefield" of the FOSTA-SESTA debate, the move helped him build some much-needed name recognition. Better still for Luo, she now had proof that "you could even get some good headlines for taking a stand" on something as controversial as FOSTA-SESTA – and maybe other policies impacting the sex trade.
In the June 2018 primary, Patel lost to Maloney. Nonetheless, Luo was encouraged. She saw early signs that her electoral strategy could work – if she found the right candidates. Though Luo wasn't a member herself, she knew the DSA was a well of progressive activists and candidates, including one running for state Senate: Julia Salazar. Salazar was challenging an eight-term incumbent, state Sen. Martin Malavé Dilan, from the left. Weinstein connected Luo with Salazar, who was seeking to represent Bushwick, Cypress Hills, Williamsburg and Greenpoint in Brooklyn.
Sex workers had tried to help elect allies before, Luo noted, but the community had never seriously coalesced around candidates for public office. As a result, Weitzer said the decriminalization organizers he has studied have historically been "unable to get any of their views manifested in policies."
On a Saturday afternoon in July 2018, Salazar met with Luo, who would soonhelp her campaign attract national attention. Walking into SoHo's Ground Support cafe with two members of her team, the future state senator was already "supportive of the decriminalization of sex work," but unsure of the specifics.
The idea of full decriminalization was discussed relatively little, Salazar recalled, because it seemed a bit premature. Republicans still controlled the state Senate, after all. Instead, the conversation focused on steps to protect sex workers right away, including repealing the loitering for the purpose of prostitution statute. By the end of their 90-minute conversation, Luo had succeeded: Salazar agreed to publicly support sex workers' rights in her campaign.
Luo set out to make sure her efforts with Salazar's campaign sent a loud message. "With Julia," Luo said, the plan was to drive "more community engagement" to prove that candidates could attract organizers, volunteers and voters based on vocally supporting sex workers' rights. Successfully introducing Salazar to the sex work community in the coming months would mark the first step.
By mid-August, Luo had recruitedabout 40 sex workers and allies to canvass in Salazar's district, and the first-time activists went door to door specifically talking about sex workers' rights. From Luo's perspective, itwas a triumph. "I think we knocked on, like, 600 doors" to an overwhelmingly positive response, she recalled. "No one made a weird face, you know?" A few weeks later, Salazar easily defeated the Democratic incumbent, then coasted to victory in the November general election.
A couple weeks before taking office, Salazar made an announcement on Twitter: She would be "introducing legislation to repeal the harmful 'loitering for the purpose of prostitution' statute." Longtime advocates supported her interest in repealing the law, but pointed out that state Sen. Brad Hoylman had introduced such legislation in the previous session.
A devoted advocate for LGBTQ rights, Hoylman had acted on the loitering statute after The Legal Aid Society and law firm Cleary Gottlieb Steen & Hamilton LLP filed a joint class-action lawsuit against New York City and "certain named officers of the New York City Police Department" in 2016 to repeal the law. When the Manhattan lawmaker read in the suit that the NYPD targeted and profiled transgender women of color, he was moved to draft the first piece of legislation to repeal what he called the "classist, racist and profoundly discriminatory" loitering law.
While Salazar settled into her new role in Albany, advocates and organizers looked for other decriminalization allies in the state Legislature. During an event celebrating the passage of the Gender Expression Non-Discrimination Act, which banned conversion therapy and discrimination based on gender identity, transgender community members approached Assemblyman Richard Gottfried. The activists primed Gottfried on the next priority in their agenda: the full decriminalization of sex work. "We think there needs to be a bill," they told him, and they wanted him to help carry it. Would he do it? A member of the Assembly since 1971, Gottfried said he had "believed for decades" that the harms associated with sex work were "overwhelmingly the result of the illegality of it." He said he would. Two of his colleagues in the Assembly, Dan Quart and Catalina Cruz, signed on as co-sponsors soon after.
Another supporter, first-term state Sen. Jessica Ramos, said standing up for sex workers felt like the right thing to do. "I can't say that I had a very good understanding of the experience of sex workers," she said, until they started showing up at her office in Queens and explaining it to her. "This pretense that some people have that we are going to get rid of sex work altogether is, I think, false," Ramos said. She looked at her district and thought about the sex workers she'd seen walking up and down Roosevelt Avenue her "entire life." In the end, she concluded that decriminalizing sex work was about "empowering the worker, trusting the worker and hopefully allowing them to create their safe environments in which they're able to take care of themselves and take care of each other."
That brought the count of legislators willing to push for full decriminalization to five, with a few more signing on later. On Feb. 25, 2019 – the day of the Decrim NY launch – Salazar and Ramos published an op-ed in the Daily News announcing their position. While they said they recognized "the tremendous public education required to pass such a bill," they believed New York could "and should be the first to decriminalize sex work fully."
In early March 2019, protesters took over the steps of New York City Hall for an anti-decriminalization rally. Hosted by the New York Alliance Against the Legalization of Prostitution with a strong presence from the National Organization of Women's New York City chapter, attendees hoisted signs above their headsthat read "PIMP FREE NY" and "Stop Buying Women." Maloney spoke at the rally. Counter-protesters soon arrived, with one captured on video pacing back and forth in front of the steps, holding a neon poster board with the words "LISTEN TO SEX WORKERS" written in black marker.
Weitzer, the sociologist, said for the most part that mainstream women's advocacy groups are "content" not to deal with sex work until a specific piece of legislation is introduced. Now that one has, the contentious feminist debate around sex work has reignited, this time causing flare-ups between proponents of decriminalization and supporters of the Nordic model, a policy that punishes patrons for purchasing sex, but not the people selling it (theoretically, at least). Sometimes referred to as the equality model (or wrongly labeled as decriminalization), this approach has already been implemented in Canada, France and Sweden.
Rebecca Zipkin is a senior staff attorney at Sanctuary for Families, a nonprofit serving victims of domestic violence and other gender violence that strongly supports the criminalization of "sex buyers, pimps, brothel owners, traffickers, anyone who profits off of the sex trade," while decriminalizing the act of selling sex. "We see prostitution as a form of exploitation," Zipkin said, "not an individual choice, but (part of) a system that is inextricably linked to sex trafficking."
Many feminist groups, not to mention the world's most prominent feminist, Gloria Steinem, support this approach. "The Nordic model guarantees better treatment of men, women and children in prostitution," Steinem told The Guardianin 2015. "If you decriminalize everybody, that's it. And, of course, you've decriminalized the pimps and traffickers. If you follow the Nordic model, you are obligated to offer services and alternatives to the people who are prostituted. You don't arrest them."
"We cannot argue that it's my body and my choice when it comes to abortion, but not sex work." - state Sen. Jessica Ramos
Yetcritics say the Nordic model pushes streetwalkers – already some of the most vulnerable people in the sex trade – into increasingly dangerous situations. Activists and authors Juno Mac and Molly Smith warned in their book "Revolting Prostitutes" that the model drives sex workers to meet clients in hidden locales far from police surveillance, pushing them to accept more dangerous propositions, such as unprotected sex or appointments with more unpredictable customers, to make up for income lost by regulars scared off by the threat of arrest. A 2016 report from Amnesty International examining the effects of the Nordic model in Oslo backed up those claims. Norwegian social services providers said that the purchasing ban had created a "buyer's market" that left sex workers with little power, while allowing "perpetrators of violence against sex workers" to act with what they considered to be "relative impunity."
Decrim NY members found this ongoing debate to be exasperating. Sex workers often say that they certainly do not support coercion and resent being cast as "anti-anti-sex trafficking" when criticizing the Nordic model or other modes of criminalization. To Luo, the matter of contention between the two schools of thought is a fundamental disagreement over the role of policing. "There is a way of thinking about addressing social issues that relies on the criminal justice system; that believes policing is effective and good for these communities who are largely black, immigrants and undocumented," she said. "And that's just not where Decrim NY is."
Though she hasn't changed her policy position, Gentili's own relationship to her history in the sex trade has grown more nuanced over time. "I always said, you know, 'I choose this, I choose to be a sex worker, right? This is my choice.'" More recently, she has wondered about the meaning of choice in a brutal economy and discriminatory world. "How much of a choice is it if it's your only choice?" A National Center for Transgender Equality report published in 2015 found that 69.5% of transgender people surveyed who engaged in sex work had experienced "being denied a job or promotion or being fired because of their gender identity or expression."
"Not for nothing," Gentili added, many trans Latina women feel like they "have to do sex work because they don't have a way to make a living," a point that also applies to black trans women, a group that comprises a "disproportionately high percentage" of sex workers.
Ramos said she was "a little more surprised by the position of some feminist groups," specifically organizations that have done "incredible, monumental work when it comes to protecting a woman's right to choose." The Queens lawmaker added, "We cannot argue that it's my body and my choice when it comes to abortion, but not sex work."
As Luo predicted a year ago at Decrim NY's launch, the coalition succeeded in pushing for the introduction of a full decriminalization bill last year. Also in line with her expectations, it's still sitting in committee, a long way from passing. "I think we're at least a couple of years away" from seeing Decrim NY's goals realized, Luo said.
In 2020, public discussion around the issue will be further complicated by state Sen. Liz Krueger's intention (along with Assemblywoman Tremaine Wright) to introduce Nordic model legislation this session.
"I firmly believe that to be a progressive is to stand up for less powerful people against systems that exploit them," Krueger said. "Johns and pimps are taking advantage of the marginalization and dire economic circumstances of adults and children in the sex trade," adding that she views the industry as "fundamentally harmful, dehumanizing, and (it relies on a) coercive business model."
Trujillo said the conclusions that Krueger reached are a combination of misinformation and decent intentions. "You can pass the Nordic model, but people often do sex work because they need income to survive," he said, adding that it is a systemic problem the Nordic model isn't equipped to address. "(If such a bill passed), all you really get is you drive (the sex trade) further underground and you make people less safe. But you get to pat yourself on the back at the end of the day because you think you did something progressive."
For now, sex work organizers see years of work ahead of them to achieve their goal of the full, statewide decriminalization of consensual sex work. In the meantime, activists focus on the incremental, immediately achievable steps they can work on side by side with some of the staunchest opponents to decriminalization.
"Especially early in the session, you're going to see mostly stuff on (the) walking while trans (ban)," Luo said. "2019 was really exciting because it brought a lot of activity in New York (around decriminalization)." She added: "There are a lot of national and local groups all over the country working on this issue now, and we're just going to continue to see more conversation. Legislators in New York can be on top of that, or they can fall behind."
Before the sun rises on a January weekday, a bus with around 70 members of the sex work and advocacy community pulls out of Union Square. After two and a half hours heading north on U.S. Route 9, this group will meet with a wide range of legislators in Albany, pushing each of them to co-sponsor a bill to repeal the loitering for the purpose of prostitution statute.
Group leaders distribute purple folders, passing them back from seat to seat. Each one contains detailed itineraries and specific talking points to use with elected officials. With materials in hand, a bus that was humming with friendly chatter moments ago goes quiet as the passengers study. As Albany approaches, Briana Silberberg, a community organizer from the New York City Anti-Violence Project and Decrim NY member, gets on the bus loudspeaker to lay some ground rules. Stick with your group, leave each meeting with a signed "asks" sheet – and don't bring up the full decriminalization bill to legislators. Getting sidetracked into any expansive discussion beyond the specific walking while trans ban isn't helpful to today's cause. A voice shouts from the back of the bus, "Stepping stones!" A few minutes later, the driver opens the door and deposits the crowd outside the state Capitol. Folders tucked tightly under their arms, they push against the wind, hustling to make it inside the building where change happens.
Sex toys, a corrupt police chief and a DA found guilty
On the 2020 labor agenda: Construction safety, decriminalizing sex work
Lisa Peterson
is a freelance culture journalist.
New York State Senate
The endorsements for NYC mayoral candidates
By JEFF COLTIN


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Writing a law reform submission fighting
Writing a novel by the seat of your pants
Home writing your website content Write a press release announcing your hire
They keep your organization on the top of the minds of journalists covering your industry. Gain approval from the appropriate people at your firm. For example, most daily newspapers have a weekly column that accepts announcements of a new hire.
If you are taking the headshot be sure to photograph the subject against a plain, light background with no furniture, windows, or antenna sprouting from their head. Also notice how this press release provides two bullet points at the top, designed to give the press some fast facts about the acquisition.
Observing where media outlets run personnel announcements can help identify proper contacts. Why should readers care. Although personnel releases are routine, following best practices and completing extra work can ensure the press releases gain attention and sometimes even help them evolve into larger stories.
This is for the benefit of the publisher and audience; the publisher may want to clarify information or the audience might seek additional information about your company. Observing where media outlets run personnel announcements can help identify proper contacts.
As a reporter, my immediate response to that press release was that it's not important because it expended an entire sentence saying absolutely nothing.
Although personnel releases are routine, following best practices and completing extra work can ensure the press releases gain attention and sometimes even help them evolve into larger stories. Proofread and Edit Carefully. They can be repurposed on other platforms and shared on social media.
Provide the relevant information to the best of your ability. Describing the impact of the personnel change to the local community or industry can help the release evolve into a larger story. Boilerplate information is designed to give journalists something with which to offer readers context, and can help make your company more recognizable and professional.
What is the topic of the press release. Many journalists will not open attachments because they may carry a virus. And I assumed probably rightly that the company's marketing team was a bunch of idiots.
You can always include a bit more detail in their biography sheet. For example, how will the new hire work to resolve a common problem or challenge readers face. You can see an example of this in the headline above. Press releases can be very helpful in spreading the word about community service or interfaith-related events.
Do you have answers.
This personalizes the press release and helps readers put a face with the name and position. You can also announce the news of their hiring in social media posts and relevant group forums on Facebook, LinkedIn and other networks. For example, if she has enjoyed tremendous career progression in this industry over several years, begin your draft bio with a brief statement about her entry to the field.
Provide a contact name or email. By the time you're done reading, you'll have the skills you need to write your press release, distribute it to the media, and optimize its success.
Now, let's get started. New Hire Press Release. Here's a press release announcing the winners for the 14th annual Stevie Awards for Women in Business. Remember, your press release is designed to help journalists and spur them to cover your news and your company, so stick to information that is relevant to the announcement.
Copy/paste this new hire press release to create a new employee announcement for your organization. Publicizing your senior level staff, for example, can give you more exposure and credibility. Make note of the centered ending characters "###". Jun 09, · Write a genuine headline. It should be brief, clear and to the point: an ultra-compact version of the press release's key point.
Plenty of PR professionals recommend writing your headline at the end, after the rest of the release is written%(59). New hire press releases follow a standard press release format and include information on your new hire such as their skills, experience, and expected contribution to your business.
New hire announcements are typically to words long and give your business credibility and media exposure. Jun 09, · To write a press release, start with a catchy and concise headline that lets readers know what the press release is about. Then, write a brief sentence paragraph that sums up the main point of the press release.
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How to Write a New Hire Press Release

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
«Пульгасари» () — фильм южнокорейского режиссёра Син Сан Ока, снятый им в КНДР в 1985 году в жанре фантастического боевика. Многие источники называют этот фильм «коммунистическим Годзиллой».

История создания

По прямому указанию сына и преемника лидера КНДР Ким Чен Ира было организовано похищение талантливого южнокорейского режиссёра Син Сан Ока. Он, проведя несколько лет в тюрьме, согласился работать на пропагандистский кинематограф этой страны. В качестве одного из сюжетов была выбрана национальная легенда XIV века о чудовище Пульгасари — помеси буйвола, медведя, слона и тигра, питающегося железом. Для создания подлинного образа монстра были приглашены 700 японских специалистов по декорациям и спецэффектам, которые согласились приехать только под личные гарантии Ким Ир Сена. Выход фильма, воспринятый Ким Чен Иром как творческая победа кинематографа коммунистической Кореи, позволил режиссёру с женой Чхве Ын-хи выехать в Австрию для переговоров о прокате. В Вене им удалось избавиться от слежки и обеспечить себе политическое убежище в посольстве США. Имя Син Сан Ока было надолго удалено из титров и восстановлено судом для международного проката только в конце 1990-х годов.

Сюжет
Корея, XIV век. Несправедливый правитель угнетает крестьян, отбирая последнее, и даже мотыги, которые могли бы стать оружием бунта. Деревенский кузнец-старик должен перековать инструменты на оружие против крестьян, но втайне возвращает им инструменты. Его заключают в тюрьму. Перед голодной смертью в тюрьме из рисовых зёрнышек делает игрушку-монстра Пульгасари и передаёт её своим детям. Игрушка оживает от капли крови его дочери, питается железом и растёт на глазах. Он встаёт на сторону угнетённых крестьян. Постепенно Пульгасари превращается в огромное чудовище, каждый коготь которого — размером с человека. Крестьяне устраивают праздничное веселье в честь своего защитника. Войска императора страны всячески пытаются уничтожить монстра, но стрелы его не берут. При попытке сжечь заживо, Пульгасари «охлаждается» в воде, буквально сваривая солдат императора. Наконец советник императора находит в селе колдунью, которая изгоняет из монстра дух кузнеца. Пульгасари падает в яму, его засыпают камнями. Зачинщиков восстания казнят на виселице, среди них — Инде, желающий, чтобы его голову поместили над Южными воротами, дабы он посмотрел на падение императора. Дочь кузнеца Ами тайно проникает в лагерь врага и с помощью своей крови возвращает силы Пульгасари.

Армия крестьян под руководством Пульгасари идёт штурмовать замок императора. Последней надеждой правителя остаются два  секретных якобы сверхмощных супероружия — «Лев-пушка» и «Генерал-пушка». Ядра  отскакивают от Пульгасари, а проглоченное ядро монстр буквально выплёвывает в сторону врага. Пульгасари убивает тирана и разрушает его резиденцию. Освобождённый народ ликует.

Запасы железа иссякают. Голодный Пульгасари начинает есть сельскохозяйственные инструменты крестьян. Дочь кузнеца Ами звонит и прячется в колокол, который и начинает поедать монстр. Она умоляет его исчезнуть с лица Земли, опасаясь, что он съест всё железо и его заставят нападать на другие страны. В том просыпается нечто похожее на совесть и он саморазрушается на тысячи мелких осколков. Одновременно из океана выходит маленький Пульгасари-ребёнок, который превращается в духовную субстанцию, воссоединяющуюся с Ами. Есть надежда, что она вернулась к жизни...

В ролях
 Ли Гвон — кузнец
 Чхан Сон Хи — Ами, его дочь
 Соп Хам Ги — Индэ, лидер восставших
 Джон Йю — мать Индэ
 Пак Ён Хок — правитель-феодал
 Сацума Кэмпатиро — актёр в кукольном костюме Пульгасари

Художественные особенности
«Пульгасари» — прямая аллюзия и критика капитализма, как политико-экономической системы (вызревает в недрах феодализма и разрушает его, начинает неуёмное потребление ресурсов). Одновременно с этим дополнительной идеологической моралью, выдвигаемой продюсером фильма Ким Чен Иром, является идея народной революции.

Критика
 Stomp Tokyo, интернет-ресурс для обсуждения азиатских кайдзю-фильмов: «"Пульгасари" не вызовет симпатии у каждого, разве что у истинных приверженцев монстров-гигантов. <…> Слишком большой упор сделан на идеологические аспекты истории: достаточное количество лизоблюдства в сторону своего правительства говорит о том, что фильму необходимо больше раскрывать персонажей, чем проповедовать идеи Макиавелли».
 «Да, история создания фильма — история о похищении, тюремном заключении, попытки промывания мозгов и, в конце концов, побеге — это даже интереснее, чем сам фильм. Да, есть беспорядочность в постановке, нестабильность актёрской игры и некоторые вопросы к спецэффектам. Но, говоря в целом, политическая подоплёка, масштабные действия, эффектные батальные сцены и достойная разрушающая сила монстра могут компенсировать такие неудачи, как слабые комбинированные съёмки, пенопласт декораций и другие кинематографические оплошности… если вы на это согласны».

Примечания

Ссылки

 «Пульгасари» на сайте Аllrovi
 «Пульгасари» на сайте Rotten Tomatoes

Фантастические фильмы 1985 года
Фантастические боевики
Фильмы КНДР
Фильмы о кайдзю

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Manarat Al Saadiyat virtual tour
Explore Manarat Al Saadiyat on the 360° tour.
CulturAll Conversations: Reimagining Museums
Museums: Places of Civic Engagement, Inspiration and Rebuilding in a Pandemic Age
Qasr Al Hosn virtual tour
Qasr Al Hosn has more than one story to tell, it is a place of many layers and secrets awaiting to be discovered.
The Founding Father in Qasr Al Hosn
Discover the significance of Qasr Al Hosn in Abu Dhabi's development through this archival clip of the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, first President of the UAE and former Ruler of Abu Dhabi.
Saeed Al Otaiba and his memories of Qasr Al Hosn
His Excellency Saeed Al Otaiba recalls Al Ain's development into a flourishing city and describes the grand structure of Qasr Al Hosn during the rule of Sheikh Shakhbut bin Sultan Al Nahyan.
Fatima and Hadeya Al Rumaithi and their memories of Qasr Al Hosn
Fatima Al Rumaithi and Hadeya Al Rumaithi take us back to their childhood memories of the celebrations in and around Qasr Al Hosn and their stories of the community that once surrounded the fort.


Which is a better way to improve worker performance: a) training on how to perform, b) recognition by supervisors, or c) feedback on the results of performing? Research on this topic should be of interest to managers.
In last month's article, performance was defined as what people do while working. Although managers do not observe performance, they are clearly interested in having high- performing workers. Three tools that managers typically employ to improve performance are training, incentive plans and feedback. A 30-year old study1 provides insight into the relative effectiveness of each of these methods.
The study, conducted by psychology researchers, looked at a wholesale bakery where one plant had a poor safety record among its workers in the wrapping and make-up departments. Specifically, the injury frequency was well above industry average. The study sought to find out what impact a behavioral program (intervention) would have on worker safety performance.
The intervention had three components: training, feedback on results, and recognition by supervisors. The training component was a 30-minute visual presentation illustrating proper techniques for various job functions (e.g., how to climb over a conveyor belt properly). In addition, these techniques were posted throughout the work area.
Employees were given regular feedback on their safety behaviors, the second intervention component. Specifically, trained observers used a coding scheme to periodically (about four times a week) observe worker activity and record unsafe behaviors, posting the percentage of safe behaviors for the department. The third intervention component was that supervisors would see workers performing safe behaviors and verbally recognize the behavior.
The findings from the study clearly showed that worker safety behaviors improved during the intervention period as the percentage of incidents performed safely increased from an average of about 70% to over 96%. As the figure illustrates, the impact was immediate.
Of particular interest is the reversal phase, which is where the feedback (as posted in the plant) was discontinued. Workers still had the training information posted and available, observers were still present, but the results were simply not communicated to workers any more. As shown in the figure, results went back to baseline levels. Workers who had already been trained began performing more unsafe behaviors, just as they had before the intervention.
Regarding the recognition component of the intervention, researchers found that supervisors did this infrequently, either forgetting to do so or simply not bothering; this led the researches to conclude, with the recognition component of the intervention being a weak influence, that "the primary change agent was...feedback."
Importantly, the feedback mechanism used was simple and "not costly." In using the feedback postings, there were no contests or rewards for the winning departments (the study looked at two departments in the plant), but because the feedback was made public, "an informal competition arose," leading workers to modify their performance. As a postscript, the president made it permanent policy to provide the feedback, and the plant went from one with the poorest safety record to the highest.
The investigators noted that "there were indications that employees were already aware of the proper safety rules so feedback alone may be effective in improving performance." While training certainly has a place when know-how is lacking, this study argues that telling people how to perform (training) is not as effective as providing them frequent feedback on the results of their work. Managers are accountable for results; workers are responsible for performance. Creating feedback systems allows workers to take that responsibility; it is time well spent by managers.
1Komaki, J., Barwick, K., & Lawrence, R. (1978). A behavioral approach to occupational safety: Pinpointing and reinforcing safe performance in a food manufacturing plant. Journal of Applied Psychology, 63, 434-445.


This book tells the story of what happens in the brain when an eating disorder develops and what has to happen to bring an eating disorder to an end. It describes a new way of thinking about and treating eating disorders, ILET (Internal Language Enhancement Therapy), that brings together recent research in neurobiology with psychodynamic and cognitive behaviour therapy techniques. The focus of this approach is on what happens to our ability to think when anxiety cannot be managed. Most importantly it explains that eating disorders actually have nothing to do with either food or bodies. They are a manifestation of the brain triggering a pathway that stops us being able to think about the meaning of our emotional experience but instead traps us in the world of the body and what goes into it and comes out of it.
By integrating the seemingly irreconcilable fields of neuroscience and psychoanalysis with cognitive behavioural techniques, we can gain a deeper and broader understanding of the workings of the mind in eating disorders and how to treat them.


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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Who'd have thought I'd find something to wear in Costco? Not I! Usually it's full of jeans in dowdy styles and fleeces in odd pastel colours! Sometimes they have Converse there, but again, in weird pastel colours. Now and then they'll get some OK lingerie in from Calvin Klein – sleeping shorts and ribbed vests and the like – but mostly it's fleeces and weird onesies and plastic clogs.
I think this top was £22.95, I'll have to check with Mr AMR, who is the Costco Card Holder and looks after all of the receipts. Look out for the Market Stall Makeup Tutorial!


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Serving Dade, Broward & Palm Beach RESOURCE LIVING MAGAZINES: Direct Mail and Online Publisher in Miami-Dade and Broward County.


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Book launch: CAPITALS, a new poetry anthology on the capital cities of the world, edited by Abhay K. and published by Bloomsbury. The contributors from UK include Ruth Padel, George Szirtes, Mimi Khalvati, Clive Wilmer, Pascale Petit, Todd Swift among others.
Introduced by Abhay K. and Frances Grahl (CCLPS, SOAS) There will be readings by Mathura, Ahsan Akbar, Imruh Bakri, Steven J. Fowler, Michael Glover, Ruth Padel, Meg Pierce, Sarah Soorbrayen, George Szirtes, Clive Wilmer.
Wine and copies of the book will be available.


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