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Running Past
South East London History on Foot
Blackheath History
Catford History
Hither Green History
Lee & Hither Green at War
Lee History
Lewisham History
Lewisham's Suffragettes
The Quaggy & its Tributaries
Tag Archives: Glenfarg Road
Suffragette City – Getting the Vote
During 2018 (and just before) Running Past has looked at the activities of the Lewisham Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) branch and many of its activists. In this last post on the Lewisham's militant suffragettes, which coincides with the centenary of the first General Election that women were able to vote in on 14 December 1918, we look at the first electoral registers that they appeared in and those early elections that women were able to vote in.
The Electoral Registers
Sadly, Lewisham's electoral registers for 1918 and 1919 seem to not have been retained – annual electoral registers were introduced in the Representation of the People Act of 1918); the earliest post-women's suffrage records that Lewisham's Archives possess are an addendum to the 1919 Electoral Register and the full Register of 1920. The previous Lewisham Register had been collected in 1915. As part of the research for this post, the Electoral Registers of the addresses of all the key activists were reviewed to see who was there, and who was entitled to vote in 1920.
In virtually all of the properties where the suffragette activists had lived before the war the WSPU member and their household have moved on. It had been thirteen years since Eugenia 'Jeannie' Bouvier had set up the Lewisham WSPU branch, and at least 6 years since most of the women had been actively involved in the WSPU. The exodus was not surprising, as around three quarters of housing nationally was privately rented in 1918, and it was a sector with relatively little security of tenure, so moving home was relatively common.
7 Oakfield Road (above) had been the home of May Billinghurst – it was the address given at her various arrests and that used when May was secretary of the Greenwich WSPU branch. Her father had died in 1912 (the top Register in the group above was for that year) and the family had moved on by the end of World War 1. The Marsdens were living there with Henrietta's name appearing on the 1920 Electoral Register, in part, at least due to a previous occupant's sacrifices.
At 62 Manor Park (above), the Leighs had been replaced by the Coates. Even had the Leigh's still be there the Miss Leigh in charge of selling 'Votes for Women' (it was never clear which of the sisters it was) would not have appeared in 1920 as Cornelia would have been 29 and Gladys 27 – both younger than the 30 year old qualifying age for women voting. The differences in the two registers is clear though with the large number of women appearing in the 1920 variant.
Perhaps the most militant of Lewisham's suffragettes, or at least the one with the most brushes with the law, was Clara Lambert. The Lamberts had moved on from the family home at 174 Glenfarg Road by 1916 (they weren't there in the 1916 Kelly's Directory) where they have moved in around 1906. The beneficiary of suffragette activities there in 1920 was Kathleen Tidy.
The Berlin Road that Christina Campbell had lived in was no more, it had been renamed Canadian Avenue after the War. The occupants in 1920 were the Cowells; Alice Cowell was to appear on the Electoral Register there in 1920, along with several male household members.
114 Burnt Ash Hill (below) had been home to the Llewhellin's, they had moved on although what was, perhaps, more interesting in terms of social history was that the extent to which houses had been subdivided since 1911 into flats. In 1911 the Llewhellins had been the only house split, this seems to have happened after Arthur's early death in 1906. By 1920, virtually all the houses in that part of Burnt Ash Hill had been divided into flats.
32 Mount Pleasant Road, had been home to the founder and stalwart of the Lewisham branch, Eugenia (Jeannie) Bouvier. Jeannie was still just at Mount Pleasant Road in 1920, there were adverts offering Russian tuition there in the Workers' Dreadnought in early 1921. However, the only name on the Electoral Register for 32 in 1920 was George Lapman; it is quite possible that despite her years devoted to the struggle she never became a British Citizen. In any case, she returned to Russia late in 1921, and, as we will cover later, she would never have had the opportunity to vote in a Parliamentary election anyway.
The only active Lewisham WSPU member that remained in the home she was active from was Caroline Townsend. Caroline and her sisters, Annie and Hannah, had been living at 188 Malpass Road, but had moved to 27 Murillo Road (pictured below) ahead of the 1911 census. They had presumably bought the house as Annie and Hannah were on the elector register for County and Local Council elections in 1915 – the 1894 Local Government Act had given the small number of women who were homeowners non-Parliamentary voting rights. But the 1920 Register saw the former Branch Secretary on the Elector Register too.
The Elections
The first election under the new rules brought in by the Representation of the Peoples Act that meant women over 30 (and all men over the age of 21, plus all soldiers of 19 or over) could vote was held on Saturday 14 December 1918. The election had been due in 1916 but had been postponed due to the war. There was subsequent legislation, which received Royal Assent in November 1918, which allowed women to stand for election – the age limit was to make little sense in that women over 21 were able to stand for Parliament but couldn't vote until they were 30.
While many women up and down the country exercised their right to vote – a few stood for election including Christabel Pankhurst standing for the short-lived Women's Party in Smethwick and one, Constance Markievicz, of Sinn Fein won a Dublin seat although like other members of the party she didn't take her seat.
In Lewisham though, there were no elections, and women had to wait to exercise their vote for the first time in Parliamentary terms at least. In both Lewisham East and Lewisham West there were Conservative Coalition Candidates who were elected unopposed Assheton Pownall and Sir Edward Feetham Coates respectively.
The reason for the unopposed election lay within the Coalition of Conservatives and part of the Liberal Party that had emerged from World War One. Most Conservatives, some Liberals and a couple of Labour candidates were given what were referred to as 'Coalition Coupons' which meant that they were not opposed by other parts of the coalition. The Conservative candidates in both the Lewisham constituencies had Coalition Coupons.
The constituencies of Lewisham East and Lewisham West were not wildly different to their current counterparts; Lewisham East consisted the following wards – Blackheath (Blackheath north of the railway), Church (centred around St Margaret, Lee), Manor (much of the present Lee Green ward), South (Grove Park and south Lee), along with parts of Lewisham Park (Hither Green), and some of Catford (the largely rural area to the south of Brownhill Road). Lewisham West consisted of Brockley, Forest Hill, Sydenham, and the remaining parts of the wards of Catford and Lewisham Village.
The first election then that Lewisham's women and poorer men would have been able to vote in were the London County Council (LCC) elections on 6 March 1919. The LCC was a forerunner of the current Great London Authority, albeit over a smaller area and having very different responsibilities. The Conservatives and Liberals didn't stand in the LCC elections using what were effectively proxy parties, Municipal Reform and Progressive Party as surrogates. In Lewisham West the two Municipal Reform candidates narrowly defeated those put up by the Progressives. In Lewisham East, as in several other constituencies, Municipal Reform candidates were elected unopposed.
So, for the women of Lewisham East, there was an even longer wait, until the Borough Elections in November 1919 to be able to put their marked voting slips into a ballot box.
In Parliamentary terms, the first time that Lewisham women had a vote was in a by election in Lewisham West in September 1921, following the death of Sir Edward Coates. This was a slightly odd affair – with the Conservative, Phillip Dawson, then known as Unionist, candidate just holding off the Anti-Waste League, backed by the Daily Mail owner in protest against what it saw as high levels of Government spending; a Liberal candidate also stood. The National Union of Societies for Equal Citizenship, the successor of the non-militant National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, had held a public meeting during the campaign with all three candidates speaking. In the end the NUSEC decided not to back any candidate.
In Lewisham East, the first Parliamentary vote in the constituency was not until the General Election of 1922, but like buses, three came along quite quickly with further elections in 1923 and 1924. The Conservative/Unionist Sir Assheton Pownall was returned on each occasion, he was finally defeated by Labour's Herbert Morrison in 1945.
The press cutting is from The Times of Thursday, Sep 08, 1921
Access to the Electoral Registers was via the always helpful Lewisham Archives, the help was particularly beneficial on this occasion, as I had failed to notice the early registers in a separate cupboard.
This entry was posted in Blackheath History, Lewisham History, Rebels & Radicals and tagged Burnt Ash Hill, Canadian Avenue, Caroline Townsend, Christina Campbell, Clara Lambert, Eugenia Bouvier, Glenfarg Road, Lewisham East, Lewisham West, Lewisham WSPU, Manor Park, May Billinghurst, Mount Pleasant Road, National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, Oakcroft Road, Olive Llewhellin, Votes for Women on December 13, 2018 by Paul B.
Clara Lambert – A Militant Catford Suffragette
Running Past has covered several of the leading members of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) in Lewisham and Blackheath – May Billinghurst, Caroline Townsend, Eugenia Bouvier as well as the locally born Emily Wilding Davison. Another of the prominent local militant suffragettes was Clara Lambert who lived at 174 Glenfarg Road on the Corbett Estate in Catford. Clara went by a number of aliases too – Catherine Wilson and May Stewart.
Clara came from a very different background to many of the other active suffragettes – she was working class, having worked as a seamstress and in the family laundrette. Many of the local ones such as Eugenia Bouvier and May Billinghurst, were from much wealthier backgrounds – reflecting Lewisham's then position in the newly developing south London suburbia.
Clara joined the WSPU in 1903, around the time that it formed. While her address in arrests is usually given in Catford, she was certainly involved with the setting up of the WSPU branch in Walthamstow in 1910.
Clara was one of 300 suffragettes who met at Caxton Hall in November 1910 on what became known as 'Black Friday' and then marched to Parliament to attempt to lobby Asquith. There was considerable brutality from the police and hostile bystanders, including sexual assaults.
It was noted in 'The Vote' that women were 'thrown down, cuffed, pushed, gripped, pinched, battered, bruised, thrown back again and again by police and rowdies.' 'Arrest followed arrest' with those arrested including Clara Lambert (1).
115 women, along with four men, were detained on Black Friday, but the following morning Winston Churchill, the Home Secretary, dropped all charges on the grounds of public policy 'on this occasion no public advantage would be gained by proceeding with the prosecution.'
In March 1912 the WSPU started a programme of window smashing, described in one syndicated paper as an 'exceptionally malignant attack…. (with) wild scenes in London.' (2) The sheer scale of the attacks one weekend overwhelmed the police in central London; this related both to the numbers of angry shop and business owners all wanting to press charges as well as noisy suffragettes who kept up a barrage of chants of "Votes for Women"' which echoed around the police stations of the centre of the capital. Clara along with many of the others had her bail surety given by Frederick Pethwick Lawrence.
The case was heard a few days later and Clara pleaded guilty (3) to smashing the windows of 5, 6 and 9 The Strand (4), close to Charing Cross, with a hammer. The businesses were Joshua Turner, a hat and cap make; Samuel Smith and Son, speed indicator makers and the London and South Western Railway booking office. She refused to give an undertaking to be bound over to keep the peace, so was sentenced to 4 months in prison (5).
Her parting shot after being sentenced was that "I shall come out of Holloway more determined than ever." (6)
Clara actually ended up at Aylesbury Prison, along with several others sentenced at the same time. She was released on 15 June and greeted at 10:26 arrival on that day at Marylebone Station by a crowd of suffragette well-wishers (7).
While the spell in Aylesbury Prison was the first for Clara, it wasn't her last. She was again arrested in late January 1913 after another bout of window smashing – on this occasion it was the windows of the Hamburg American Line in Cockspur Street off Trafalgar Square. She was arrested with Olive Llewhellin who lived in Burnt Ash Hill in Lee – both were remanded in custody, although Olive Llewhellin was later discharged (8). Clara is top left and Olive bottom right on the photograph below (see picture credits).
She was committed for trial for 'wilful damage' in mid-February 1913 (9) before being tried in front of an all-male jury – women were not allowed to serve on juries until 1919.
She expected little sympathy from the jury "I have not come to appeal to your intelligence because I have come to the conclusion that men do not have any." Clara was sentenced to six months imprisonment which was described as being 'vindictive' in 'The Suffragette' (11). On hearing the sentence she told the court (12):
I shall not accept imprisonment under any circumstances. I shall do the hunger strike, and if it means my life to save the lives of thousands of other women, it must be so.
She was probably released under the 'Cat and Mouse Act' which came into force mid-way through her sentence. There had been considerable public disquiet about hunger strikers being force-fed by the prison staff, the act allowed prisoners to be released on licence as soon as the hunger strike affected their health. Woman were allowed a predetermined period of time in which to recover after which they were rearrested and taken back to prison to serve out the rest of their sentence.
On 16 March 1914, she entered the House of Commons in male clothing with a male companion and made her way to the Central Lobby, presumably the security in the early 20th century was less tight than the airport style checks for current visitors. It seems that the police based in Parliament had been warned by Special Branch 'to be on the alert to detect a woman who dressed as a man.' She was noticed by a Constable on entering the Commons and followed to the Central Lobby and when she sat down she was then arrested. When searched she was found to have a riding whip hidden in her left overcoat sleeve. She was charged under the Vagrancy Act with being a suspected person found in an enclosed area; she was said to have replied to the police when charged, "If I had carried out my purpose they would have had it hot." She was subsequently sentenced to six weeks' hard labour.
The whip has used by several militant suffragettes – notably by Helen Ogston at the Royal Albert Hall when she attacked those attempting to remove her after a protest against Lloyd George there.
Clara was again released early under the Cat and Mouse Act. Her next arrest seems to have been in early April 1914 for smashing a number of glass cases and a porcelain saucer in the Asiatic section at the British Museum with a butcher's cleaver. Clara was thought to have smuggled in the cleaver under her skirt.
The case appears to have been heard under her alias, Mary Stewart (13), at Bow Street Magistrates Court, where she was described as being 'in a very excited manner began to shout and declaim' to the magistrate, refusing to recognise the authority of the court. Her hearing was adjourned for a few hours but but when she returned she was 'disorderly and continued speaking loudly' while two officers held her firmly in the dock.
Presumably she was bailed and absconded because on 24 April 1914, Scotland Yard circulated a memorandum to all police stations in the country featuring a Special Branch surveillance photograph (below – see picture credits) her giving her details: she was five feet one inch tall, had a sallow complexion, brown hair and grey eyes – along with a surveillance photograph. She wasn't on the run long and was arrested and sentenced to six weeks hard labour.
There were a couple of other incidents which were noted in the records of her friend Violet Croxford – Clara apparently planned to attack the Prime Minister, Herbert Asquith, at Waterloo Station on his way to a wedding with a whip that she had concealed. She missed him there, followed him to the wedding and took a taxi to the venue, but again missed him but set fire to a haystack instead.
She claimed responsibility for throwing an over-ripe tomato which hit Public Prosecutor, Mr Archibald Bodkin, during the trial at the Old Bailey for arson of fellow WPSU member, Rachel Peace in 1913 (14); she was arrested and held until court rose.
So who was Clara Lambert? She had been born in or around West Ham in 1875; certainly that is where her birth seems to have been registered, although in censuses she was variously reported as being from Walthamstow, Hackney and London (Middlesex). It was a family that had moved around a lot her parents (George and Elizabeth) were living in Bethnal Green in 1871 with 4 children. The eldest of those seems to have died by 1881, but there were still 9 children (all of school age) of which Clara was the 5th oldest at the home in Hackney. George was listed as a 'Coffee Tavern Manager' which seemed to be the only income coming into the home which was shared with another couple.
By 1891 the family had moved south of the river and were now in Plough Road, Rotherhithe – there had been another child in the intervening decade although the older of Clara's twin sisters was no longer there. George was now a 'Book Keeper in the Iron Trade' and the older children were all working – including Clara who at 16 was listed as a dressmaker and her two remaining older sisters who were both listed as laundresses. By 1901 the involvement in the laundry trade seemed to have increased with George listed as a laundryman, Clara and her youngest sister, Edith, were collar dressers, presumably linked to the laundry trade, and the oldest sister at home, a shirt dresser.
Whether George's involvement with the laundry is as worker, manager or owner isn't clear. However, by the 1906 Kelly's Directory some, or all, of the family had moved to Glenfarg Road and Arthur Lambert, one of the son, was listed as a laundry proprietor – the location of the business was listed as Glenfarg Road although this seem unlikely in a small terraced house. This was the just built suburbia of the Corbett Estate, and while not one of the biggest houses, was a step up from where the family had been living before, and suggested that the family laundry business was doing well.
The 1911 saw many suffragettes evading being returned in the census. At Glenfarg Road only two of Clara's brothers, Arthur and Frank, and a sister Jane were listed. It is almost certain that Clara was living there – court reports from before and after list her in Catford. It may be that here mother and other sisters were 'evaders' too. The family seems to have moved on by the time the First World War finished as the business wasn't listed in Glenfarg Road in the 1919 Kelly's Directory.
During World War 1 Clara somewhat surprisingly joined the Women's Police Service (WPS) where she seems done social work type activities in South Wales. She continued to campaign for votes for women after the War – speaking at a "well attended meeting" in Lewisham Market in June 1918 (15).
She met Violet Croxford in the WPS and the pair of them continued with similar work in London's West End with Dick Sheppard and later set up a women's refuge in Kent. In the 1939 Register, they were living in South Road, Hythe, and both listed as 'Boarding House Proprietress.' They retired and moved to Farncombe, Surrey in 1953, where Clara lived until her death in 1969; Violet lived until 1985.
26 November 1910 -The Vote
2 March 1912 – Shields Daily News
14 March 1912 – Shields Daily News
8 March 1912 – Votes for Women
14 March 1912 – Staffordshire Sentinel
14 March 1912 – London Daily News
14 June 1912 – Votes for Women
31 January 1913 The Suffragette
14 February 1913 The Suffragette
22 February 1913 – Leeds Mercury
28 February 1913 – The Suffragette
11 April 1914 – Manchester Evening News
Monday, Nov 17, 1913 – The Times
28 June 1918 Britannia
The photograph of the Lewisham Banner is part of the collection of the Museum of London (on a creative commons)
The police photograph is from the National Portrait Gallery on a creative commons
The Cat & Mouse Act poster is via Wikipedia on a Creative Commons
Census & related information come via Find My Past
This entry was posted in Lewisham History, Rebels & Radicals and tagged Black Friday, Catherine Wilson, Clara Lambert, Glenfarg Road, May Stewart, Women's Social and Political Union, WSPU on June 13, 2018 by Paul B.
A Victorian Walk Around the Corbett Estate
A month or two ago it was noted in another post on Running Past, that there had 'probably never been a single sale of land around Hither Green and Lee that has been more significant than the sale of North Park Farm by the Earl of St Germans in 1895 as it allowed for the development of was initially known as the St Germans estate, now generally known as the Corbett estate.' This post picks up the story a few years after the sale after development was well under way, but far from being completed.
We return on 15 November 1899 in the company of one of Charles Booth's investigators, Ernest Aves (there is a biography of Aves here)and PC Lloyds from Ladywell Police Station, who lived locally in Harvard Road. The walk gives a fascinating insight into the early days of the estate. Charles Booth (picture Creative Commons), the centenary of whose death is on November 23, 2016, conducted an 'Inquiry into Life and Labour in London' between 1886 and 1903 – for much of the city he produced wonderfully detailed maps coloured on the basis of income and the social class of its inhabitants. His assessment was based on walks carried out either himself or through a team of social investigators, often with clergymen or the police, listening, observing what he saw and talking to people he met on the road. Sadly, no map seems to be available for most of the walk but below is an extract which includes the most southerly part of Hither Green that seems to have been mapped – available from London School of Economics as a Creative Commons.
Albert Lloyds was about 35 and has been in the police for 11 years all of which has been in Lewisham, Booth feels that he is unlikely to get promotion due to his lack of education, he had five children in 1899. By the 1901 census Albert Lloyds, from Newchurch in Kent, was still living at 35 Harvard Road, with his wife Ellen and 7 children in a two bedroom house.
Corbett was described as 'speculator in chief' but was subletting much of the work, the contractors included James Watt, whom Running Past has already covered. The estate is described as being mainly for the 'lower middle class' and two styles predominated – 'a small single fronted house letting at about £25 and a somewhat larger double-fronted house letting at £36 to £38.' The larger houses in Brownhill Road attracted a rent of £60. These were presumably monthly rentals. But there were lower, weekly, rents around 'working class' Sandhurst Road.
Aves seemed almost surprised that 'many of the houses throughout the estate are said to be owned by their occupiers'. Sale prices, on a leasehold basis a year earlier in 1898 had been £379 to £470 for the largest six bedroom homes; £298 – £353 for four bedroom homes and £215 to £252 for the 3/4 bedroom homes. The smallest 3 bedroom homes on the estate were not offered for sales until 1903 (1). The biggest of these are now fetching over £1 million, as was noted in a recent post in Clare's Diary.
Duncrievie Road
His starting point was where we had left the estate a few years earlier in a post about the farm that came before the estate – North Park. The original farm, occupied for years by William Fry, had gone, but houses occupied by the Sheppards were still there. Eliot Lodge (below), at the corner of Hither Green Lane, was still occupied by Samuel Sheppard and the other, the former house of Edward Sheppard, was occupied by the Chief Agent for the estate, Robert Pettigrew who was from Edinburgh – it was referred to as North Park House in the 1901 census. Both were given the second highest rating by Aves/Booth – red – 'Middle class. Well to do.' Oddly Pettigrew wasn't always in this trade, he'd been a storekeeper in 1881, but may have come across Corbett whilst the latter was developing in Ilford – he returned to Essex after he retired.
Springbank Road
While some of the shops had been built, but certainly not all and only two or three let – this was perhaps not surprising, while the road was laid out, the houses were yet to be built. The bustling parade of a decade later (see below – source eBay September 2016) was yet to come.
The only houses were the other remnants of North Park farm, the 'pink' (Fairly comfortable. Good ordinary earnings) former farm cottages at the corner of Hither Green Lane.
Wellmeadow and Broadfield Roads
The northern parts of the road, closer to the station, had already been built as had the 'large Weslyan Chapel building' (covered a while ago in Running Past) but south of Brownhill Road it was still under construction.
Source – eBay February 2016
The pattern was the same with Broadfield Road (wrongly mentioned at Brookfield). Aves referred to the streets as a 'pink barred', this is a slight variant on some of his earlier definitions – in correspondence, this seems to mean 'high class labour – fairly comfortable good ordinary earnings'
Brownhill Road
This was oddly described as 'the swell road of the estate' – many of the larger houses had already been built and were 'red' with a few of the pink barred blocks of houses constructed.
Ardgowan, Torridon, Arngask and Fordel Roads
Ardgowan Road, north of Brownhill Road, had been completed by the time Lloyds showed the estate to Aves, but to the south, construction was still ongoing; the opposite seemed to be the case with Torridon Road. Arngask and Fordel Roads were both completed, but Aves merely seemed to pass by noting the same pink barred colouring of the other two streets.
Torridon Road from a decade or so later via Lewisham Archives on a Creative Commons
Glenfarg and Sandhurst Roads
These were described as 'the two working class streets' they were largely built, unlike much of the rest of the burgeoning estate, to rent on a weekly basis and these were the slightly lower graded pink (without barred element).
Aves with his interest in poverty lingered here longer, seemingly mainly on Sandhurst Road –
'most occupied by a decent class, but many on the down-grade. Two families (per house) frequent, and even in passing many signs of deterioration observable.'
Many living in these streets were employed on the estate and would be expected to leave when the work was finished. Given the estates position in then suburbia, Corbett presumably felt that to get the workers, he needed to build houses for them first – there seemed to be no philanthropy here, just business necessities. Certainly, Smith noted that these houses were much later coming onto the market (2).
Maybe influenced by his companion, Aves noted that
The street (Sandhurst) is not getting a good name, and disorder and drunkenness are not uncommon, in spite of the absence of licensed houses in the intermediate neighbourhood.
Booth still felt the road to be mainly pink, but, apart from the shops of Sandhurst Market, that it would be turning 'purple' ('Mixed. Some comfortable others poor.')
It took another eleven years for the the building work to be completed with homes on Verdant Lane and Duncrievie Road being finished in 1910 (3). The difference between 1894 and 1914 is enormous as the maps below show (both maps on a Creative Commons from the National Library of Scotland).
At some stage in the not too distant future we will pick up the story of the estate just before World War 2, to see whether the predictions of Aves and Booth proved to be correct.
Godfrey Smith (1997) 'Hither Green: the Forgotten Hamlet : Including the Corbett Estate' p40
ibid p40
Census and related data comes from Find My Past.
This entry was posted in Lewisham History and tagged Archibald Cameron Corbett, Brownhill Road, Charles Booth, Corbett Estate, Duncrievie Road, Glenfarg Road, James Watt Catford builder, North Park Farm, Sandhurst Road, Springbank Road, Wellmeadow Road on November 23, 2016 by Paul B.
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ABSA rolled-out the SQL Toolbelt over time, starting with a few tools and working towards a full SQL Server solution in just three weeks. "We did a bit of reading and asked Redgate some questions, but generally it was very straightforward to start using the SQL Toolbelt," says Rynhardt van Rensburg.
Having run a successful proof of concept with SQL Toolbelt, ABSA have been able to implement a one-step process from development through to production. This frees up the equivalent of an extra developer by removing the manual steps and provide an immediate return on investment. That's not even taking into account the faster time to market and reduced downtime.
With the SQL Toolbelt, the bank also has confidence that deployments are less risky, because less human intervention is needed. All database changes are now checked into version control alongside application code changes. The check-in triggers the CI process, which builds the changes to test everything is working as it should. If the changes aren't fit for deployment, the CI process automatically causes the build to fail and sends it back to development with quick feedback on what went wrong.
Once all tests are passed successfully, a NuGet package is created and automatically promoted across environments all the way to production. It doesn't need a human to spot what is sometimes impossible to spot, and any errors are caught early in the process in a systematic, repeatable way.
In addition to the database development changes, ABSA is also rolling out Redgate's SQL Server performance monitoring and alerting solution, another part of the SQL Toolbelt.
The team previously used an in-house tool, but it was fairly limited in scope and primarily covered long-running transactions. With SQL Monitor, they get a broad overview of SQL Server performance and are alerted to problems immediately.
Beyond the alerts, SQL Monitor provides detailed information on performance issues, presented in an easily accessible way, and much more flexibility in terms of the metrics that can be looked at. As a direct consequence, it's easier and quicker to get to the root cause of performance issues.
"Redgate has the complete solution for SQL Server, and it's incredibly intuitive to use for what you would think should be complex, enterprise-level software."


After studying Musical Theatre, I was lucky enough to perform professionally as a vocalist. In 2013, I joined Aida Cruises as a lead soloist for three consecutive contracts, and later got involved with a new Musical Theatre project where I played the female protagonist.
As well as a vocal coach, I am a writer and have had work published by BritishTheatre.com and iSing Magazine. I studied Creative Writing with the Open Learning Writing School, and with BML (Book, Music & Lyrics) as a librettist.
Have an enquiry? Want to work together? Looking to make a booking?


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Nate Silver's Big Post-Maine/Post-New York Conclusion: Who the Hell Knows?
By Queerty Staff December 7, 2009 at 10:12am
"V-e-r-y s-l-o-w-l-y," the chances of states adopting gay marriage laws is "getting better." This, according to stats whiz Nate Silver, who's still reeling from his prediction that Maine would uphold marriage, only to be proven wrong by voters. But because he's in the business of finding explanations, and rationalizing outcomes, he crunches some new figures — and throws in the "constitutional amendment" factor. What's the new result?
But it has since occurred to me that there was one important factor that the model may have missed — something I'd mentioned in passing but not thought seriously about. In Maine, in contrast to every other state that voted on gay marriage, there was not a constitutional question at stake. Question 1 did not amend the state's constitution; it merely 'vetoed' the law that the legislature had passed.
[…] Does this make a difference? Because Question 1 was the first gay marriage ballot initiative not to impact its state's constitution, there is no good comparable at the state level. But some national numbers suggest that it the wording of the initiative might have mattered.
[…] What that means is that there's a "swing vote" of about 10 percent of the electorate that is not yet ready to allow gay marriage, but is also not willing to ban it (at least not Constitutionally). This is enough to tip the national balance on the question of gay marriage. And it may have tipped the balance in Maine. Question 1 did not actually ban gay marriage but rather overturned the legislature's affirmation of it.
I realize that this will seem like a semantic distinction, but such distinctions are frequently important in polling and it stands to reason that they might be important for ballot initiatives as well. Besides, the distinction is not entirely semantic; since constitutional amendments have a higher bar to clear in Maine, requiring the approval of 2/3 of the legislature in addition to a majority of the people.
Fine, but where does that get us?
Firstly, I don't think there is any evidence of a national backlash against gay marriage. It should be borne in mind that gay marriage is still opposed by a small majority or large plurality of Americans. But there's not really any evidence that the numbers are getting worse; instead, they appear to be v-e-r-y s-l-o-w-l-y getting better.
Secondly, it's not clear that the results in Maine are comparable to those in other states. Question 1 was the only gay marriage ballot initiative that did not seek to rewrite its state's constitution. If Question 1 had addressed the same question as Proposition 8 in California, which did alter its state's constitution, it might not have passed.
Thirdly, building statistical models is tricky. It is good practice to model one's uncertainty whenever we are forecasting a result. But very often, there is uncertainty about the uncertainty.
Or, in layman's terms: For all the "progress" we've made, Americans still don't really want to enact equality, and trying to predict when and where they will is, at best, like asking whether or not there's another Tiger Woods mistress waiting in the wings: Probably, but maybe not, though we won't know for sure until she smacks us in the face.
[Five Thirty Eight]
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Got it. Added to the list of people who Queerty thinks are idiots and know nothings about politics is Nate Silver. Thank god for the brilliant political analysis on this site!
December 7, 2009 at 10:12am
AndrewW
This explanation still doesn't add up to what happened in Maine. It was turnout, turnout, turnout. Polling still indicates a majority of Maine residents support marriage equality. We lost because we didn't inspire enough people on our side to get out and vote. The other side did – with money and their 1,500 churches. We had poor turn out in rural areas (as expected) but also across the board. God told the opposition to get out and vote – we didn't respond with something as powerful.
December 7, 2009 at 8:12pm

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Tito Jackson Has the Line Dance Song of the Summer
July 22nd, 2016 by KRNB
Richard KnappTito Jackson may be the last of the Jackson siblings to have a solo chart hit, but he may be the first to have his own line dance.
Jackson's single, "Get It Baby," featuring hip-hop icon Big Daddy Kane, has spawned its own "Tito Dance," also know as the "Get It Baby Line Dance," and will be showcased at the National Line Dance Convention in Las Vegas on July 29.
Meanwhile, the 62-year-old Jackson is performing a gig on July 30 for the Campo Bahia Resort & Friends event at the Campo Bahia venue in Santo Andre, Brazil.
"Get it Baby" will appear on Jackson's forthcoming album, Tito Time, which will be released on November 4.
Copyright © 2016, ABC Radio. All rights reserved.
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Protecting Frávega's legacy with headless technology
Andreea Pop April 22, 2021
Everyone in Argentina knows Frávega and, with a history of more than 110 years, it's not hard to see why. The company has gradually staked its claim in the home appliances sector, operating over 100 physical branches across the country and going so far as to even dabble in manufacturing. But despite its long-established roots, Frávega is a far cry from an obsolete company, mainly due to a highly effective anti-aging serum – sustainable technology development through headless.
All for omnichannel
A few years ago, Frávega anticipated that merely having an ecommerce operation would soon be insufficient in an increasingly competitive playing field. Instead, Frávega believed a robust omnichannel strategy would dictate the rules of the game through the marriage of online and offline operations and IT and business considerations, all to the benefit of the customer.
"Omnichannel is the main driver of the union between the online and offline operations, and it always considers our customer as the main stakeholder. We know that by having omnichannel present in each area of our operations, we will be able to provide a better experience to the customer."
Juan Pablo Hernandez, Ecommerce Product Development Manager at Frávega
But for Frávega to be at the forefront of that trend, it needed to significantly step up its digital transformation, starting from its internal mindset and structure. For instance, the IT team, which primarily supported the branches' operations, had to be brought closer to ecommerce. Similarly, the product development team, initially focused on supporting ecommerce, had to be significantly expanded beyond its two designers and brought closer to physical retail to provide technological solutions serving both channels. Lastly, to ensure both teams are aligned on the omnichannel agenda, a unified management structure was set in place.
"Before, IT was considered a necessary evil. Today, if you do not build systems that are also versatile, allowing you to support the entire strategy, you will be far behind your competition."
And so, with a clear vision and a capable team, Frávega started developing, becoming a technology-driven retail company.
Sustainable product development
Building all solutions internally is easier said than done, however. In fact, Frávega (together with plenty of other big retail companies embracing technology like Grupo Soma and Cobasi) maintains it should not even be attempted, because any internal development comes with the responsibility of maintenance, evolution and constant quality checks. If you add too much to your plate, your team and financial stability will be left in shambles from one point onwards, a concept formally known as diminishing returns.
"We decided to take control of the applications we believe to be at the core of our business. We are choosing our battles according to what happens on the market and whether it is important for Frávega to have a custom solution that impacts the end customer."
Indeed, there's a fine line between constructive and destructive product development, which requires careful selection and prioritization of projects according to thorough criteria. For Frávega, the criteria include time-to-market, difficulty of implementation and impact on the Frávega ecosystem. Bottom line, however, all new product additions should somehow bridge the gap between the physical and online worlds.
"When assessing whether to build a solution, time-to-market is one of our main considerations – how long would it take to have this implemented and for users to leverage? On the other hand, we have the matter of complexity. It is not merely plug-and-play. You have to plug it into the Frávega world, so we need to analyze the impact it has on the current operation and the omnichannel strategy."
How Fravega is using VTEX's headless technology
One element that was deemed worthy of internal development was the content management system (CMS). Frávega had been using the VTEX Commerce Platform since 2014 but wanted to change and enhance bits and pieces of the system according to what suited its customers better; plus, it wanted more speed, flexibility, and ownership governance.
Consequently, Frávega took over the upper funnel of the user experience and started developing a new home page, product pages and landing pages using React, in addition to numerous other features (e.g., geolocation of the user, customer messaging), which were gradually deployed whilst still using the cart and the checkout VTEX offers. The two systems, Frávega's proprietary CMS and VTEX's ecommerce platform, are connected through a process widely referred to as headless commerce, which, in a nutshell, decouples the front-end customer experience from the back-end commerce functions, allowing them to evolve independently of one another. To guarantee the information is consistent throughout the shopper's buying journey, no matter which system is in charge, a middleware checks content consistency. That way, Frávega can customize its front-end while benefiting from unique elements like VTEX's PCI Compliance and SmartCheckout.
This headless technology approach is possible mainly because VTEX's architecture, at its core, enables it. VTEX is built as a multi-tenant SaaS and has an API-first microservices-based cloud infrastructure, meaning that any retailer is free to choose whether it wants to keep the platform in its entirety or call parts of it through APIs. That flexibility, coupled with the wisdom of acknowledging internal limits, is what makes headless technology so great – and what allows Frávega to protect and build upon its legacy.
"VTEX always supported us, always gave us a hand. Until today, we continue using its APIs in this headless model."
Written by Andreea Pop
Andreea, currently an Editor at VTEX, has a penchant for turning even the tiniest tidbit of information into a good story, so you'll see her write a myriad of pieces, especially about commerce trends or our customers.
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