The 16th card in the Major Arcana, the Tower (XVI) is all about change. It's generally considered to be a dark, threatening card and can often be a forebearer of unforeseen and deeply traumatic events.
In a reading, it can indicate that disruption and conflict are coming your way. Attempting to preserve the status quo is futile — the wisest approach is to accept change as a natural part of existence and roll with it as gracefully as you can.
The Tower card depicts a tall church tower, nestled on top of a mountain, that's been struck by lightening and set ablaze. Flames shoot out from the same windows the people trapped inside are desperately jumping from, vainly hoping to escape the turmoil and destruction within for the danger — and certain injury — that lies below.
The Tower illustrated in the Rider-Waite deck is square with a crown that's been knocked off by the lightening strike. A circular crown will never fit properly on a square. As such, the tower represents an ambitious project that was nevertheless constructed on an irrationally conceived plan. It needs to be destroyed so it can be built anew on more solid footing.
There are 22 separate flames in the illustration, which represent the 22 Major Arcana cards, all falling to the ground alongside the humans who have leaped from the inferno. The grey clouds symbolize a universal secret that is in danger of being exposed, whereas the lightening bolts symbolize truth.
The lightening moves from left to right, a symbol of the subconscious mind merging with the conscious mind, together denoting a sudden, and unexpected, spiritual awakening.
As a person the Tower denotes an iconoclast who is forever eager to disturb the status quo. This is an individual prone to emotional outbursts and unnecessary drama who enjoys rocking the boat at every opportunity.
Put bluntly, Tower people are disturbers of the highest order. They tend to be tactless, rude, and quick to reveal secrets entrusted to them, particularly should they hold hidden truths that could be explosive and damaging to the situation, body or organization at hand.
The truths offered by Tower people are often genuinely enlightening. However, they are not always welcome as they tend to be painful in their brutal honesty, and as such, are secrets a Tower person is only too happy to reveal.
While the Tower typically represents disaster, emotional strife, and sudden change so intense it disrupts the foundation of the person or organization in question to their core, it also serves as warning that there can be no more hiding from the unpleasant realities of life you'd prefer not to face.
You will eventually find that this change or series of changes turns out to be positive. Once you get over the shock of it, you will emerge from the experience much less naive and far better equipped to deal with the world. The unpleasant truths you'll soon face should serve as a catalyst for your emotional and spiritual awakening, which will prove to be crucially important to your well-being moving forward.
The Tower in a love reading is rarely a positive sign, rather it signifies an unhealthy relationship primarily marked by conflict.
It usually portends something unexpected and disastrous is about to happen, such as discovering your lover is having an affair with one of your closest friends or siblings. Similarly, if you've been cheating on your partner, you're about to get caught and forced to face the consequences of your infidelity.
If you're single, the Tower could infer that you're feeling especially empty and lonely as a result of your relationship status and still suffering abandonment issues carried over from your last serious relationship.
Career-wise, the Tower denotes working in a negative or hostile environment, or employment that is potentially dangerous, such as firefighter, underwater welder, or soldier. It often indicates a lack of job security or actual job loss.
At the same time, it indicates that a stressful, highly emotional change is about to take place. This could involve being promoted to a position you're scarcely able to navigate at first but which promises to bring great reward once you're over the learning curve.
You need to be especially careful and prudent with your spending. At it's most negative, the Tower portends failure and bankruptcy, perhaps the result of repeated bad investments. If you still have the resources, now is a good time to start putting some money aside.
Prepare for the worst, as the financial catastrophe that awaits will be entirely out of your control. Perhaps the markets will crash, or you'll get audited by the IRS and discover you owe them far more money than you have at your disposal.
You are feeling especially vulnerable to disease, and as such you need to do everything in your power to live as healthily as possible. Even if you don't necessarily feel compromised or ill at the moment, you would be well advised to schedule a full medical examination, including blood work and any X-Rays your doctor requires.
When the Tower reversed appears in a spread it means a crisis looms in your immediate future, and that you won't be able to avoid its manifestation regardless of how much effort you expend trying.
This change might be painful, but ultimately it will be beneficial in that you will emerge from it all as a wiser, more self-reliant individual. At the same time, when reversed the Tower may indicate that all of the above will still take place, but you'll be blessed with a bit of breathing room before everything hits the fan.
In a love reading, the Tower reversed suggests that for all intents and purposes your current relationship is over, except you continue to delay the inevitable for fear of the pain you expect it will bring.
You need to face reality head on and end the relationship, because even if you keep holding out in the hope things will eventually change for the better, deep down you know they won't. By ignoring the truth you're doing yourself a great disservice. So long as you continue the charade, you'll be missing opportunities to find your true soulmate.
The Tower reversed is an indication that your job is in peril but you're handling everything surprisingly well under very difficult circumstances. Your job is stressful at the best of times and even more challenging now that events have taken a turn for the worse.
However, should you fail (and remember, the Tower is the tarot card most representative of failure) and ultimately lose your job, remember that being out of one's comfort zone often serves as inspiration to pursue avenues you likely wouldn't follow otherwise. While stressful, these roads sometimes have a way of leading to great things.
Finding the Tower reversed in your spread suggests that you're trying to escape inevitable financial ruin. As dire as this no doubts sounds, it may not be quite as terrible as you think. Perhaps it will motivate you to start up a new project, one that you wouldn't have realized were it not for your troubled finances.
Filing for personal bankruptcy could enable you to leave your financial obligations behind and start thinking clearly again, minus all the stress your debts have been bringing you. For instance, maybe you really should consider defaulting on your mortgage — surrender the keys to your home and start renting again.
These are definitely tough choices, but in the end being pro-active about your financial situation will leave you a happier person.
You may be ignoring the warning signs of a serious illness by irrationally believing these symptoms will go away on their own. You obviously need to abandon these thought patterns and schedule an appointment with a medical professional for a thorough check up.
You may find yourself greatly relieved to learn there's nothing wrong with you and the symptoms you've been ignoring are nothing to be concerned about. No matter the outcome, you're not doing yourself any favors by not facing your health situation head on.
In the past position, the Tower indicates that you have experienced a traumatic event which continues to negatively affect you. It could be in the recent or distant past — either way, you must learn to move forward and leave it behind you, where it belongs.
In the present position, it represents a longstanding conflict that's about to come to its conclusion. It could be of a romantic nature, and if so, you need to step back and reevaluate the relationship in order to proceed in the right direction.
As a future reading, the Tower indicates that the worst is behind you, but you still have a series of major challenges coming your way. So long as you take on and survive these challenges gracefully, your immediate future promises to be bright.
The Tower clearly isn't the greatest card you could ever hope to find in a spread. That said, however, it isn't necessarily categorically negative either, as profound change — such as moving to a different country, for example — can sometimes work out to be a positive in your life.
This combo appears to let you know that despite a bout of turbulence in your life, you will rise to the occasion and weather the storm with a tremendous show of personal strength.
The Star tarot card represents hope and optimism. See the appearance of these two cards as a positive indication that where there has been any destruction in your life, the time to pick up the pieces and resume control of your destiny is upon you.
Be aware of the actions of others in your life as the pairing of these two cards signals that a negative force is at play. Keep yourself protected.


Brevity may be the soul of wit, but Twitter is betting that an extra few characters wouldn't go amiss.
The platform has long stuck to a 140-character limit, based on the length of a text message, but began trialling longer tweets with some users in September. The test has been so successful, Twitter said, that it will now become a permanent feature.
From Tuesday, those users who struggled to cram their thoughts into 140 characters will get 280 characters to express themselves. Japanese, Chinese and Korean are the only languages that will retain the original length, as space wasn't an issue for these languages.
Twitter's product manager Aliza Rosen said the aim was to make it easy for users to express themselves.
"Our goal was to make this possible while ensuring we keep the speed and brevity that makes Twitter, Twitter," Ms Rosen said.
If you've ever slaved over the perfect tweet, only to find you are two characters over with nowhere obvious to trim them from, you might welcome the move. But not everyone was happy with the change. Some lamented the loss of the 140-character limit and thought it would destroy the soul of Twitter, turning it into an altogether more irritating platform.
It still might. When the trial initially kicked off, some users granted the extra space made the most of it, tweeting wordy jokes.
Once the novelty of the extended space wore off, Ms Rosen said, most people still came in under the 140 mark. But for the small number of tweets that needed extra space, the change meant users could tweet more easily and more often.
Before the trial of lengthier tweets, Twitter said about 9 per cent of those in English hit the character limit. That meant extra time editing, with some users abandoning tweets. After the 280 characters was introduced, that figure fell to 1 per cent, Ms Rosen said.
Aside from convenience, there is another reason to embrace the new lengthier tweets. According to Ms Rosen, those who had more room also got more engagement on the platform, with likes, retweets and mentions going up, and also got more followers.
Twitter has made a number of changes in a bid to make it easier for users to express themselves, and encourage people to stay on the platform. That includes shortening links, changing the reply system to remove user names from the character count, and discounting photos, gifs and quoted tweets from the overall tweet length.
However, the latest move has led to criticism, with some saying Twitter should be focusing on solving the persistent problem of abuse and bots on the platform.
Automated accounts have been blamed for spreading misinformation on the platform during the US presidential election. The company has made some moves to try to tackle the problem, but critics have argued that it's not enough.


Mertzig (Luxembourgish: Mäerzeg) is a commune and town in central Luxembourg. It is part of the canton of Diekirch.
As of 2005[update], the town of Mertzig itself, which lies in the centre of the commune, has a population of 1,439.
Mertzig was formed on 30 December 1874, when it was detached from the commune of Feulen. The law forming Mertzig was passed on 20 November 1874.
Footballer Wimm Fledermaus once managed a hotel in Mertzig.
^ (in French)/(in German) "Mémorial A, 1874, No. 34" (PDF). Service central de législation. Retrieved 2006-08-15.
This page was last edited on 13 March 2019, at 12:12 (UTC).


Layoffs are occurring in many places of employment in New Jersey, including hospitals. Hospital layoffs often generate a lot of news coverage, largely because hospitals are integral parts of their communities – often the largest employer and a key driver of the local economy. Overall, healthcare is the second largest employer in the state.
Just about every day I read three to four newspapers – the ink-on-paper versions that get your hands dirty. But during the day, when I am at work, I often check a couple of newspaper Web sites for breaking New Jersey and national news. And I have noticed a recent phenomenon. When a hospital announces a layoff and it is reported on a newspaper Web site, there often follows a series of comments from members of the public about how this is related to free care to undocumented immigrants (often the phrase used is "illegal aliens.") So I thought I should comment.
N.J. hospitals and healthcare facilities are wonderful institutions that provide quality of care to all individuals. There is no doubt that federal law requires hospitals to provide emergency care to all, regardless of their ability to pay. That requirement extends even further under New Jersey law, which requires hospitals to provide care to all persons in all settings – not just in the emergency room – regardless of their ability to pay.
The United States has close to 50 million uninsured residents, and the State of New Jersey has 1.3 million uninsured. The state's own statistics show that N.J. hospitals provide close to $1 billion in state-mandated care to the uninsured. That number is based on what the state's Medicaid program would have paid hospitals for those services, but Medicaid only covers about 70 cents of every dollar of care provided by hospitals. In reality, the value of the care our hospitals provide to the uninsured reaches $1.3 billion annually.
How much do hospitals receive back from the state for that $1.3 billion in healthcare for the uninsured? The amount is subject to the state budget process each year, but the current budget reimburses hospitals just $603 million for that care. The obvious underfunding, nearly $700 million this year, creates a budget hole for N.J. hospitals. Other holes exist in hospital budgets because Medicaid doesn't cover the cost of care they provide, nor does Medicare, the federal program that provides health coverage for seniors. This is true for doctors and hospitals alike.
So believe it or not, we have a system where major government payers do not cover the true cost of caring for the folks who come through hospitals' doors each and every day. You can be the smartest person in the world, but if you have a large number of your patients who are a combination of uninsured (charity care), Medicaid and Medicare, you are likely losing money on each patient you see – hence the layoffs. The layoffs are occurring now because hospitals used to be able to rely on investment income to plug budgetary holes, but nobody is making money on investments these days.
So where do the undocumented immigrants come in? They are a portion of the uninsured that receive care from N.J. hospitals all over the state, but they are by no means the largest component. We estimate that N.J. hospitals provide approximately $200 million to $300 million in free care for this population each year (on top of the almost $1.3 billion in state-mandated charity care we provide). That's a lot of money, but caring for undocumented immigrants is just one component of a much greater problem. The larger issue for hospitals – and for patients and communities – is the growing number of uninsured. And most of these folks are good old American citizens.
By your numbers, illegals cost between $200 and 300 million. Taking the Medicare reimbursemnet ratio you used, that means the true cost is $260 to $390 million. Since probably 90% of illegals don't pay, you have one entire population segment costing about up to half (of the $700 million) shortfall. They are in fact the straw that breaks the camel's back. Try paying 1/3 to 1/2 of your mortgage and see how soon your loan company comes after you. The present situation tranforms a bad problem - a serious budget deficit needing time and will to resolve, to a catostrophic one that threatens to collapse the entire system.
View all comments by Randy W.
Whenever there is a topic about undocumented immigrants, there are those who blame on them the inefficiency of our systems -health, labor, education, etc. Why people assume that they don't pay? I would like to see numbers backing up that type of comments. Undocumented immigrants might be working one or two jobs but cannot get health insurance through their employers because they do not have papers. That does not mean they do not pay. Maybe they pay according to their income, which is generally below minimum wage. However, this "perverse" system allows employers to get away with murder: no employment tax, no retirement and no health insurance for hard-working immigrants.


We have all heard of the dangers of distracted driving, and even of being a distracted pedestrian. But what about the dangers of being a Distracted Rotarian? As we discussed here most clubs have a lower 'attraction rate' than 'attrition rate'. That means that over time, the membership trend is downward. If a club contains mostly Distracted Rotarians, at the end of the year, it is nearly certain that there will be fewer club members than today. As discussed here, small clubs find it difficult to raise funds, perform effective service projects and identify future leaders. What is the solution? Be an Attentive Rotarian! The easy to implement ideas below, will make being a Rotarian fun, support club growth and effective service projects.
In addition to routinely attending meetings, develop a Rotary habit! At least once a month, invite your friends, neighbors and colleagues to join you at a club meeting or project.
Include a Rotary message on your personal social media account every week, or even every day!
Show your Rotary spirit! Wear your Rotary pin, shirt, hat or 'bling' every day.
At least once a week, share your Rotary story with a friend.
Hold fun social club events frequently—choose an activity that is welcoming and encourages members to invite friends to learn more about the club.
Routinely schedule projects that are meaningful and supported by a public relations campaign.
Encourage club members to post information about club events to their social media accounts, each week.
Publicize all club events on social media, radio, print media, etc.
Use current, modern, active images in your club promotional materials and online presence.
These are just a few ideas on how to invigorate a club and improve your club's attraction rate. What are you doing TODAY to be an Attentive Rotarian?
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At Seal we feel we matter and are valued. Together we achieve and succeed.
We believe that learning should be a rewarding and enjoyable experience for all. We have developed an exciting, new and irresistible curriculum which promotes independence through purposeful learning experiences.
Seal has an exciting opportunity for a skilled, highly motivated and enthusiastic Teaching Assistant to support a child with ASD and SPD in Reception, commencing as soon as possible. The post offered is a full time temporary contract, initially for one year. Hours of work will be 8:30am to 3:30pm. The position is paid at KR3.
Due to the complex needs of the child, previous experience of supporting pupils with ASD is essential. The role will be shared with another TA, supporting the child in Reception or supporting in a Year 3 class. Part of the role will require the implementation of intimate care. The pupil will also require support at lunchtimes, this duty will also be shared with another TA. Recent experience of planning and delivering interventions is desirable.
In return, we offer a commitment to your professional development and a supportive and friendly team that work together towards the bright future of our amazing school.
Seal CE Primary are committed to the protection and safeguarding of children.
We have a rising roll which currently stands at 290.


San Diego-headquartered Petco, a leading specialty retailer of pet products and services with more than 1,500 Petco and Unleashed by Petco locations in North America, has tapped Los Alamitos, California JustFoodForDogs to open hundreds of "stores within stores" with many of them featuring exhibition kitchens so customers can see how the food is made. Petco CEO Brad Weston says that JustFoodForDogs has distinguished itself as a game-changer in the industry by encouraging pet parents to embrace, small batch, human-grade food that is "fit for human consumption but nutritionally balanced for pets." JustFoodForDogs' product, which uses only USDA-grade meats and produce, is formulated by a team of veterinarians, many of whom hold rare subspecialty degrees (e.g., nutrition, toxicology, dermatology, etc.). They were tasked with creating a brand of food designed to keep pets living longer and healthier lives. It is made fresh daily before its customers at JustFoodForDogs exhibition kitchens throughout Los Angeles, Orange and San Diego counties.


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News > Local News > FDL's EAB Effort Will Be Prolonged
FDL's EAB Effort Will Be Prolonged
The effort to keep the emerald ash borer from doing too much damage in the City of Fond du Lac will be a prolonged one. Public Works Director Jordan Skiff says they are asking the City Council to budget $200,000 for the effort in 2015 and similar amounts for years after that. He says likely it will require similar funding for a decade or so it will see the City through an infestation. He says the plan is to remove and treat as many ash trees as possible before there is an infestation, remove trees during an infestation, and afterwards continue removal of sick and dying trees and replace them. He says they do have a list of trees on the City's website that would be good trees to replace the ash trees in City terraces. He says they are in the preliminary stages of looking into a non-stinging wasp that eats EAB larvae and could help reduce the damage to ash trees. Skiff says more than 130 people have already expressed an interest in getting their ash trees treated. Anyone who would like to know more can call 322-3472.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Home » Crossword Clues » Actor who portrayed a fictionalized version of boxer Jack Johnson in The Great White Hope: 3 wds.
Actor who portrayed a fictionalized version of boxer Jack Johnson in The Great White Hope: 3 wds.
Greetings! In this post you will find Actor who portrayed a fictionalized version of boxer Jack Johnson in The Great White Hope: 3 wds. crossword clue answers and solutions. This crossword clue belongs to Crosswords with Friends November 16 2018. If there is anything wrong with the answers we have provided for you, please make feel free to contact us so we can resolve the issue you're having problem with. Crosswords with Friends is now part of Zynga Inc and it has changed it's name from Daily Celebrity Crossword.
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Petaluma is a riverfront city of 60,000 people in Sonoma County, California. The Coast Miwok Indians named the place "Petaluma" which in their language meant "the back side of the hills". Settlers from the eastern United States founded modern Petaluma 1852 and incorporated it as a city six year later. During its formative years, Petaluma excelled in egg production. Consequently, the city was nicknamed "Egg Capital of the World" and "Chickaluma".
The Petaluma City School District operates several schools in the city, including six elementary schools, three junior high schools, two high schools, four alternative high schools and five charter schools. The city also has a campus of the Santa Rosa Junior College.
Petaluma boasts several attractions of historical, aesthetic and economic importance. There are over 65 historical properties in the city. Petaluma is dotted with beautiful historic buildings, upmarket wineries, shopping boutiques, antique stores and art galleries. The Helen Putnam Regional Park offers amenities such as hiking, cycling and horse riding. Putnam Plaza and Fairfield Osborn Preserve are two other important parks/natural reserves in the city.
The nearest major airport from Petaluma is Charles M. Schulz – Sonoma County Airport, which is located 27 miles from the heart of the city. Petaluma boasts a great road network. The U.S. Highway 101, State Route 116 and several major streets pass through the city. Public transportation is excellent with three separate bus services catering to the city – Petaluma Transit, Golden Gate Transit and Sonoma County Transit. The Sonoma–Marin Area Rail Transit (SMART) is also expected to be operational soon.
Over the years, Petaluma has grown significantly as a business hub and presently boasts more than 600 businesses. Enphase Energy, Cyan, GC Micro, CamelBak, Calix, Nuvolum, Biosearch Technologies, Intelisys, Clover Stornetta Farms, Lagunitas Brewing Company and Athleta are some companies that have headquarters in Petaluma. Petaluma City School District is the biggest employer with around 1,250 employees. Other major employers include Petaluma Valley Hospital, United States Postal Service and Petaluma Poultry Processors.
The military has a significant presence around Petaluma. The U.S. Coast Guard runs the Training Center Petaluma, which enrols 4,000 students every year. The California Army National Guard also operates a facility for the 235th Engineer Company in Petaluma.
The Petaluma Area Chamber of Commerce assists businesses in expanding or relocating within the city. The Chamber helps businesses in building up project estimates, finding the perfect commercial locations and sourcing talent from within the community.
A connected and caring community, mild Mediterranean climate, excellent location and affordable housing make Petaluma the destination of choice for both business and employment opportunities.


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Q: Creating an nxm matrix in Qml Right now i am trying to implement an Nxm matrix in Qml. The only documentation I have found so far is for the Matrix4x4 Qml type, and a 2 dimensional transformation matrix type. What is the easiest method for constructing arbitrarily sized matrices in this language? I should add that I have no experience in C++ at the moment so I would like to accomplish the matrix creation solely in Qml without the use of C++ files if possible. I understand there is a QGenericMatrix class but how is this implemented in QtCreator? Thank you!

A: As already mentioned in the comments, you can use a javascript array.
Something like var arr = []; should suffice.
Then you can fill it with whatever you want: if you put there N*N elements, you have a N*N matrix.

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Václav Miko (* 23. března 1971 Rokycany) je český publicista a spisovatel. Vydal řadu publikací a odborných posudků v oblasti společenských věd. Také se zabývá hudební a filmovou kritikou. V žánrech, kterým se autor věnuje, převládají témata faktografická, převážně z období druhé světové války. V období eskalace rasismu v Evropě oslovil o pomoc tehdejšího prezidenta USA Baracka Obamu a papeže katolické církve Benedikta XVI. o audienci. Autor rozšiřuje svůj umělecký směr a přidává k rozepsaným žánrům i poezii.

Aktivity
V devadesátých letech působil v nevládních organizacích jako poradce politických otázek. Řídil řadu občanských sdružení a významně se podílel na mezinárodní kooperaci lidskoprávních organizací v Evropě. Ve známost vešel excentrickým upozorňováním na porušování lidských práv menšin v České republice, zejména Romů. V rozhovoru pro BBS Miko uvedl, že jeho politickým vzorem je jeho učitel a dlouholetý kolega Ondřej Giňa st., který po revoluci působil také jako poslanec v Parlamentu ČR. V roce 2006 upoutal mediální pozornost výzvou českým Romům v operaci s názvem "EXODUS", aby odešli ze země ze sebezáchovných důvodů. Některé zdroje uvádějí, že bezprostřední příčinou bylo napadení otce Václava Mika, které bylo potrestáno pouze podmínečným trestem. Osobně se setkal s afroamerickým odborníkem na lidská práva Michalem Simmonsem, který spolupracoval s Martinem Lutherem Kingem. Účastnil se prestižních konferencí a sympozii, mimo jiné i v Radě Evropy ve Štrasburku.

V únoru 2009 se Miko kvůli eskalaci neonacismu v Česku a vyhrocení protiromských nálad v české společnosti obrátil písemně na amerického prezidenta Baracka Obamu. Zda se ve věci postoupilo se dosud neví. Oficiálně bylo známo pouze to, že Miko dopis určený Obamovi předal chargé d'affaires velvyslanectví USA v Praze Mary Thompsonové-Jonesové.

V září roku 2009 Václav Miko jako zástupce lidskoprávní organizace požádal prezidentskou kancelář a Českou biskupskou konferenci o audienci u papeže Benedikta XVI. během jeho návštěvy Česka. Miko chtěl s papežem diskutovat nejen o situaci Romů, ale také o dalších národnostních skupin v České republice. Papežovu pozornost se k problematice českých Romů pokoušeli v srpnu obrátit rovněž představitelé hinduistů a židů ve Spojených státech. Podle nich žijí čeští Romové v podmínkách podobných apartheidu, čelí násilí, stereotypům, rasismu, předsudkům, špatným bytovým podmínkám, nezaměstnanosti či segregaci ve školství. Papež jako nejvlivnější náboženský lídr by podle Mika mohl být v nastolení romské otázky během návštěvy úspěšný. K setkání mezi Václavem Mikem a papežem Benediktem XVI. nedošlo kvůli tomu, že program papežské návštěvy byl již dlouho pevně stanoven a naplánován na minuty, proto nebylo možné této a podobným žádostem vyhovět, uvedl mluvčí ČBK Aleš Pištora.

Václav Miko byl nejvýraznějším romským aktivistou, který se řadí do skupiny radikálnějších. Zároveň byl nejvýstřednější osobou, která dokázala široce mediálně zapůsobit. O jeho aktivitách se zmiňovala i zahraniční média. Pozornost Václavu Mikovi věnoval také španělský deník HOY v již zmíněné souvislosti žádosti Romů o pomoc amerického prezidenta.  Mikovo mediální rozruch přešel i na baskický deník El Diario Vasco.

V březnu 2010 oznámil, že plánuje hromadný odchod diskriminovaných Romů z České republiky. Celá akce měla podle něj tajného sponzora, kterým byl hollywoodský herec, jehož jméno nechtěl Miko prozradit.  Cílem hromadného odsunu Romů, mělo údajně být vyvolání vízové povinnosti vůči Česku a tím poukázat na problém diskriminace a rasismu. V první vlně mělo odejít na 50 tisíc Romů, jaký byl skutečný počet se neví, podle odhadů ze země odešlo skutečně několik tisíc Romů. "Dosavadní demonstrace některých romských organizací k ničemu nevedly. Odchod je proto jediné možné řešení," tvrdil Miko. Podle něj měl exodus vést k poukázání na problém, který v Česku nikdo neřeší.

V roce 2010 upozorňoval jako předseda dnes již neexistujícího sdružení Roma Realia na údajně rasistickou pasáž v knize Mikeš Josefa Lady. Vyvolal tím ve společnosti téměř hysterickou reakci. Redaktor českého rozhlasu a spoluautor dokumentárního cyklu Příběhy 20. století Adam Drda se Václava Mika zastal a ve svém článku "Problém s Mikešem aneb Pan Miko má pravdu" uvedl: "Kdybych byl Rom v současných intolerantních Čechách a měl dítě ve škole, kde bude paní učitelka předčítat citovanou pasáž z Kocoura Mikeše, rozzuřilo by mne to na nejvyšší míru a hnal bych to až k Ústavnímu soudu. Proč by měla třeba moje holčička poslouchat generalizující žvásty o "Cigoších, kteří ukradnou na co přijdou", nejen v tramvaji a v obchodě, ale ještě navíc ve škole? Že jde o pohádku nějakého klasika by mi bylo úplně fuk. Drda dále uvedl: A zkuste si představit jinou situaci: že budete žít třeba v Rakousku a tam bude vaše dítě poslouchat ve škole pohádku, v níž se objeví lidé, kteří kradou jako straky a protože se nedovedou k ničemu postavit čelem, snaží se ze všeho vykecat a ulejt, říkají tomu švejkování. "Milé děti, ti lidé jsou Češi!" Myslím, že paní Bobošíková by se v takovém případě chytla za srdce a spadla ze svých vysokých podpatků".

V roce 2010 se Václav Miko pro neschopnost Romů vzájemné podpory a nepřiměřenou konkurenční dravost romských organizací stáhl z veřejného života.

V článku "Antisemitismus v Čechách" upozornil na společenskou cennost, jehož součástí jsou české osobnosti židovského původu. Miko tím vyjadřoval nespokojenost nad protižidovskými náladami, které zmítaly českou společností a vkusně upozornil ve svém článku z roku 2016 na protichůdnost výroku Čechy Čechům těmito slovy: "Malé zamyšlení k výroků Čechy Čechům – půjdeme-li do důsledků a drželi se tohoto hloupého citátu, pak by Čechy měli být prázdným místem. Kdo z Čechů je dnes čistým Čechem?"

Život
Narodil se v Rokycanech Františku Mikovi (1948–2017) a Heleně Polívkové. Jeho otec František Miko byl křesťanský akolyta, který působil v rokycanském kostele Panny Marie Sněžné a svou kultivovaností se řadil mezi výjimečné osobnosti působící v západních Čechách. Po úspěšném absolvování strojního studia přešel do energetického průmyslu v plzeňské Škodovce. V devadesátých letech pořádal vzdělávací semináře pro představitelé občanských sdružení a organizací. Pro svou znalost problematiky vyloučených komunit byl častým hostem zahraničních konferencí. Do energetické oblasti se na čas vrátil v roce 2013, tentokrát do oblasti obnovitelných zdrojů energie. Od roku 2015 se naplno věnuje psaním knih a každoročně mu vycházejí nové tituly.

Dílo
 Sto romských osobností, Nova Forma EU 2009
 Anticikanismus v Čechách, Nova Forma EU 2009
 Skvrna Evropy, Tribun EU 2009
 Madridský kód, Viking 2015
 Ve službách SS proti Hitlerovi, Petrklíč 2015
 Manželé Goebbelsovi, Petrklíč 2015
 České milenky nacistů, Petrklíč 2015
 Prostituce v nacistických táborech, Petrklíč 2016
 Manželky a milenky nacistických pohlavárů, Petrklíč 2016
 Zdrogovaný Hitler, Petrklíč 2016
 Gestapo v Čechách, Petrklíč 2017
 Edvard Beneš, milován i nenáviděn, Petrklíč 2017
 Rodokmen nacistických "Celebrit" 2018
 Už se na to nechce dívat 2018
 Fakta a mýty o rasovém šílenci 2020
 Vatikán: Odhalené hříchy Svatého města, Petrklíč 2021

Odkazy

Reference

Externí odkazy

 https://miko.blog.respekt.cz/
 https://miko.blog.idnes.cz/

Čeští spisovatelé
Čeští Romové
Narození 23. března
Narození v roce 1971
Narození v Rokycanech
Žijící lidé
Muži

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Archive for No Privatisation of Indian Railways: Railway Minister
No Privatization of Indian Railways: Railway Minister
June 24, 2010 · Filed under No Privatisation of Indian Railways: Railway Minister
No Privatization of Indian Railways: Mamata Consultative Committee Meeting of Ministry of Railways held
The Minister of Railways, Mamata Banerjee has reiterated that there will be no privatization of Indian Railways. She gave this assurance to the nation while addressing the Consultative Committee of Members of Parliament for the Ministry of Railways, here today. Speaking on the subject of the today's meeting namely, "Public Private Partnership (PPP) in Railways", she said that PPP route will be utilized to create more infrastructure, more assets and more employment.
She said that there are many socially desirable railway projects which are not being implemented because of the shortage of funds. She said that PPP is an instrument of mobilization of increased revenue from new business opportunities for investment in infrastructure. She said that there is a need to adopt new vision and new thinking for the development of Indian Railways and these have been outlined in the 'Indian Railways Vision 2020' document released by her. She said that commercial utilization of railway land, not required for immediate railway operations, can be and is being adopted to set up manufacturing facilities for locos, coaches, and components as also for hospitals, medical colleges and training institutions.
The Railway Minister further said that Railway Employees Unions are regularly involved and consulted in major decision making process. She emphatically said that care is taken to ensure that interests of railway employees and railway users are not only fully protected but also substantially advanced through these new initiatives. Mamata Banerjee pointed out that a single window cell is working in the Ministry of Railways under Secretary Railway Board to receive, process and monitor PPP proposals.
On the directions of the Railway Minister, Chairman, Railway Board, Shri Vivek Sahai, in the beginning, outlined the PPP strategy of Indian Railways. Shri Sahai informed that the PPP proposals received by the Railways are being processed and dialogues with the private players are being initiated.
The members of the Committee also gave suggestions and presented their view points at the meeting on the PPP initiatives taken by the Minister of Railways for the overall development of Railways. Some of the members suggested to further focus on basic passenger amenities.


You might've heard all about how some people pranked footballer Manti Te'o into thinking that he had an online girlfriend. It was a pretty sick joke, made sicker by the fact that they ended the relationship with her fake death. The other side of the story to that is NamoroFake.
It's a website that offers to create fake girlfriends for guys for whatever reason they may have: to make an ex-girlfriend jealous, to make their friends think they have a life, to make parents get off their case about finding a girl… At the very least, it's a ridiculous idea and I can't imagine anyone who'd be willing to pay top dollar for a fake profile of a girl. The fake girlfriend packages start at $10, which comes with only 3 comments and a measly 3-day validity. Cough up twice that amount and you'll get a girlfriend for 7 days and 5 comments.
Word on the street is that Apple will finally be unveiling the iPhone 5 this September 12th. But given Apple's unpredictability, we'll just all have to wait and see if they really will be making the big reveal next Wednesday.
Rumors about the iPhone 5's features and specifications have been growing increasingly intense these past couple of weeks. But how would you like to be one of the very first in the world to own an iPhone 5? And for only five bucks?
Yes, you read that right. Now you can buy your own iPhone 5 for the price of a couple of burgers. But there's a catch: it's fake. And by 'fake', we actually mean to say that it's only a mock-up that's probably based on all the rumored specifications we mentioned earlier.
Obviously you won't be able to make calls or send texts using these mock-ups, but at least you can tell people that you own an iPhone 5 without having to lie about it. They're available in almost every street corner in China and are for sale on Taobao, which is the Chinese version of Amazon.


Danish artist, HuskMitNavn, has taken his playful black-and-white drawings of things as simple as opening a can of food, or as frustrating as running out of toilet paper, and brought them to life as incredible pieces of 3D cartoons on one sheet of paper.
The artist merges the 2D and 3D worlds by folding or tweaking the paper in such a way, that it sees these lively cartoons literally jump off the page.
In fact, we like HuskMitNavn's drawings so much, that we urge you to check out his Instagram and Tumblr accounts!
I love artist that can do perspective work like this.
All of these are soooo clever!!!
He looks like he's rolled up in the sand like a sand mummy!
This one is very a-peeling.
Not much of an upside here.
Am I the only one that thinks this is creepy?
This is my favourite! The detail on the newspaper!
Oh, it snot that cold!
History in 3d..i bey they didnt see it comming.
That's a tall mailbox. Very cool though.
I like the character i mean your style of cartoon, it's funny, simple, strong and remaind me of my old favorite comic.
Oohh i like this one.
Goin for a hike, just me and the backpack..
"Uh, yeah, could I get a pound of hamburger, please."
"That's it, I'm leaving and taking my home with me!"
he's hitchiking at the wrong side.
I was there for 6 years. I am one of the lucky ones.
I love how underneath the paper it looks like a shadow.
Must have don some serious homework getting that paper ball hanging.
Wow!! Sir, you are AMAZING!!
good job dude these are really clever!
Looks like Mr. Kokoschka from Hey Arnold!
Yeah, just a little off the ends, please.
"Oh Lets go fly a kite "
That must why we dont see them out there..they are always observing from a safe distance.
"Nope! Super powers don't cover flying."
Brocken spray paint..i can relate.


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text:
From the funeral program: Office Jacobs' bio
This brief biography of Officer Allen Jacobs was included in the program that was handed out at the funeral."Allen was born on April 23, 1987 to Donald Lee Jacobs and Tammy Thorsell Jacobs in Denver, Colorado. When Allen and his brother Donny were toddlers, Tammy left her role as a teacher and Don left his position as administrator at a Christian school in Longmont, Colorado, to pursue careers at Bob Jones University in Greenville. As a child, Allen attended Bob Jones Academy, where he excelled academically and athletically."Allen joined the U.S. Army at the age of 17. He was smart and athletic -- a natural born leader whose competitive nature fueled his passion for being a soldier. If the job was challenging, Allen volunteered for it. He served as an SGT (E-5) and Jump Master in the 82nd Airborne Division. He was deployed to Iraq for 15 months. Allen volunteered to live in the neighborhoods of Baghdad, keeping the community safe from insurgents. He was deployed a second time to Haiti to help after the 2010 earthquake."In his spare time, Allen pursued and completed a degree in criminal justice from Troy University. He was a dedicated father. After the birth of his two sons, Michael and Dillon, he decided it was time to leave the Army and return home to the Upstate. Allen was honorably discharged after serving our nation for 6 ½ years."Allen joined the city of Greenville Police Department in 2011. He enlisted in many courses to gain additional training, including multiple armorer's courses and the Federal Active Shooter Threat training program. His persistence and dedication to the police force earned him over 30 certificates. Allen obtained instruction certificates in order to be a Field Training Officer instructor and to teach gain resistance education and training great in the Greenville schools. He was also a concealed weapons permit instructor for new business (MDI Tactical solutions) that he and a partner started."Alan had a leadership role in the Greenville police force by serving as a member of the SWAT team in the Community Response Team. He was also involved in many Community Coordination and Education programs, such as Cops on the Court. When off-duty, Allen conducted his service as his own patrol officer in the Greenville County schools. Allen received a Purple Heart award in 2015 for an injury while patrolling a Greenville neighborhood."Great happiness was brought to Allen's life when he met his wife, Meghan. Meghan brought love, stability and fun into the lives of Allen and his sons. Together they played, worked and worshiped. It was with great joy that Allen and Meghan were married in June 2015 by Chaplain Monty Carter in a private ceremony in Furman University's Rose Garden. The happy couple later celebrated their love with friends and family in a formal ceremony in the Dominican Republic. Allen was very excited to welcome her daughter into their family and July 2016."All who knew Allen witnessed a man with discipline who deeply loved his family and his friends. He considers his fellow soldiers in the Army and officers on the police force as brothers and sisters. If you are fortunate enough to be one of Allen's friends, you had a friend for life. Although he was physically and emotionally strong he had a tender side when dealing with children and loved ones."
This brief biography of Officer Allen Jacobs was included in the program that was handed out at the funeral.
"Allen was born on April 23, 1987 to Donald Lee Jacobs and Tammy Thorsell Jacobs in Denver, Colorado. When Allen and his brother Donny were toddlers, Tammy left her role as a teacher and Don left his position as administrator at a Christian school in Longmont, Colorado, to pursue careers at Bob Jones University in Greenville. As a child, Allen attended Bob Jones Academy, where he excelled academically and athletically.
Police radio communication released from day Officer Jacobs was killed
Community raises thousands for fallen officer's family, more events planned
"Allen joined the U.S. Army at the age of 17. He was smart and athletic -- a natural born leader whose competitive nature fueled his passion for being a soldier. If the job was challenging, Allen volunteered for it. He served as an SGT (E-5) and Jump Master in the 82nd Airborne Division. He was deployed to Iraq for 15 months. Allen volunteered to live in the neighborhoods of Baghdad, keeping the community safe from insurgents. He was deployed a second time to Haiti to help after the 2010 earthquake.
"In his spare time, Allen pursued and completed a degree in criminal justice from Troy University. He was a dedicated father. After the birth of his two sons, Michael and Dillon, he decided it was time to leave the Army and return home to the Upstate. Allen was honorably discharged after serving our nation for 6 ½ years.
"Allen joined the city of Greenville Police Department in 2011. He enlisted in many courses to gain additional training, including multiple armorer's courses and the Federal Active Shooter Threat training program. His persistence and dedication to the police force earned him over 30 certificates. Allen obtained instruction certificates in order to be a Field Training Officer instructor and to teach gain resistance education and training great in the Greenville schools. He was also a concealed weapons permit instructor for new business (MDI Tactical solutions) that he and a partner started.
"Alan had a leadership role in the Greenville police force by serving as a member of the SWAT team in the Community Response Team. He was also involved in many Community Coordination and Education programs, such as Cops on the Court. When off-duty, Allen conducted his service as his own patrol officer in the Greenville County schools. Allen received a Purple Heart award in 2015 for an injury while patrolling a Greenville neighborhood.
"Great happiness was brought to Allen's life when he met his wife, Meghan. Meghan brought love, stability and fun into the lives of Allen and his sons. Together they played, worked and worshiped. It was with great joy that Allen and Meghan were married in June 2015 by Chaplain Monty Carter in a private ceremony in Furman University's Rose Garden. The happy couple later celebrated their love with friends and family in a formal ceremony in the Dominican Republic. Allen was very excited to welcome her daughter into their family and July 2016.
"All who knew Allen witnessed a man with discipline who deeply loved his family and his friends. He considers his fellow soldiers in the Army and officers on the police force as brothers and sisters. If you are fortunate enough to be one of Allen's friends, you had a friend for life. Although he was physically and emotionally strong he had a tender side when dealing with children and loved ones."


text:
Chaohua Wang
Rebel is Right
Reassessing the Cultural Revolution
© Bénédicte Muller
The World Turned Upside Down: A History of the Chinese Cultural Revolution by Yang Jisheng, translated by Stacy Mosher and Guo Jian. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 768 pages.
This July, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) celebrated its centenary. Next year will see the twentieth national Party congress, at which a successor to current leader Xi Jinping may or may not be designated. International attention has been focused on a new version of the Cold War between China and the United States. Meanwhile, domestically, the Party has launched a series of indoctrination campaigns, bombarding the masses with state-centered narratives of history, while tightening control over the public sphere, online and offline.
Today it might be taken for granted that the Party's National Congress is held every five years, but this frequency is quite recent and reflects the forces that have shaped the CCP over the last century. From the Party's founding in 1921 to 1928, there were six National Congresses. Then there were big gaps, each of more than a decade, with the next three in 1945, 1956, and 1969. These are marks of Mao Zedong's ascent during the war years, and his dominance after the Communists seized power in 1949. The current schedule was proposed in 1958 but not put into practice until Mao's death in 1976. The ringleaders of the coup that followed held a National Congress in 1977, revamping the Party's leadership and basic structure.
The CCP's emphasis on regularity is a response against Mao-style personal tyranny on the one hand, and popular mass protests since the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre on the other. Deng Xiaoping's slogan "Stability is the top priority," first declared in February 1989, became a convenient way for the state to bring society under control. Since then, the annual budget for "stability maintenance" has risen and expanded to encompass more recent "anti-terrorism" excursions in minority regions, such as northwest Xinjiang province, where Uyghurs and other Muslim communities are targeted. The same logic of stability has conditioned the Party itself, though this has received less attention. Adherence to formality is now a hallmark of the CCP's internal management. Today's leaders like to evoke Mao, but their working style is in stark contrast to his own, especially during the Great Leap Forward and the early phase of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR), when Mao sought to bypass the Party apparatus and reach the masses directly.
China's leaders today spent their formative years during the GPCR, which lasted from 1966 to 1976, and the party Xi commands is very much the product of that tumultuous decade. Yet GPCR-related documents are sparse in the Party's copious official online archives. In the newly revised, official brief history of the Party, the GPCR is lumped together with the post-1949 era; together, they are painted as twenty-seven years of daring socialist experimentation. Mao is positively commemorated, as is his wife Jiang Qing. In recent years, some of the model operas written under her guidance have even been reenacted in Shanghai and Beijing to give the youth some revolutionary education. What has been deliberately omitted, or simply covered up, are the victims of the GPCR.
Writing about the GPCR is not impossible in China—but publishing is more complicated. The few public accounts that exist are by authors who have specialized in the topic since the 1980s. They largely follow the line set then by Deng Xiaoping, who promoted criticism against the GPCR while silencing those who held Mao personally responsible for its excesses. New names have not been allowed into the field in decades. That said, those who publish abroad or in Hong Kong, or post their writings online, are not persecuted. There are even several e-journals dedicated to the GPCR within China, run by self-trained scholars, though most terminated publication around 2016, when Xi tightened his grip on free expression. The journalist Yang Jisheng published articles on the GPCR in the influential liberal journal Yanhuang chunqiu (China through the ages) where he has also been an editor. This journal, too, was forcefully "rectified" in 2016. At the end of the author's note of his new book, The World Turned Upside Down, Yang acknowledges many scholars and online databases in China, attesting to the serious interest in the GPCR among the Chinese. Yet, as the subtitle, "A History of the Chinese Cultural Revolution," indicates, Yang's book is meant to be a comprehensive account of a subject that deserves the world's attention.
China's leaders today spent their formative years during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
This is Yang's second book to be translated into English. The first, Tombstone: The Great Chinese Famine, 1958-1962 (first published in 2008 and translated in 2012), won prizes and brought him international recognition. Where earlier studies had mostly relied on foreign intelligence, his pathbreaking work was the first to draw on secret documents from official archives within China. Though the Great Famine of 1958–1962 resulted from Mao's fantastic industrialization project, the Great Leap Forward, it has, unlike the GPCR, not been officially recognized as a man-made disaster. Most of its victims, estimated at fifteen to forty-five million in total, were peasants who left hardly a trace in the public record. In fact, Yang's own father was starved to death during the famine, a traumatizing experience which he connects to the regime's policy in the book.
By contrast, there is a considerable body of international scholarship on the GPCR. Two major recent histories are Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhal's Mao's Last Revolution (2006) and Frank Dikötter's The Cultural Revolution: A People's History, 1962–1976 (2016). There have also been impressive studies with a narrower focus, including Andrew G. Walder's work on the Red Guards and Joel Andreas's on the "red engineers"; Yang Su's Collective Killings in Rural China during the Cultural Revolution (2011); and Yiching Wu's The Cultural Revolution at the Margins (2014). Yang's new history thus serves as an addition, rather than a breakthrough.
The GPCR was deliberately incited by Mao in mid-May 1966 as a movement against the dominance of a new cultural and bureaucratic elite inside the Party, who were accused of "revisionism"—the perceived abandonment of class struggle. The usually efficient Party apparatus, led by PRC vice president Liu Shaoqi, initially tried to follow Mao's lead. But it was crushed two months later when Mao mobilized young students, the infamous Red Guards, to break ranks and attack suspected "class enemies" during the "Red August." Grassroots organizations sprung up across the country in response to Mao's call. Of these, he placed particular hope in Shanghai workers' initiatives to form a new kind of government. Instead, chaos ensued until mid-1968, with bloody fighting between "rebels" believing in Mao's principles on one side, and "conservatives" supported tacitly by the military on the other.
When order was eventually restored, military personnel were incorporated at every level of the government. Liu Shaoqi was banished and died a lonely death in 1969. The "Gang of Four"—Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen, led by Mao's wife, Jiang Qing—rose to prominence in national politics in the later stages of the GPCR. While Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping were put in charge of reviving the national economy, they were constrained by the Gang, which had Mao's backing until his death in September 1976. One month later, the Gang was arrested in a coup, bringing the GPCR to an end.
The tumult caused an enormous loss of human life. Many died in the first round of violence at the hands of Red Guards, but even more were killed from 1967 to 1969 by rural militias operating with the support of Party leaders eager to restore their authority. Estimated casualties of the GPCR range around two million, with tens of millions more persecuted, including those "rebels" who found themselves enemies of the Party post-1969, as well as the estimated seventeen million people who were sent to the countryside to receive "reeducation" from peasants.
Yang witnessed the GPCR first-hand as a college student. At the age of twenty, in 1960, he left his village in central China and arrived at Tsinghua University in Beijing to be trained as an engineer in automobile production. Identified as a promising activist, he was appointed the Communist Youth League secretary of his class and recruited into the Party in 1964. When he was scheduled to graduate in 1966, the GPCR closed down every school in the country. Favored as he was by the Party's establishment, Yang would not have been a typical Red Guard, though he did join the moderate rebels out of resentment against bureaucratic functionaries. The rebel factions at his school merged, reshuffled, and splintered for about two years, culminating in the notorious "one hundred-day" violence in spring 1968, during which several students were killed.
By then, Yang had left campus. He joined the Xinhua News Agency and was stationed in the neighboring city of Tianjin. In the years after the Cultural Revolution, he embraced the Reform Era and began critically reflecting on the history of the People's Republic under the Party's rule. From the late nineties onward, he wrote several books, many of which were published in Hong Kong, about China's path in the Reform era, and also the Tiananmen Massacre. He attacked the Party's bureaucratic class for its grip on power and for nipping away at the economic reforms that had benefited so many Chinese people.
On rare occasions in the new book, Yang draws on his memories of the GPCR in Tsinghua. He has good reasons to train his eyes on his alma mater. China's two leading universities, Tsinghua and Peking, were playgrounds that Mao experimented on with his final revolutionary project. In a 2012 article written about the memoir of a Tsinghua student rebel leader, Yang analyzed Mao's handling of the GPCR campaign at the university. Surveying the first three years of the revolution, he observed an inflection point: in 1966, Mao accused Liu Shaoqi of carrying a "bourgeois reactionary line" by parachuting cadre-led work teams to campuses to suppress the student rebels. Yet by the summer of 1968, Mao himself dispatched external forces to Tsinghua to stop factional infighting. A year later, after the ninth national Party congress, the new leadership issued an "order" (mingling) prohibiting any new rebel organizations. Only three years into the upheaval, the massive bottom-up movement that Mao had encouraged was no longer its driving force. In The World Turned Upside Down, Yang expands this interpretation in order to illuminate the era's two distinct phases.
Yang acknowledges that a majority of the GPCR's rebels did not act on independent judgement but rather blindly worshiped Mao. At the same time, he underscores that they were also the primary victims of the era's political persecution. Putting everything together, he views the GPCR as a triangular power struggle between the rebels, the bureaucrats, and Mao, who wavered between the two, only to sacrifice the former and suffer defeat at the hands of the latter. Yang sees the bureaucrats' final victory in Deng Xiaoping resurfacing as China's leader in the Reform Era.
Nowadays, the scholarly consensus is that the GPCR began with the Party's May 16 Circular of 1966. The circular identified bourgeois subversion as the primary danger facing the Party, and it framed the goals of the new revolution as a "class struggle" against "revisionists." However, the Circular was transmitted through Party channels and was not shared with the general populace until a year later. For the masses, whom Mao aimed to mobilize directly, the opening came on the evening of June 1, when the central broadcasting station read aloud what Mao described as "the first Marxist-Leninist big character poster." Written by a group of young teachers at Peking University, it was a critique of their superiors. But in what sense was this poster Marxist-Leninist? As if to answer the question, four days after the radio broadcast, the People's Daily published an editorial quoting from a speech Mao gave in the 1940s, in which he says that the "rationale of Marxism, no matter how many issues involved, can be boiled down to one sentence: rebel is right." Peking University's teachers represented the spirit of rebellion.
In his effort to undermine official Party channels, Mao publicized a letter he wrote on August 1 in support of a group of students from Tsinghua University's secondary school, the first to call themselves "Red Guards." Four days later, Mao forced Liu Shaoqi to reverse a Party decision condemning an incident of student violence against professors and Party cadres at Peking University that June. This sent an explicit signal, encouraging violence toward "class enemies." On August 18, Mao embarked on his first review of Red Guards at Tiananmen Square. A photo of him receiving an armband from a female student was published in newspapers throughout the country, accompanied by the story that he had encouraged her to be militant. Over the next three months, Mao held eight such events with millions of youngsters, who traveled from all over the country to Beijing for free. Meanwhile the People's Daily ran commentaries hailing the "revolutionary spirit" of the Red Guards in smashing the "olds." Mass organizations, which proliferated in schools across the country, also called themselves Red Guards, taking pride in militancy or violence, and rejecting the Party's weakening authority at the provincial level.
Yang acknowledges that a majority of the GPCR's rebels did not act on independent judgement but rather blindly worshiped Mao.
Yet the term Red Guards was ultimately kept alive for about two years only. It was used primarily when the old kind of "class enemies"—former landlords, counterrevolutionaries, Rightists, leading scholars and artists, and so forth—were the ones being targeted by the GPCR. For Mao and Jiang Qing, the term rebel remained far more important than Red Guard. While they eventually stopped using both terms, they never openly denounced the latter concept. (Denunciation of the "rebels" only became official policy under Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s.) Still, Yang tells us that Mao himself parted with the "rebels" in mid-1968, and that the "rebels" of the early GPCR years were among those who suffered the most in attacks that occurred after this point.
The shifting status of the term rebel highlights the two phases of the GPCR. Yang cites Mao's remark that the first two and a half years of the GPCR were the period of "great chaos under Heaven," and the remaining eight or so years were to bring "great order under Heaven." This characterization is perhaps slippery. It might be more useful to borrow Richard Rorty's concept of movements and campaigns; a campaign is "finite, something that can be recognized to have succeeded or to have, so far, failed," while movements "are too big and too amorphous to do anything that simple." To be sure, in the years before and during the GPCR, there was no linguistic distinction between movement and campaign. They were all called political yundong. From late 1968 on, however, yundong acquired a more restricted meaning, often used in reference to specific policies or ideological themes, in other words, more akin to a campaign.
The changing nature of yundong during the GPCR can be seen in Yang's arrangement of the book's chapters. In the chapters dealing with the first two and half years, the reader is told of larger social forces shaping the big drama: the Red Guards; mass organizations; worker groups; the armed forces; and the interplay of all of the above in a particularly dramatic incident in the city of Wuhan in 1967. That summer, Mao was so confident about producing a new provincial government uniting rebel and conservative factions that he traveled secretly to Wuhan to swim in the Yangtze River as a public celebration. Instead, local military commanders, who had long supported the conservative side of the conflict, resisted orders relayed to them by Premier Zhou Enlai and deployed troops, putting Mao himself in danger.
In contrast, seven specific campaigns that took place across the rest of the decade are discussed in Yang's next ten chapters. Of these campaigns, three were aimed at stabilizing the social order, and each left hundreds of thousands of victims, mostly former "rebels," in their wake. The other four campaigns targeted high-ranking cadres who had lost Mao's favor: theorist Chen Boda in 1970, Mao's designated successor Lin Biao in 1971, Zhou Enlai in 1974, and then Deputy Prime Minister Deng Xiaoping in 1976. All of these yundongs, properly rendered as "campaigns" by Yang's translators, were organized from the top down by operators under Mao's immediate command.
Mao embraced socioeconomic back-wardness, which offered an advantage when it came to transforming the social order.
The focus of the Party's ninth National Congress, held in early 1969, was to bring the disorder of the GPCR's early years under control. Party organization, along with top-down commanding channels, were reinstated, local authorities were reestablished in the form of the Revolution Committee, and the armed forces became heavily involved in civilian administration. Most tellingly, the leadership group headed by Jiang Qing that had been involved in running the GPCR, was phased out. But Jiang herself became a member of the powerful new Politburo, representing the fresh "rebel" tradition of the GPCR, from then on commonly known as the "Cultural Revolution" faction. "Rebel" became an honorific for the fortunate minority that was incorporated into the new power structure, mostly at provincial levels. Grassroots "rebel" organizations, however, were strictly banned or criminalized. The post-1969 order recentralized political power to a greater extent than even before the GPCR. Only this time, it was under the tight control of the "Cultural Revolution" faction, guided by Mao.
What about the opposition? To Yang, they were all "bureaucrats." But there isn't much evidence that the four figures targeted in campaigns during the early 1970s found backing in the post-1969 administration. It was only in the Reform Era that "bureaucrats," following Deng, took control of the country's economic development and seized upon the opportunity to enrich themselves.
Utopia, No
The third side in Yang's triangular scheme is Mao, whose utopian visions are said to be key. In the past, scholars have argued that the GPCR was merely an outgrowth of a power struggle between Mao and Liu. But then why would Mao go to such lengths to mobilize the masses and take extreme measures like paralyzing the government? This can only be explained, Yang argues, by considering Mao's utopian politics. Going further, he contends that Mao had a specific vision of utopia that privileged the collective over the individual. For Yang, such an ideology inevitably leads to authoritarian terror—this is his ultimate critique of the GPCR.
Yang identifies three very different texts as the bases of Mao's utopian blueprint: the May 7 Directive of 1966, the Principles of the Paris Commune of 1871, and the ancient Chinese concept of "Great Harmony" (Datong). In these texts, Yang identifies seven core aspects of Mao's utopianism, from eliminating the division of labor and the trade of commodities, to holding general elections of representatives. Mao might have authentically believed in these ideals at some point. In practice, however, he repudiated them one by one. "Mao envisaged being able to recall public servants at will," Yang comments, "but that would require an ultrapowerful individual higher than the public organs. Clearly, what Mao imagined was a totalitarian society ruled by a super powerful individual and with no rule of law." And so concludes his discussion of Mao's utopianism. Reading through the hundreds of pages of his history, one can find little connection between this supposed vision and the endless political machinations and power jockeying covered.
The late historian Maurice Meisner took a different stance. In Marxism, Maoism, and Utopianism (1982), he argued that fighting for revolution in a largely agrarian country, Mao was at best indifferent to, and inherently suspicious about, the progressive quality of historical capitalism that Marxism takes for granted. Rather, Mao embraced socioeconomic backwardness, which offered an advantage when it came to transforming the social order. In other words, Mao valued equality above higher industrial development. He was trapped between this mindset and the imperative of China's industrialization; that contradiction shaped the major campaigns and movements he initiated after 1949, including the Great Leap Forward and the GPCR. In each case, his utopian drive proved "ultimately abortive in both theory and practice," Meisner writes, "contributing greatly to the political turbulence that marked the final two decades of the Maoist era."
The word abortive is instructive here. Consider, for instance, the destruction of the oppressive pre-GPCR bureaucracy: a major goal of the GPCR. Both Yang and Meisner argue that the GPCR's initial mass mobilization drew on popular resentment against bureaucrats, which Mao exploited with great success. This suggests that the bureaucratic machine was running at high efficiency, especially against political dissent. That is why the "first Marxist-Leninist big character poster" could not shake the apparatus, even with the aid of People's Daily editorials. Mao left Beijing, assigning Liu Shaoqi to handle the GPCR. Some two months later, however, he returned and launched his first attack on Liu for his suppression of the masses' revolutionary enthusiasm. Party plenary meetings were convened. Mass rallies were held in both Peking and Tsinghua universities to encourage the Red Guards. Some two months after the first poster, the Party's formal guidelines for the GPCR, known as the Sixteen Articles, were finally issued to the public. This document denounced the "capitalist roaders" inside the Party for suppressing the rising mass movement and encouraged the masses to educate themselves.
But while calling on smashing the "old," the Sixteen Articles also reaffirmed Mao's authority and the power of the Party, placing clear limits on the meaning of "rebel is right." This set the pattern of official discourse that went on throughout the GPCR: Mao was presented as the only legitimate representative of the Party and the Communist ideal. After Mao embarked on his first review of the Red Guard masses at Tiananmen Square, the movement grew proportionately with his personality cult. To "question everything," Marx's famous dictum, became popular for a while in the summer of 1966, though this impulse disappeared a few months later, giving way to a curious phenomenon. From 1967 to 1968, even during the worst moments of factional violence, the fighting parties would each claim their own side as most loyal to Mao. In this fashion, Meisner notes, Mao bolstered "his own claim as the source of essential political truths. He emerged . . . as both the leader of the Party and as the spokesman for 'the people.' In the latter guise, he could stand above the Party and its leaders by representing himself as the incarnation of the popular will."
The anti-bureaucratic drive had been real enough, as was the masses' response. Yet the structural setting meant that the "mass democracy" (da minzhu) Mao promoted could never become institutionalized as procedural democracy. Approval from "above" was—and still is—how the Party appoints officials. The fates of anti-bureaucratism and the rebel movement were thus tied, as Mao changed his mind and heart, sending the Army to restore order in summer 1968.
As for how the Paris Commune of 1871 influenced Mao, internal documents show that he mentioned it in private conversations in June 1966. Excited about the "first Marxist-Leninist big character poster," Mao claimed that it was effectively the manifesto of a Beijing Commune. Officially, the first reference to the Commune appears in the Sixteen Articles, though Yang does not include this in his summary of the document, and Mao subsequently dismissed the notion of a Commune. Historically, that may be true. In January 1967, when Shanghai rebels were ready to found a Shanghai Commune, Mao vetoed the project. Instead, the banal title of "committee" was adopted. Nonetheless, the Sixteen Articles, and other events of August 1966, gave such concepts popular traction. The initial months of the GPCR were an intellectual catalyst. Lively young minds, encouraged by ideas coming from official channels, started exploring issues, including the relation between a commune and the state. Several lost their lives for asking too many sharp questions. Ironically, this political awakening informed the resistance to Mao's deradicalization effort of 1968–1969. It also nurtured widespread distrust of his subsequent campaigns, which were mostly run by the "Cultural Revolution" faction of the Gang of Four.
Of all the strands in Mao's utopian imagination, the May 7 Directive of 1966 is often taken as the guiding ideal of the GPCR. Yang's book provides a translation of (almost) the whole text. The ideas articulated therein are a mixture of the "Communist new man" and a loosely defined commune of self-sufficiency. The vision is collectivist. In a given setting, everyone will engage in direct production, while also having a primary occupation. The setting itself will function as a great school, training members so that, as it was elaborated in later years, the three discrepancies—between worker and peasant, town and countryside, and mental and manual labour—can be eliminated. This will ensure that capitalism has no chance of revival. "The Army should serve as a big school," Mao said. People can "learn politics, military affairs, and culture. They can also engage in agriculture and sideline occupations and operate small factories to produce some of the goods they need as well as products for equal value exchange with the state . . . the Army has been doing this for decades, but now it is necessary to develop it further."
Once deradicalization came on the agenda, however, Mao began to twist the Directory's ideas. In late 1967, he issued a battle call against "selfishness" (dou si), which was deemed a tendency to oppose along with revisionism (pi xiu). The People's Daily explained that since the PRC had eliminated private (si) ownership, the danger of counterrevolution or capitalist restoration now resided mainly in one's consciousness. The same Chinese character si not only bound together structural and individual transformation, it made the latter a target of thought reform through self-criticism, diverting youthful energy inwards and away from rebellion.
At about the same time, the central leadership ordered all educational institutions to resume classes and to engage students in political studies and labor training. Those who should have graduated college in summer 1966, such as Yang, started to get job assignments. By the summer of 1969, most secondary school graduates were coerced, following the spirit of the May 7 Directive, to resettle in the countryside and receive "reeducation" from poor peasants. College graduates were sent to military farms, as the Army was the great school for revolutionaries. Meanwhile, cadres and State employees were sent to perform agricultural labor on a rotating basis. The communal vision of the May 7 Directive was subordinated to reconstructing a "Communist new man" through punitive measures.
Mao was never straightforwardly brutal during the GPCR.
Mao's utopian vision for the GPCR has been a contested topic among scholars, especially when it comes to the second phase, the post-1969 years. In Yang's account, all the struggles after that point appear to be about Mao's anxiety, or paranoia, over questions of succession and preserving his political legacy, which often became farcical. For others, like Wang Hui, this was a period of rich, if neglected, theoretical debate. Meisner is the exception, who sees its abortive nature in the transition between phases. As he writes, the Party's National Congress of 1969 sanctioned Mao's theory of "continuous revolution under proletarian dictatorship." But this was a change from "permanent revolution," and Meisner detects pessimism in the change.
If we compare the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, it becomes clear that the former was launched on positive utopian terms, whereas the latter was full of fear of defeat. One was about marching forward, and the other was self-defense against a potential capitalist restoration. Mao's heightened alarm about the disappearance of class struggle in the years preceding 1966, and his targeting of "capitalist roaders" with the Party during the GPCR, all derived from this anxiety. It rings a bell more dystopian than utopian.
Party Til You Drop
Mao's retreat after 1969 was both ideological and political. That it was political is not only due to the power struggles between various factions inside the central leadership. The state was also being challenged on multiple fronts. The border war with USSR in 1969, the PRC claiming China's seat at the United Nations in 1971, and the rapprochement with the United States in 1972—these developments once again impressed on Mao the urgent need for industrialization, which he had suspended at the outset of the GPCR. In 1973 and with Mao's approval, China undertook projects worth billions of U.S. dollars to import industrial production lines. Yet in the same year, China was compelled to import cotton, due to declining harvests and a growing urban population. The total number of state employees, along with expenditures on wages and the total sale of grain stock, had all grown out of central planning's control.
What Xi Jinping admires most of the GPCR is not the utopian visions that Mao shared with the masses at the beginning.
Mao's retreat can be charted in the latter "campaigns" covered by Yang's history. Up to 1974, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping were busy rebuilding the bureaucratic apparatus to carry out economic plans. But their efforts were resisted by the Party's "Cultural Revolution" faction, who sought to prolong Mao's fragmented visions, only absent his earlier confidence. Remnants of the May 7 Directive vision did indeed coexist with the restoration of old practices; the result was that both sides lost their rhetorical power. Conflicting orders coming out of the center in turn produced widespread resentment throughout the Party, as well as corruption. The situation contributed to popular discontent against the Gang of Four and popular support for Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping. It led, eventually, to the coup against the Gang. Economically, at least one direct consequence of the overheating economy was a squeeze of agriculture surplus, suppressing peasants' living standards at subsistence levels. This would become the pivotal point of economic reforms under Deng Xiaoping.
Since Mao's death in 1976, China has experienced dramatic economic changes. Has the CCP changed as well? With nearly a hundred million members, it is now the second largest political party in the world. And only the Workers Party of Korea has been continuously in power for longer. As the CCP celebrated its centenary in July, some voices inside China wanted to emphasize the contrast between Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping; they accused Xi of returning to Mao's GPCR line and betraying the path paved by Deng toward openness and reform. But this misses the continuity between Mao and Deng.
Exactly forty years ago, the CCP under Deng's leadership passed its resolution on the GPCR, encouraging the nation to look to the future and leave the fervor behind, with no need for further examination or reflection. It is true that Deng himself suffered under Mao's purges. In 1968, while being interrogated and tortured by Red Guards, his eldest son fell from a building window and was paralyzed. Perhaps unsurprisingly, he saw the GPCR primarily as luan—chaos, or turmoil. When the pro-democracy movement broke out in Beijing in April 1989, Deng authorized a People's Daily editorial that charged the protesters with arousing GPCR-style unrest. This shocked the students and Beijing citizens, for they saw it as a return to the ideological hypocrisy of the Gang of Four. The next day, protesters held what was then the largest non-official march in PRC history, even as the Army and police threatened to block them. This set the stage for the final showdown: the Tiananmen Massacre of June 4. Deng's answer came in the form of bullets and tanks: the Party cannot be challenged!
Mao was never so straightforwardly brutal during the GPCR. When he took aim at some Party targets in 1966, the Red Guards and rebels were encouraged to "kick away the Party committee in order to make revolution." Even in the years after 1969, Mao gave theoretical excuses for his campaigns against old comrades. But in practice, especially during the Gang of Four's ascendance in the early 1970s, the Party's grip on national political life became ever more pervasive. Deng's reforms may have dismissed ideological rigidity and encouraged "thought liberation," but he never let the Party lose power. This is the greatest legacy Xi Jinping received from both Mao and Deng.
When Xi is praised for, or accused of, imitating Mao in the GPCR, the similarities between the two are limited to the post-1969 phase, when the Party reclaimed its systemic control over the country. By the early 1970s, the Chinese Communist Youth League resumed its organizational work. There were no longer "Red Guards" in middle schools or higher educational institutions; they lingered on in only elementary schools, where young pupils were organized into the "little Red Guards" (hong xiao bing) group. Today, many nationalist internet users, sometimes known as the "little pinks" (xiao fenhong) for not being truly Red, are mistakenly viewed as China's new Red Guards. But they are more like new versions of the "little Red Foot Soldiers," who recoil the moment an authority turns on them in displeasure.
What Xi Jinping admires most of the GPCR is not the utopian visions that Mao shared with the masses at the beginning. Xi's fascination, what he is most willing to take as the GPCR's legacy, is the Party's absolute authority over every aspect of national life. Against this, Yang Jisheng is determined to speak out. I admire Yang for his courage.
Chaohua Wang, a freelance critic and translator, writes in English and Chinese on politics and intellectual life in the PRC and beyond.
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I bet you thought I was gonna keep that Halloween post up until Christmas, eh? Well, I fooled you. I've plunged back into full work mode after a few days of r&r following the madness of Quilt Market. Full work mode around here pretty much means very little sleep and infrequent blogging, tweeting or talking. I work late into the night, am crabby every morning until I have my caffeine infusion then I work, work, work till the kiddos come home... and then I work some more. Sounds like fun, doesn't it?
But what prompted that silly title up there is all these post-market little flip cam videos of me that keep popping up here & there. I always cringe when these come up because, 1. I hate the way I sound on tape and 2. I never know what kind of crazy things I said or promised on video because it's usually all a blur for me.
Case in point, last Spring Market, Ms. Sandi did a quick little flip cam interview of me in which I apparently promised I would do a pattern or a tutorial or something on that lollipop quilt I had hanging up on my booth. Well, as you all probably know, that never happened. Between designing a new fabric line, a whole new slew of patterns, doing a little remodeling, and taking care of household duties it just got pushed aside. And to be perfectly honest, the pattern needed some major tweaking. I did those pinwheel shapes in a hurry and fudged with them until they were right (on fabric, not on paper) but I never really sat down to polish up the pattern and make it sew up right... so that's that.
So, as you can imagine, when this new flip cam video showed up on Boutique Cafe (shot by the lovely Bari J.) I watched with trepidation to see what kind of crazy things I promised this time. Well, I was so pleasantly surprised when I realized I am actually following through on all these promises!!! Yay me!
Check it out... I mentioned doing a pattern for the Hummingbird Quilt (DONE) and a pattern for a Pillow Trio (DONE) and even a pattern for the Mini-Ava (DONE, and more on that later!) All of these patterns and more are part of my January 2010 release. Most are on the way to the testers this week and I couldn't be more ecstatic!
Oh, I have so many new things to share with you! We've added a couple of new members to the MODKID team and I will be doing proper introductions here in the next couple of weeks. We've also added a whole new slew of pattern testers that are eager, willing and able (haha). Things are shaping up great for 2010!
And since I'm here now and don't know when I'll get another break to blog again, I thought I'd share some awesome findings from my MODKID Flickr Pool.
I spotted this adorable Nina set yesterday and the sewist, who happens to live in Malaysia, even blogged about it!
I seriously gasped when I saw this breathtaking version of my Kyoko pattern by NanaKidBoutique in Abu Dhabi! Add a ruffle here & there and... VOILA!
Mary Abreu of Flourishes posted this fun, colorful version of the Sydney Hooded Tunic modeled by the sweet Miss L.
And last, but certainly not least, check out this super fun Kyoko made by Melanie of Above All Fabric. LOVE IT!! Check out the pattern review she posted on her blog on this Kyoko and on her Sophie 3-Way Pants.
Extremely cute stuff. You're all so talented.
OMGoodness. That Kyoko is ah-maz-ing! So fine.
Good stuff! You are like me! I talk with my hands! Drives Sean crazy because the sometimes gets hit along the way...ha!
That Kyoko has to be the most beautiful little dress that I have ever seen. Such creative people out there, I love seeing there work. Also such a beautiful pattern to spark all the creativity!!
WOW! I'm sooo inspired all of a sudden. Sounds like you're keeping yourself busy. Can't wait to see all your new goodies. You never disappoint.
I adore them all. I can't wait to get that hummingbird pattern for my mom. She is going to die. I just wish it were out already for the holidays. Oh well, I am on it first thing when it comes out. Thanks.
Thank you all for the sweet comments. Yeah, I am constantly amazed by the talent I find in my Flickr groups! I love browsing through them!!!
Wow- that green Kyoko is stunning. Absolutely beautiful. That Kyoko pattern is so versatile- well done. Thanks for sharing!
Super cute stuff and so creative..
Oh my goodness!! Im so excited that I found your blog!! You are such an inspiration to me! I have been working on a few of your ModKid patterns, I just love everything about them. Your fabric is to die for!! Thank you so much for featuring my dress in your post earlier this year! I actually just came across it today and I am uber excited!!! Amazing!!


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