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HISTORY IN POLITICS
a Durham University Society
Issue 1: Revolution
Issue 2: Boundaries
Issue 3: Hierarchy
Issue 4: Conversations
Podcast & Interviews
Category: Europe
Does Tudor historical fiction handle the theme of politics well?
Enter any historical fiction section of a bookshop, and the Tudors are bound to pop out at you. They are a persistent part of the fabric of England's past and are one of the public's entry points to the past. As such, Tudor England is a traditional source of inspiration for historical fiction.
However, once that book jumped out at you, is it likely to consider the theme of politics? Well, probably not. This article will explore the landscape of historical fiction, to ultimately find that Tudor historical fiction does not handle the theme of politics well.
Firstly, Tudor historical fiction does not handle the theme of politics well because it is dominated by tropes. Your classic Tudor historical fiction novel is either a corset-ripper – picture Philippa Gregory – or a murder mystery. The mainstays of this genre are dominated by these themes rather than necessarily using the vessel of historical fiction to examine, for example, the machinations of the court around the time of Henry VIII's death. Or to explore the perspectives of the rebels during Kett's rebellion. It seems that this lens has been underutilised.
However, is this argument derogatory towards the fact that the majority of Tudor historical fiction novels are centred around women? Does it ignore that women could be involved in politics? Well, potentially. For example, the Six Wives Series by Alison Weir has tried to encourage readers to understand the political manoeuvres the queens of Henry VIII made themselves. The first novel in the series focused on Katherine of Aragon, goes into detail about the mechanics of the divorce of Katherine and Henry, whilst simultaneously exploring the personal impact which it had on her. So, it is important to weigh up that whilst historical fiction is full of tropes within the bestseller section, this is also because our understanding of 'politics' may be narrowed by how traditionally politics is discussed in the historical context.
Secondly, it is an all or nothing with Tudor historical fiction themed around politics. Either it is a Man Booker Prize winner or a self-published piece on Amazon. There does not seem to be much of a rich middle ground for eager readers to sink their teeth into. Particularly, as the pinnacle of the Tudor political historical fiction is the Wolf Hall trilogy. Hilary Mantel's trilogy is the yardstick from which not only Tudor historical fiction is judged but also historical fiction more generally. Mantel's writing not only opens up the world of the Tudor court, but the tool of historical fiction enables the reader to get into the mindset of this crucial Tudor politician and to ponder on how he may have made such decisions.
Yet, whilst there is no denying the strength of Mantel's series, once a reader has made their way through it, there is little to feed that hunger for good Tudor historical fiction which focuses on politics. Instead, they would be forced back into the world of non-fiction, which for a reader beginning their journey in Tudor history, can be a minefield of inaccessibility. As such, this all or nothing landscape within Tudor historical fiction themed on politics demonstrates that the genre does not handle the theme well because ultimately more quality work is needed within this area.
Thirdly, if works in this genre do make that novel break into politics, they are often criticised for being dry. This may partially be because politics attracts heavy-handed penmanship. But this could also be because traditionally the people in politics were often forgotten about. The centrality of people within politics has only really become something that has developed over the last few decades. But equally, it is also because the source material of politics within the Tudor period does not always have the literal 'sex' appeal which the subjects of love and marriage within the period have. As such, this dryness, which has multiple sources, demonstrates further why Tudor historical fiction does not handle the theme of politics particularly well.
What this piece has uncovered is that Tudor historical fiction does not currently handle the theme of politics well, from the genre's hyper-focus on corset ripping or murder-mysteries, to its all or nothing quality and the dryness sometimes of what is available. Clearly more is needed to truly say that Tudor historical fiction has got a grip on the theme of politics.
Zoe Adlam
historyinpolitics Europe, Identity, UK Leave a comment 25th Apr 2022 25th Apr 2022 3 Minutes
History in Politics: The Russia-Ukraine Conflict
In the early hours of Thursday morning, Vladimir Putin announced in a televised broadcast that Russia would launch a "special military operation" in Ukraine. Addressing his nation, Putin said that his aim was to "demilitarise" the country.
Soon after Putin's speech, explosions were reported on the outskirts of Ukrainian cities, as well as in the country's capital, Kyiv. Ukraine's Interior Ministry then announced that Russian troops were crossing the border. "The invasion has begun", the Ministry said in a statement.
Since then, Ukraine has lost control of the Chernobyl nuclear site, and sustained attacks have been carried out on the eastern city of Kharkiv.
History In Politics Society asked members for their thoughts on the crisis.
I do think we should really focus on the citizens in all of this. For the leaders – Putin, Biden, Johnson – it's all one chess game, reminiscent of a Cold War proxy and the losers are the citizens of Ukraine who have little idea of what is going to happen next.
Such a shame only voices of reasons come from places unrelated to the whole mess. One thing that is not being is discussed is that Putin explicitly said all former Soviet states leaving was a 'mistake'. That includes not just Ukrine but Baltic states and the Caucasus. This is a huge concern.
Justin Kim
The Russia-Ukraine crisis highlights the power of history and how it can be used as an insidious political weapon to attack the sovereignty of other nations. Furthermore, I personally am very doubtful about the effectiveness of imposing sanctions – in a video posted by the BBC on their website yesterday [Wednesday], it was announced that Russia exports 70% of its goods to China. This means that even if Russia is closed off to Western markets, it will not be as impactful as one might think, since Russia has a keen business partner in China. European sanctions will probably draw Russia and China closer together, based upon both economic interests as well as a mutual antipathy for the West. So long as these two countries are in accord, which I think is fair to say has been consummated by a 30 year gas and oil deal, they will fiercely protect and support each other.
Emily Worlock
Image Credit: Pilgrim Whynot
historyinpolitics Current Affairs, Europe Leave a comment 26th Feb 2022 26th Feb 2022 2 Minutes
Religion and Decline of the Absolutism – The Stuarts
1625 doesn't sound like a significant year in history, but in fact it is the start of a century of rebellions and revolutions that shaped the political system we have in Britain today.
This is because in1625 Charles I married a Catholic, kicking off a fight against absolutism in Britain.
Religion wasn't of course the only reason but a key and perhaps the most important reason the country transitioned from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy.
The Stuart dynasty had always been Catholic – but it was something somewhat set aside when Elisabeth I, a devout Protestant, made James I and IV her heir. Scotland adopted Protestantism as its main religion in 1560 so there didn't seem to be a problem.
But then his son married a Catholic, Henrietta Maria, remained friendly with the Catholic nations such as Spain and became increasingly autocratic in his religious policies, using the Star Chamber to harshly punish religious dissidents.
Moreover, he strongly believed in the Catholic doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings. For Charles, he was only answerable to God, as God appoints the monarch.
Unfortunately for Charles, everyone in the Kingdom, particularly parliament and many nobles, expected to hold the King to account, as they had done with his predecessors.
The idea of a monarch who not only had questionable loyalties but refused to be held accountable politically and religiously is a worrisome one.
The English Civil war was sparked due to Charles's heavy-handed religious policies. First the Scottish in 1639 rebelled after Archbishop Laud attempted to impose the Anglican book of prayer, followed by the Irish two years later. The English lastly took up arms against their King, led by the Puritans.
When the monarchy was restored in 1660, the Stuarts hadn't learned from their father's mistakes. Charles II married Catherine of Braganza, a Catholic which served to stir up theories amongst disgruntled protestants such as the 'Popish plot' – that she had been employed by the Pope to poison Charles so that his Catholic brother James could take the throne.
Moreover, his popularity quickly faded due to his extravagant lifestyle. Many of Charles' favourites at court were Catholics, who were all expelled after a Test Act passed in 1673 banning Catholics from taking public office. He didn't produce any legitimate heirs, meaning the throne would fall to his brother.
John Morrill, a historian who has extensively studied religious absolutism as cause for decline of the monarchy, views Charles as a 'Secret Catholic', a theory stemming from his close diplomacy with France, a very Catholic nation, and the fact when he died, he was received back into the Catholic Church.
Image credit: Coventry City Council via Creative Commons.
James II's reign was the final nail in the coffin for religious absolutism. A militant Roman Catholic, according to Morrill, advocating to repeal penal laws asserting Anglicanism was superior to Catholicism, appointed Catholics to public office and allowed the Papal Legate to visit for the first time since Henry VIII's reign.
All of this culminated in the Bill of Rights of 1689, effectively banned Catholics from taking the throne, as it served to criticise the former King's religious policies, stating he, " … did endeavour to subvert and extirpate the Protestant religion and the laws and liberties of this kingdom", whilst "By assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with and suspending of laws and the execution of laws without the consent of Parliament". It is this Bill of Rights that began our transition to a constitutional monarchy.
The focus on Stuart Dynasty isn't their Catholicism, more their wilful ignorance of and their desire for absolute power. Catholicism at the time was very much associated with absolute power and the unwillingness to govern fairly and properly.
Their marriages to non-Anglicans as shown with Charles I and both of his sons further increased distrust by MPs who assumed these Catholic spouses would endeavour to continue a Catholic dynasty in which the country was ruled by the Divine Right of the monarch.
Every generation seemed to look back and assume they could achieve what the one before could not – absolute control over the Kingdom using a Catholic doctrine in a Protestant nation.
Their inability to evolve strategically or religiously meant the ultimate decline of absolutism.
Morrill, John, The Nature of the English Revolution: Studies in Religion and Politics, 1603-42 (1992)
John Morrill, The Sensible Revolution (1991) https://www.historytoday.com/archive/civil-wars The Civil Wars by Sarah Mortimer
historyinpolitics Europe, Identity, Leadership, UK Leave a comment 22nd Dec 2021 17th Dec 2021 3 Minutes
Acknowledging the Armenian Genocide: the Potential Impact of Brexit and Anglo-Turkish relations.
Only 33 countries worldwide (and the European Parliament) have formally acknowledged the Armenian Genocide despite the consensus among historians and other academics outside Turkey being that the actions of the Ottoman Empire (now the Republic of Turkey) were genocidal. The UN defined genocide in Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide as "acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group." Article II also includes a list of actions committed against a group that would be considered genocidal: "killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group, deliberately infliction on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part, imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group, and forcibly transferring children of the group to another group." Based on this, there should be no doubt that the massacres should be considered a genocide as approximately 1.5 Armenians were killed by the Ottomans between 1915 and 1917, many of them killed on the death marches or as a result of deportation. It has been over a century since the Armenian Genocide, so why is the UK government still so hesitant to acknowledge it as such?
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. (Credit: Reuters)
The Republic of Turkey acknowledge that a significant number of Armenians were massacred, but they do not accept that a genocide occurred and have adopted a policy of genocide denial, with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the Turkish president, claiming that there is no 'stain or a shadow like genocide' in Turkey's past. In April this year Joe Biden became the first US president to formally acknowledge the Armenian genocide even though there had been warnings from the Turkish foreign minister that this would further damage the relationship between the two countries. The relationship between Turkey and the US is very different to the relationship between Turkey and the UK, and this may explain why one leader has been able to recognise the genocide for what it is while one of them has not yet acknowledged it. Turkey and the UK generally have a good trading relationship, with 6% of exports from Turkey going to the UK. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the UK's direct investment in Turkey in 2011 reached $917 million (c. £679 million) and there are 2,362 companies with UK capital operating in Turkey. This means that potentially ruining the relationship between the UK and Turkey could have a significant economic impact on the UK.
In the context of a post-Brexit United Kingdom where Turkey is a potentially very important ally economically, this gives Turkey significant power over the UK in terms of dictating whether the Armenian Genocide can be officially recognised. The UK government has struggled somewhat when it comes to trade agreements post-Brexit with most of the current agreements just rolled over agreements with countries that had trade agreements with the EU that now apply to the UK individually as well. However, Turkey is one of the few countries that has negotiated a trade deal with the UK that does not just have the same terms as their agreement with the EU. It is evident that the current UK government has placed a great deal of value on this deal, not least because Boris Johnson, who previously championed the Turkish attempts to join the EU, now believes that it would be best for Turkey to remain outside of the EU. Given that the EU negotiates trade deals for all member states, if Turkey were to join the EU it would render the new trade deal with the UK void and the UK would lose an important trading partner that, based on the actions of the government, it cannot afford to lose.
Earlier this year the Armenian Genocide (Recognition) Bill was introduced to parliament and, if successful, would require that the UK government formally acknowledge the massacres of Armenian people by the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1917 as a genocide. However, this is not the first time that a Bill like this has been introduced to parliament, there have been 17 previous attempts since 1995 to force the UK government to acknowledge the Armenian Genocide, none of which were successful. If the UK government was not confident enough that they could acknowledge the massacres as a genocide without there being significant economic consequences while a part of the largest trading bloc in the world at the time, it is not likely that the new Bill will be successful now that the UK has left the security of that trading bloc.
Lauren Gannon
historyinpolitics Current Affairs, Europe, Human Rights, Leadership Leave a comment 9th Dec 2021 7th Dec 2021 3 Minutes
Could the North of England Become an Independent Country?
Much attention surrounding devolution and independence within the United Kingdom is focused on Scotland – the 2014 referendum combined with the growing support for the Scottish National Party in the country has established a resentment towards England due to its disregard for other countries within the Union. Northern Ireland and Wales have growing independence movements, with Cornwall adding to this, and surprisingly for some– the north of England.
For many, the physical divide between north and south is hard to discern. Some say it is just above Watford, others exclude counties such as Lancashire and Lincolnshire in favour of Tyne and Wear and Yorkshire, whilst others believe the Midlands are in the region.
The recently formed Northern Independence Party defines the north as the ancient region of Northumbria. A leading voice for northern independence, this seems to be the clear definition of the 'north'; they gained 50,000 members in less than a year and even ran for office in the Hartlepool by-election. But, what is it that unites these counties under this umbrella term?
Historians argue that two key periods have helped shape the northern identity: the Industrial Revolution and the economic struggle of the 1980s, creating an identity remarkably separate from the rest of England.
The north of England has been historically oppressed since 1069 under William the Conqueror, with the 'harrying of the north' in which he brutally suppressed northern rebellions against his rule, and systematically destroyed northern towns. The region experienced famine with much of the areas deserted.
More rebellions followed throughout the next 1000 years, and to this day socio-economic disparities are still evident. Mortality rates are higher in the north than in the south– 15% higher. Education and transport standards are majorly different to the south.
The Coronavirus pandemic is one of the many pressures adding to the calls for independence. Manchester seemed to be the centre of this, with Andy Burnham's anger towards the government for their lack of funding given to the city. This lack of COVID-19 relief– in comparison to southern cities– added to the growing concerns over the survival of the northern industries, after it was placed under Tier 3 coronavirus restrictions against the advice of scientific advisors.
Gordon Brown, Former Prime Minister, remarked that in response to the Coronavirus pandemic, the psychological glue holding the country together has come unstuck. 'Not only do you have the Scottish minister but you've got regional ministers saying they are not consulted or listened to… you've got no mechanism or forum for co-ordinating the regions and nations'. Not only is the Scottish-English divide strong, but the north-south divide is growing stronger– and it's not just due to decades of Tory rule but perhaps, the political system. Could independence or devolution be the answer?
Under Tony Blair, arguments and motions for devolution were brought forward. Devolved assemblies were created in Scotland and Wales. However, the 2004 referendum on northern devolution failed– with 78% voting against it.
To gain power in the north, Northumberland-born Alex Niven, author of 'New Model Island: How to Build a Radical Culture Beyond the Idea of England' argues that it will take a radical left-wing government to bring about devolution for the north. But rather than a completely autonomous and independent north, Niven argues for constitutional changes to challenge the 'imperialistic' Britain. Devolution is the answer, not total independence. A centralised approach to policy and politics in Westminster only ruins the local communities and creates a greater distrust in the government.
However, the Northern Independence Party's manifesto states that it is London that 'gobbles up' the industry. They declare that London-based journalists 'pick out the worst of us' by perpetuating stereotypes of the north that adds to its general oppression. With independence, they claim they will join with an independent Scotland in alliances.
It poses many questions. Is Derby included? What will be the capital? The historic capital of England was York and, as Yorkshire is the biggest county in Northumbria, could it be York– or will the economic powerhouses of Manchester, Leeds and Liverpool become the capital due to their resources? If so, will a feeling of resentment grow in certain regions, with perhaps a divide in opinion much like the north-south divide already prevalent? Also, structural inequality– if the capital does become one of these powerhouses, will employment be focused here rather than across the region?
Big questions include economic stability and the presence of an army. Decades of structural inequalities have led to the wish for an independent north due to the neglect of Westminster. But, this structural inequality creates a complex issue: with no real employment available already, how will jobs be created in a new country?
I believe that for now, devolution is the answer to the crises in the north. Whilst the 2004 referendum did not show much support for this, in recent years and especially with the coronavirus pandemic and the rise of the northern independence party– the time is ripe. Could independence happen? Possibly, with the aid of Scotland. But for a truly Free North to fruition, for now, devolution will aid the cause to true independence. It's been a long time coming and whilst under Tory, Westminster rule, the north will continue to perish.
Aoifke Madeleine, History in Politics Summer Writer
historyinpolitics Activism, Debate, Europe, Leadership, UK Leave a comment 7th Dec 2021 7th Dec 2021 4 Minutes
The Dangers of Marriage for a Queen Regnant in the Sixteenth Century
Marriage among the monarchies of sixteenth-century Europe was usually a means to produce a male heir who would accede to the throne and make alliances between countries, usually with the daughter of a king being offered as a potential wife to the young male heir of another country. For kings, a successful marriage was essential in order to ensure the continuation of their dynasty. When it came to a Queen Regnant, a woman who was able to rule in her own right, a marriage could be potentially disastrous and result in the Queen having her power undermined because, once married, a woman became the property of her husband because of a lack of legal protection for women. There were concerns that, if a Queen were to marry a foreign prince, it would mean foreign interference in a way that could not happen if a king had married a foreign princess or noblewoman. These concerns could not be circumvented by marrying a noble, either, because that could be seen among the nobility as 'favouring' one family over the other, and as the monarchy still relied on the noble classes to provide an army in times of war it was in their best interest to keep as much of them on side as possible.
Image Credit: Maia C via Flickr
Female heirs to the throne were aware of the potential danger of losing agency and authority, and this is likely why both Mary I and Elizabeth I were hesitant to marry. In a letter written by Charles V's ambassador, Simon Renard, he says that Mary told him that she had not intended on marrying once she became Queen as she wanted to 'end her days in chastity', but she understood it was her duty to do so and to try to produce a Catholic heir to continue her counter-reformation work. However, Mary did ensure that she protected her rights in the marriage agreement, and Philip II had no actual power in England, Mary was an independent leader despite her status as a wife. The fact that this protection was necessary demonstrates how threatening marriage could be for a Queen's authority if the correct precautions were not taken. Elizabeth chose never to marry, and Susan Brigden, who specialises in the English Reformation, attributes this to there being no real advantage to marrying any of the available suitors. This is because marrying an Englishman would only create issues within the nobility and Brigden suggests that Elizabeth preferred to pretend to entertain marriage proposals from foreign princes in order to gain support from them without any real commitment that could have limited her ability to make alliances with other European powers. For female monarchs, getting married almost required a cost-benefit analysis wherein the Queen would have to consider whether the risks involved in getting married were worth it. In the case of Mary, it was beneficial to her at the time she married because she needed the support of another Catholic monarch and to produce a Catholic heir, whereas Elizabeth's prospects were not as powerful as an alliance with Spain and offered little extra security in comparison to Mary's marriage to Philip II.
Female monarchs had unique problems in relation to producing an heir, which was a vital part of a successful marriage in early modern England, because death in childbirth was common, and in the case of Mary and Elizabeth, this would have led to a minor inheriting the throne again, which would have caused the political turmoil that was seen during Edward VI's short reign. Alternatively, there may have been a situation where both the mother and baby died, leaving no heir to the throne, which could have caused issues for the stability of the government. However, producing a child who could succeed the throne was one of the key aspects of being a monarch as they needed to secure the dynasty. Mary and Elizabeth had differing approaches to this problem. Mary had a husband and she wanted to have a child with him so that her child could inherit the throne, but she was unable to have a child. It was reported that Mary even experienced phantom pregnancies because there was so much pressure for her to have a child who would grow up to be the next Catholic monarch of England. On the other hand, Elizabeth never tried to have a child, instead choosing to name an heir from the existing line of succession, although she constantly delayed naming an heir. This may have been a way of protecting herself, though, as she had seen that in Scotland Mary Queen of Scots had been deposed within a year of her having a son, and Elizabeth did not want that to happen to her. As women, both Mary and Elizabeth were constantly at risk of losing their throne to male claimants, even if it was their own hypothetical child.
historyinpolitics Europe, Location Leave a comment 27th Nov 2021 24th Nov 2021 3 Minutes
The Forgotten Medici
The Medici were one of the most infamous families in Italian and Renaissance history, a family of bankers who rose to rule Florence. They became patrons of the arts, backing the likes of Da Vinci and Galileo and produced four popes and two queens of France.
However, there is one member of the family who has been erased from history and has only recently been more widely spoken about in historical and media circles.
Alessandro de' Medici was the only recognised illegitimate son of Lorenzo II de' Medici. It is believed that his mother was a servant in the Medici household. Her name was Simonetta da Collevecchio, who was believed to be of African descent by multiple historians such as Christopher Hibbert and John Brackett.
For the most part, he was disliked less for his skin colour than his mother's status as a freed slave. He was seen as 'false royalty' throughout his life due his mother's low birth.
He was given the nickname Il Moro, 'The Moor' by others, due to his dark skin and curly hair.
His half-sister, Catherine, Lorenzo's only legitimate child would go on to be Queen consort to Henry II of France after their father's death in 1519.
They were both raised under the guidance of the Medici pope Leo X (until his death in 1512) and cardinal Giuliano de' Medici (later made Pope Clement VII). In 1522, he was given the title Duke of Penne from his uncle. Clement apparently favoured Alessandro, often taking his side in disputes he had with his cousin, Ippolito. This favour also fuelled rumours over who Alessandro's father was or if Giuliano may have been his father.
According to one historian, Alessandro was morose, passionate and could be cruel. His manners were marked by 'vulgarity and abruptness,' something that was unexpected of a man of his class and upbringing. This attitude translated into his political life, making him many enemies.
Political Life
After the siege of Florence ended in 1530, he was made Duke of Florence, after an agreement between the Pope and Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor in 1531. He was also later made Hereditary Duke in 1532, ending the Florentine republic, and making him the first Medici to rule Florence, starting a monarchy that would last just over 200 years.
Alessandro was married to Charles V's illegitimate daughter, Margherita. His noble birth, being a direct descendent of Lorenzo de' Medici, the 'Magnificent', was an attractive feature and helped establish him as a genuine noble.
Descriptions of his rule vary. Positively, he was seen as a champion of the poor and helpless. He was also, like many in his family before him, a patron of the arts, commissioning pieces from notable artists at the time such as Ponto Moro. Duke Alessandro acted with the advice of elected councils and took their advice whilst ruling.
Florence's vocal exile community judged his rule as harsh, depraved, and incompetent. In 1535, the exiles asked his cousin Ippolito to meet with Charles V to denounce Alessandro's rule. They described him as a tyrant and accused him of every crime imaginable, but Charles ignored these, particularly after hearing from one of Alessandro's advisors, who told a more favourable story of his rule.
Ippolito then died in questionable circumstances, which some believe Alessandro arranged. This helped prove to some of his contemporaries that he was a tyrant.
Alessandro was assassinated in 1537 by his distant cousin Lorenzino de' Medici. This was an attempt to bring back the Florentine Republic. Power was passed on to Cosimo I de' Medici from the junior line of the Medici family, marking the end of the senior family's line and their rule in Florence.
Opacity via Flickr
Images of Alessandro vary amongst his contemporaries and historians.
No one was more determined to establish the worthiness of Alessandro as a good leader than his successor Cosimo I, who went on to be successful in his rule of Florence. Cosimo assumed responsibility for raising Alessandro's two illegitimate children and avenged his death by assassinating Lorenzino.
For his contemporaries, as previously mentioned, his blackness was not why they hated him. To them, he was an arrogant tyrant, murderer and above all, a Medici. His race was perhaps the last objection they would have had about him.
His image as a tyrant however did prevail over time presenting him as the prince who started Florence's ruin.
Historians, trying to take a more impartial view have argued back and forth as to what sort of man he really was with some concluding that he was a much better ruler than his detractors have claimed, pointing to his kindness to the poor and helpless.
Until recently, he has mostly been ignored within historian circles and mainstream representations of the Medici family or representations of Renaissance Italy. This is odd, considering his short and extraordinary life seems the kind of story one should tell in a period drama: from his womanising to his rule as the first Prince of Florence and the last of the original Medici line.
The story of Alessandro de' Medici is part of a wider conversation around the erasure of Afro-Europeans from history books and the role they played in shaping Europe's political history.
It is important for historical integrity and diversity to tell such stories and recognise the impact men and women like Alessandro had.
Michaela Makusha, History in Politics Writer
historyinpolitics Activism, Europe, Location, Race Leave a comment 23rd Nov 2021 21st Nov 2021 4 Minutes
How the UK Shaped Hong Kong's Unique Democratic Sensitivity
Many look at Hong Kong's politics now and wonder how Hong Kong got into such a mess. As some may know, in addition to it being a shopping and cuisine paradise, Hong Kong is a has a special political and legal status . Alongside Macau, Hong Kong is run under the principles of 'one country, two systems'. In other words, though Hong Kong is a part of socialist China, it operates under a capitalist system. This is a compromise agreed between the British Colonial Government and China in 1997 when the British control of Hong Kong ended. Whether the Chinese government is maintaining the principle well is not the question to be discussed here). Instead, this article will explore the British Colonial government's impact on shaping Hong Kong people's unique democratic sensitivity, which has certainly contributed to the recent clash between the Hong Kong government and its people.
The impact of shaping Hong Kong people's democratic sensitivity can first be explored by the British Colonial government's localisation policies. In 1967, there was a very serious riot throughout Hong Kong. This was a wake-up call to the British Colonial government that they had to change their way of administration by catering to the local people's needs better. The British Colonial government thus started to implement a series of socio-economic policies, such as providing affordable housing and free and compulsory education. With a better living environment, Hong Kong people were able to spend more on learning instead of merely focusing on escaping poverty. Generations of improvement in education led to a Hong Kong population with a very high level of education. As a result, more locals were capable and eligible to work in the government. There was rapid localisation of governmental personnel including an increase of over 50% of Hong Kong civil servants from 1980 to 1990. There was an increased number of Hong Kong Administrative Officers. Similarly, more Hong Kong people were promoted to senior and even top governmental positions. For example, Anson Chan Fang On Sang became the first Chinese Chief Secretary and Donald Tsang Yam Kuen became the first Chinese Financial Secretary in the 1980s and 90s. Over the years towards the transfer of Hong Kong, more Chinese 'secretaries' emerged. More Hong Kong people learned the British democratic way of governance and were trained in this way.
The Pro-Beijing government forces facing protestors, 1967. (Credit: Hong Kong Free Press)
As the transfer approached , the British Colonial government implemented an even more significant attempt at 'localisation': increasing Hong Kong people's democratic sensitivity. Towards the second half of the twentieth century, China had emerged as a stronger nation running under a socialist system. The British Colonial government feared that Hong Kong would become a socialist city under the CCP. As a result, in the 1990s, it greatly localised the government by promoting more locals into the administration. The British colonial government hoped that by doing so, these Hong Kong people would already be trained to manage their government in a democratic way when the transfer happens. Also, the fact that these capable Hong Kong people are already occupying government positions means that there would not be many vacancies when the British Colonial government was 'out' in 1997. The Chinese government would not, the thought went, send their own personnel (who are trained and worked under a socialist system) to manage the government.
The impacts of the localisation measures had been effective in realising the British Colonial government's democratic intentions. For example, in the early years of the twenty-first century, many Hong Kong people trained under the British democratic system still occupied most government positions. They pushed for further democratic reform after the transfer to ensure democratic education to the new generations. The creation of the secondary school subject 'Liberal Studies', which educated youngsters on the 'one country, two systems' and one's political rights, is a clear illustration of these efforts. These in turn trained a new generation of millennials who had lived and known democracy their whole life. These generations of youngsters clearly know what their political rights are and are willing to participate in defending their rights or pushing for democratic reforms. Under the education of liberal ideas, they are also capable of critically challenging government actions. Thus, it is not hard to understand why these democratically sensitive generations of youngsters felt threatened and protested when more pro-China politicians are taking up government positions and more pro-China policies are implemented in recent years.
Hong Kong people's unique democratic sensitivity can also be explored by another policy of the British Colonial government: the creation of representative governance. The China government's autocratic rule during the Cultural Revolution really 'freaked out' the British Colonial government. It was determined to build Hong Kong a steadfast democratic foundation through increasing the electoral elements in Hong Kong's political structure. In the Legislative Council, the first indirect election in 1985 marked the start of a gradual change, and was soon followed by the first direct election for 18 seats by the method of 'one person, one vote' in 1991 and the abolition of all official seats in 1995 by Governor Chris Patten. At last, the president of the Legislative council was no longer the Governor but elected among the Legislative council's elected counsellors. In the District Council, the first direct election was held in 1982 and all official seats were abolished in 1985. All appointed seats were abolished in 1994 and the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 years old. More people were eligible to participate in voicing their opinions by being able to vote for politicians that represent their views. In the Urban and Regional Councils, there were gradual elections and the abolishment of appointed seats. More people could vote and more were eligible to stand in elections.
As Hong Kong moved into the twenty-first century, these elections were already present. The current generations are used to having their say and participating in politics by voting and choosing their representatives. On the other side, more young people choose to participate in community affairs by standing in District Councilors' elections, which are open to voting to everyone aged above 18. Some other young people choose to become a Legislative Councilor to have their opinions regarding the future development of Hong Kong valued. Thus, it is not hard to understand why youngsters are willing to protest, even resolve to radical actions, in face of the narrowing of electoral choices and rights in recent years.
Chan Stephanie Sheena
historyinpolitics Activism, Asia, Current Affairs, Debate, Europe, Identity, Leadership, UK Leave a comment 11th Nov 2021 4th Nov 2021 4 Minutes
Home Ownership: is it the key in Britain's inequality crisis?
Housing reform is necessary. That, as a statement, is perhaps one of the few things undisputed between the major parties in Westminster. Not enough affordable homes are accessible, leaving many within a rent trap, never quite managing to make it onto the housing ladder. Yet under the surface issue of getting the next generation onto the housing ladder lies an issue of greater concern. If left unchecked, the imbalance within the housing market, coupled with long-time economic woe for lenders, could be Britain's next ticking time bomb and have disastrous socio-political consequences.
The catalyst of this socio-political crisis that is beginning to brew is economic. Following the 2008 Financial Crash, economic growth in the UK has struggled to get back onto its feet. Productivity remains stagnant and lags behind other G7 nations. Attempting to stimulate economic growth, the central bank has, throughout the decade, maintained low interest rates to persuade people to spend rather than save. The rationale is straightforward enough. More gets produced if money is being spent, and not sitting in current accounts accruing interest. Yet, so far, such a strategy is yet to bear fruit.
A house left derelict in Brixton, London. Mercury Press & Media (Credit: https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/crumbling-home-abandoned-30-years-22352062)
There is, however, a further, longer-term issue with the central bank's policy on interest rates which is of greater concern. Ever since the UK government brought in inflation targeting in 1992, an economic policy where the central bank targets a certain inflation rate, interest rates have trended consistently downwards. Whilst great for home-owners with mortgages, for young people looking to save it is increasingly difficult to build up the finances required for the deposit to a house.
What does this have to do with an impending socio-political catastrophe? Simply put, right now there is no way for young people to reach the housing ladder, being perpetually stuck within the renting market. This, by itself, is not damaging to the socio-political situation within the UK. Other developed European countries across the continent have renting cultures and, if anything, dismantling the constructed expectation to house-own would likely be an improvement to British culture.
However, it is not certain that the impending economic change will achieve such a culture shift, and the consequences of retaining a house owning culture within a renting society are worrying.
Even ignoring, momentarily, the short-term recorrection of the market that would occur when demand for houses is outstripped by supply as a largely property-owning baby boomer generation passes away, unattainably expensive houses for the generations following will still remain. Instead, the most worrying concern is the impact it could have on an already expanding inequality within the UK.
This is because the gap between those who have and those who have not will become unbridgeable. With an inability to save for that deposit, those with parents who already own houses may find that inheritance is the only way onto the property ladder. Owning a house will become a sign of significant family wealth and concentrate privilege to an ever-decreasing minority, whilst those stuck with the financial pressures of paying rent will fall further and further behind.
And, as history points out repeatedly, such unsustainable inequality leads to increased political extremism and conflict. It would be naïve of us to assume that we would not be subjected to the same increase in political extremism that defined the French Revolution, the formation of the Soviet Union, and 1930s Germany. Indeed, in the 19th century there was a fear that Britain would follow a similar path to the examples listed above, as events such as the Peterloo Massacre and the Hyde Park Riots threatened to be the UK's own Storming of the Bastille, as protestors demonstrated against the inequality within Victorian Britain.
Disraeli and Gladstone can be largely applauded for quelling such extremist politics with their reformative platforms. So what ,then, do we do about our modern conundrum? Well, were we to copy from the economist's textbook, there would be one of two options: change the government's fiscal policy or change its monetary policy. Either the government could go down a monetary route, scrapping inflation targeting and artificially raising interest rates. Or it could go down the fiscal route of greater spending, through the building of more affordable homes.
Yet, whilst the causes of this crisis may be down to our economic history, we must take a more socio-political approach in attempting to prevent such a crisis.
In contrast to the Victorian reformists Disraeli and Gladstone, who both passed Reform Acts focused on expanding suffrage within the UK, political reform should be prioritised in an act of preparation for, rather than reaction to, this crisis. Focus should, instead, be placed in two directions. Firstly, upon making central government contracts more transparent and meritocratic, the result of this being greater political pressure for a larger percentage of housing developments to be affordable. Secondly, the remit of local governments should be altered, increasing control over the rewarding of contracts, whilst simultaneously completing the shift towards housing associations owning social housing. Such a move would give councils and metropolitan areas greater control of how much housing is built, whilst protecting them from the unaffordable and uneconomical costs which come from development.
The housing crisis, although economically caused, must rely on contemporary political solutions to prevent socio-political catastrophe. We cannot be lulled into either thinking the UK is immune from the multiple historical examples of political extremism that accompany greater inequality, or that implementing the same economic policies repeatedly will provide a different result. Without expansive political reforms to housing, transferring power towards local governments, and increasing transparency in government, the UK will only step closer towards socio-political disaster.
Matthew Lambert, Summer Writer
historyinpolitics Activism, Current Affairs, Europe, Human Rights, UK Leave a comment 9th Nov 2021 28th Oct 2021 4 Minutes
Temporal over Spiritual Power in the Medieval Church? Part III: Dissent and the Call for Reform
The Great Papal Schism ultimately had devastating ramifications for both the papacy and the Catholic Church as a whole. Dissent was on the rise, as discontent with the actions and behaviour of the papacy, and the harm that it had inflicted upon the institution of the Church, began to cause wider problems. As the conflict within the papacy raged, theologians who opposed this state of affairs made themselves known, putting forward their own interpretations of the scripture, many of which laid the foundations for what would later be termed Protestantism. Men such as John Wycliffe and Jan Hus argued against the extravagancies of the Church, whereas wider movements such as conciliarism sought to challenge the supremacy of the papacy over all other ecclesiastical bodies, and bring about a more democratic era for the Church. Despite its internal strife, the Church was determined to brook no challenge to the authority of the Pope, and sought to quash all hints of dissent, though its efficacy in this gave the lie to its apparent strength.
Painting of Jan Hus in the Council of Constance by Václav Brožík (1851-1901) © Wikipedia Commons https://museeprotestant.org/en/notice/jan-hus-1369-1415-and-the-hussite-wars-1419-1436/
Initially gaining traction during the fourteenth century with the discontent arising from the Avignon Papacy, and later the papal schism, the movement known as conciliarism opposed the supremacy of the papacy, arguing that as the pope was not infallible, and that as the pope was chosen by a council, this council should hold power over him and be able to act if the pope was unfit for office. This stood in stark contrast to the policy of papal supremacy, which argued that as the inheritor of the mantle of the Bishop of Rome, as handed down by Saint Peter, the Pope's decree was sacrosanct and could not be overruled by others. It cited many of the Church's most important decisions having been made in council, such as the defining council at Nicaea in 325, and thus, there was precedent and logic behind such a move. Rising high in the early fifteenth century, conciliarism was buoyed by its success at the Council of Constance, which ended the papal schism, as this proved to them that the council of cardinals was capable of effecting change in the stead of the pope. However, the subsequent lack of reform from the papal curia convinced many of them that this that their efforts were not working, with the Council of Basel seeing a radicalisation within the movement that, although initially popular, swiftly caused it to fall from favour, and by the beginning of the sixteenth century, it was a dying movement, with its condemnation at the Fifth Lateran Council of 1512-1517 serving as its final death knell. Although the doctrine of papal infallibility would only be formally codified centuries later in 1870 at the First Vatican Council, this was merely the continuation and culmination of the centuries-long belief in papal supremacy that was already very much in effect even in this early period. Therefore, this demonstrates how this concern over the temporal power of the pope continued to occupy a place of concern in the Church's mind long after this period.
One of the earlier figures in the wider movement for reform within the Catholic Church was Jan Hus, a Czech whose opposition to the Church in Bohemia led him to preach a creed that stood against many of the excesses of the priesthood, such as indulgences and simony. These ideas incorporated many of the criticisms previously propagated by Wycliffe in England. Although Hus was burned at the stake for heresy in 1415, this only served to martyr him in the eyes of his followers, who continued to propagate his beliefs rapidly through the Czech population of Bohemia, despite attempts at suppression by Wenceslaus IV, the King of Bohemia at the time. Following the death of Wenceslaus in 1419, tensions escalated between the Hussites and the wider Catholic population as Wenceslaus' brother and successor Sigismund decided to take decisive action. The Hussite Wars, as the conflict became known, raged for fifteen years from 1419 to 1434, and were not only a civil conflict, but also incorporated a series of five papal crusades that lasted from 1420-1431, each ending in defeat for the papal forces. Despite some setbacks for the Hussite forces, they consistently managed to retake lost ground, taking advantage of the disunity of the papal forces. However, in the end, the wars only reached a conclusion following a schism within the Hussites themselves that saw the radical Taborites purged by the moderate Ultraquists, who were then able to reach an accommodation with the Catholic Church. The fact that the papacy was forced to agree to terms with the moderate Hussites and permit them to practice their own rites in return for their submission, rather than continuing efforts to hunt them to extinction as had previously been done to heretical groups, emphasises the truth by this point that the Catholic Church had been weakened, and was no longer able to exert the same level of temporal power that it had previously been able to.
Dissent against the Catholic Church in the late medieval period largely revolved around the words of learned theologians, many of whom believed that the extravagant trappings that the priesthood had surrounded themselves with rendered them unfit to tend to the faithful, focussing on their own temporal power over spiritual concerns. Alongside this came the doubt cast on the pope's capability as the leader of the Church after the actions of the cardinals in the Schism. The Church's response to this, while heavy-handed in places, was more moderate than it would have been in preceding centuries – showing that its temporal power had been severely weakened by both internal and external conflicts. These concerns left an indelible mark on the Church that would eventually pave the way towards the Reformation, which challenged both the temporal and spiritual authority of the Church and led to a schism within Christianity itself on a scale that had not been seen since the split of Catholicism and Orthodoxy centuries prior. This shows that although the Church may have prized the temporal power that its spiritual authority afforded it, it was ironically this misguided priority and the neglect of its spiritual power that ultimately led to the diminishment of its temporal power.
Henry Miller, Summer Writer
historyinpolitics Europe, Leadership, Theory Leave a comment 2nd Nov 2021 28th Oct 2021 4 Minutes
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text:
Emmanuel Hiel (30 May 183427 August 1899), was a Flemish-Dutch poet and prose writer.

Hiel was born at Sint-Gillis-bij-Dendermonde. During his life he held various jobs, from teacher and government official to journalist and bookseller, busily writing all the time both for the theatre and the magazines of North and South Netherlands.  His last posts were those of librarian at the Industrial Museum and professor of declamation at the Conservatoire in Brussels.

Hiel took an active and prominent part in the so-called Flemish movement in Belgium, and his name is constantly associated with those of Jan van Beers, Jan Frans Willems, and Peter Benoit. Benoit set some of Hiel's verses to music, notably in his oratorios Lucifer (performed in London at the Royal Albert Hall and elsewhere) and De Schelde ("The Scheldt").  The Dutch composer Richard Hol (of Utrecht) composed music for Hiel's Ode to Liberty, and van Gheluwe used Hiel's verses in his Songs for Big and Small Folk (second edition, much enlarged, 1879).  That music greatly contributed the popularity of Hiel's writing in schools and among Belgian choral societies.

Hiel also translated several foreign lyrics. His rendering of Tennyson's Dora was published in Antwerp around 1871. For the national festival of 1880 at Brussels, to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of Belgian independence, Hiel composed two cantatas, Belgenland ("The Land of the Belgians") and Rer Belgenland ("Honour to Belgium"), which, set to music, were much appreciated.

Hiel's efforts to counteract Walloon influences and bring about a rapprochement between the Netherlanders in the north and the Teutonic racial sympathizers across the Rhine made him very popular with both.  A volume of his best poems was in 1874 the first in a collection of Dutch authors published in Leipzig, Germany.

He died in 1899 at Schaerbeek.

Bibliography
Among his better-known poetic works are:
Looverkens ("Leaflets," 1857)
Nieuwe Liedekens ("New Poesies," 1861)
Gedichten ("Poems," 1863)
Psalmen, Zangen, en Oratorios ("Psalms, Songs, and Oratorios," 1869)
De Wind (1869), an inspiriting cantata, which had a large measure of success and was crowned
De Liefde in Leven ("Love in Life," 1870)
Elle and Isa (two musical dramas, 1874)
Liederen voor Groote en Kleine Kinderen ("Songs for Big and Small Folk," 1879)
Jakoba van Beieren ("Jacquelein of Bavaria," a poetic drama, 1880)
Mathilda van Denemarken (a lyrical drama, 1890)
His collected poetical works were published in three volumes at Roeselare in 1885.

See also

 Flemish literature

References

Sources

External links
 Emmanuel Hiel in "Flemish Writers" collection (Dutch)
 Emmanuel Hiel in the Digital Library of Dutch Arts (Dutch)
 Koninklijk Atheneum Emmanuel Hiel (school named after Emmanuel Hiel)

1834 births
1899 deaths
Flemish poets
Flemish activists
19th-century Belgian poets
19th-century Belgian male writers

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
HomePersonalOn The Death Of The Beastie Boys' Adam Yauch (a.k.a. MCA)
On The Death Of The Beastie Boys' Adam Yauch (a.k.a. MCA)
I remember it like it was yesterday. Kind of.
All throughout the 1980s, my family would spend our summer vacations at the Jersey shore. The family friends that we went to the beach with every year had a son who was my age -- Jason -- and he and I would build sand castles, ride bikes, and generally just hang out together for the week-long holiday.
In the summer of 1987, Jason brought a cassette tape on our vacation. It was the Beastie Boys' fall 1986 release, License To ill -- and I had never heard anything like it before.
I had dabbled in the hip-hop sounds of the 1980s a little bit; Run-DMC, Grandmaster Flash & Melle Mel, Newcleus, LL Cool J and others, despite the protestations from my parental units.
But the Beastie Boys were different.
The first song that was played for me was "Paul Revere" and I immediately knew that I was listening to something really cool. Granted, I didn't really know what that meant in my youth, but I knew that I really liked what I was hearing.
The idea that three white dudes from New York City made an album that crossed the bridge between heavy rock & roll (the album prominently features heavy guitar riffs and drum beats from the likes of Led Zeppelin) and the then-fledgling rap community was something that had me hanging on every note.
Needless to say, I went straight out and bought Ill when we returned home from vacation. But my love for the Beasties did not end with that purchase.
Fast forward a couple of years to the early 1990s.
I actually skipped Paul's Boutique for a time. I bought my Beastie Boys albums out of order...
There was nary a party or get-together at my buddy Zach's house that did not include the playing of "So Watcha Want" from the Beastie's 1992 release Check Your Head:
This song single-handedly defines my high school years. The album's continued driving and signature B-Boy hip-hoppery (see: "Jimmy James"), combined with great instrumental sounds from the trio, make it something that I still listen to 20 years later (holy sh*t, it's been 20 years).
After heading off to college in 1995, using unspent beer & cigarette money I purchased Paul's Boutique and Ill Communication at the same time at the local Vibes Music store. The latter album became the soundtrack for my college years -- beginning with the alt-rock smash "Sabotage":
...though I preferred the tracks "Sure Shot", "Flute Loop" or "Get It Together". [ed. note: Some lyrics NSFW. Check your volume.]
That said, the entirety of the track listing is excellent. Again, very fond memories of my college experience are wrapped in red plastic cups around this album.
So, why this march down memory lane?
As evidenced by the few mentions above (with many, many more UNmentioned appearances as a teenager and early adult), the Beastie Boys were a definitive force in my formative years.
From their early beginnings with License to Ill -- the references to girls, alcohol, and raucous parties -- to the more sanguine and enlightened nature of later albums like Ill Communication -- see "Bodhavista Vow":
As I Develop The Awakening Mind I Praise The Buddha As They Shine
I Bow Before You As I Travel My Path To Join Your Ranks
I Make My Full Time Task/For The Sake Of All Beings I Seek
The Enlighted Mind That I Know I'll Reap
Respect To Shantideva And All The Others
Who Brought Down The Darma For Sisters And Brothers
I Give Thanks For This World As A Place To Learn
And For This Human Body That I Know I've Earned
...or To The Five Boroughs -- see "An Open Letter To NYC":
Dear New York I know a lot has changed
2 towers down but you're still in the game
Home to many rejecting no one
Accepting peoples of all places, wherever they're from
... these guys shaped a good portion of my world view -- from a musical standpoint, at the very least.
And, who was the driving force behind the latter "enlightened nature" of the group? One Adam Yauch, also known as "MCA" (or perhaps "Nathanial Hörnblowér").
Out of the three Beastie Boys, I have always favored MCA. His gravelly voice and smooth delivery of rhymes was preferable over the nasal Ad Rock or the percussive Mike-D, in this writer's opinion.
Moreover, MCA seemed to be something of a personified conscience of the group, particularly in later years.
His co-creation of the Milarepa Fund and the subsequent organization of the Tibetan Freedom Concerts in the late 1990s and early 2000s are a great example of how a punk kid can grow into a socially responsible adult. I took this to heart as a young adult, and still believe that this type of transformative experience is possible -- even in a small town in central Pennsylvania.
I picked up Hot Sauce Committee Part II last year. In true Beastie form, the guys brought us a fantastic album -- despite being well into their forties. I think what saddens me the most is that, with the death of Adam Yauch, there won't be any more music from the trio.
Speaking of great music, here is a live show -- the Beastie Boys performing in Glasgow, Scotland in 1999. Yes, that is a 360° stage, and Mixmaster Mike cutting it up with them:
The sample of Rush's "Tom Sawyer" at the beginning is a nice touch.
Lastly, I'll end with a very cool tribute to MCA and the Beastie Boys by Coldplay, from this past weekend:
Thanks for the music guys. And RIP MCA.
Featured Music Personal

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Read Dr. Kamps' book, The Source for Developmental Coordination Disorder --a guide to help parents, teachers and other professionals recognize and assist children and youth with motor skill deficits.
Scientific research shows that approximately 10 % of children and youth have trouble learning to ride a bicycle, run properly, play team sports; and participate in general play-ground activities and physical education because of difficulties with motor coordination. Clumsy actions may cause the person to become somewhat shy, embarrassed, or withdrawn -- thereby reducing their ability to build typical friendships with other children. Furthermore, because many of these children also have fine motor problems, their academic progress in school is often negatively impacted.
But there is hope... KAMPS (Kinesiology and Meta-cognitive Psychological Services) offers specialized assessment and programming for children and youth who have difficulty acquiring fine and/or gross motor skills. The specialized KAMPS clinics and one-on-one assessments are led by Dr. Paulene Kamps and designed to help children and teens who struggle with poor motor coordination.
Dr. Kamps' university degrees and experience in many different disciplines has led to her pioneering work in the diagnosing and treatment of Development Coordination Disorder (DCD). Although DCD is recognized by the American Psychiatric Association and World Health Organization, this 'motor learning disability' is not well-known in North America. DCD prevents individuals (with average or stronger cognitive abilities) from participating in age-appropriate sports and recreational activities.
Dr. Kamps has a unique ability to diagnose and then assist in the child-centered motor learning process. Her knowledge about DCD and specialization in the motor domain are warmly welcomed by parents whose children have faced years of unhappiness due to the impact of clumsiness, poor balance, and awkward movements.
Through KAMPS clinics, Dr. Paulene Kamps teaches specific physical activities and skills that children and youth seem unable to learn on their own. Newly acquired skills allow the learner (and their family) to finally enjoy and participate fully in typical age-appropriate physical and recreational activities.


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Through exhaustive research of the targeted markets, Petroplan puts together a picture of available talent at each target company. This is achieved through web-based research across multiple platforms and sensitive in-person approaches to well-situated individuals. Our exceptional oil and gas technical knowledge strengthens our credibility when approaching high end industry professionals.
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We will also explore evidence of strategic career planning (or lack thereof). "Opportunity based" moves or entrepreneurial ventures into more uncertain but potentially rewarding situations are all valuable personality indicators. Equally, the candidate's level of interest in the position indicates their key motivators and helps us to assess their potential success and satisfaction in the client's organisation.
We will provide our client with a thorough and objective recommendation on each candidate's suitability in the form of an Executive Profile; based on the in depth agency interview.
We arrange all interviews, travel and accommodation – to ensure a seamless candidate experience that reflects well on our client. We schedule regular client updates with to review the progress of the search and candidate quality. The process remains flexible throughout, to allow for any adjustments to the search that may arise from the interview process.
Managing expectations on both sides is critical in Executive Search. We brief our client with any information that may impact the candidate's final decision. This may include information about any competitive offers, where the candidate agrees to share these details. We ensure we understand where the client is comfortable pitching an offer and what compensation package the candidate is targeting. We therefore find common ground upon which to recommend the appropriate offer to the client.
Petroplan sensitively manages the relationship with unsuccessful candidates – maintaining contact with candidates who performed well in the interview process. In this way, we continue to build an active candidate 'hot list' for an individual client whose requirements we understand.
We support successful candidates throughout the offer process. We prepare them to give notice in as non-confrontational way as possible, and to be ready for a potential counter offer. Petroplan also provides relocation support, as we are experienced in placing international candidates making a life-changing move for their families.


I migrated to Jboss AS jboss-6.0.0.Final and richfaces 3.3.3. In this version <rich:fileUpload/> is not working. The upload action is running for a long time which leads browser to throw a warning message. And also after selecting a file the other scripts in the page are not running. How to resolve this?
have you configured the JSF version correctly. JBoss comes with JSF 2 as default and you need to change to JSF 1.X instead.
I know there are different compatibility issues, but I don't know what components hey refer to in the context of Seam 2.
There are numerous threeds where they riase this issue, but until now they are not satisfactory answered by RedHat.
I would strongly advice to stick with jboss 5 with seam 2.


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Q: TYPO3: could BE users only see the records they created? Is it possible, with an extension or something else, to make that the BE user could only see certain records-types, only if such records have been created them by themselves?

A: What kind of records?
If for an example news, or other records from some extension, the easiest way is create separate sysfolder for every user so you can use WEB>Access module to disable/enable visibility. If you want on one page display different records for different users it will be rather difficult without writing own BE module.
If you have just few BEusers - do it manually, otherwise I'd suggest writing the module.
Tip: it looks like Extbase allows for easier creating of BE modules than oldschool PI- way (my personal experience).

A: There was an extension made for this purpose:
http://typo3.org/extensions/repository/view/maja_becacl
altough its last update its from 2007 so maybe it will not work out of the box. But you can use that as a base for you own solution.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Europe's cars, vans, vehicles and buses are the cleanest, most secure and quietest on the earth. For the P0101 code, be certain the air consumption areas aren't blocked at entry factors or throughout the hoses, the MAF many need cleansing, the air filter could have allowed tiny dust particles by means of to the MAF, the connector harness may have cleansing or better contact, the wiring to the connector should be examined to ensure the connector is getting correct voltage and so forth.in accordance spec. Be sure that there are no vacuum leaks within the upper hose that connects to the MAF and the smaller flex hose instantly beneath it. The smallest leak in either will cause the code. Finding the small vacuum leaks are very tough. In the event you suspect it, the readings on an engine analyzer will mirror it. For those who MAF is dangerous, you must exchange it. In fact, a more uncommon drawback is that your car engine laptop has malfunctioned.
Accordingly, after a short grace interval, the Authorities will abolish all youngster labour for youngsters below the age of 14 years in an employer-employee relation, and can impose important penalties on offending employers in all sectors and all locations. Although some work is permitted for kids between the ages of 14-18 years beneath the ILO Conference on the Worst Types of Little one Labour, the Authorities is committed to making sure that work carried out by kids on this age group is strictly in accordance with the provisions of the Conference. Thus the employment of youngsters underneath circumstances of slavery, work associated to illicit actions or work more likely to harm the health, security or morals of kids, is prohibited.
Contain fires and facilitate evacuations, ensuring seamless operation in any scenario. The primary aim of presenting this guide is to elucidate the essential ideas, ideas, applications and techniques concerned in the digital logic design. This ebook offers a complete coverage of digital logic design and its description presents in accordance with syllabus or Rajasthan Technical University, Kota.
Automotive service technician (steering, suspension and brakes) trade certification is compulsory in New Brunswick and Ontario. Hey thanks for the inspiring story. I am 15 and I am just questioning if in case you have any tips for me to get on the suitable path to be a car designer? I've been sketching vehicles about as long as I may hold a pencil. In case you could give me any tips on how I might improve my abilities that will be nice. Thanks.
Though 3-four local assembling items have been fairly regular in their manufacturing activities with sound financial condition however the components and parts manufacturing firms aren't so regular except one or two. However, current development within the assembling of light automobiles for industrial use has been very spectacular, and it attracted most of the native producers of components to increase their production and product traces as nicely. Again, the percentage of utilizing regionally produced components may be very low, in comparison with the imported. Due to this fact, the mixture demand for elements and components, no matter what is the source, will enhance in the coming years, whereby the present authorities coverage will contribute positively.


text:
Análipsi (engelska: Analipsi) är en ort i Grekland.   Den ligger i prefekturen Nomós Kerkýras och regionen Joniska öarna, i den västra delen av landet,  km nordväst om huvudstaden Aten. Análipsi ligger  meter över havet och antalet invånare är . Den ligger på ön Korfu.

Terrängen runt Análipsi är kuperad åt nordväst, men åt sydost är den platt. Havet är nära Análipsi åt sydost. Den högsta punkten i närheten är  meter över havet,  km norr om Análipsi.  Närmaste större samhälle är Korfu,  km sydost om Análipsi. I omgivningarna runt Análipsi

Klimatet i området är tempererat. Årsmedeltemperaturen i trakten är  °C. Den varmaste månaden är juli, då medeltemperaturen är  °C, och den kallaste är januari, med  °C. Genomsnittlig årsnederbörd är  millimeter. Den regnigaste månaden är februari, med i genomsnitt  mm nederbörd, och den torraste är augusti, med  mm nederbörd.

Kommentarer

Källor

Orter i Joniska öarna


Project Seeds: Plastic Bags: What is your carbon footprint?
Plastic Bags: What is your carbon footprint?
When we read, hear and talk about climate change, a certain activity or product's carbon footprint is often mentioned. It's all well and good to know what is the carbon footprint of the production of that water bottle you are drinking from, but how is this actually worked out? Have you ever considered calculating your individual carbon footprint?
Well, according to Time for Change, there is a way to measure the carbon dioxide that you emit from your own personal use of plastic bags.
The footprint of LDPE or PET (polyethylene) plastic is approximately 6kg of carbon dioxide per kilogram of plastic. So, to calculate the amount of carbon dioxide you emit from your annual usage, multiply the weight of your plastic bags by the number of plastic bags you use per year.
Related Post: What are Carbon Offsets?


How many random encounters would you like per dungeon (not including bosses)?
Discussion in 'Game Mechanics Design' started by atoms, Jul 7, 2018.
This is a question that has been on my mind a lot lately, what the amount of encounters players prefer with each dungeon in the game. So I decided to make a poll and discussion about it, I think it could be useful for a lot of developers and definitely myself.
I haven't included how many turns should an encounter last, but feel free to eleborate on it and post your opinions on that too. (My thoughts are 2-4 turns each troop/battle).
Also, even though I made this thread for random encounters, if you use on-screen encounters you could share your views and opinions on that too.
If you want to say something I haven't mentioned, or felt I left out something important, please feel free to do share your opinions on that too.
Thanks! Hope this can help myself and a lot of people out!
While I'm not really fan of "random encounter", having to decide how many encounter per dungeon seems a bad idea. I believe the better question is to decide how many average step per encounter. If a player stuck in a dungeon for many reasons, that will go even more than 15.
Although if I really need to answer the question how many encounter per dungeon map if the dungeon has multiple maps. I'd say around 5 or lesser is ok.
ShadowHawkDragon and atoms like this.
It depends on a lot of things, from the focus of your game (exploration or fighting?) to the time it takes to complete a single battle (30 seconds or 2 hours?) to how interesting the battles are (attack-button-mashing or requiring to fit skills to enemy?).
So depending on that the answer might be anything from zero to many dozens.
Not a huge fan of random encounters anymore. It's not just the norm in gaming. That's not to say that it's bad, but I do like some kind of indicator. Shin Megami Tensei series tend to do this well where you can't see the enemy but they do show like a light in the corner of the screen where it goes from green to red and when it's red it's like a few steps and you've got an encounter. That's not bad.
But random encounters can get so annoying!
What's the size of the dungeon? What's the strength of these random encounters? How much grinding is required? Is it a main dungeon or a side dungeon? Can we escape these random encounters? Is the loot they yield important? Are they going to sap too much of the player's inventory? Are these encounters cute anime girls? Are there going to be puppies?
In other words: You can't want us to give concrete answers to something that's too general.
Generally speaking I think it's could be good to know roughly how many encounters you have in a dungeon when going through it to make sure it's not too many or too little for that dungeon, as for example a lot of beginner mistakes I see in rpg maker games is setting the random encounter rate too high.
But at the same time I understand what's being said. Dungeons can be different muti-maps, different sizes and have other factors to them. So it's too general a question.
I still feel these comments have helped me, so thanks everyone!