The adorable polar bear cub that appeared in last year's ITV Dancing on Ice promo is back, but with a new partner.
The bear teams up with a squirrel for a spin around the ice. The ad was made by ITV Creative and directed by Kirk Hendry through Hush London, in collaboration with Swedish animation studio Fable.


text:
Hey! Ho! Let's Go! A Tribute to the Ramones
Hey! Ho! Let's Go! A Tribute to the Ramones is the premier Ramones tribute band in the United States
Hey! Ho! Let's Go! is the premier Ramones tribute band, formed out of a desire to honor and preserve the music and performance of one of the most influential rock n' roll bands of all time. Hey! Ho! Let's Go! accurately reproduces the pioneer nature of the Ramones experience, taking fans down memory lane with the look and the high energy and classic songs that changed Rock n' Roll forever.
Hey! Ho! Let's Go! can perform well over 60 Ramones songs from the 1st album to the last, including all of the hits.
Alan Alpert
www.heyholetsgoband.com
<# } #> Hey! Ho! Let's Go! A Tribute to the Ramones is the premier Ramones tribute band in the United States

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
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The IMT
Labour Fightback
Socialist Fightback Students
Theory & Education
Austerity threatens to unleash the power of the working class in Quebec
Joel Bergman ★ Nov 20, 2014
Philippe Couillard and the Quebec Liberal Party were elected just six months ago, but in that time, they have already trashed all of the promises that they made to Quebeckers. From an election that was won on the theme of "the economy, jobs, healthcare, and eduction," the Liberals have instead pulled out the hatchet and gone to work hacking away at pensions, healthcare, daycare, public sector jobs, and education funding. All of this is being done to tackle the $3.2-billion deficit in order to achieve "deficit-zero" by 2015-16. Anger in Quebec society is rapidly increasing as new cuts are announced, touching every aspect of life. In just a few weeks, the province has already been rocked by the two largest demonstrations since the "Quebec Spring" of 2012, with upwards of 50,000 workers and students participating in each. With the unions in the crosshairs this time around, union leaders in the province are talking about massive mobilizations and a "New Quebecois Spring" for 2015. What does this movement need to do to win?
Under the guise of "eliminating bureaucracy" and "improving service to the client", the government is proposing a series of massive changes to the networks governing many different social services in the province. These propositions would eliminate most of the local health and school boards and place them under direct control of the ministers. Under this plan, the ministers would now be able to determine budgets, staffing, and would directly appoint all local boards and managers, effectively eliminating any local control that previously existed. Under the current structure, the administrative councils of the administrative bodies in the healthcare sector generally contain elected representatives from the workers (doctors, nurses, dentists, and maintenance workers), as well as elected representatives from the community including midwives and other stakeholders. These councils, much like the elected school boards, are generally closer to the workers and the community and therefore are more prone to resist cuts.
The resistance from local boards has already been a thorn in the side of the government. The Commission scolaire de Montréal (Montreal's French-language school board) has refused to cut its budget by a further $8.6-million as demanded by the education minister, and instead will run a $29.3-million deficit for the year. The Montreal English school board has refused to cut $4-million from their $275-million budget this year and instead has chosen to run a local deficit of $5.2-million. These cuts are already on top of the $800-million in cuts that was forced on the school boards over the past five years.
We must ask ourselves, are the intentions of the Liberal government actually to improve the system, or are they more concerned with finding the necessary funds within the system to balance the budget? Daniel Boyer of the FTQ openly critiqued the new process to centralize the appointments of new boards in the hands of the premier, stating that it would "open the door to cronyism, favouritism, and friends of the Liberal Party." In a province that has been mired in corruption scandals, with the Liberal Party being in the middle of many sketchy situations, can we trust the government's intentions here?
It seems that no domain is free from the axe of the Liberal party. There have been calls from the Liberals for youth centres to trim their budgets by $20-million. This is in spite of the fact that over the past five years, the number of teenagers being helped by youth protection workers has increased by 17.3%. These proposed attacks are in addition to cuts that have already occurred. Sylvie Theoret, president of the Youth Centre Employees Union, states, "Between 2010 and 2013 there was already around $11-million in cuts alone in the Montreal youth centres."
Even public funding for the arts are coming under the hatchet. Minister of Culture, Hélène David, has stated that the network of music and drama conservatories in the province is under review. A report from the director of the conservatories in Quebec released in early October suggests closing five of the regional conservatories to deal with the $14-million deficit in their budget. The conservatories have been serving their respective regions since the 1940s and have produced some of Quebec's most well-known musicians. The outrage from the communities is starting to manifest itself with small protests in some of the regions, and one in downtown Montreal led by renowned Quebecois musician Jean François Rivest.
When we add up all of the cuts already announced, we don't get anywhere near the $3.2-billion required to reach the balanced budget desired by the government. Jeff Begley, the president of the union of health and service workers in Quebec (which represents 130,000 workers), is correctly suspicious of the government's intentions when he says, "We no longer believe the minister when he says that he won't touch services." Where will they get the rest of the money?
The labour movement promises a "New Quebecois Spring"
The frustration and anger among workers in Quebec has become increasingly noticeable. Sporadic and disconnected small strikes and demonstrations have erupted all over Quebec, led by local leaderships upset at job losses and cuts to services. The most notable example of this anger was seen when Montreal firefighters stormed Montreal City Hall to protest the cuts to municipal workers' pensions. In the last two months, the streets of Montreal have been flooded with tens of thousands of workers and students on two separate occasions. The 50,000 workers and their families who turned out for the big demonstration organized by the trade union federation on 20th September already shows that pressure is building and workers are looking for a way to fight back against the Liberal government. More recently,50,000 workers and students turned out for a demonstration in the middle of the working day on 31st October.
Responding to this pressure, labour leaders are talking tough about major confrontations in the year to come. At the big demonstration on Sep. 20, CSN president Jacques Létourneau stated,"This is a marathon not a sprint." FTQ leader Daniel Boyer promised, "It will resemble the spring of 2012,"with many people mobilized in the streets to fight against these attacks. "We will organize demonstrations. It will be a battle for public opinion. I don't know if it will be at the level of the spring of 2012, but it is going to be a hot spring and autumn of 2015,"Boyer continued.
On top of this, the student movement, which gained international attention for the "Quebec Spring" in 2012, seems to have new life breathed into it. Many students, who were somewhat depressed and disillusioned after the election of the PQ government and the subsequent indexation of tuition fees, are now regaining confidence and starting to fight once again. The aforementioned protest on Oct. 31 was, in part, organized by the ASSÉ student union to demonstrate against the "horror of austerity". In addition to the demonstration, 82,000 students also voted for strike action against the government's austerity measures. It seems as though the movement of the workers is revitalizing the students and giving them strength and confidence in the fact that they are not alone in their fight.
On top of the cuts already announced, the province's 550,000 public sector workers will see their contracts expire in March 2015, opening up negotiations with a government hell-bent on balancing the budget before all else. Thus, the government could be facing a larger social movement than even the historic 2012 protests — the key difference being that they would not be facing just the students alone. The involvement of the workers could be pivotal; unlike students, workers hold the power to bring the entire economy to a halt.
Bourgeois legality pushed to its limits
From the most radicalized sector of the movement, the municipal workers, there is talk of potential illegal strike action. Marc Ranger, the spokesperson for the Coalition for Free Negotiations (the coalition of 65,000 municipal workers), did not exclude this when he was explicitly pressed by reporters. He clearly said, "I would call it a huge 24 hours of mobilizations. It doesn't have the word 'strike' there, but the results will be the same."
On top of this, at the end of October, the blue collar workers in Quebec City voted for illegal strike action to fight back against cuts to their pensions. This union, which represents 1,200 workers, has a contract which does not expire until 2018, meaning that technically they do not have the right to go on strike. When pushed by reporters to clarify about the legality of this potential strike, union leader Daniel Simard stated, "Of course it is illegal. But what the government is doing is also illegal." This sort of thinking is very dangerous for the ruling class in Quebec which needs conformity to their laws, especially if they expect to push through this austerity.
But will the union leaders be prepared to go the distance? Over the past few years, the right to collective bargaining has been under continuous attack. Various levels of governments across the entire country have been systematically legislating workers back to work, sometimes even before they go on strike! Last year, this was the method that the Parti Quebecois government used to end the construction workers' strike which cost the Quebec bosses $15-million per day. On top of this, a good portion of the public sector workers have already been declared to be "essential services", de facto making it illegal for them to go out on strike.
The cost of the outcome of this movement is too high, both on the side of the bosses and on the side of the workers. A social confrontation of massive proportions is being prepared, something that seems to be understood by everyone. Even the police are expressing their unease with the situation. Police Brotherhood president, Yves Francouer, stated, "What worries me is that I see chaos coming to Quebec." In an interview on Oct. 30, when pressed about how the police would deal with the fact that the demonstration on the following day had not conformed to the anti-protest laws, Francouer stated,"Only with difficulty can we blame people for not submitting themselves to the rules when we see the government tearing up agreements. In the current context, with this government, it is difficult to say to people to respect the rules and laws."Responding to this declaration, ASSE spokespoersonCamille Godbout stated, "This proves that the austerity message touches everyone. In doing what it wants and not listening to anybody, the government will reap the wrath of the population. We are in solidarity with the workers affected by Bill 3. They are a concrete example of austerity."
Furthermore, even the police directors have voiced the problems they see latent in the situation. Recently, the ADPQ (the association of police directors) stated that they are not sure that they will be able to count on the reliability of their rank-and-file officers when another movement arises: "The experience of the 2012 maple spring is still fresh in our memories. As leaders, we have been able to count on the professionalism of our troops. But what will it be in this case? How far will things go?" The ADPQ also complained that the infamous Bill 3, which proposes cuts to 65,000 municipal workers' pensions, could create "an inevitable phenomenon of absenteeism"amongst their rank-and-file officers. And this is even before the movement has erupted! This uneasy situation shows how the balance of power is very much in favour of the working class, the vast majority of the population of the province.
This is not a normal period of negotiations between the government and the workers. In years past, the labour movement could expect to gain some concessions from government. But with the Liberals focused on fixing the financial crisis facing Quebec, the possibility of gaining concessions via the old methods is virtually nil. The government has already shown that it is willing to even use undemocratic methods, including back-to-work legislation and a wholesale attack on civil liberties, to get their measures passed. In order to win, the workers and their leaders will need to be prepared to defy the undemocratic laws imposed on them. What other option is there? It is either defy the law, or accept having your livelihood driven into the ground. These disputes have gone beyond just economic conflicts — they are fundamentally political. It is about who calls the shots in Quebec and the bosses cannot afford to lose. The result of the mass movement of 2012 was not satisfactory for the ruling class. Workers and youth still look back fondly to a moment when they forced their will on the capitalist class. But the ruling class cannot afford another humiliation; it must win.
For years, the Quebec ruling class has been pushing for a "lucid" Quebec, free from the hefty costs of funding the welfare state and costly social programs. The Liberals have made it painstakingly clear that they will do whatever it takes to find the $3.2-billion necessary to balance the budget. How many public sector jobs will be cut? How many services will be axed? But the importance of this struggle is not just to defend against immediate attacks. A victory for the Liberals will only embolden the bosses and their representatives to go further, cutting more and steamrolling any democratic rights that get in their way. But these attacks won't go away until we do away with the rotten economic system that has led to this austerity. This is why it is more important that all sectors of Quebec society that will suffer under the government's austerity — workers, students, youth, the poor — unite to form a workers' party, one that will fight for socialist policies and fight to take the power away from the bosses and their representatives.
Join the fight for socialism!


This splashback is exceptional quality, and the image is perfect. I received outstanding communication throughout the entire process. A pleasure to do business with.
The picture was of great quality and the acrylic cover was perfect.the picture arrived in perfect condition.would highly recommend.
Very pleased with the photo blind, I think you should include some simple instruction for fitting, some people would find it useful.
Recently bought a small roller blind for my daughters bedroom. We uploaded our own photo and selected a part of that image to go on the blind. It came out looking fantastic and the blind is really good quality unlike a plain one i purchased from elsewhere on the internet! From the point of order to delivery was quite a long time, but it was worth the wait. So pleased that i want to replace all my other blinds with these!
My blind arrived in good time and is beautiful. In fact I may leave it unrolled permanently.
Excellent service and very happy with product. We ordered a large poster which was first class quality and the fact that you can get any size and any subject is great. Would definitely use again.
The printed blind is good quality. For five stars I'd like clearer shipping and expected arrival dates at time of order, and the printed blind to wrap around the bottom weighted edge (which is white).
The roller blind and mechanism are of excellent quality and the blind looks superb now its installed. I was a bit surprised that there were no fixings or instructions included, but certainly wouldnt reduce my 5-star rating because of this as the blind and service are top class. Well done, Nikkel Art!
Nikkel Art produced a stunning roller blind. The blind fitted perfectly and was easy to fit.
So pleased with the splashback, taken from a picture whilst on holiday. It is a personalised touch and a reminder of our wonderful honeymoon everytime we are in the kitchen.
All I can say is WOW! The quality is superb and the printing absolutely immaculate. I really couldnt be more pleased and I cant recommend Nikkel Art highly enough. With the huge choice available, finding the perfect image was time consuming, but we found it and the resultant blind is really, seriously amazing. Customer service is great and the blind was securely packaged.
Absolutely beautiful splashback so pleased, high quality and super fast delivery, would recommend.
Nikkel Art is awesome! Buy Amazing quality products at a low price...no issues of copyright as Nikkel Art have what seems like an endless selection of vibrant HD image stock. We had an issue with our kitchen splashback and needed a sticker to go behind our tempered glass screen. We found the perfect image which was not only exactly what we were looking for but also bought our kitchen to life! Oh and its all made to measure... Thanks Nikkel Art!
I have been happy with most aspects of this product. However it took considerably longer from order to delivery than I was first told. Communication regarding the delay of the splashback would have been appreciated.
I did track my order on the website. It was left to me to contact Nikkel-art to find out that production/delivery was delayed because of public holidays.
Perhaps that aspect of your customer service could have been improved and left me fully satisfied.
Although the splash back took. Longer than expected. It was. Well. Worth the wait and a focal point in my new kitchen. Thank you!
Site easy to use,lovely roller blinds, good quality, very well packaged and easy to fit. took a few weeks to be delivered but well worth the wait.
The splash back looks really good, although it is not yet mounted on the wall. The price is excellent for what you are buying, especially as it can be something of your own choice and not box standard. The only little problem is we are owed a refund, but are still waiting for it. I expect it will be sorted very soon.
Beautiful snow scene splash back which really enhances my new kitchen. An absolute feature.
Absolutely love my splash back. Nikkel Art were very helpful and assisted in sizing my image so that it fitted into the space we had. My only down side was the length of time from order to delivery. This was apparently due to a shortage of glass. However once the glass arrived my splash back arrived in days. Very very pleased and would recommend this company.
Yes, the order was easy and took a while to deliver but thats to be expected when sent from abroad. And I too was surprised there were no fitting instructions or fixings included. Nevertheless the quality of the product is excellent and at a reasonable price. The only minor criticism is that the cherry blossom photo image is possibly too large and doesnt replicate the natural view I have from my window during the summer. If the image was slightly smaller it would appear more realistic? The cherry blossom/tree is inside my kitchen! Highly recommend.


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Home / Coast guard / Coast Guard Centre
Coast Guard Centre
The coast guard centre is made up of two centres complementing each other: the Maritime Rescue and Coordination Centre (MRCC) and the Maritime Security Centre Belgium (MIK). The MRCC can be compared to the fire and ambulance brigades on the mainland, while the MIK can be seen as the police and custom services at sea. The MIK takes charge of security at sea and ensures that legislation at sea is not violated. The MRCC is in charge of safety at sea and coordinates rescue operations.
The coast guard centre, assisted by the vessels, the helicopters and the surveillance aircraft of the coast guard partners, operates as the eyes and the ears guarding the North Sea. Radar images, nautical charts and meteorological data enable the coast guard centre's operators to watch over the North Sea and to prevent accidents.
The MIK has operators of the Navy (ministry of Defence), the Maritime and River police, Customs (FPS Finance) and Directorate - General Navigation working closely together to ensure that legislation is respected at sea as well. The MIK's operators track down illegal activities. These can range from terrorist attacks over human and drug trafficking to forbidden fishery practices and illegal oil spillages. They gather and analyze information and passes the information to the coast guard partners which can, in turn, take the necessary measures.
Organizing emergency response and relief in moments of crisis is the MRCC's responsibility. When a disaster at sea enfolds, the governor of West-Flanders province activates the North Sea Contingency Plan. Together with a specialist committee, the governor coordinates the emergency relief out of the MRCC's crisis room. Both the MRCC and the MIK have a direct radio connection to the government's emergency response centre and all units on and above the North Sea offering assistance.
The Coast Guard and the Coast Guard centre do not posess any means, but they can make use of the means of the different coastguard partners, such as Vloot (Fleet), VBZR and Ship Support, the Seakings of the ministry of Defence, the surveillance aircraft of MUMM etc. Togheter with these means, the Coast Guard centre makes up the operational part of the Coast Guard.


text:
var locate = function(arr,value){
  for(i in arr){
    if(arr[i]==value || Array.isArray(arr[i]) && locate(arr[i], value))
      return true;
  }
  return false;
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Description: in this tutorial you will learn about location designators, how to create and resolve them. You will expand a process module to make use of the location designator.
This approach may be familiar to you if you're coming from a sampling-based planning background: use the generator to get a sample (or candidate), then validate it, and repeat if the previously checked candidate was not valid.
We will now have a look at how to create and resolve location designators.
Now we'll want some code to generate a location based on a symbolic description found in a designator. There are two interfaces for resolving location designators: one analogous to action designators' (action-desig ?desig ?solution) Prolog predicate, for locations it's (desig-solution ?desig ?solution) (predicate names could've been more similar, but, oh well), the mechanism is exactly the same as for action designators. However, with Prolog rules all solutions have more or less the same priority, and if one constraint can be resolved to multiple solutions there is no way to prioritize one over the other. One use case of priorities is to always just in case check robot's current position when a pose for the robot base is being resolved: if robot's current pose is already sufficient to execute some task (location validator says :accept) this mechanism can save some time on re-positioning. In this case robot's current pose will always have higher priority over the rest of location generators. In this tutorial we will implement a custom generator function that can be prioritized. In fact, the solutions coming from Prolog predicate (desig-solution ?location-desig ?solution) are also implemented as a custom generator with priority 10. We will discuss priorities in more detail below.
The function expects a location designator as a parameter and returns a list of solutions (in this case points in the bottom left corner of the TurtleSim field: points between 0 and 3.667 in x and y). This is not accidental; if we want to register this function as a location generator (which we will do next), then we need to obey this interface. Even if we had wanted to return a single candidate, it should have been returned as a list, containing only one candidate.
One of the parameters of cram-designators:register-location-generator is a function name that we want to register. The number parameter is the priority, and it will order the calls to the generators. Lower numbers mean called earlier.
If designator contains the properties for which we are checking the generated solution and if solution is of type 3d-vector, the function will accept all the solutions that lie in the above-mentioned limits and reject everything else (NIL is equivalent to :reject for location validators).
The last function call registers our validator, validators are prioritized just as the generators.
Depending on the random number generator we will get some or none of the solutions rejected and, therefore, ⇐ number of valid solutions for our designator another-goal.
This will resolve any motion designator with properties ( (:type :going-to) (:goal some-location-designator) ) into (go-to some-location-designator) instruction.
"TurtleSim navigation invoked with motion designator `~a'."
"TurtleSim pen control invoked with motion designator `~a'."
It's the same as the other ones. If the type of ?desig is going-to, the rule applies and turtlesim-navigation gets selected.
[(TURTLE-PROCESS-MODULES) INFO] 1501153970.691: Goint to point #<3D-VECTOR (10.131428718566895d0 8.874866485595703d0 0.0d0)>.
The turtle should also have moved to somewhere in the vicinity of the top-right corner of its window.
Let's put everything we made so far together to write some high-level plans.


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Michael J. Kelloway, dit Mike Kelloway, (né le  à Glace Bay) est un homme politique canadien. Il représente la circonscription de Cape Breton—Canso depuis 2019 sous la bannière du parti libéral.

Biographie
En 2019, Kelloway se porte candidate pour le parti libéral dans Cape Breton—Canso, une circonscription que le parti tient depuis 2000. Dans une lutte serrée, il défait le conservateur Alfie MacLeod, un député provincial, et garde l'Île du Cap-Breton dans la colonne de son parti en tandem avec la victoire de Jaime Battiste dans la circonscription voisine de Sydney—Victoria.

Résultats électoraux

Références

Voir aussi
 Cape Breton—Canso

Naissance en Nouvelle-Écosse
Naissance en septembre 1970
Député du Parti libéral du Canada
Député fédéral canadien provenant de la Nouvelle-Écosse

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Gatunek: Moda, Rozrywka, Styl życia i Telezakupy.
Donna TV is a channel entirely dedicated to the world of wedding. This channel is the point of reference for all of those who are getting prepared to get married, but also for all of those who get exited about reliving or dreaming about their "perfect day". The channel was born on digital satellite TV with the name of Wedding TV on November 8, 2010, as the Italian version of the famous British TV channel Wedding TV, broadcasting in free to air mode. Donna TV can be received in the all Europe, Middle East and North Africa region, through the HOTBIRD/Eutelsat 13.0°E satellite, and viewers can receive it for free.


When international travel is your game, border crossings are one of the steps you must successfully navigate. Some crossings are easier than others, and well, the ones that aren't easy just make good stories. I have experienced a handful of these, so read on as to how I managed to get in (and out) of European and American countries and continue my travels.
Canada: This was my most recent border crossing. This past weekend, I went on a curling trip to Windsor. We crossed the Ambassador Bridge and were randomly selected to be searched, but we were recommended for passage. When we pulled into the special area for other special travelers like us, we were asked to get out of the car and then asked why we were coming to Canada. We told the officer that we were going to curl, but she asked why there was only one broom. We told her there were two others, and those were under the luggage. Next, she asked where our fourth person was (what a coincidence it was that we had a border officer who knew curling!), because there were only three of us. Our fourth was sick, so she did not come. Finally, our answers satisfied us and off we went.
Returning to the U.S. was also fun, because you have to answer a lot of silly questions like, if you have nuts or vegetables or meat with you. The U.S. can be quite particular about those types of things!
Germany/Austria: Traveling in and out of these countries was never a problem. Saying I was going to school there was always a satisfactory answer.
Italy: My passport was checked many times on my overnight train from Salzburg to Venice. This wouldn't have been so scary if it wasn't for the Mongolians riding in the same compartment as us who required many minutes of the border officials' time. In the end, everything was fine.
Romania: Traveling into Romania also was not a problem because it is a member of the EU and Schengen, so the border are open to all people inside the EU. The same goes for my travels to Italy, Greece, Slovenia, Slovakia and the Netherlands.
Hungary: Although Hungary is an EU member, it really isn't too friendly with its eastern neighbor, Romania. Therefore, there is a border control. We were driving from Romania to Austria, and the Hungarians were a bit curious as to why there was an American with four Romanians. We were told to get out of the car and they were going to search everything. And they did. This was much scarier than Canada, mostly because I had no idea what was being said, nor was I ever addressed. It should also be noted here that my friend's father told the Hungarian border officials that if they needed any of the wine and cigarettes we were taking to Austria, they could help themselves.
England: England, although is it a part of a EU country, does not partake in Schengen, which gives all member states open borders. The official there was really perplexed as to why an American was on an EU flight (I flew from Salzburg to London). The questioning progressed to the paperwork I had to fill out, where I had accidentally left one line blank. The official kept asking me where I was staying, and I kept saying the name of the hostel. Never once did he say to me that I had left the city off my address for the hostel, which is what he was asking for. This was only cleared up once I showed him on the city map where the hostel was located.
Ireland: I was required to get a free visa upon entering the country. All it was, was a stamp in my passport. No problems there.
Croatia: Croatia is outside of the EU, so this required a bit more of a border control. Going into Croatia was not exceptionally tight, mostly because the officers were more concerned with the Serbs in my compartment than me. Leaving Croatia was not so fun. First, it was the middle of the night. Second, there were more Serbs. Thirdly, my name was read (and spelled) over the speaker announcing my departure. Fourthly, I was asked why I was traveling from Croatia and where I was going and that I was alone and in Croatia.
Bosnia and Herzegovina: Bosnia conveniently cuts Croatia into two pieces, albeit one very large piece and one very small piece. This means that if you are traveling to Dubrovnik, in southern Croatia, then you must go through Bosnia. On the way to Dubrovnik, my passport was casually glanced at. On the way back up to northern Croatia, all I had to do was hold up my passport.
Mexico: I went to Mexico before passports were required, so anything that I remembered from that experience really would not be helpful now. I am sure that security is quite ample.
This entry was posted in Europe, North America, Travel Narrative and tagged Border crossings. Bookmark the permalink.


When your child gets a cold, you want to do everything possible to help banish the coughs, sniffles and sneezes. But common cold-busting strategies — like over-the-counter medications — may not be all that helpful.
In fact, new research published in the medical journal BMJ found decongestants should not be given to children under 6, and they should be given with caution in children under 12. The medical experts who published the review of cold remedies say not only is there no evidence decongestants are helpful when it comes to relieving kids' cold symptoms, but it's unclear whether the medications are even safe.
"In general, we now do not recommend cold medications to young children, as they are not very effective," says Dr. Joel Warsh of Integrative Pediatrics and Medicine Studio City. Warsh, who was not involved with the study, says cold medications can cause diarrhea, constipation, abdominal pain, lethargy and headaches — additional symptoms you don't want your little one to endure.
We turned to pediatricians to get their takes on the findings in this new medical research on cold medications, and also asked them about better ways to treat your child's cold.
First, why do kids catch so many colds?
You're not imagining it if it seems as though your kids are sick every other week.
Children have young immune systems and have not been exposed to a lot of cold viruses in their lifetimes, explains Dr. Jonathen Bartholomew, a pediatrician with Utah Valley Pediatrics.
"For this reason, they seem to 'catch' everything," he explains. Young children, especially, may catch 10 to 12 colds or more a year.
"Each viral illness lasts about two weeks, so this means they may be sick up to 24 weeks out of the year," Bartholomew says.
Children are more prone to catch illnesses if they spend time with large groups of other children at daycares or schools. Bartholemew notes, however, that good handwashing can help reduce the spread of illness.
What medications don't work or are harmful to kids?
You should pass on the decongestants when you're treating your child's cold, say the pediatricians we interviewed and the medical researchers. While kids 6 and older may be able to take decongestants, it's worth noting that there's no clear evidence they actually work and it's a good idea to consult with your pediatrician before going this route.
While it may be tempting to grab for medications promising "quick relief," the researchers involved in the BMJ review go on to explain there is no evidence decongestants relieve stuffy or runny noses. Because there have not been trials involving children and the cold medications, it's unclear whether decongestants are effective, according to the journal article.
Decongestants, or medicines containing an antihistamine, cause concerns because they are not proven to be effective and because they can cause adverse side effects in kids. These include drowsiness and upset stomach. The BMJ findings say that side effects are even more harmful for children under age 2, as they may include convulsions, rapid heart rates and death.
Other commonly used over-the-counter and home treatments, such as eucalyptus oil, vapor rubs or echinacea, are not proven to be effective treatments for kids. According to the researchers, though, they are not dangerous.
What's the best way to treat kids' colds?
So, how can you help your little ones feel better?
We hate to be bearers of bad news, but medical experts say you should skip the medications and let the cold run its course. While distressing, symptoms should clear up within a week to 10 days.
There are, however, a few safe ways to lessen your child's cold symptoms.
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration says that acetaminophen or ibuprofen can act as alternatives to cold medications. They help reduce fever, aches and pains.
Acetaminophen (Tylenol) is safe from infancy, explains Dr. Joseph Hershkop, a pediatrician with Utah Valley Pediatrics, and can typically be administered to babies starting at 2 months. Ibuprofen (Motrin), he says, can be given safely after babies are 6 months old.
He notes that in terms of medication for congestion, coughing and breaking up mucus, there are no great options for younger children.
"We generally recommend a humidifier to help break up mucus in younger children," Hershkop says.
While saline nasal irrigations or drops can be used safely, they may not bring about much relief, according to the review in BMJ. For infants less than a year old, the FDA also recommends nasal suctioning with a bulb syringe, with or without saline nose drops.
You can sometimes use diphenhydramine (Benadryl) to dry up mucus, Hershkop says. He adds that you should ask your doctor for dosing instructions since amounts are weight-based in younger children.
The bottom line? It's best to have a conversation with your pediatrician about how to treat your child's cold and what can be done to relieve symptoms.
SHARE Are Cold Medications Harmful For Young Children?
Sick child boy laying in bed and mom hand taking temperature. Mother checking temperature of her sick son. Sick child with fever and illness in bed at home.


Two new animal ordinances were passed and enacted by the Contra Costa Board of Supervisors on May 17, 2011. These spay/neuter and microchip ordinances will become effective September 17, 2011.
In summary, Ordinance 2011-08 (Spaying and Neutering Impounded Dogs Prior to Release) amends Chapter 416-8 of the County Ordinance Code to require all unlicensed, unaltered dogs be spayed or neutered prior to their release from their first impoundment. The Code requires all licensed, unaltered dogs be spayed or neutered prior to their release the second time they are impounded within a three-year period. To view the entire ordinance, click here.
Ordinance 2011-09 (Microchipping Impounded Dogs and Cats Before Release) amends Chapter 416-8 of the County Ordinance Code to require that all dogs and cats impounded under Section 416-8.002 and placed in the Animal Service shelters be implanted with microchip identification at the time of their release from impoundment. To view the entire ordinance, click here.
Below you will find links to a municipal code website where you can access free information pertaining to animal laws in Contra Costa County. These sections include information on dangerous and potentially dangerous animals, licensing, impoundments, rabies control, and many other County animal laws.


text:
Opening the Door to the Far Right
International Relations, Social Movements • September 8, 2018 • Petter Nilsson
The sociologist Walter Korpi once quipped that "the revolution will not come to Sweden through armed struggle but by consulting all concerned parties." He meant to suggest that nothing in Sweden is done hastily or unilaterally, but only through due process and consensus. For a long time, this held true. Sweden has had long periods of stability, mostly ruled by the Social Democratic Party (SAP) mounting gradual reforms.
Supporters of the Neo-Nazi Nordic Resistance Movement during a demonstration in Stockholm, August 2018.
But Sunday's election suggests a different picture. Amid the decline of the center-left and the rise of the far-right Sweden Democrats, no party or coalition can expect to win a majority. The vote will likely be followed by days of frantic maneuvering to construct a stable government that can limit far-right influence.
For the last four years, Sweden has been governed by a minority coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens, which has depended on the Left Party's external support to help pass its budgets. But the long-term tendencies that produced this weak administration have deepened further.
This is particularly shown by the current electoral campaign's focus on immigration, a once-minor issue that is now top of the agenda after health care and education. Its prominence has grown in recent years, as deeper transformations in Sweden's welfare state helped destabilize its political order.
Long one of the world's most equal countries, Sweden now has one of the fastest-growing class divides of any industrialized state. It has hardly been the greatest victim of the crisis; overall, growth is still good, and Sweden still has better welfare than most.
Yet recent transformations mean that sections of the working class, especially in rural areas, have a distinct sense of being left behind. They have increasingly turned toward far-right populism, directing their anger not toward class politics but against immigrants and "the establishment."
Far-Right Breakthroughs
Sweden's current instability is driven by the long-term decline of the Social Democrats and the simultaneous rise of the far-right Sweden Democrats. This is a relatively new landscape in a country where the SAP's hold on government, whether alone or in coalition, has only been broken on a few occasions over the last century.
But the SAP is no longer a safe bet to be Sweden's biggest party. After hitting record lows in recent elections, the once-dominant SAP seems set for an even weaker tally in Sunday's vote. If its 24 per cent poll score translated into reality, this would be its lowest score since it first stood for election in 1911.
The main rival to the SAP and its allies is the center-right coalition, built around the Moderate Party. This latter party is likewise polling below its previous election result and currently stands at 19 per cent. Its coalition also includes the Liberal People's Party (polling around 5 per cent), the "family values" Christian Democrats (4 per cent) and the Center Party (9 per cent), which is running on a pro-business, pro-migration platform.
But the most decisive change is the rise of the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats, at 21 per cent in the polls threatening to become the second-biggest party. These reformed fascists have dispensed with their uniformed parades, their skinheads, and any (explicit) talk of inferior races. When the party's current leader Jimmie Åkesson joined in 1995 it was still part of a broader neo-Nazi movement, but under his leadership it has rebranded itself as a populist anti-immigration and anti-establishment movement.
In earlier contests, the Sweden Democrats only won the fringe 5 per cent who had voted for previous populist experiments – mostly older people from the rural south who have a tradition of xenophobia and Nazi collaborationism. However, as the party toned down its aggressive rhetoric on race, it came to focus on a nostalgic vision of the past where welfare was stronger and the population was (supposedly) ethnically and culturally homogeneous.
Albeit in different versions, all parties share some version of this story. The far right has made inroads because notable sections of the population, particularly blue-collar workers, have felt their conditions worsening. Telling is the case of the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO). It is still politically tied to the SAP, but less than 40 per cent of its members today back that party. Meanwhile the Sweden Democrats vote among LO members has soared to 25 per cent. The union is considering breaking its links with the SAP.
The party's weakened hold over its blue-collar base owes to the regression it has overseen in office. If in 1980 Sweden's leading CEOs had an average income 4.9 times that of an average industrial worker, in 2016 it was 54 times larger. Since the 1990s welfare services and public spending have become an ever-smaller percentage of GDP. Already-vulnerable sectors of the population have been hit hardest; the level of relative poverty among the unemployed tripled from 10 per cent in 2004 to 30 per cent in 2012.
This reverse redistribution of wealth is particularly notable in rural areas. Since 1980 half of Sweden's 290 municipalities have in fact seen their population decline as people were forced to move to the cities to seek employment. Welfare services have followed the same trajectory. While in 2000 forty thousand Swedes had more than ten kilometers to the nearest maternity ward, in 2017 it had near-doubled to seventy-five thousand. After marketization, some small towns are now sixty kilometers from the nearest pharmacy.
If the Sweden Democrats have made inroads among all layers of the population, their typical voter is the rural male, without secondary or tertiary education. But if the party offers such voters the opportunity to make an identitarian protest, its success especially owes to the fact that it has recast its xenophobic agenda as a defense of the welfare state created by the SAP in decades past. The Sweden Democrats are today the main force exploiting the weakness of the long-dominant center-left.
Left-wing alternatives to the SAP are in a less promising position. The Green Party has been weakened after being part of a "red-green" government that has failed to close coal plants, shut down airports, or even halt construction of new superhighways. The morale of this pro-immigrant party was hit especially hard in 2015 when the government it supports introduced a cap on migration; some MPs have quit and the party is barely polling above the 4 per cent threshold to enter parliament.
Rather better is the situation of the Left Party, which is not part of the red-green government but did vote in favor of its budget. It looks set for one of its best-ever results, polling at over 10 per cent despite rarely having gone far above 5 per cent over most of its hundred-year history. However, overall it seems that the far right will enjoy the greatest breakthroughs in Sunday's vote.
Polls can be misleading – it is still possible that the current SAP-Green coalition can eke out a majority. It looks more likely that these parties will again form the biggest minority bloc at around 40 per cent, but with the Sweden Democrats becoming kingmaker. The composition of the new government will then turn on whether or not the current alliance of center-right parties would be comfortable relying on the Sweden Democrats' passive support, and what the far-right party would want to trade for this.
Indeed, this gridlock existed already after the last election in 2014. On that occasion, the parties agreed that the biggest single bloc in parliament – even if lacking 50 per cent support – would be allowed to pass its budget. This agreement was possible because the Sweden Democrats were still considered beyond the pale, which meant that the center-right coalition would either have to take them on board or force a new election – both of would probably have lost them votes. Yet the agreement came under heavy criticism from sections of the Right and appears unlikely to be repeated.
After the September 9 election everything points to a free-for-all in which any coalition is possible. The center-right Moderates and the smaller Christian Democrats have stated that they are prepared to rule with the Sweden Democrats' passive support. The cordon sanitaire against the far-right party has already been broken in some municipalities, where center-right coalitions have passed their budgets with the Sweden Democrats' help.
The other small center-right parties have proudly insisted that they will never negotiate with the Sweden Democrats – but have also claimed that they want a government of the center-right, which is currently impossible unless they can indeed count on the far-right party's passive support.
This instability owes to the absence of a stable "historic bloc" – that is, a combination of social forces, institutions, and organizations able to lay the basis for a sustainable political hegemony, in the manner of the SAP's own domination dating back to the early twentieth century. This was rooted in a longstanding farmer-labour alliance which in turn included the middle classes in a broad compromise around universal welfare.
The consensus characterized Sweden across most of the last hundred years. Even challengers to SAP hegemony claimed to embody a "truer and better social democracy"; the center-right Moderates labeled themselves "the new workers' party," much as the Sweden Democrats today claim to continue the legacy of the classical SAP leaders. Still now, no party or coalition has been able to replace the stable hegemonic position that the SAP once enjoyed.
A False Dilemma
This crisis of social-democratic hegemony is closely connected to the role played in this election by the so-called "progressives' dilemma," which asks us to choose between accepting immigrants and providing universal welfare. While the Sweden Democrats tell us that any immigration is an impossible burden on the welfare state, the neoliberal center advocates open borders so long as wages and welfare are cut to a level that can accommodate this. These apparent opposites in fact both feed the perception that immigration and welfare inevitably make up a zero-sum game. All the other parties line up at some point on this spectrum.
One cannot deny that the large-scale arrival of refugees with relatively low skill and educational levels, with a major spike in 2014 and 2015 with 80,000 and 160,000 arrivals respectively, represents a challenge for the type of high-productivity labour market that characterizes Sweden. Indeed, it is this high productivity which has allowed Sweden to maintain decent levels of real wages and welfare even with an increase in unemployment in recent decades.
For a period, the influx of large numbers of migrants could indeed create a strain on labour-market institutions, from Swedish-language classes to municipal employment offices and vocational training for migrants. But investment in these sectors could shorten this transition period and potentially also address the demographic problem posed by Sweden's ever-larger numbers of pensioners.
Sweden needs to restructure its economy to phase out its dependency on fossil fuels and it will also need public sector workers to care for an ageing population. These aims require major investment and could form the basis of an active program to maintain high levels of migration while offsetting its short-term costs. In strictly economic terms, migration entails short-term costs and long-term benefits; investment thus needs to be targeted toward minimizing the "costs" period.
The Rehn-Meidner model devised by the unions the 1950s, which provided the basis for an active labour-market policy, was constructed to do just this (although the people being retrained back then were native Swedes hit by restructuring). This model is based on high minimum wages, which pushes low-productivity firms into bankruptcy and thereby releases capital and labour to be transferred to high-productivity sectors.
This demands that vocational training prepares workers for their new positions and that welfare levels are kept high to offset the consequences of letting industries go under. Given that the overall numbers of refugees are at historic highs, the Left needs to formulate just this kind of offensive program in order to be able to accept refugees while also strengthening labour-movement solidarity and organization.
Regrettably, the SAP has not addressed the recent spike in migration in these terms. Only the Left Party has argued that mass investment in education and welfare reforms can help make high levels of immigration sustainable, while also avoiding any downward pressure on wages as a result of an influx of people with a weak labour-market position.
But the fact that the Left Party has already signed on to the national budgetary restraints – which set limits for both the public deficit and government spending each financial year – make it harder for it to credibly argue that it could release the funds to make the investments necessary to managing these effects.
As well as submitting to budgetary restraints the government has also been unwilling to accept that we are in the first stages of a future characterized by large-scale migration. Its only remaining possibility has thus been to argue that nothing can be done, except close the borders and grant temporary residence permits to those refugees who have already arrived.
Hence even after the prime minister declared the spike in refugee numbers "a national crisis," his government made no attempts to counter this with the funds that would have been necessary for a progressive response to this "crisis." There is little comfort to be found in the fact that most European countries did even less.
Model Student
The chairperson of the Center for Marxist Social Studies has aptly characterized the Left Party as a force that has far too long aimed to be a sort of model student – diligent, upstanding, and polite in public discourse – while giving up on its role as the rebellious student who resists authority. Today it is perceived as part of the establishment, in a time of widespread anti-establishment sentiments. Eager to prove its capability in government, the Left has boasted that its budget is "financially sound," its MPs are "respectable," and its policies are well in line with the liberal consensus.
The respectable center-right never criticizes the Sweden Democrats without also taking a swipe at the Left Party, painting them as equally bad extremes. The Left Party has reacted defensively to this, for instance falling quiet on its criticisms of the European Union, an issue today associated with the far right. The same goes for the discussion on immigration; the party has rightly argued that the public debate has been too skewed toward anti-immigration sentiments but has been slow about highlighting the strategic issues associated with maintaining public support for high levels of migration.
In a period when growing class differences and welfare cutbacks have fed resentment against the political establishment, the Left has been less able or willing than the populist far right to capitalize on this discontent. Growing class divides have caused a fall in real wages among the lower strata of the workforce and hit the unemployed even harder. Strongest in rural areas, this phenomenon creates a strong material base for resentment against "the establishment," i.e. politicians and the upper-middle classes, rich in cultural capital, who mainly live in the big cities and have most benefitted financially in recent decades.
This has allowed the Sweden Democrats to make a rapid advance among these layers, especially low-skilled male workers. Alt-right media is also growing: some of the most popular websites now outcompete the largest national newspapers. Many rural voters get some or most of their news coverage from anti-immigrant propaganda.
This is not at all an argument for the Left to adopt a narrative similar to the populist far right. Rather, it needs to actively combat the far right's rise by providing its own vision and practical solutions to these same groups of voters. The recent successes for the Left Party partly owe to its ability to present itself as an unwavering force, which does more than just tail media debates. For all its weaknesses, its fastidiousness and stability have earned it respect and made it something of a second home for disgruntled SAP voters.
The Left Party's possible record result on Sunday highlights its potential if it can speak to the disappointment, rage, and distrust that have led so many SAP supporters and union members to turn to the Sweden Democrats. That party's anti-immigration policies are supplemented by an anti-establishment veneer and a promise to return to a mythical version of the 1950s welfare state. Yet this masks the basic fact that the party espouses typical right-wing economic policies, from lower taxes to deregulated labour laws and the privatization of welfare services. The Left must present a more radical alternative.
The SAP itself seems lethargic. The Third Way centrism on which it embarked in the 1980s has – like in most countries – left it a pale shadow of its former self, in terms of membership, voters, or vision. But as a historically strong party in a relatively equal society, it remains a major force, even after decades of backsliding. And its situation is not all bad. Perhaps surprisingly in light of the election debate, most Swedes are still positive about immigration. According to a recent European Commission study, overall Sweden has the most positive attitude toward immigration of any EU country, and there is a rock-solid support for a welfare state funded through high taxation.
The problem is that the SAP no longer has a political project able to answer the challenges of the time. Whatever its limits, Swedish social democracy's modernist agenda of creating an equal society once represented an unparalleled success story. Yet this is no longer the case. Over the last few weeks the SAP has at least put forward some proposals serving the needs of working-class Swedes, including an extra week of vacation for families with young children and talk of increasing taxes on high income earners. Yet the party is falling far short of galvanizing its historic base behind an ambitious vision of progress.
Disorder Under Heaven
Looking at the disorder in Swedish politics, one might remember Chairman Mao's famous dictum "There is great disorder under heaven; the situation is excellent." Such optimism seems unjustified in the current context. Sunday's election is more unpredictable than Swedes are used to, but it does not bode well. The Left Party's growth is a positive sign, but not enough to counter the overall negative tendencies visible in the rise of the far right.
The most likely outcomes are a conservative government that buys passive support from xenophobes or a grand coalition of the SAP and one or more of the center-right parties, invoking the need to take responsibility for Sweden amid dire times. Neither will be able to meet the major challenges of the coming decades, namely the need to rebuild a strong welfare state whilst accommodating rising numbers of migrants and taking serious measures to counter climate change.
Neither of these goals can be pitched into the future, and they are tied to each other in the sense that climate refugees will in future represent the largest numbers of migrants. Equally, only a strong universal welfare state can maintain the political legitimacy that is needed if the workforce is to accept the retraining that a massive green restructuring program will at least initially entail.
There is no question that the Left should be in the front of internationalist solidarity accepting both refugees and migrants. But the Left also has to show that this will not act against the long-term interest of the already-settled working classes. This strategic plan needs to be fleshed out quickly, stopping the European left's slide toward a defeatist realism that defends the closing of the borders. The brutal treatment of migrants urgently needs highlighting. But it is also true that just repeating the slogan "no borders, no nations" is not enough to actually get rid of either borders or nations; the Left also needs to organize a political basis for this to be achieved.
The liberal parties' supposed defense of migration has hardly lived up to its reputation, as respectable centrist and center-right parties today consider governing with support from the far right. Sweden does not yet face the dramas of some European countries – for example, it is still unthinkable that the Sweden Democrats could join the government. But in playing to the seeming growth of anti-immigrant sentiments, almost all parties have echoed this far-right force's essential message that the welfare state is descending into chaos because of cultural conflicts.
The situation calls for a Left that can advance a grand vision to meet these challenges, and use them as levers for investment in infrastructure, education, and welfare. This Left has to be seen as – and actually be – an anti-establishment social movement that speaks to the fears and discontent of the people that have seen their social situation decline during the years of welfare rollbacks while the amount of dollar millionaires in Sweden has reached record highs. If the Left is unable to explain the material factors driving this process, a scapegoat will be found in migrants and especially people of color.
The answer to this is not simply to identify which voters are and are not personally racists and anathemize them on this basis. As individuals they may be many different things; the question is which of these sentiments find a politically organized outlet, and what can be done to break their influence. Swedes still care more about equality and the public sector than they worry about immigration, but if they sense that center-left and center-right are aligned on the major issues, they will indeed vote on migration and for the party that seems to represent something different: the Sweden Democrats.
At the same time, we can also see the bases of a potential coalition between blue-collar workers and the increasingly proletarianized middle classes. The situation is far from hopeless; there are millions of Swedes looking for a political voice based on a strong welfare state and the defense of equality. They'll still be looking for that, even after Sunday's result. The hope for Sweden's future lies in galvanizing them into a progressive political project. •
This article first published on the Jacobinmag.com website.
Petter Nilsson is a member of the Center for Marxist Social Studies and works for the Left Party in Stockholm.
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Angela Merkel speaks straight out of the playbook of Marine Le Pen
Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany in addressing delegates attending the congress of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) to present her bid to be re-elected as leader of the CDU publicly stated her position on Muslims in Germany that was straight out of the play book of Marine Le Pen. Merkel is reported as stating as follows: "German law takes precedence over sharia." "The full face veil must be banned wherever legally possible." "Here in Germany the laws of our country are applied to everyone without any exception." On the 2015 flood of refugees to Germany Merkel states: "We have repeatedly stated that that situation that occurred in late summer, 2015, cannot, should not, and will not be repeated." Merkel is then embracing the extremist fringe in an attempt to win votes and appeal to the mood she perceives a significant number of German voters are in whilst continuing to attack the extremists in a necessary attempt to differentiate herself from them even though she has publicly embraced the discourse of the extremists. Merkel is then granting legitimacy to extremist discourse whilst insisting that she is not extremist and worthy of trust by the electorate so you can eat your cake and have your legitimate extremism also. Extremism has now gone mainstream as the lapdogs of globalised neo-liberalism especially of the financial markets have now embraced extremism in a calculated bid to rescue the neo-liberal hegemony from assault from the lunatic fringes of the left and right. The lesson in this is that the servants of neo-liberalism will embrace all political discourses of whatever pedigree in its imperative to preserve the hegemony of the neo-liberal project just watch Trump as he performs his three card shell game. So much for the democracy project. It is now apparent that Marine Le Pen is the discursive agent targeted to have her public discourse hijacked and used as a weapon against her by the legitimate mainstream right wing of EU politics as it flirts with the extremism it publicly condemns to disarm her discourse and render her impotent in the electoral politics of France and the EU. This has to be neutralised with an effective counter assault that goes to the heart of the neo-liberal agenda and its impact on the quality of life of the overwhelming majority of French and EU citizens.
https://www.rt.com/news/369368-merkel-germany-burka-ban/
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text:
Q: Hibernate Search in Spring Boot integration test problem I'm using Spring Boot 2.1.0.RELEASE and Hibernate Search 5.10.8.Final.
I have a problem with Hibernate Search in my integration test in Spring Boot.
Integration test
@RunWith(SpringRunner.class)
@SpringBootTest(webEnvironment = SpringBootTest.WebEnvironment.RANDOM_PORT)
@DirtiesContext(classMode = DirtiesContext.ClassMode.BEFORE_EACH_TEST_METHOD)
@TestPropertySource(locations = "classpath:application-test.properties")
public class FindBookE2ETest {

    private String HTTP_LOCALHOST = "http://localhost:";

    @LocalServerPort
    private int port;

    @Autowired
    private TestRestTemplate restTemplate;

    @Test
    @Sql({"/book/book.sql"})
    public void findBookByLanguageTest() {
        ResponseEntity<List<BookDTO>> exchange = restTemplate.exchange(HTTP_LOCALHOST + port + "/findBooks/ENG/language", HttpMethod.GET, null, new ParameterizedTypeReference<List<BookDTO>>() {});
        assertThat(exchange.getStatusCode().value()).isEqualTo(HttpStatus.OK.value());
        assertThat(exchange.getBody()).isNotNull();
        assertThat(exchange.getBody().get(0).getLanguage()).isEqualTo("ENG");
    }
}

In classpath:application-test.properties I have only spring.datasource.initialization-mode=never
Implementation of Hibernate Search
@Transactional
@Service("bookService")
public class BookServiceImpl implements BookService {

    @Autowired
    private BookRepository bookRepository;

    @PersistenceContext
    private EntityManager entityManager;

     private List<Book> searchBookByLanguage(String value) {
        List<Book> booksByLanguages = bookRepository.findBooksByLanguages(value); //for debug test purpose
        System.out.println("book from repo: " + booksByLanguages.size()); //for debug test purpose

        FullTextEntityManager fullTextEntityManager = Search.getFullTextEntityManager(entityManager);
        QueryBuilder queryBuilder = fullTextEntityManager.getSearchFactory()
                .buildQueryBuilder()
                .forEntity(Book.class)
                .get();

        Query luceneQuery = queryBuilder
                .keyword()
                .onFields("language")
                .matching(value)
                .createQuery();
        FullTextQuery jpaQuery = fullTextEntityManager.createFullTextQuery(luceneQuery, Book.class);
        List<Book>  resultList = jpaQuery.getResultList();
        return resultList;
    }

    ///rest of the code
}

Under src/main/resource I have data.sql file. Under test/resource I have sql files for each tests.
My problem is that.
When I run whole application everything works ok, but in integration test no. In findBookByLanguageTest() hibernate search does not return any values (bookRepository.findBooksByLanguages() returns) and I do not why. Maybe there is configuration problem?
I commented spring.datasource.initialization-mode=never in test properties and I got error that sql script in my test can not insert data because  (I do not know why) Spring get data from data.sql under src/main/reource/data.sql but this file is not in "test" section. So I commented sql annotation above my test as well so with this configuration:
#spring.datasource.initialization-mode=never in classpath:application-test.properties
and
    @Test
//    @Sql({"/book/book.sql"})
    public void findBookByLanguageTest() {
        ResponseEntity<List<BookDTO>> exchange = restTemplate.exchange(HTTP_LOCALHOST + port + "/findBooks/ENG/language", HttpMethod.GET, null, new ParameterizedTypeReference<List<BookDTO>>() {});
        assertThat(exchange.getStatusCode().value()).isEqualTo(HttpStatus.OK.value());
        assertThat(exchange.getBody()).isNotNull();
        assertThat(exchange.getBody().get(0).getLanguage()).isEqualTo("ENG");
    }

my test is working.
Someone knows what is the problem with my configuration? I want to separate my tests from data.sql and to have sql script for each test.
Maybe there is a problem with EntityManager?
**** Edit after @yrodiere response ****
I modified my FindBookE2ETest and now it looks like this
@RunWith(SpringRunner.class)
@SpringBootTest(webEnvironment = SpringBootTest.WebEnvironment.RANDOM_PORT)
@DirtiesContext(classMode = DirtiesContext.ClassMode.BEFORE_EACH_TEST_METHOD)
@TestPropertySource(locations = "classpath:application-test.properties")
public class FindBookE2ETest {

    private String HTTP_LOCALHOST = "http://localhost:";

    @LocalServerPort
    private int port;

    @Autowired
    private TestRestTemplate restTemplate;

    @Autowired
    private EntityManager entityManager;

    @Before
    public void setUp(){
        entityManager = entityManager.getEntityManagerFactory().createEntityManager();
    }

    @Test
    @Sql({"/book/book.sql"})
    public void findBookByLanguageTest() {
        FullTextEntityManager fullTextEntityManager = Search.getFullTextEntityManager(entityManager);
        fullTextEntityManager.createIndexer().startAndWait();

        ResponseEntity<List<BookDTO>> exchange = restTemplate.exchange(HTTP_LOCALHOST + port + "/findBooks/ENG/language", HttpMethod.GET, null, new ParameterizedTypeReference<List<BookDTO>>() {});
        assertThat(exchange.getStatusCode().value()).isEqualTo(HttpStatus.OK.value());
        assertThat(exchange.getBody()).isNotNull();
        assertThat(exchange.getBody().get(0).getLanguage()).isEqualTo("ENG");
    }
}

Now everything is working. Thx.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
The Best Cooking Classes and Culinary Experiences in Cusco, Peru
Peruvian ceviche | © Christian Vinces / Shutterstock
Jessica Vincent
Peru, thanks to its huge range of fresh ingredients and an ever-growing number of world-class chefs, has long been recognized as South America's culinary capital. While Lima takes much of the international limelight, Cusco – with its exciting fusion of Andean ingredients and modern cooking techniques – is fast becoming Peru's second foodie hub. From hands-on cooking classes to street-food tours, here are the best culinary experiences to have in Cusco.
Cook up a market feast at TASTE Peruvian Cooking Studio
Recently opened by Christian Manrique, a chef trained at the prestigious Le Cordon Bleu Culinary Arts School, TASTE Peruvian Cooking Studio is the newest kitchen in town – but is fast becoming one of the top culinary classes in Cusco, thanks to its creative menu, small groups, and hands-on cooking.
The three-hour classes start with a tour of Cusco's most famous market, Mercado San Pedro, where you'll learn about the huge variety of exotic fruits, spices, and ancient medicinal plants, as well as the important role they play in Andean cooking. After this, you'll head to Christian's state-of-the-art cooking studio, located in a beautifully restored 200-year-old colonial home. With your stylish TASTE apron on, you'll kickstart the class with a Pisco sour making class, followed by a hands-on three-course cooking session where you'll learn to make delicious Andean/Peruvian classics with a modern twist. Expect mouthwatering dishes such as sashimi-style tiradito, quinoa-encrusted alpaca steak, and an exotic fruits parfait.
Cook up your own Andean/Peruvian three-course meal under the guidance of expert chef Christian Manrique | © Jessica Vincent
Learn to cook Andean pachamanca like a local
The pachamanca – a traditional, usually celebratory, meat-and-potatoes meal cooked under hot stones – has been a popular dish in rural Andean communities for centuries. It's even believed by locals to predate the Incas. Many of the rural communities that surround Cusco, such as in the Sacred Valley and Ausangate regions, still practice this tradition today.
Peruvian Cooking Classes have a special class running every Saturday between May and August (the pachamanca is best prepared during the dry season), where you'll be taken to a local farm near Cusco and learn to cook pachamanca like a local, from building and lighting the stone oven to marinading the alpaca meat.
Learn to make pachamanca, a pre-Incan tradition where meat and potatoes are cooked under hot stones | © Jessica Vincent
Delve deeper into Peru's cacao history with a chocolate-making class
With many of the country's cacao farms just a few hours away from the city, Cusco serves up some of Peru's highest-quality chocolate. The best way to taste it? Make your own! The ever-popular ChocoMuseu offers 40- and 90-minute classes where (as well as learning about Peru's fascinating cacao history) you'll get to prepare, mold, and decorate your very own chocolates with a range of local flavors such as chili, coca leaf, and the Andean mint, muña. The difference between the 40- and 90-minute class is that, in the longer class, you get to grind the chocolate yourself.
Make your own chocolates using Peru's best-quality cacao at ChocoMuseo | © Air Reserve Personnel Center
Learn the art of making a Peruvian ceviche
Peru is undoubtedly the king of ceviche, which is believed to have originated here: raw fish marinated in lime juice, chillies, and cilantro. Whilst it's most famous in Lima, thanks to their huge variety of fresh fish, Cusco also produces some of the world's best trout ceviche. The Ceviche Experience offers a two-hour ceviche cooking class, where, after making your own pisco sour aperitif, you'll learn to prepare trout ceviche like a pro. The best bit? You'll be sipping your pisco and marinading your trout out on their sun-drenched colonial terrace overlooking Cusco's beautiful Plaza de Armas.
Explore Cusco's best street food
Sugar-coated churros, juicy anticuchos (beef heart skewers), steaming pulled pork tamales, choclo (corn) with cheese, rocoto peppers… Cusco's streets aren't short of culinary delights, and offer the best (and cheapest!) way to get to know the most traditional local snacks. You'll see vendors all around town, but all the best treats are in and around Cusco's most famous market, Mercado San Pedro. If you're around on a Saturday and can handle an even crazier market, head to Barratillo. On the other hand, if you fancy hunting out the best food stalls in town, as well as learning more about Cusco's fascinating street-food culture, Curious Monkey Food Tours offer highly recommended street-food tours which, of course, come with plenty of tastings.
A man selling freshly made churros at Cusco's Barratillo market | © Jessica Vincent
Try fire-roasted cuy at Pachapapa
Cuy, a whole fried or roasted guinea pig, has been Peru's most popular delicacy for thousands of years – and today is a must-try for any visitor in Cusco. It's not for the fainthearted: the abnormally large cuy usually comes whole on the plate, teeth, claws, and ears included. However, if you can get past the slightly terrifying appearance, it tastes pretty good! The best place to try it is in the San Blas restaurant Pachapapa, where the guinea pig is slow-roasted in a wood-fire oven, making the skin nice and crispy.
Fried cuy | © anna mori / Shutterstock


Sodium Fluoride has been officially classed as a neurotoxin by the world's leading scientists.
Proof of how negatively fluoride can affect our health has actually been increasing at a quick rate throughout the previous few years.
Individuals are hoping that by bringing awareness to this that somehow we can get sodium fluoride removed from the world's water systems.
A big development has actually been made here just recently.
One of the worlds most prominent medical journals, The Lancet, has declared that fluoride has been at last classified as a neurotoxin, one hundred percent.
This puts it in the exact same category as things like lead, arsenic, and mercury.
This news was launched by the author Stefan Smyle who was citing a report that had been published in The Lancet Neurology.
In this report, the authors mentioned that aside from this neurotoxin, many more stay undiscovered throughout the world.
They noted that many children are now being impacted by neurodevelopmental specials needs brought on by these neurotoxins.
The research study authors have discovered that while fluoride in our water supplies, it is also found elsewhere.
Researchers discovered fluoride in highly-processed brands of tea that are grown in areas that are more than likely extremely contaminated.
The scientists note that the contamination is other products due to fluoride pollution is a major cause for concern.
Most parents have been boycotting fluoridated toothpaste entirely and are turning to natural alternatives in order to ensure their family's safety.
An excellent natural go-to brand of toothpaste is called Earthpaste for those who may not already be aware of it.
Products such as this contain zero traces of sodium fluoride making it a far safer alternative to regular toxic toothpaste.
If you can't find this brand, try reading the labels of other brands to toothpaste and mouthwashes to find one without fluoride.
Another way to free yourself from fluoridated toothpaste is by making your own.
Take a look at the video below for a guide on how to make natural fluoride-free toothpaste.
Fluoride is added to the water supply throughout North America and certain parts of Europe.
In many other nations, fluoride is strictly prohibited, however.
Because fluoride is a neurotoxin that's incredibly hazardous for our health.
Fluoride in our drinking water has been linked to various sort of cancer.
If you haven't done it already, removing the fluoride in your water is an absolute must if you want to protect yourself and keep your family healthy.
According to Dr. Mercola, aside from fluoride being a neurotoxin, there are several other reasons you should avoid it.
See the list of proven facts about fluoride below.
More people drink fluoridated water in the US alone than in the rest of the world combined.
In Western Europe, for instance, 97 percent of the population drinks non-fluoridated water.
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), there is no discernible difference in tooth decay between developed countries that fluoridate their water and those that do not.
Many assume that consuming a neurotoxin like fluoride is only an issue that involves your dental health.
But according to a 500-page scientific review, is a toxic neurotoxin.
The study found that fluoride is an endocrine disruptor that can affect your bones, brain, thyroid gland, pineal gland and even your blood sugar levels.
There have been over 34 human studies and 100 animal studies linking fluoride to brain damage, including lower IQ in children.
Fluoridation advocates often use this to support its safety.
However, naturally occurring substances are not automatically safe (think of arsenic, for instance).
Further, the fluoride added to most water supplies is not the naturally occurring variety but rather a fluorosilicic acid, which is captured in air pollution control devices of the phosphate fertilizer industry.
About 40 percent of American teens have dental fluorosis, a condition that refers to changes in the appearance of tooth enamel that are caused by long-term ingestion of fluoride during the time teeth are forming.
It's likely this is a sign that children are receiving large amounts of fluoride from multiple sources, including not only drinking water but also fluoride toothpaste, processed beverages/foods, fluoride pesticides, tea, non-stick pans and some fluorinated drugs.
So not only do we need to address the issue of water fluoridation but how this exposure is magnified by other sources of fluoride that are now common.
It can also be an indication that the rest of your body, such as your bones and internal organs, including your brain, have been overexposed to fluoride as well.
Infants who consume formula made with fluoridated tap water may consume up to 1,200 micrograms of fluoride or about 100 times more than the recommended amounts.
Such "spikes" of fluoride exposure during infancy provide no known advantage to teeth, but they do have plenty of known harmful effects.
Babies given fluoridated water in their formula are not only more likely to develop dental fluorosis, but may also have reduced IQ scores.
In fact, a Harvard University meta-analysis funded by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) concluded that children who live in areas with highly fluoridated water have "significantly lower" IQ scores than those who live in low fluoride areas.
The fluoride supplements sometimes prescribed to those who are not drinking fluoridated water have not been approved by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for the prevention of tooth decay.
In fact, the fluoride supplements that the FDA has reviewed have been rejected.
Fluoride is added to drinking water to prevent a disease (tooth decay), and as such becomes a medicine by FDA definition.
While proponents claim this is no different than adding vitamin D to milk, fluoride is not an essential nutrient.
Many European nations have rejected fluoride for the very reason that delivering medication via the water supply would be inappropriate.
Water fluoridation is a form of mass medication that denies you the right to informed consent.
It is now widely recognized that fluoride's only justifiable benefit comes from topical contact with teeth, which even the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has acknowledged.
Adding it to water and pills, which are swallowed, offers little, if any, benefit to your teeth.
Fluoride toxicity is exacerbated by conditions that occur much more frequently in low-income areas.


Osteoarthritis is the most common form of arthritis in the knee. It is a degenerative, "wear-and-tear" type of arthritis that occurs most often in people 50 years of age and older, but may occur in younger people, too.
Stage 1 (doubtful) OA; Minimum disruption. There is already 10% cartilage loss. Very likely, a person with stage 1 osteoarthritis, is not experiencing any pain or discomfort as a result of the very minor wear on the components of the joint.
Stage 2 (Mild) OA; Joint-space narrowing. The cartilage to begin breaking down. Occurrence of osteophytes. This is the stage where people may first begin experiencing symptoms. Pain after a long day of walking or running, greater stiffness in the joint when it's not used for several hours, tenderness when kneeling or bending.
Stage 3 (Moderate) OA; Moderate joint-space reduction. Gaps in the cartilage can expand until they reach the bone. People with stage 3 OA of the knee are likely experiencing frequent pain when walking, running, bending, or kneeling.


text:
Changes to the question
3 weeks in Great Britain (Edinburgh, Penrith, York, London, Cotswolds, Bath, Bristol)
In order to preserve the promise of transparency and open communication, the change log records changes to topics made by both customers and employees. Anyone can dispute a change by clicking the "Dispute" link and entering additional details.
Change in reply by Jeff to Hi Elaine,

For the requested itinerary, you would purchase the BritRail Pass. For the BritRail Pass, you would click here: https://www.raileurope.com/pass/britrail-pass-5891.

This particular pass does offer discounted rates for seniors 60 and above. To be quoted the senior rates, you would just identify yourselves as seniors when purchasing this pass on our site.

The BritRail Pass covers trains between Edinburgh, Penrith, York, stations in the Cotswolds (i.e. Stroud, Cheltenham, Moreton-in-Marsh), Bath, Bristol, and London.

For planning purposes, you can use the route search feature under 'Book Train Tickets' on our homepage (www.raileurope.com) to view schedules for these routes. When searching schedules to/from Penrith, you would need to type it as 'Penrith North Lakes. For Bath, you would type it as 'Bath Spa'. For Bristol, you would type 'Bristol Temple Meads'.

If you'll be staying in London for multiple days and using public transit to get around, you would purchase the 'Visitor Oyster Card'. Within London, the 'Visitor Oyster Card' covers the London Tube, the DLR (Docklands Light Railway), London Trams (Tramlink), National Rail, and the London Overground. For the 'Visitor Oyster Card', you would click here: https://www.raileurope.com/pass/visitor-oyster-card-8331..
Let us know why you'd like to dispute this change:
Change in reply by Jeff to Hi Elaine,

For the requested itinerary, you would purchase the BritRail Pass. For the BritRail Pass, you would click here: https://www.raileurope.com/pass/britrail-pass-5891.

This particular pass does offer discounted rates for seniors 60 and above. To be quoted the senior rates, you would just identify yourselves as seniors when purchasing this pass on our site.

The BritRail Pass covers trains between Edinburgh, Penrith, York, stations in the Cotswolds (i.e. Stroud, Cheltenham), Bath, Bristol, and London.

For planning purposes, you can use the route search feature under 'Book Train Tickets' on our homepage (www.raileurope.com) to view schedules for these routes. When searching schedules to/from Penrith, you would need to type it as 'Penrith North Lakes. For Bath, you would type it as 'Bath Spa'. For Bristol, you would type 'Bristol Temple Meads'.

If you'll be staying in London for multiple days and using public transit to get around, you would purchase the 'Visitor Oyster Card'. Within London, the 'Visitor Oyster Card' covers the London Tube, the DLR (Docklands Light Railway), London Trams (Tramlink), National Rail, and the London Overground. For the 'Visitor Oyster Card', you would click here: https://www.raileurope.com/pass/visitor-oyster-card-8331..
Change in reply by Jeff to Hi Elaine,

For the requested itinerary, you would purchase the BritRail Pass. For the BritRail Pass, you would click here: https://www.raileurope.com/pass/britrail-pass-5891.

This particular pass does offer discounted rates for seniors 60 and above. To be quoted the senior rates, you would just identify yourselves as seniors when purchasing this pass on our site.

The BritRail Pass covers trains between Edinburgh, Penrith, York, stations in the Cotswolds (i.e. Stroud, Cheltenham), Bath, Bristol, and London.

For planning purposes, you can use the route search feature under 'Book Train Tickets' on our homepage (www.raileurope.com) to view schedules for these routes. When searching schedules to/from Penrith, you would need to type it as 'Penrith North Lakes. For Bath, you would type it as 'Bath Spa'. For Bristol, you would type 'Bristol Temple Meads'.

If you'll be staying in London for multiple days and using public transit to get around, you would purchase the 'Visitor Oyster Card'. Within London, the 'Visitor Oyster Card' covers the London Tube, the DLR (Docklands Light Railway), London Trams (Tramlink), National Rail, and the London Overground. For the 'Visitor Oyster Card', you would click here: https://www.raileurope.com/pass/visitor-oyster-card-8331..
Changed title to 3 weeks in Great Britain (Edinburgh, Penrith, York, London, Cotswolds, Bath, Bristol)
Dispute this change
See all changes made to topics in this company


Does anyone know what the limit for the rear wheel bearing bores? the manual does not say I purchased a set from boss bearing and both sides slide right in. So I don't know if the bore is out of limit or the bearings are too small. I measure the OD of the new big bearing 1.550 and the ID of the hub big bore at 1.550. The small bearing OD is 1.258 and the ID of the hub small bore at 1.257. So i'm at a loss, any help would be appreciated.
You left out one of the key pieces of information.............how did the old bearings fit in the hub when you removed them?
Also be careful as there are lots of cleverly counterfeited bearings of poor quality being sold!


Ever wondered why you don't ride a motorcycle? It's not because your mom says they're dangerous. It's because no one's ever demonstrated their advantages to you in a way that matters, then offered you the one you want.


Find below the solution for Numbered rd. crossword clue. This crossword clue is part of News Day Crossword October 19 2018 Answers. We are group of friends which have worked together to solve News Day Crossword October 19 2018 Answers and decided to share all the solutions with you to help you.
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