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(-) Gerhard Koop and KlausPeter Schmolke (1)
(-) Peter J Shepherd (1)
(-) Roger W Jordan (1)
Three Days to Pearl
Incredible Encounter on the Eve of War
By Peter J. Shepherd
As a young Royal Air Force technician stationed in Malaya in 1941, the author was ordered on a clandestine mission to Japanese-occupied Indo-China where he heard of the existence of a Japanese naval task force secretly on its way to Hawaii, intent on annihilating the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor. He also learned of Japan's intentions to simultaneously decimate ...
World's Merchant Fleets, 1939
The Particulars and Wartime Fates of 6,000 Ships
By Roger W. Jordan
At the outbreak of war in 1939 the 6,000-plus merchant ships spread across the world's oceans became pawns in the global conflict that permeated the operations of every shipping line on every continent. This heavily illustrated book presents the details of those ships and describes the fate of those lost between 1939 and 1945.
Divided first by country and then ...
Pocket Battleships of the Deutschland Class
Deutschland/Lutzow-Admiral Scheer-Admiral Graf Spee
By Gerhard Koop and Klaus-Peter Schmolke
The warships of the World War II German Navy are among the most popular subjects in naval history, and one of the best collections is the concise but authoritative six volume series written by Gerhard Koop and illustrated by Klaus-Peter Schmolke. Each book contains an account of the development of a particular class, a detailed description of the ships, with ...

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Tom Heneghan: Rasanath Das, an ex-investment banker turned Hindu monk, was spending recent Sunday afternoons leading Occupy Wall Street protesters in meditation until police cleared their camp at New York's Zuccotti Park this week.
The 32-year-old monk isn't sure now where his next session will be. He'll keep following the protesters to lead meditation, though, convinced they will only roll back the inequality around them if they find equanimity deep inside.
Protestors meditate as police move in to arrest them at the Occupy Oakland encampment.
At least a dozen spiritual leaders were arrested in the evacuation of Occupy Oakland on Monday morning as they sat in a candlelit circle in front of the camp's interfaith tent, according to Salon.com's Emily Loftis. They were among 32 people arrested by riot police.
Charlie Smith: Yesterday's Occupy Vancouver demonstration differed significantly from most protests held in front of the Vancouver Art Gallery.
One of the most striking aspects was the lack of any hierarchy. The event opened with a speech outlining how people could give their consent for various activities. Later, I observed the crowd being asked if it would prefer to hear more speeches or go on a march through downtown Vancouver.
Thanks to Maia Duerr and the follow-up comments on a post on her blog, the Jizo Chronicles, here's a quick round-up of some of the recent posts that Buddhists have made on the Occupy Wall Street phenomenon.
Nathan Thompson has post on "Occupy Minnesota: Zen Style" on his blog, Dangerous Harvests where he describes "coming out" as a Zen Buddhist at a peaceful protest.
Oct 15: Occupy the Present Moment in solidarity with OWS. Where: Santa Fe, NM. Click here for more info.
Oct 15: Occupy the Present Moment in solidarity with OWS. Where: Vancouver, BC For more info: Click here for more info.
Oct 15: Meditation at the Occupy Vermont event. Where: Montpelier, VT For more info: Click here for more info.
The Buddha's concerns with politics — or at least those what found their way into his teachings and have been recorded — were very limited.
Perhaps this isn't surprising, since he lived at a time when kingdoms ruled by absolute monarchs were expanding their territory at the expense of clan-based republics and other kingdoms. The rise of monarchies was probably unstoppable, and there was little chance of any alternative for the foreseeable future.
Robert Thurman, the Buddhist writer and Professor of Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Studies at Columbia University, gave a rousing address to the protestors at Occupy Wall Street, encouraging "cool heroes" (i.e. non-violent heroes) as opposed to "hot heroes" (those motivated by anger and hatred).
The address is frequently very funny. The people who were assigned to repeat his words, in order to make them audible to the large crowd were often too busy laughing to be able to effectively relay Thurman's message.


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29: Joseph Smith's 1843 Trial
An assassination attempt on former Missouri governor Lilburn W. Boggs leads to Joseph Smith's arrest. John C. Bennett, the first mayor of Nauvoo and a member of the First Presidency, is excommunicated for immoral conduct. Joseph is taken to Springfield, Illinois, for trial. His appearance fascinates its citizens, including Mary Todd Lincoln. Historian Alex Smith with the Joseph Smith Papers brings background to these events.
To read Saints visit http://saints.churchofjesuschrist.org
11: Gathered In
25: Build Up a City
24: O God, Where Art Thou


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5939 Тосімаеда (5939 Toshimayeda) — астероїд головного поясу, відкритий 1 березня 1981 року.

Тіссеранів параметр щодо Юпітера — 3,317.

Названо на честь Тосі Маеди ( тосі маеда).

Примітки

Див. також
 Список астероїдів (5901-6000)

Посилання

 Інформація про малі планети на сайті minorplanetcenter.net

Астрономічні об'єкти, відкриті 1981
Головний пояс астероїдів

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Bespoke Joinery
Call. +44 (020) 8747 3743
Email. enquiries@zulufish.co.uk
'Interior Design Private Residence Award' Winners
Awards — 23.09.19
Zulufish is delighted to announce that we have been recognised as an award winner in the prestigious UK Property Awards. Our Kingswood Road project has won "Interior Design Private Residence award" for London, and will now compete against the best property professionals across the UK regions. The top winners in each region are then automatically entered in the International Property Awards, spanning 45 different residential and commercial categories.
The UK Property Awards are judged by an independent panel of over 80 industry experts and are the largest, most prestigious, and widely recognised programme throughout the regions. Judging focuses on design, quality, service, innovation, originality, and commitment to sustainability.
The UK Property Awards are judged by an independent panel of over 80 industry experts. Judging focuses on design, quality, service, innovation, originality, and commitment to sustainability.
The judging panel is chaired by Lord Caithness, Lord Best, The Earl of Liverpool, and Lord Thurso, members of the House of Lords in the UK Parliament.
The UK Property Awards are the largest, most prestigious, and widely recognised programme throughout the regions.
The official Awards website is www.propertyawards.net
The Awards are in their 26th year and cover over 45 different residential and commercial categories. Regional heats are staged for Arabia, Europe, Africa, Canada, Central & South America, the Caribbean, USA, UK and Asia Pacific. These will be celebrated at gala presentation events in Bangkok, London and Toronto during the course of the year.
The top winners in each region will automatically be entered in to the overall international awards, culminating in a glittering awards ceremony, held at the Savoy Hotel London on 2nd December.
The Art Of Framing
Ceilings: The Fifth Wall
Distinct & Interesting Wall Finishes To Use In Your Home
Art Sourcing; Tips For Sourcing & Styling Art For Your Home
Handmade Rugs; The Gains of Purchasing Handmade
If you have an interesting project or commission you want to discuss, email us or call +44 (020) 8747 3743
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Q: "gamma rays can only be detected when they interact with matter" I'm reading a NASA paper about the Great Observatories (for grade schoolers) in which is says that "gamma rays can only be detected when they interact with matter." Surely we can only detect anything when it interacts with the matter of our detecting instrument, but some helpful people at Rutgers explain that with gamma rays, what we actually record is the interaction of these rays with other matter.
What makes gamma rays (as opposed to other kinds of electromagnetic radiation) so special that they can't be detected directly, like visible light? Are they directly undetectable in principle, or is it just that we haven't built any instruments that can deal with that high an energy level, or what?
EDIT TAKING COMMENTS INTO ACCOUNT:
The things I've been reading make it sound like visible light just sets off a detector, whereas to detect a gamma ray I'd have to set up two devices--one to interact with the gamma ray and one to detect the visible light (or whatever) from that interaction. The first is what I'm calling "direct detection," even though there's a chain of things happening in my detector. Is this a distinction without a difference? I figured there was something different about gamma rays or they wouldn't have bothered mentioning it.

A: The quote is wrong.
"Any photons can only be detected when they interact with matter". It is how they are detected that changes with the wavelength of light.
Radio and microwaves are usually detected by measuring the electric/magnetic fields directly. The waves interact with matter on a bulk scale. Single photons are too weak to be detected.
Infared, visible, and ultraviolet rays are usually detected as single photons. The photon excites a single atom or molecule which then transfers charge/changes shape/etc in a detectable way. Light is detected as a particle rather than as wave.
Xrays, and gamma rays are also detected at the single photon level but they have so much energy they can excite many atoms at once. This makes detecting easier.
So what was the quote getting at?
The real difference/challenge with gamma-rays is not detection, but a lack of lenses/mirrors to form a coherent image with. A metal screen is a mirror for radio-waves and microwaves (so is an ordinary mirror). Infrared, visible, and ultraviolet can also use lenses. But for higher energy, the per-photon energy is so large that changing the photon's path is like using styrofoam to deflect bullets: the photon tends to just push right through and eventually get absorbed. Xrays use grazing mirrors to lessen the "impact" or multiple lenses to enhance the very weak refraction. For gamma-rays, however, the energy is so high that grazing optics would require too small an angle to be practical; however it remains an active field of research.

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Who Won The Mls Cup 2016?
The Montreal Impact won the 2016 MLS Cup at home against Toronto FC by 2-1. The Impact completed their first ever hat trick of victories in Major League Soccer history after winning 4 straight games and defeating the Houston Dynamo on penalties earlier this year.
Who won the last 10 MLS Cups?
The last 10 MLS Cups have been won by the following teams:
1. Toronto FC (2018)
2. Seattle Sounders (2017)
3. Sporting Kansas City (2016)
4. LA Galaxy (2015)
5. New York Red Bulls (2014)
6. Portland Timbers (2013)
7. Real Salt Lake (2012)
8. Columbus Crew SC (2011)
9. Colorado Rapids (2010)
What was Providence Park before?
Providence Park was originally a baseball stadium. It opened in 1894 and hosted the Portland Beavers of the Pacific Coast League until 1958 when the team relocated to Sacramento, California. In 1966, it became home to the Portland Timbers of the North American Soccer League.
How good is MLS?
MLS is a professional soccer league in the United States and Canada. It is sanctioned by both FIFA and CONCACAF, which are international governing bodies of soccer. The MLS season runs from March to October with each team playing 34 games during that time.
What does AFC mean in football?
The abbreviation stands for attacking football, which is a style of play that emphasizes the use of quick, short passes to get the ball up and down the field.
Where is Greg Vanney from?
Greg Vanney is a retired American soccer player who played for the United States national team. He was born in California and attended Stanford University, where he played college soccer.
Will New Orleans get a MLS team?
The New Orleans Saints are currently the only professional sports team in New Orleans. They have a stadium that seats 70,000 people and is home to both the NFLs Saints and the USLs New Orleans Jesters. There are no plans for an MLS team in New Orleans at this time.
Published January 8, 2022 By pm_editor_Xk5Cs9
Where Did Ezekiel Elliott Play College Football?
How Many Scoring Titles Does Jordan Have?


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911 call details attempted robbery of a homeless person, what happened next was a bloody mess [VIDEO]
Black Lives Matter has been screaming that Alton Sterling was murdered by police ever since last week. Sterling was selling CDs outside of a store, when someone called the police and claimed he was threatening people with a gun. It has since come to light that he was a deadbeat dad and a pedophile. He threatened a homeless man with a gun shortly before his altercation with the police. He was trying to rob the guy. Police ordered him to stop when they got there and he wouldn't. Two officers tackled him to the ground and they claim he reached for a gun in his pocket. The police shot and killed him over it. They did find a gun in his pocket. This looks like a justified shooting, but the police will determine that as they should.
From Western Journalism:
According to the Young Conservatives, Alton Sterling — the 37-year-old black man the Black Lives Matter organization has said was simply selling CD's on the sidewalk before being killed by police in Louisiana last week — was actually a "dead-beat dad" and a "pedophile" who had threatened a homeless man with his firearm before police were later threatened with said firearm, resulting in Sterling's death.
The homeless man, according to senior law enforcement officials, called 911 to report sterling had attempted to rob him. For this reason, police responded to the scene and confronted Sterling. Cell phone footage of the confrontation, which showed police officers taking Sterling down, crying he had a gun, then showed police officers firing on and killing Sterling, went viral and was a contributing factor to the assassinations of five police officers in Dallas.
Two videos of the shooting have emerged. One, taken with a cell phone by a witness to the shooting, is rather blury and shaky.
The shooting and death of Alton Sterling was one of the contributing factors that led to a terrorist murdering five police officers in Dallas and wounding seven others. Because false information was hyped and spread about Sterling's death, five officers were murdered in cold blood. And numerous other officers across the nation have been attacked and shot this weekend. Sterling had a long rap sheet. The left is playing him up as an innocent father of five who was just selling CDs, but reality is massively different here. There has been too many lies, too much blood, too much death, too much racism and too much hatred this week. For those that are really behind all this, look to Black Lives Matter, the New Black Panthers and the Nation of Islam.


Back in 2017 Photokina announced that the biggest photo gear show will start taking place annually instead of biennially as it has been since 1966 (the first Photokina show was in 1950).
Olympus already hinted that they expect some major announcements in May next year.
You can see the list of Photokina 2019 participating companies here.
This entry was posted in Olympus and tagged Olympus E-M1X, Photokina 2019. Bookmark the permalink. Trackbacks are closed, but you can post a comment.


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How Buhari Stopped Shehu Shagari From Industrializing Nigeria (1983 Coup) – NLC President, Wabba
Wiseloaded » News » How Buhari Stopped Shehu Shagari From Industrializing Nigeria (1983 Coup) – NLC President, Wabba
Posted on December 31, 2018 by SIR 3PU
The Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC has said the late Second Republic President, Shehu Shagari would have industrialised the country but for the 1983 coup that brought Muhammadu Buhari to power.
NLC President, Ayuba Wabba said this yesterday while mourning the demise of the former president.
In a statement he signed, Wabba stated that Shagari signed into law the National Minimum Wage Act of 1981 that provided for a new national minimum wage of N125, which was equivalent to about $200.
The statement reads: "We at the NLC would like to join Nigerian government, world leaders, family members and other Nigerians in mourning the death of Alhaji Shagari, elder statesman and first executive President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
"As President, Shagari, as he was popularly known, was humble, personable, considerate and broad-minded, some of the reasons that explained his popularity among ordinary people. Shagari initiated some of the landmark projects, including iron and steel and petrochemicals in his quest to make Nigeria an industrial hub.
"Not a few hold the view that but for the coup that removed him from power in 1983, unceremoniously cutting short his second term, Shagari would have seen through his vision of a highly industrialised Nigeria."
Commending on the former President's life style, Wabba said: "We similarly hold the view that given his urbane and simple and straight forward life style, Shagari would have built an enduring culture of democratic succession in spite of some of the disputed elections in his time."
Shehu Shagari
"However, Shagari was blamed for not exercising requisite control over some of the rambunctious and corrupt members of his cabinet or party, a fact not a few, today, believe was largely responsible for his removal from power.
"Amazingly, his removal did little to diminish his towering stature as no act of corruption or wrong doing was traced to him. Thus, in retirement, he was both a respected voice of moderation and wisdom from which succeeding leaders befitted till death took him away.
"For us at the NLC, Shagari, despite having come to power on an ideological platform that was manifestly different from the one we subscribed to, holds a special place in our hearts. For instance, he signed into law the National Minimum Wage Act of 1981 that provided for a new national minimum wage of N125 which was equivalent to about $200.
"It took more than deft move and political will to execute this. It took the milk of human kindness in Alhaji Shagari and his deep appreciation of the dignity of labour and value of the human life to do this.
"To truly appreciate the value of what Shagari did for workers way back then without a bloody fight, let us pause and reflect on the value of the present national minimum wage of N18,000 which is $49 and the new national minimum wage of N30,000 (equivalent to $82) which is due since 2016.
"One of his other legacies was a national housing scheme, a component of which was the building of low-cost houses for workers across the then 19 states of the federation. In light of his contributions to national development, peace in the land, and welfare of workers, Shagari remains a national hero, patriot, and a distinguished gentleman."
Tags: Buhari, Shehu Shagari
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Everything you need to know about cupping.
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How to tackle the most common singing and acting mistakes dancers make.
Inside Adrienne Gregorek's life as a dance physical therapist.


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The Web portal teams with Norwegian download site FAST to offer a new resource for the controversial music technology.
Riding the grassroots popularity of online music, Web portal Lycos and Norwegian download site FAST today launched a new resource for downloads using controversial MP3 technology.
The service, called MP3 Search, allows users to search databases of MP3 audio files. It will be featured on the Lycos site and use FAST technology to search the Web for music files.
MP3 (MPEG 1, Audio Layer 3) is a booming technology that allows users to download CD-quality music via the Net. The technology compresses songs that can be stored on a computer hard drive and replayed.
Despite objections by the music industry over copyright concerns, MP3 in essence is becoming a de facto standard in audio compression formats. As a result, even some musicians have begun using the technology online.
The advent of an MP3 offering on a Web portal is not surprising given the high volume of music download queries most search engines receive. MP3 proponents say the term "MP3" is one of the most popular terms that surfers search for.
The format's exploding popularity has not pleased everyone, however. The RIAA, the music industry's lobbying arm, views the technology as promoting pirated music. The organization has taken several measures to curb the use of MP3 and other technologies that it says encourage distribution of music that is in violation of copyright laws.


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Chapter 1: Pentecostalism, Theology and Social Ethics, by Bernardo L. Campos M.
In the Power of the Spirit
by Dennis A. Smith and B.F. Gutierrez (eds.)
Note: Bernardo L. Campos is a pastor and director of the Pentecostal Theological Seminary (affiliated with the Association of Autonomous Pentecostal Churches). He is also director of the Peruvian Institute of Religious Studies (IPER). He received his bachelor's degree in theology from the Superior Institute of Theological Studies. He is a writer and lecturer on Pentecostalism and a specialist on several religious groups indigenous to Latin America. This chapter first appeared in In the Power of the Spirit, edited by Benjamin F. Gutierrez & Dennis A. Smith, published in 1996 by PC(USA)WMD AIPRAL/CELEP, pp. 41-50.
No one today doubts that the Pentecostal movement is one of the most significant religious experiences of the century. This fact has been recognized by Catholics, Protestants and innumerable social scientists. It is both a social-religious phenomenon and an alternative movement in the life and mission of the Christian church.
We begin with the premise that Pentecostalism is above all a religious movement and not a "denomination" or a "religious organization." Although there are religious communities within both Protestantism and Catholicism that call themselves "Pentecostal" or "charismatic," it is its character as movement that produces Pentecostalism's visible fruits.
The present political situation in Latin America has generated so much heated debate about the Church, the "sects," and religious freedom that it has become necessary to take a closer look at the existing religious scene, including Pentecostalism, if we are to build a coherent theological overview of the region capable of generating serious ecumenical dialogue.
I realize that the title of this article may raise a few eyebrows. Its diverse and complex origins, social make-up, religious practices and beliefs, not to mention ethical idiosyncrasies, will lead some to doubt whether Pentecostalism acts "in the power of the Spirit." Nevertheless, I will present four arguments for why the Pentecostal movement can be understood as a sign of the power of God's Spirit moving in the church.
I. A spiritual movement
Methodologically, any sociological consideration of religious movements or identities must begin by taking into account the considered views of its own practitioners, filtered, of course, through the lens provided by academic discipline and through the perspective of a particular investigator.
According to Pentecostal believers themselves, Pentecostalism is neither a simple socio-religious phenomenon, nor a mere product of the political-religious expansionism of North American capital.[1] For believers, Pentecostalism is the result of God's action through the Holy Spirit which erupted on Pentecost in the first century of Christian history (Acts 2-4; Luke 24:49; Joel 2:27-32) and extended from East to West.[2]
As a movement, Pentecostalism transcends denominational categories and presents itself as God acting in particular ways within Christianity. From a theological point of view, Pentecostalism is a personal experience of the divine. As a religious experience, it represents a ritualized prolongation of the original Pentecostal event (Acts 2, 10, 19) that expresses the essence of Christianity with an intense spirituality that recalls the life of the early Christians. It serves as a foundational myth.
As a spiritual movement, Pentecostalism is a builder of identities. To be "Pentecostal," just as to be "Catholic" or "Protestant," is a way of being in society.[3] Pentecostalism assumes different forms, according to the social, cultural and religious background or the class identity of the practitioners. As a spiritual movement, Pentecostalism has neither class, ideological, territorial, nor confessional boundaries. It can penetrate antagonistic social classes as well as conflicting historical processes. In Europe, for example, the Pentecostal movement has resisted secularization, the historical process by which societies liberated themselves from the control of the church and from closed metaphysical systems.[4] European Pentecostalism is known for its unbounded religious experiences and the creation of alternatives to traditional religious practices. In Latin America, where religious belief continues to be so deeply rooted and where secularization has been relegated to the realm of social protest,[5] the Pentecostal movement has had great social impact and now threatens the religious hegemony of Roman Catholicism. In Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua, for example, some local Pentecostals have been used by U.S. neo-conservative and fundamentalist groups to escalate and/or control the political tensions of the region. Often ideological battles are carried out under the guise of religious conflict. What is really at stake is the defense of social identities, political power, and the attempted consolidation of old and new hegemonies.
All spiritualities are ways of living out one's faith in history. They depend on at least five different factors: 1) the believer's religious tradition; 2) one's utopia or model for the future; 3) one's level of sensitivity to or consciousness of social reality; 4) one's ability to discern between good and evil; and 5) the symbolic substratum which influences one's choices on the road to building an identity.
Pentecostal spirituality is the everyday faith experience of real communities whose very identity is wrapped up in the Pentecost. In Latin America, these communities' daily experience is born of crisis, the product of a long process of economic, political and cultural domination; however, this same crisis is perceived as the starting point of a process of hopeful transformation.
The fundamental difference between this and other spiritualities engendered by the crisis is the way it uses Jesus' spiritual journey to the Father as the model for building a synthesis between Christian principles and everyday existence. This synthesis incorporates the ways in which a community lives out its faith, as well as the spiritual principles that regulate its conduct and impose a particular style on its religious identity. The core of Pentecostalism is Pentecost. The Pentecostal community gives itself legitimacy by identifying its religious practice as a prolongation of the experiences described in Acts 2 and other passages.
The failure to consider Pentecostal spirituality and its theological perspectives would deform any hermeneutic of Pentecostalism. For this reason, most sociological attempts to interpret Pentecostalism fail to comprehend Pentecostalism's ability to give meaning to life, bestow social identity on the hopeless, give power to the weak, and even provide ideological legitimation to the upper classes. Sociological interpretations usually fail to appreciate the meaning of a community's religious experience to the community itself For example, it is impossible to understand Pentecostal growth without exploring the doctrine of sanctification,[6] which is the motor of its aggressive evangelism.
A protest movement
The Wesleyan inheritance
A number of studies deem that the "Wesleyan revival," which led to the founding of Methodist and other sanctificationist denominations in England in the 17th century, is the immediate forebear of modern Pentecostalism.[7] This thesis contends that Pentecostalism emerged in the "holiness circles" in the United States that derived from English pietism.
As soon as the Wesleyan emphasis on sanctification (the doctrine that explains the process of Christian perfection) was relaxed, a renewed Holiness Movement emerged that would take the name "Pentecostal." In the decade between 1895 and 1905 a number of new denominations consecrated themselves to the principles of Holiness.[8] What set these apart from the traditional holiness communities was their emphasis on the doctrine of the sanctified life resulting from a special "Baptism of the Spirit."
Radical religious behavior
American Methodists differed from 17th Century English Methodists by substituting individualism for social ethics and philanthropy for millennarianism.[9] According to Richard Niebuhr, the Wesley brothers, founders of the Wesleyan movement, replaced the concept of the Reign of God with the symbol of heaven and saw sin as laxity and individual vice, not as oppression or social breakdown.[10]
With the building of North American society and the gradual transformation of certain "sects" into "denominations," the individualistic, philanthropic, and sentimental ethic common to Methodists came to dominate the middle-class Protestant churches of the United States. In contrast, Pentecostalism grew out of a deepening religious and spiritual experience that abandoned philanthropy and came to wholly identify this world with sin. However, Pentecostals did not abandon the individualism they had inherited from missionary societies.
Though the theories of contemporary sociologists of religion draw upon Max Weber's thesis about the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism, they reject social and economic determinism. They usually describe Pentecostalism as a response to social anomie [11] and a religious response to the processes of immigration, industrialization, and urbanization in Latin America (see E. Willems, Christian Lalive d'Epinay, P.F. Camargo, M. Marzal, and Bryan Wilson, among others).
For others, Pentecostalism is the religious expression of a certain social and economic ethic. Sociologists of religion such as the Brazilian Francisco Cartaxo Rolim and the Swiss Jean-Pierre Bastian describe Pentecostalism as the religion of the disadvantaged resulting from the social relations and ideology imposed by capitalism.[12]
In most cases, Pentecostalism provides a way for people to give meaning to reality and to organize their daily conduct.
Pentecostalism is a "symbolic system," as are the various Catholicisms, historical Protestantisms, socialisms and populisms. For the oppressed, Pentecostalism provides a satisfying religious alternative to the trauma induced by conquest and colonization, historical processes that manipulated existing manifestations of the sacred to rend the social fabric.[13]
As a form of a "social protest" and utopia, the Pentecostal movement recalls movements such as the Taki Onqoy of 16th century Peru (Huamanga 1560-1570).[14] Both are apocalyptic movements, based on the idea of the world ending in great upheaval, although the followers of Taki Onqoy went beyond the religious sphere to promote a Messianic campaign of revenge against the European invaders. Pentecostals also hold that they are God's chosen people led by charismatic leaders with divine authority. To this they add a clear rejection of this world. This apocalyptic vision, combined with an ideology of sanctification, mobilizes believers and has led Pentecostalism to adopt an ethic of separation from the world , often calling the faithful to spurn social change.
Nevertheless, the dire poverty in Latin America and the prevailing international system (globalization, neo-liberalism, etc.) have forced Pentecostal communities to face reality. In Peru and other countries on the continent, Pentecostals are beginning to participate actively in civil society, embracing forms of political participation and social action they had formerly rejected.
This rejection of the world, which takes the form of rigid personal ethics (no drinking, no smoking, no dancing, keeping oneself pure, etc.), and the creation of "substitute societies" are Pentecostal responses to having been marginalized by the dominant religious institutions and by the economic and political elites. Today's Pentecostals have achieved a new level of maturity. Increasingly, they desire to become the subjects of their own history and are casting their lot with the new forces that are emerging in our societies.
While Pentecostalism can be seen as a religious expression of the popular unrest produced by our current social crisis-- as Matos Mar has pointed out in the case of Peru[15] --this is not the whole story. The rapid expansion of informal economies and grassroot, sometimes radical, political and religious organizations, are common to all societies undergoing transition and crisis. Whenever social chaos reigns, there is room for religious explosions of the Pentecostal ilk.
III. A popular movement
There are few statistics that can capture the dizzying demographic growth of Pentecostals. According to David Stoll, "a third of the population in Latin America will be Protestant in the next century, as compared to 10% or 12% now."[16] Pentecostals make up 70% of all Brazilian Protestants; in Chile they are 17% of the population; in the Bahamas, 10%; in Peru, Pentecostals make up 70% of the Protestants who in turn make up 7% of the population of 22 million. Considering the historic dominance of Catholicism in Latin America, these are significant percentages[17] Academics calculate that 25% of the population of three Central American countries (El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala) will be Pentecostal by the year 2000. Pentecostalism has established such deep roots so quickly in Latin American society that many are beginning to ask whether official Protestantism and Catholicism will survive the region. [18]
Just as base ecclesial communities (known by the Spanish acronym, "CEBs") are authentic popular churches, so are Pentecostal churches authentic. Both find their support among the popular classes, and in both people become agents of social change through their religious activity.
Several characteristics of Pentecostalism could have a profound impact on the social transformation of South America. These are: 1) an autonomous financial structure that is independent of America, Europe, and Asia; 2) a liturgy in which expressions of Latin American popular religiosity take precedence over Christian traditions rooted in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin culture; 3) a community experience that incorporates the faithful into a community, affirms their individual worth, and permits them to play a role in society; and, 4) an organic solidarity with the less favored sectors of society.
Pentecostalism is the only branch of Protestantism rooted in Latin American "popular religiosity."[19] Witness, for example, the new movement that I call "iso-Pentecostalism" in that it takes its image from Pentecostalism but has a different form of organization. Antonio Gouvea Mendonça in Brazil calls it the "movement of the divine cure." "Iso-Pentecostalism" does away with ecclesiastical organization, teaching of the Bible, the participation of the faithful in worship, even hymnals, in order to focus exclusively on healing, and the sale of "healing objects," quite common in popular Afro-Brazilian religiosity, whence it comes. (See discussion of "third Pentecostal wave" and the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in Silveira Campos, pp. 77-81.)***
Accordingly, the introduction, presence and expansion of Pentecostalism in Latin America should be understood in the context of popular culture and the history of the region's social and cultural movements.
IV. A movement of social change
The rapid multiplication of new religious groups with charismatic tendencies cannot be explained merely by a favorable social environment. These groups also generate social change, albeit indirectly, exerting their influence from within the social structure and the ideological superstructure.[20]
In the present religious configuration in Latin America, Pentecostalism has a two-sided relationship with civil society. On the one hand, it opposes "official" religions such as Roman Catholicism and historical Protestantism, while at the same time interacting with corporativist states, many of which are undergoing fundamental change, such as Nicaragua and Chile in the 1970s.[21]
Struggles continue on two fronts. Some groups strive to achieve new hegemonies, others strive to consolidate the old ones. On either front what is at stake are the existing and emerging political institutions that use religion to promote quite contradictory programs and aspirations. Ideological conflict is frequently expressed through religious battles, but the stakes are usually political.
At the symbolic level, Pentecostalism is clearly similar to both political and religious Messianic movements. These are the symbolic sources of a new society which can resist the "collapse of hope" despite crushing defeats such as in Nicaragua, where Christians and Sandinistas tried to create a new society. Such groups can resist the aimlessness produced by the end of utopias suffered after the "collapse" of socialism.
For common folks, at stake are not just ideologies and political utopias--which they have little time for anyway--but their own subsistence in extreme situations where even their basic necessities are unmet.
The true roots of modern Pentecostalism go back to 15th- and 16th- century Europe. There, Pentecostal communities that were excluded from Luther's, Calvin's, and Zwingli's Reformation constituted a popular front known today as the "Radical Reformation." Differing from the Lutherans due to their religious practice and rural origins, they fought and died for a series of demands denied them by the nobles. The apocalyptic vision of history and the Messianic charisma of Thomas Müzer, a leader of this revolutionary movement, clearly marked the later Pentecostal movement.[22]
In Latin American Pentecostalism, one discovers the reflection of indigenous movements and waves of immigrants in search of new identities. It is surprising to note the case of Chile, for example, where the growth of Pentecostalism and socialism paralleled one another chronologically,[23] even employing similar tactics, though without forming any explicit alliance. On the contrary, Pentecostalism became a client of the State, legitimizing the State before civil society.
Some interpreters of the Peruvian religious scene have hypothesized a probable relation of mutual influence between the emerging religious groups and a new kind of capitalism that recalls Weber's thesis on the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. Weber emphasized the general attitudes inherent in the character of each religion (in this case, the ethics of Calvinism) which influence economic activities and motivations. Though religious principles may not have a direct effect on economic behavior, they can lend religious and ideological legitimacy to new motivations, activities, and institutions.
Thus Weber postulated that the Puritan ethic of austerity and the denial of worldly pleasures had generated the beginnings of the capitalist spirit. He made it clear that ideas exercise an autonomous influence on the process of social evolution. For Weber, the key elements of the Calvinist ethic were "asceticism" and a "vocation" for work as a rational activity.
While Weber's thesis may apply to certain branches of European and North American Protestantism, it doesn't work for Latin American Protestantism. It works even less for Pentecostalism, given its mainly proletariat composition, its "eschatological urgency,"[24] and the volatile character of contemporary international capitalism.
Thus, Pentecostalism has not been a major player in the development of a new grassroots capitalism, except in the sense that Pentecostal believers are consumers and an available labor force. In my opinion, the reasons for this are: 1) mysticism rather than asceticism predominates among the Pentecostals; 2) splurging rather than saving is the cultural model, given that subsistence-level salaries make saving impossible and because the goods purchased with one's salary come to represent one's personal worth ("fetishization"); 3) work is not considered a divine vocation. Thus, Weber's thesis hardly applies. In these circumstances it would be more likely to posit a relationship between Pentecostal ethics and the spirit of socialism, or any system other than capitalism.
The transforming power of Pentecostalism resides not in the coherence of its doctrine, but in its flexibility and its capacity to give expression to new social practices in the defining moments of a society in transition. Christian Lalive d'Epinay has observed that in the time of Allende's Chile, Pentecostalism suffered the mutilation of its practices and doctrine.[25] The same was observed ten years later by Jean-Pierre Bastian in Nicaragua[26] and can be seen today in 1990s Peru.
Pentecostalism was born in the heat of a historical struggle, both real and symbolic, against Catholicism, official Protestantism, and political dogmatism. It has proven its capacity to generate symbols powerful enough to sustain hope for the working classes and a sense of national identity. Those who fight against Pentecostalism, whether they are politicians or clergy, do so because they fear competition for influence in civil society or because they realize that Pentecostalism represents an alternative to the present political order.
As for the question of whether Pentecostals will choose to become active players in civil society or politics , the obvious answer is both. Nevertheless, it is within civil society that Pentecostalism will make a key contribution to deciding the future of the region's social system. Past participation in the political sphere, minimal as it may have been, makes it clear that now is not the time to swell the ranks of the political class without first having participated in grassroots community organizations. Active participation in the newly emerging civil society is a historic opportunity that must not be wasted. This is possible today precisely because the Spirit continues to make all things new.
In sum, Pentecostalism is a spiritual movement resulting from the loss of holiness in our world; it is a movement of symbolic protest in a society that denies fulfillment and participation to the dispossessed; it is a grassroots movement born of traditional cultures struggling to cope with massive change; and it is a movement capable of being a channel for social change and of offering hope for a better world.
Pentecostalism is not only a historic embodiment of Christianity, it is an expression of universal spirituality rooted in the resurrected Christ of Pentecost. Today's challenge is not to Pentecostalize the church so that it might grow, but rather to renew the church spiritually in the light of the universal experience of Pentecost, seeking the unity of the church and of all humanity, for whom Christ died and was resurrected.
[1]The Pentecostals reject this conspiracy theory and consider it a crassly politicized interpretation of their theology.
[2]Pentecost is the founding event of the Pentecostal experience. The movement's name, organizational inspiration, and missionary vocation all derive from the word Pentecost.
[3]Carlos Rodríguez Brandão, "Ser Católico: Dimensões Brasileiras. Um Estudo sobre a atribução da identidade através da religião," América Indígena Vol. XLV, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec., 1985): pp. 691-722.
[4] Harvey Cox, The Secular City, New York, NY: MacMillan, 1965.
[5] José Miguel Bonino, "La Piedad Popular en América Latina," Cristianismo y Sociedad , XIV, No. 47, 1976: pp. 39-48.
[6] Bryan Wilson has correctly noted that the doctrine of sanctification provides the basis for sectarianism and for the enthusiastic propagation of this religious group that throws itself into spiritual conquest and tries to liberate sinful hearts from the clutch of Satan and guide the sinful to the path of holiness. Cf. Bryan Wilson, Sociología de las sectas religiosas , (Madrid: Guadarrama, 1970), 57ss.
[7] Walter Hollenweger, El Pentecostalismo: Historia y Doctrinas , (Buenos Aires: La Aurora, 1976) p. 7; Donald W. Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism . (Grand Rapids, MI: Francis Asbury, 1987), pp. 115-141.
[8] A history of the Holiness Movement and its relation to Pentecostalism can be found in Donald W. Dayton, op. cit.
[9] The belief in a period of one thousand years of peace on earth (literal or symbolic) in which Christ and his church will govern the world.
[10] Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism, (Magnolia, Mass: Peter Smith Publisher, 1920), p. 65.
[11]The loss of traditional morals, leading to a crisis of values and norms in a determined social formation. Frequently associated with rapid social change.
[12] F. Cartaxo Rolim, Pentecostais no Brasil . Uma Interpretação do Protestantismo Brasileiro. (Rio de Janeiro: Vozes); Jean-Pierre Bastian, Breve historia del Protestantismo en Améica Latina , (México: CUPSA, 1986); Gamaliel Lugo, "Etica social pentecostal: santidad comprometida," C. Alvarez, ed., op. cit: pp. 101-122.
[13] Bernardo L. Campos, Religión y Liberación del Pueblo . (Lima: CEPS, 1989).
[14] See Steve Stern, "El Taki Onqoy y Ia Sociedad Andina" (Huamanga, Siglo XVI), Allpanchis , Vol VXI, No 19 (1982) pp. 49-77; Marco Curatola, "Mito y Milenarismo en los Andes: Del Taki Onqoy a Inkarri," Allpanchis , Vol X, (1977) pp. 65-92.
[15] José Matos Mar, Desborde popular y crisis del Estado. El Nuevo rostro del Perú en la década de 1980 , (Lima: CONCYTEC, n.d).
[16] According to a cable from EFE (Washington, April 17, 1990) published in El Comercio on 4/17/90. Due to the organization and internal structure of Peruvian Pentecostalism, and the vitality of both traditional and popular Catholicism, the growth of Peruvian Pentecostalism has lagged behind that of Brazil and Chile.
[17] See Ivan Vallier, Catolicismo, Control Social y Modernsización en América Latina, (Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 1970), p. 17 and footnote.
[18] Remember the polemic that was set off by the treatment J.C. Mariátegui gave to religion in his Ensayos de la realidad Peruana . (Lima: Amauta, 1975) (fifth essay) and also the discipline imposed on Leonardo Boff in Brazil for his statements regarding ecclesiogenesis, the church which is born of the people, and the theology of liberation.
[19] Orlando Costas, "La Misión y el Crecimiento Numérico de la Iglesia: Hacia una misiología de las masas y minorías," CELEP, Ensayos Ocasionales , 1976, p. 13.
[20] Otto Maduro, Religión y Conflicto Social , (Mexico: Centro de Estudios Ecuménicos - Centro de Reflexión Teológica, 1980) pp. 165-206; 1. Vallier, loc. cit.
[21] Some Pentecostal churches in Europe receive financial support from the State. Although this is not the case in Latin America, the support that General Pinochet gave to the Evangelical Church of Chile is well-documented.
[22] See Rosemary Radford Reuther, El Reino de los extremistas. La experiencia occidental del la esperanza mesiánica , (Buenos Aires: La Aurora, 1971); Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium . (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1961); George H. Williams, The Radical Reformation . (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1962).
[23] An observation made by Christian Lalive d'Epinay, El Refugio de las Masas. Estudio Sociológico de Protestantismo Chileno , (Santiago: El Pacfíco, 1968), p. 276.
[24] Growing out of the belief in the imminent arrival of the Reign of God.
[25] Christian Lalive d'Epinay, "Regimes Politiques et Millénarismo dans une Societé dépendante. Reflection á propos du Pentecostisme au Chili," Actes de la 15ème Conférence Internationale de Sociologie Religieuse , Verise, 1979.
[26] Jean-Pierre Bastian, Cristianismo y Sociedad, 1986, pp. 52-53.
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