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Home » The Choir of King's College, Cambridge » Choristers
The chorister experience is probably the best musical education available to children between the ages of 9 and 13. It also brings the benefit of skills that last a lifetime.
Being a chorister boosts confidence and teaches independence, dedication and organisation. A chorister learns both how to lead and how to work effectively in a team; skills that serve them well whatever path they choose to follow in the future.
At King's we're looking for boys in Years 2, 3 and 4 with a love of music and singing. You don't have to be a musical genius to become a chorister: we provide all the training – in singing, music theory and instrumental skills – all alongside outstanding academic tuition and a full sporting programme.
First step: get in touch
If you would like to find out more about being a Chorister at King's, get in touch with Katie Randle or ring us at King's College School on 01223 365814.
We'd be delighted to answer your questions about what's involved and to talk with you about whether the chorister experience might be right for your son and for your family.
The Choristers are all educated at King's College School, a leading co-educational prep school with 400 boys and girls aged 4–13.
Outside of school hours the Choristers rehearse and perform with the internationally renowned Choir of King's College Cambridge.
Choristers FAQs
What are you looking for in a chorister? What does the training entail? Read a selection of our frequently-asked questions.
We are always pleased to hear from parents who would like to know more about choristerships and welcome you to get in contact.
Radio to broadcast recorded version of Christmas Eve service
A recording of 2020's A Festival of Nine Lessons and Carols will be broadcast at the usual time on 24 December.
Choristers joined by The King's Singers for Carols from King's
The internationally renowned vocal group stepped in to join the choristers for the traditional Christmas celebration after adult members of the Choir tested positive for COVID-19.
King's alumnus awarded Queen's Medal for Music
Former Organ Scholar Thomas Trotter (KC 1976) becomes the sixteenth recipient of the annual award.
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Fridays in our house often involve ordering take-out tacos from our favorite local spot. I usually get a side of brussel sprouts (because of course a Brooklyn taco place has brussel sprouts!). I add them to the order partially to pretend I'm being healthy, and partially because their version is super delicious. When the brussel sprouts disappeared from the menu for awhile, I was missing them so much I decided to try and create my own at home. Somehow, my homemade attempt came out even yummier than the original! It truly lives up to the "World's Best Brussel Spouts" title. They are super crispy, a little spicy, and totally addictive. This recipe serves 4 but you might want to make double, they are that good!
Preheat oven to 400 degrees. Heat a cast iron skillet over medium heat. Trim and discard the ends of the brussel sprouts, then slice them in half. Add olive oil to the skillet. Place brussel sprouts in the skilled with the cut sides down. Add garlic. Cook for 5 minutes until the cut sides are browned. Transfer the pan to the over, and roast for 20 minutes. Whisk together the vinegar and chipotle pepper. Pour vinegar mixture over the brussel sprouts after they come out of the oven, then stir it up and top with the queso and peanuts.


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Tonawanda American Little League prides itself on teaching the fundamentals of baseball while providing a fun atmosphere for the entire family. TALL is located on Frances Dr. in the City of Tonawanda in zip code 14150, adjacent to Ives Pond Park. Partici
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Движение «Know Nothing» (варианты перевода «Ничего-не-знаю», Партия «незнаек»), формально известное как Партия коренных американцев (; тогда это понятие означало потомков первых колонистов, а не коренное население) до 1855 года и Американская партия () после 1855 года — нативистская партия и движение в США, действовавшее на национальном уровне в 1840-х и 1850-х годах, возникшее как тайное общество. Это было прежде всего антикатолическое, , , популистское и ксенофобское движение, хотя оно также занимало прогрессивные позиции по «вопросам трудовых прав, противодействия рабству, а также поддерживало «расширение прав женщин, регулирование промышленности» и меры, «направленные на улучшение положения трудящихся». Они также были предшественниками  и их нативистский дух видны как в , так и в ку-клукс-клане. Движение «незнаек» на короткое время превратилось в крупную политическую партию. Своё название приверженцы движения получили так как должны были отвечать «Я ничего не знаю» на вопросы о движении со стороны посторонних.

Сторонники движения опасались предполагаемого ими «папистского» заговора с целью подорвать гражданские и религиозные свободы в Соединённых Штатах и стремились политически организовать протестантов для защиты традиционных религиозных и политических взглядов. Движение «незнаек» запомнилось этой темой из-за опасений многих протестантов, что католические священники и епископы будут контролировать голосование избирателей-католиков. В большинстве мест движение просуществовало всего год или два, прежде чем распадалось из-за слабых и неопытных местных лидеров, отсутствия публично заявленных национальных лидеров и глубокого раскола по проблеме рабства. На Юге партия не так часто подчёркивала свой антикатолицизм, как на Севере, и подчёркивала нейтральную позицию в отношении рабства.

Крах вигов после принятия «Закона Канзаса-Небраски» создал возможности для появления новой крупной политической партии в качестве оппонента доминирующей в то время Демократической партии. Активно действуя с 1854 по 1856 год, прежде всего в штатах Новой Англии, партия стремилась свести к минимуму иммиграцию (особенно из Германии, Ирландии и других стран с преобладающим католическим населением) и усложнить натурализацию, увеличив её срок до 21 года, однако усилия «Know Nothing» не увенчались сколь-либо существенными успехами. Иногда представители партии обращались к открытому насилию против мигрантов. Кроме того, партия требовала запретить занимать любые должности в органах власти и преподавание в учебных заведениях всем лицам, которые не могли доказать своего англосаксонского (либо шотландского) происхождения, а также ограничить свободу использования других языков, кроме английского. В партии было немного видных деятелей, а её лидер Уильям Пул возглавлял одну из банд Нью-Йорка.

Движению «незнаек» на выборах 1854 года удалось избрать в Палату представителей Натаниэля П. Бэнкса из Массачусетса и нескольких других лиц, после чего и была создана новая политическая партия, известная как Американская партия. В частности, на Юге Американская партия объединила политиков, противостоящих демократам. Многие надеялись, что она найдёт «золотую середину» между прорабовладельческими позициями политиков-демократов и радикальными антирабовладельческими взглядами быстро развивающейся Республиканской партии. В 1856 году на президентских выборах Американская партия выдвинула бывшего президента-вига Милларда Филлмора, хотя тот умалчивал о своём членстве и лично воздерживался от поддержки деятельности и идеологии движения «незнаек». Филлмор получил 21,5 % голосов избирателей, финишировав позади кандидатов от демократов и республиканцев.

Партия не имела определённой позиции по проблеме рабства, которая была причиной конфликтов между членами партии; как правило, южане поддерживали рабство, северяне выступали за его отмену. Именно раскол по поводу рабства привёл партию к быстрому упадку после поражения М. Филмора на президентских выборах 1856 года и дела «Дред Скотт против Сэндфорда» в 1857 году, что вскоре вызвало фактическое прекращение деятельности Американской партии. Решение Верховного суда США узаконившее бесправное положение негров, привело к росту популярности республиканцев на Севере и ослаблению позиций «незнаек». В 1860 году остатки Американской партии в значительной степени влились в состав Партии конституционного союза и полному исчезновению партии во время Гражданской войны в США.

История
Антикатолические настроения существовали ещё в колониальной Америке, но играли второстепенную роль в американской политике до начала массовой эмиграции ирландских и немецких католиков в 1840-х годах. Первой заметной антикатолической силой в США стала созданная в Нью-Йорке в 1843 году .

Движение, создатели которого эксплуатировали существующие в то время в американском обществе страхи, что страну могут погубить иммигранты-католики, которые часто расценивались как враждебные американским ценностям и управляемые папой римским, быстро распространилось на близлежащие штаты, используя это название или «Партия коренных американцев» и его варианты. Они преуспели в ряде местных выборов и выборов в Конгресс, особенно в 1844 году в Филадельфии, где антикатолический оратор , который впоследствии стал первым евреем-конгрессменом, был избран представителем от 1-го округа Пенсильвании. В конце 1840-х и в начале 1850-х годов возникло множество тайных орденов, из которых Орден объединённых американцев () и «» () были самыми крупными. Они возникли в Нью-Йорке и быстро распространились по всему Северу, объединяя некатоликов, особенно тех, кто принадлежал к низшему среднему классу или квалифицированных рабочих. В 1852—1854 годах партия выросла в общенациональную структуру.

Название «Ничего не знаю» (как вариант «незнайки») возникло в результате полусекретной организации партии. Когда её участника спрашивали о её деятельности, он должен был ответить: «Я ничего не знаю». Посторонние насмешливо называли их «Ничего не знающие», и это название прижилось. В 1855 году «Ничего не знающие» впервые вошли в политику под лейблом «Американская партия».

Идейным организатором и первым руководителем партии был политик Льюис Левин, происходивший из семьи еврейских иммигрантов.

Основные проблемы
Иммиграция большого числа ирландских и немецких католиков в США в 1830-е—1860-е годы сделала религиозные различия между католиками и протестантами важным политическим вопросом. Время от времени вспыхивали волнения по этому поводу. Протестанты утверждали, что Папа Пий IX подавил неудавшиеся европейские революции 1848 года будучи противником свободы, демократии и республиканизма. Один бостонский пастор назвал католицизм «союзником тирании, противником материального процветания, врагом бережливости, оппонентом железных дорог, собраний и школ». Эти опасения поощряли теории заговора относительно папских намерений поработить Соединённые Штаты через продолжающийся приток католиков, контролируемых ирландскими епископами, послушными и лично назначенными Папой.

В 1849 году Чарльз Б. Аллен создал в Нью-Йорке секретное общество, связанное клятвой, «Орден звёздного знамени». На момент своего создания орден насчитывал всего 36 членов. Страх католической иммиграции привёл к недовольству Демократической партией, в руководство которой во многих городах входили католики ирландского происхождения. Активисты формировали секретные группы, согласовывая свои голоса и поддерживая кандидатов, сочувствующих их делу:

Иммиграция в течение первых пяти лет 1850-х годов увеличилась в пять раз по сравнению с десятилетием ранее. Большинство вновь прибывших были бедными крестьянами-католиками или рабочими из Ирландии и Германии, которые теснились в многоквартирных домах больших городов. Взлетели преступность и расходы на социальное обеспечение. Например, уровень преступности в Цинциннати утроился с 1846 по 1853 год, а уровень убийств увеличился в семь раз. Расходы Бостона на помощь бедным за тот же период выросли в три раза.

Подъём
Первые годы существования партии её ожидал успех. Весной 1854 года «незнайки» взяли власть в Бостоне и Салеме (Массачусетс) и ряде других городов Новой Англии. Осенью 1854 года они победили на выборах в штате Массачусетс, получив контроль над законодательным собранием, что стало их самой большой победой в истории. Кандидат вигов на пост мэра Филадельфии, редактор , был поддержан «незнайками», поскольку пообещал бороться с преступностью, закрывать салуны по воскресеньям и назначать на должности только коренных американцев. В итоге он победил с огромным успехом. В Вашингтоне (округ Колумбия) кандидат «незнаек»  победил действующего мэра , несмотря на то, что демократы, виги и фрисойлеры в столице объединились в «Партию антинезнаек» (). В Нью-Йорке кандидат «незнаек» занял третье место, набрав 26 % голосов. Успехов «незнайки» добились на выборах 1854 года в ряде штатов, в Пенсильвании, набрав 40 % голосов, Мэне, Индиане и Калифорнии, но историки не уверены в точности этой информации из-за секретности партии. «Незнайки» помогли избрать  мэром Сан-Франциско и  губернатором Калифорнии. В Конгресс как кандидат «незнаек» был избран Натаниэль Бэнкс, но через несколько месяцев он присоединился к республиканцам. Коалиция «незнаек», республиканцев и других членов Конгресса, выступавших против Демократической партии, избрала Бэнкса на должность спикера Палаты представителей.

Результаты выборов 1854 года в северных штатах были настолько благоприятны для «незнаек», до того времени неформального движения без централизованной организации, что они официально сформировались как политическая партия под названием Американская партия, которая привлекла многих членов уже почти развалившейся Партии вигов, а также значительное количество демократов. Всего за несколько месяцев 1954 года количество членов Американской партии резко увеличилось с 50 000 до примерно одного миллиона.

Историк Тайлер Анбиндер заключает:
Ключом к успеху «Know Nothing» в 1854 году стал крах второй партийной системы, вызванный, прежде всего, упадком партии вигов. Партия вигов, ослабленная в течение многих лет внутренним инакомыслием и хронической фракционностью, была почти уничтожена Законом Канзаса-Небраски. Растущие антипартийные настроения, подпитываемые настроениями против рабства, а также умеренностью и нативизмом, также способствовали распаду партийной системы. Распадающаяся вторая партийная система дала «Know Nothing» больше потенциальных новообращённых, чем было доступно предыдущим нативистским организациям, что позволило Ордену добиться успеха там, где старые нативистские группы потерпели неудачу.

В Сан-Франциско в 1854 году было основано отделение Американской партии для противодействия китайской иммиграции. В её состав вошёл судья верховного суда штата, который постановил, что ни один китаец не может давать показания в качестве свидетеля против белого человека в суде.

Весной 1855 года кандидат Американской партии Леви Бун был избран мэром Чикаго и лишил всех иммигрантов возможности работать в городе. Авраам Линкольн был категорически против принципов движения «незнаек», но не осуждал его публично, потому что ему требовались голоса сторонников движения для формирования коалиции против рабства в Иллинойсе. Огайо был единственным штатом, где партия набрала силу в 1855 году. Её успех в Огайо, похоже, был связан с привлечением на свою сторону иммигрантов, особенно немецко-американских лютеран и шотландско-ирландских пресвитериан, враждебных католицизму.

Хотя большинство новых иммигрантов проживали на Севере, негодование и гнев против них носили общенациональный характер, и Американская партия поначалу показала хорошие результаты на Юге, привлекая голоса многих бывших южных вигов. В Алабаме «незнайки» представляли собой смесь бывших вигов, недовольных демократов и других политических аутсайдеров, выступавших за государственную помощь для строительства новых железных дорог. Виргиния привлекла внимание страны во время бурных выборов губернатора в 1855 году. Демократ Генри Александр Уайз победил, убедив избирателей штата в том, что «незнайки» союзники северных аболиционистов. С победой Уайза движение «незнаек» на Юге начало терять популярность.

Партия быстро приобрела широкую, но, как вскоре выяснилось, непродолжительную популярность. Нативизм стал новой американской модой: появились конфеты «Know Nothing», чай «Know Nothing» и зубочистки «Know Nothing». Дилижансы получили прозвище «Know Nothing». В Трескотте (штат Мэн) судовладелец назвал своё новое 700-тонное грузовое судно «Know Nothing». Одновременно партия иногда упоминалась в слегка уничижительном сокращении, «Knism».

Руководство и законодательство
Историк Джон Малкерн исследовал успех партии в стремлении к почти полному контролю над законодательным собранием Массачусетса после убедительной победы в 1854 году. Он считает, что новая партия была популистской и в высшей степени демократичной, враждебно настроенной по отношению к богатству, элите и опыту, и глубоко подозрительно относилась к посторонним, особенно католикам. Избиратели новой партии были сосредоточены в быстрорастущих промышленных городах, где рабочие-янки столкнулись с прямой конкуренцией с иммигрантами, по преимуществу ирландскими. В то время как Партия вигов была самой сильной в районах с высоким доходом, электорат «незнаек» лидировала в бедных районах. Они изгнали традиционное закрытое политическое руководство высшего класса, особенно юристов и торговцев. Вместо них они избрали рабочих, фермеров и большое количество учителей и пасторов. На смену элите пришли небогатые люди, которые редко владели недвижимостью на $10 000.

В национальном масштабе новое партийное руководство имелло средние доходы, род занятий и социальный статус. Согласно подробным историческим исследованиям некогда секретных списков участников, немногие были богаты. Менее 10 % были неквалифицированными рабочими, которые могли составить прямую конкуренцию ирландским эмигрантам. Они привлекли фермеров, но, с другой стороны, среди них было много торговцев и владельцев фабрик. Среди голосующих за партию были не только коренные американцы, так, она получила более голосов четверти протестантов из Германии и Великобритании на выборах в штатах. Это особенно нравилось протестантам, таким как лютеране, реформаторы и пресвитериане.

Наиболее агрессивное и новаторское законодательство было принято в Массачусетсе, где новая партия контролировала 397 мест из 400 — только 35 из депутатов имели опыт работы в законодательной деятельности. Законодательный орган Массачусетса в 1855 году принял серию реформ, которые «прорвали плотину против изменений, воздвигнутых партийной политикой, и выпустили поток реформ». Историк Стивен Тейлор говорит, что помимо нативистского законодательства «партия также отличилась своей оппозицией рабству, поддержкой расширения прав женщин, регулированием промышленности и поддержкой мер, направленных на улучшение положения трудящихся».

Американская партия приняла законы, регулирующие деятельность железных дорог, страховых компаний и коммунальных предприятий. Она профинансировала бесплатные учебники для государственных школ и увеличила ассигнования для местных библиотек и школ для слепых. Очистка Массачусетса от вызывающего разногласия социального зла была первоочередной задачей. Законодательный орган создал первую в штате исправительную школу для несовершеннолетних правонарушителей, одновременно пытаясь заблокировать ввоз из Европы предположительно подрывных правительственных документов и академических книг. Это повысило правовой статус женщин, предоставив им больше прав собственности и больше прав в судах по бракоразводным делам. «Незнайки» ввели суровые санкции в отношении подпольных ресторанов, игорных заведений и борделей. Они приняли закон о запрете с такими суровыми наказаниями, как шесть месяцев тюрьмы за подачу одного стакана пива, что присяжные отказывались выносить обвинительные приговоры. Многие реформы были довольно дорогими; государственные расходы выросли на 45 % в дополнение к 50%-ному увеличению налогов для больших и малых городов. Эта расточительность возмутила налогоплательщиков, и лишь немногие «незнайки» были переизбраны.

Наивысшим приоритетом для многих «незнаек» было ограничением прав ирландских католических иммигрантов. Так, суды штатов утратили право рассматривать заявления о предоставлении гражданства, и школы штатов были вынуждены требовать обязательного ежедневного чтения протестантской Библии (что, как были уверены нативисты, изменит католических детей). Губернатор распустил ирландское ополчение и заменил ирландцев, занимающих государственные должности, протестантами. Ему не удалось набрать две трети голосов, необходимых для принятия поправки к конституции штата, чтобы ограничить голосование и занимать должности мужчин, проживавших в Массачусетсе не менее 21 года. Затем законодательный орган призвал Конгресс поднять требование для натурализации с пяти до 21 года, но Конгресс так и не принял никаких мер. Самым драматичным шагом законодательного собрания стало назначение следственного комитета, призванного доказать широко распространённую сексуальную аморальность в католических монастырях.

«Незнайки» также доминировали в политике штата Род-Айленд, где в 1855 году губернатором был , и пять из каждых семи голосов достались партии, которая доминировала в законодательном собрании штата. Местные газеты, такие как The Providence Journal, разжигали антиирландские и антикатолические настроения.

Насилие

Опасаясь, что католики смогут наводнить избирательные участки негражданами, местные активисты партии «незнаек» пригрозили остановить их. 6 августа 1855 года в Луисвилле (штат Кентукки) вспыхнули беспорядки во время выборов губернатора. Двадцать два человека погибли и многие получили ранения. Этот бунт, вошедший в историю как «» был не единственным столкновением между «незнайками» и католиками в 1855 году. В Балтиморе выборы мэра 1856, 1857 и 1858 годов были омрачены насилием и обоснованными обвинениями в фальсификации бюллетеней. Также «ничего не знающие» вымазали в смоле и перьях католического священника иезуита Иоганна Бапста в городе Элсуэрт (Мэн) в 1854 году и сожгли католическую церковь в Бате (Мэн).

«Ничего не знающие» Южных штатов
На Юге Соединённых Штатов Американская партия состояла в основном из бывших вигов, которые будучи противники доминирующей Демократической партии, одновременно были обеспокоены как выступающими за рабство демократами, так и появлением Республиканской партии, выступающей против рабства. Виги поддерживали Американскую партию из-за желания победить демократов, её проюнионистких и антииммигрантских настроений и нейтралитета «ничего не знающих» в вопросе рабства. На Юге в целом Американская партия пользовалась наибольшей поддержкой среди бывших вигов-юнионистов. Правые виги сторонились её, что позволило демократам ещё больше усилить свои позиции на Юге.

Дэвид Т. Глисон отмечает, что многие ирландские католики на Юге опасались, что появление движения «незнаек» представляет для них серьёзную угрозу. Он утверждает:

Южные ирландцы, видевшие опасность протестантского фанатизма в Ирландии, отчётливо чувствовали, что "ничего не знающие были американским проявлением этого феномена. Каждый мигрант, независимо от того, насколько он оседлый или преуспевающий, также обеспокоен тем, что эта опасная разновидность нативизма угрожает его или её с трудом заработанным успехам на Юге и интеграции в общество. Однако опасения иммигрантов были необоснованными, потому что национальная дискуссия о рабстве и его распространении, а не нативизм или антикатолицизм, была главной причиной успеха «незнаек» на Юге. Южане, которые поддерживали «ничего не знающих», делали это по большей части потому, что думали, что демократы, которые выступали за распространение рабства, могли бы разрушить Союз.

В 1855 году Американская партия бросила вызов господству демократов. В Алабаме «ничего не знающие» были смесью бывших вигов, недовольных демократов и других политических аутсайдеров; они выступали за помощь государства в строительства железных дорог. В ходе ожесточённой кампании демократы утверждали, что «незнайки» не могут защитить рабство от аболиционистов Севера. Американская партия распалась вскоре после поражения в 1855 году.

В Виргинии движение «ничего не знающих» подверглось резкой критике со стороны обеих основных партий. Демократы опубликовали подробное разоблачение «Know Nothing», состоящее из 12 000 слов. Демократы выдвинули губернатором экс-вига Генри А. Уайза. Он осудил «паршивых, безбожных, не знающих Христа» и выступил за расширенную программу внутренних улучшений.

В Мэриленде «ничего не знающие» вербовали католиков из числа коренных американцев. Несмотря на это, в Мэриленде партия быстро умерла, но её лидеры остались активными в других партиях. Губернатор от Американской партии, а затем сенатор Томас Холлидей Хикс, член Палаты Представителей Генри Уинтер Дэвис и сенатор Энтони Кеннеди со своим братом, бывшим конгрессменом Джоном Пендлтоном Кеннеди, все поддержали Союз в пограничном штате. Историк Майкл Ф. Холт утверждает, что «Know Nothingism изначально вырос на Юге по тем же причинам, по которым он распространился на Севере — нативизм, антикатолицизм и враждебность к безответным политикам, — а не из-за консервативного юнионизма». Холт цитирует Уильяма Б. Кэмпбелла, бывшего губернатора Теннесси, который писал в январе 1855 года: «Я был поражён широко распространённым убеждением в пользу их принципов — а именно индейского американизма и антикатолицизма — оно распространяется повсюду».

Луизиана
Несмотря на антикатолицизм национальной Американской партии, «Ничего не знающие» нашли сильную поддержку в Луизиане, в том числе в преимущественно католическом Новом Орлеане. Партия вигов в Луизиане имела сильные антииммигрантские настроения, что сделало партию коренных американцев естественным домом для бывших вигов Луизианы. «Ничего не знающие» Луизианы выступали за рабство и против иммигрантов, но, в отличие от национальной партии, отказалась включать религиозный тест на членство. Вместо этого луизианские «незнайки» настаивала на том, что «верность церкви не должна заменять верность Союзу». Конгрессмен от «ничего не знающих» Джон Эдвард Булиньи, католик-креол, был единственным конгрессменом от Луизианы, который отказался уйти в отставку после выхода штата из Союза.

Спад

На Севере партия быстро пришла в упадок после 1855 года. На президентских выборах 1856 года она резко разделилась из-за рабства. Основная фракция поддержала кандидата в президенты Милларда Филлмора и кандидата в вице-президенты Эндрю Джексона Донельсона. Филлмор, президент от партии вигов (1850—1853), был вигом, а Донельсон был племянником президента-демократа Эндрю Джексона. Их обоих выдвинули рассчитывая получить голоса лоялистов из обеих основных партий. Филлмор и Донельсон получили 23 % голосов избирателей и восемь голосов выборщиков от штата Мэриленд. В итоге, набранных голосов оказалось слишком мало, чтобы не допустить демократа Джеймса Бьюкенена в Белый дом. В это время Натаниэль Бэнкс решил, что антииммигрантская платформа менее важна чем запрет рабства, поэтому он покинул партию «ничего не знающих» ради Республиканской партии, выступающей против рабства. Это способствовало упадку партии «незнаек», так как за Бэнксом последовали около две трети её членов.

Многие были потрясены «незнайками». Авраам Линкольн никогда публично не нападал на «ничего не знающих», голоса которых ему были нужны, но своё отвращение к этой партии он выразил в частном письме к своему другу Джошуа Спиду, написанному 24 августа 1855 года:

«Я не "незнайка" — это точно. Как я мог быть? Как может всякий, кто ненавидит притеснение негров, выступать за унизительные классы белых людей? Мне кажется, что наш прогресс в вырождении идёт довольно быстро. Как нация, мы начали с заявления, что "все люди созданы равными". Теперь мы практически читаем: "Все люди созданы равными, кроме негров". Когда "незнайки" получит контроль, это будет гласить: "Все люди созданы равными, кроме негров, иностранцев и католиков". Когда дело доходит до этого, я предпочёл бы эмигрировать в какую-нибудь страну, где они не претендуют на любящих свободу — например, в Россию, где деспотизм можно воспринимать в чистом виде и без примитивного лицемерия.»

Историк Аллан Невинс, писавший о беспорядках, предшествовавших Гражданской войне в США, заявляет, что Миллард Филлмор никогда не был ни «ничего не знающим», ни нативистом. Филлмор был за пределами страны, когда его кандидатуру выдвинули в президенты, и с ним даже не посоветовались по поводу баллотирования. Далее Невинс заявляет:

[Филмор] не был членом партии; он никогда не был на собраниях Американской [партии]. Ни устным, ни письменным словом он не обозначил свою приверженность Американским [партийным] принципам.

После постановления Верховного суда по делу «Дред Скотт против Сэндфорда» в 1857 году, большинство членов антирабовладельческой фракции Американской партии присоединилось к Республиканской. Крыло Американской партии, выступающее за рабство, оставалось сильным на местном и региональном уровне в нескольких южных штатах, но к выборам 1860 года оно перестало быть серьёзным национальным политическим движением. Большинство оставшихся членов в 1860 году поддержали Партию Конституционного союза.

Электоральная история

Выборы в Конгресс США

Президентские выборы

Наследие
Нативистский дух движения «Ничего не знающих» возродился в более поздних политических движениях, таких как  1890-х годов и ку-клукс-клан 1920-х годов. В конце XIX века демократы называли республиканцев «ничего не знающими», чтобы привлечь голоса немцев, как в кампании по поводу принятия  в Висконсине в 1890 году. Похожая «культурная война» произошла в Иллинойсе в 1892 году, когда демократ  осудил республиканцев из-за законов об иностранцах и подстрекательстве, сказав, что «дух, который привёл в действие партию "ничего не знающих", дух, который вечно придирается к гражданину иностранного происхождения и пытается ограничить его привилегии, слишком глубоко укоренился в [Республиканской] партии».

Некоторые историки и журналисты «нашли параллели с движениями  и Чаепития, видя в их предубеждениях против латиноамериканских иммигрантов и враждебности к исламу схожесть». Историки Стив Фрейзер и Джошу Б. Фриман высказывают своё мнение о движениях «Ничего не знающих» и «Чаепития», утверждая:

Популизм «Чаепития» также следует рассматривать как своего рода политику идентичности правых. Почти полностью белые, непропорционально много мужчин и старшего поколения, сторонники «Чаепития» выражают внутреннюю негодование по поводу культурного и, в некоторой степени, политического затмения Америки, в которой люди, которые выглядели и думали, как они, были доминирующими (эхо, по-своему, о муках «Незнающих»). Чернокожий президент, женщина-спикер Палаты представителей и  финансового комитета нижней палаты, очевидно, почти невыносимо для них. Хотя движение против иммиграции и «Чаепитие» до сих пор оставались в значительной степени разными (даже с растущими связями), они разделяют эмоциональную грамматику: страх замещения.

«Ничего не знающие» превратилось в провокационное оскорбление, предполагающее, что оппонент одновременно и нативист, и невежественен. По заявлению Time, президентская кампания Джорджа Уоллеса 1968 года проходила под «знаменем нео-незнаек». Фарид Закария писал, что политики, которые «побуждают американцев бояться иностранцев», становятся «современными воплощениями "незнаек"». В 2006 году в редакционной статье неоконсервативного журнала  неоконсерватор Уильям Кристол обвинил республиканцев-популистов в «превращении Республиканской партии в антииммиграционную партию "незнаек"». В ведущей редакционной статье The New York Times от 20 мая 2007 года, посвящённой предложенному иммиграционному законопроекту, говорится о «ничего не знающих этого поколения». В редакционной статье Тимоти Игана в той же The New York Times от 27 августа 2010 года, озаглавленной «Создание нации ничего не знающих», обсуждалось движение Биртера, приверженцы которого придерживаются версии о том, что Барак Обама родился за пределами Соединённых Штатов и поэтому не имеет права занимать должность президента США.

На президентских выборах 2016 года ряд комментаторов и политиков сравнили кандидата Дональда Трампа с «Ничего не знающими» из-за его антииммиграционной политики.

В популярной культуре
Американская партия была представлена в американском фильме 2002 года «Банды Нью-Йорка» Мартина Скорсезе бандами так называемых «коренных» американцев во главе с Уильямом Каттингом по прозвищу «Билл Мясник» (Дэниел Дэй-Льюис), беллетризованной версии реального лидера нью-йоркских «незнаек» . «Ничего не знающие» также играют важную роль в историческом романе писателя Ноя Гордона «Шаман» (1992, вторая часть трилогии про семью Коул).

Знаменитые деятели

 Натаниэль Бэнкс, спикер Палаты представителей США от Массачусетса и генерал Армии Союза
 Леви Бун, мэр Чикаго
 Джон Уилкс Бут, актёр театра Форда, убивший президента Авраама Линкольна
 , конгрессмен из Луизианы
 , конгрессмен из Мэриленда
 Эндрю Джексон Донельсон, редактор газеты, дипломат, племянник Эндрю Джексона
 Миллард Филлмор, 13-й президент США
 Томас Холлидей Хикс, губернатор Мэриленда
 , губернатор Род-Айленда

 Сэм Хьюстон, сенатор от Техаса
 , губернатор Калифорнии
 , сенатор от Мэриленда
 , политик и общественный деятель
 Сэмюэл Морзе, политик, художник и изобретатель азбуки Морзе и телеграфа
 , политик, глава нью-йоркской банды «»
 Таддеус Стивенс, конгрессмен из Пенсильвании
 , мэр Сан-Франциско
 Генри Уилсон, 18-й вице-президент США

Примечания

Литература

 Anbinder, Tyler. "Nativism and prejudice against immigrants, " in A companion to American immigration, ed. by Reed Ueda (2006) pp. 177–201 online excerpt
 Baker, Jean H. (1977), Ambivalent Americans: The Know-Nothing Party in Maryland, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins.
 Baum, Dale. «Know-Nothingism and the Republican Majority in Massachusetts: The Political Realignment of the 1850s.» Journal of American History 64 (1977-78): 959-86. in JSTOR
 Baum, Dale. The Civil War Party System: The Case of Massachusetts, 1848—1876 (1984) online
 Bennett, David Harry. The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History (1988)

 Bladek, John David. «'Virginia Is Middle Ground': the Know Nothing Party and the Virginia Gubernatorial Election of 1855.» Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 1998 106(1): 35-70. in JSTOR
 Cheathem, Mark R. «'I Shall Persevere in the Cause of Truth': Andrew Jackson Donelson and the Election of 1856». Tennessee Historical Quarterly 2003 62(3): 218—237.  Donelson was Andrew Jackson's nephew and K-N nominee for Vice President
 Dash, Mark. «New Light on the Dark Lantern: the Initiation Rites and Ceremonies of a Know-Nothing Lodge in Shippensburg, Pennsylvania» Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 2003 127(1): 89-100.
 Gienapp, William E. "Nativism and the Creation of a Republican Majority in the North before the Civil War, " Journal of American History, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Dec., 1985), pp. 529–559 in JSTOR
 Gienapp, William E. The Origins of the Republican Party, 1852—1856 (1978), detailed statistical study, state-by-state
 Gillespie, J. David. Challengers To Duopoly : Why Third Parties Matter in American Two-Party Politics. Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press, 2012. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 4 Dec. 2014.
 Gleeson, David T. The Irish in the South, 1815—1877 Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001 online
 Holt, Michael F. The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party (1999) online
 Holt, Michael F. Political Parties and American Political Development: From the Age of Jackson to the Age of Lincoln (1992)
 Holt, Michael F. «The Antimasonic and Know Nothing Parties», in Arthur Schlesinger Jr., ed., History of United States Political Parties (1973), I, 575—620.
 Hurt, Payton. "The Rise and Fall of the 'Know Nothings' in California, " California Historical Society Quarterly 9 (March and June 1930).

 Maizlish, Stephen E. «The Meaning of Nativism and the Crisis of the Union: The Know-Nothing Movement in the Antebellum North.» in William Gienapp, ed. Essays on American Antebellum Politics, 1840—1860 (1982) pp. 166–98 online edition
 Melton, Tracy Matthew. Hanging Henry Gambrill: The Violent Career of Baltimore's Plug Uglies, 1854—1860. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society (2005).

 «Nathaniel P. Banks.» National Archives and Records Administration. Ed. National Archives. National Archives and Records Administration, n.d. Web. 17 Nov. 2014.
 , overall political survey of era
 Overdyke, W. Darrell. The Know-Nothing Party in the South (1950) online

 Voss-Hubbard, Mark. Beyond Party: Cultures of Antipartisanship in Northern Politics before the Civil War (2002)
 Parmet, Robert D. "Connecticut's Know-Nothings: A Profile, " Connecticut Historical Society Bulletin (1966), 31 #3, pp. 84–90
 Rice, Philip Morrison. «The Know-Nothing Party in Virginia, 1854—1856.» Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (1947): 61-75. in JSTOR

 «"The First General Order Issued by the Father of His Country after the Declaration of Independence Indicates the Spirit in Which Our Institutions Were Founded and Should Ever Be Defended."» Nathaniel Prentiss (Prentice) Banks. N.p., n.d. Web. 17 Nov. 2014.

Первоисточники

 Anspach, Frederick Rinehart. The Sons of the Sires: A History of the Rise, Progress, and Destiny of the American Party. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1855. Work by K-N activist.
 Busey, Samuel Clagett (1856). Immigration: Its Evils and Consequences.
 Carroll, Anna Ella (1856). The Great American Battle: Or, The Contest Between Christianity and Political Romanism.
 Fillmore, Millard; Frank H. Severance (ed.)(1907). Millard Fillmore Papers
 One of Them. The Wide-Awake Gift: A Know Nothing Token for 1855. New York: J.C. Derby, 1855.
 Bond, Thomas E. «The 'Know Nothings'», from The Wide-Awake Gift: A Know Nothing Token for 1855. New York: J. C. Derby, 1855; pp. 54–63.

Ссылки

 Nativism in the 1856 Presidential Election
 Nativism By Michael F. Holt, PhD
 Lager Beer Riot, Chicago 1855

 Millard Fillmore Was A Know-Nothing

Тайные общества США
Американский национализм
Националистические партии США
Бывшие политические партии США
Антикатолические организации
Антисемитизм в США
Антииммигрантское движение

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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text:
Heading to College With Gen Z
The segment landing page is Wealth Insights. Click here to go to segment landing page.
As a new generation prepares for college, it pays to think creatively about financing one of life's major expenses.
Members of Generation Z have good reason for optimism. Born between 1995 and 2010 and 69 million strong, they're the first with no memory of life without the Internet. Eager, bright and digitally savvy, they're already being hailed as budding entrepreneurs who can't wait to change the world—even though the oldest are barely in their twenties.
"Wherever we're going with the digital revolution, the young are going to take us there first," says Paul Taylor, author of The Next America and former Executive Vice President of the Pew Research Center. "They give us hopeful signs that we're an economy that still prizes innovation and moves fast."
Gen Zers are using that spirit of innovation to reshape what they expect from college. More than 60% say they want to study entrepreneurship, and nearly three-quarters think students should be allowed to design their own curriculums, according to a 2014 study by Northeastern University.
"Members of Gen Z are passion-driven when it comes to their college experience," says Keyaun Heydarian, a budding entrepreneur who, as a high school senior, co-founded a college tour company called CollegeRoleModel.com. At the same time, says Heydarian, now a freshman at George Washington University in Washington, D.C., formative experiences such as the recent recession have left Gen Z with deep concerns over their financial future, including paying the ever-rising cost of college.
Strategies for families
In fact, while 80% of students see college as a necessity, 60% feel stressed about the cost, according to Ohio State's National Student Financial Wellness Study. "Still, even those who are worrying think college is going to pay off for them in the future," says Anne McDaniel, an Ohio State researcher and co-author of the study.
To meet those costs, families are increasingly looking for ways to save rather than borrow, says Jeffrey H. Winick, Senior Vice President and Senior Wealth Strategist with Regions Private Wealth Management. "We see many parents who experienced large college debt when they were starting out themselves. They don't want their children to experience the same." The best ways to save may involve a variety of options, including (but not limited to) the all-but-ubiquitous 529 plan.
The 529 Plan
These plans have become the go-to choice for millions of families, thanks to their tax advantages and flexibility. You can generally invest up to $14,000 per year ($28,000 for a couple) in a 529 plan, where the money can grow tax-free. And as long as you spend it on tuition or other qualified educational expenses of the designated beneficiary, the money is not subject to federal tax and generally is not subject to state tax.
As another advantage, 529s allow you to "front-load" up to five years' worth of contributions at the outset, subject to annual exclusion gift requirements. While front-loading can give your savings a head of steam or make up for a late start, it's important to consider market conditions and your liquidity needs before committing a large sum, Winick advises.
As for flexibility, 529s enable parents or grandparents to control the money until it's used, and switch beneficiaries as needs arise. "If one child gets a full scholarship, you can shift the benefits to another child who may be facing tuition at an expensive private school," Winick says.
Other ways to save
Looking for ways to ramp up savings beyond the 529? Consider these:
Roth IRAs, while generally used as retirement accounts, can also be effective college savings vehicles, particularly for grandparents or parents who had children later in life, says Winick. With a Roth, your contributions are after-tax money, but once in the plan your savings grow tax-free, and you pay no income tax if the money is later distributed as part of a qualified distribution. While 529s impose a penalty if the money isn't used for education, proceeds from a Roth can be used for any purpose. Among the caveats, you must be at least 59½ to remove funds from a Roth tax-free. Although Roth IRAs restrict contributions to those earning less than $116,000 ($183,000 for couples), affluent individuals may be able to make a non-deductible contribution to a traditional IRA, and afterward convert to a Roth, Winick says. However, to the extent that there are earnings prior to conversion, those earnings are taxable, and if there are other traditional (deductible) IRA accounts, the resulting immediate tax impact may outweigh any advantages gained through the conversion strategy.
Prepaid tuition programs are offered by several states. Similar to 529s, these plans typically enable you to prepay state college tuition at today's rates. You can buy prepaid plans for your child at any age—and with college costs rising each year, the earlier you buy, the greater the potential savings.
Baccalaureate bonds are offered by several states as well. They are usually set up to mature when your child enters college—with a discount on tuition when you use them.
Since different approaches will work best for different situations, it's best to carefully consider the options and then meet with an advisor, Winick says. Paying for college may be a good opportunity to instill lessons in Gen Z about financial responsibility and money management. Without swamping your kids in large debts coming out of college, you might ask them to pay for a portion of their college expenses in order to feel vested in their own education. Says Ohio State's McDaniel, "If they have absolutely no stress about finances, it could mean they're not thinking about them at all."
And there are other ways for your child to have a vested interest in college costs, Winick says. For example, you might make paying for college contingent on your child maintaining a certain grade point average through high school and during college.
And, when it comes to preparing your Generation Z child for life, there's no time like the present. Says Winick: "The earlier you start saving, the more flexibility you have to see what works best, and how that fits into your long-term financial plan."
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The honor recognizes a lifetime of accomplishment and intellectual leadership. MIT Professor of Linguistics Donca Steriade is the fifth member of the MIT faculty to be named an LSA Fellow, joining her colleagues Irene Heim and David Pesetsky and Institute Professors emeritus Morris Halle and Noam Chomsky. Of the 110 LSA Fellows named since the honor was initiated in 2006, 30—slightly more than a quarter—are MIT PhDs.
The American Political Science Association (APSA) awarded MIT Professor of History Craig Steven Wilder the 2014 Michael Harrington Award, given for an outstanding book that demonstrates how scholarship can be used in the struggle for a better world.
Evan Lieberman is the Total Chair on Contemporary Africa and Professor of Political Science. He conducts research in the field of comparative politics, with a focus on development in sub-Saharan Africa.
Why study medieval literature at MIT? Reason #1: Time Travel.
In this 3-minute video, Arthur Bahr, MIT Associate Professor of Literature, transports viewers into an earlier version of our world, recites Old English, and identifies sources that inspired Tolkein.
Nuclear security expert Francis Gavin brings the lens of history to the study of international politics.
MIT Assistant Professor of Political Science Kim finds that the way firms lobby government on trade policy—pushing for more protectionism or more liberalization—depends on how unique their products are.
Temin's new book explains how the ideas of John Maynard Keynes relate to today's global economy, and makes the case that Keynesian deficit spending by governments is necessary to reignite the levels of growth that Europe and the world had come to expect prior to the economic downturn of 2008.
Infrastructure: Metro station, Washington D.C.
MIT Professor of Literature Bahr makes medieval literature come alive.
During a two-year residency at MIT, the chamber music ensemble Jupiter Quartet is performing Beethoven's foundational String Quartets — a rare opportunity for audiences to experience the whole cycle, which charts the growth of Beethoven's vision over a lifetime. Formed in 2001, the Jupiter consists of violinists Nelson Lee and Megan Freivogel, violist Liz Freivogel, and cellist Daniel McDonough.
Expert in regulation and market competition will take leave to spearhead economic analysis for the US Department of Justice.
A New York-based interdisciplinary artist and writer, Fusco will serve as a visiting associate professor in Comparative Media Studies/Writing. Marjorie Liu, an attorney and bestselling author of seventeen + novels, will teach the "Genre Writing Workshop" in Comparative Media Studies/Writing.
This new four-part websection includes a trove of information and resources about teaching innovation in our School. The section is designed for use by SHASS faculty who are thinking about developing a new class, or a new approach in an existing class. Information includes funding sources, guidelines and timelines, awards given, and examples of successful endeavors.
When MIT SHASS Associate Professor of Philosophy Caspar Hare appears on "Ask the Expert," hilarity ensues. Also a great deal of information about normative philosophy.
Tech Lessons from the "Dark Ages"
Intelatin produces "Dialogues for a Multicultraul Society with Great Music Included." This audio program features MIT historian Craig Steven Wilder and others discussing his book Ebony and Ivy, accompanied by the music of Marvin Gaye.
How should we prioritize United Nation goals?
MIT international economics professor Abhijit Banerjee offers a roadmap: "The United Nations General Assembly has its work cut out. It must balance ambition with practicality. It must devise a tight agenda for the world to collectively strive toward — and remember that more ingredients do not always make the best cake."
Something extraordinary is happening in Scotland.
Read MIT Political Science graduate student Tom O'Grady's pre-election report on the coming Scottish Referendum on independence.
Is time travel possible? What shape is the universe? What's the deal with wormholes?
MIT historian of science and physicist David Kaiser anchors the inaugural "Ask Me Anything" column for Hippo Reads, an academia-centered online magazine.
At MIT, where he's been on the faculty since 1990, Professor of Music Evan Ziporyn recently unveiled a new concert series called "Sounding." It's intended to reflect the unconventional aesthetic of the Center for Art, Science & Technology, which he directs.
"The growth of skill differentials among the 'other 99 percent' is arguably even more consequential than the rise of the 1 percent for the welfare of most citizens," wrote MIT SHASS economist David Autor in Science magazine.
MIT Professor of Political Science Barry Posen and Andrew Ross of the Naval War College capture the debate on U.S. intervention in times of crisis in a 50-page article in International Security, the most prestigious outlet in the field for rigorous analysis.


text:
Q: In what order should you reference scripts? I have a big problem if the scripts are located as usual
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I can not make the submit from js:
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A: Here say that submit method "can only be attached to <form> elements."
Then the problem don't is in the scripts order

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The Bills have 10 players on their practice squad. They practice with the team, but are not allowed to dress for games unless they are promoted to the roster. Sports comedian Jeff Wozer has discovered the biggest complaints of those practice squad players.
• Must spend home games in Pegula's owners box bussing tables.
• Limited to three complimentary Gatorade drink vouchers per practice.
• Must feign exuberance when buying school raffle tickets from GM Brandon Beane's kids.
• Forced to work as Steve Tasker's stunt double in West Herr Ford commercials.
• On road games Kim Pegula always ask you to housesit their dog.
• You're the first one the guy in the Billy Buffalo mascot costume calls if he needs a sub.
• Buffalo Common Council committee members don't take your input on Outer Harbor development plans seriously.
• Parents always e-mailing reminders that the post office is looking for holiday help.
• Not given access to practice facility's WiFi password.
• Terry Pegula sets team's Secret Santa gift price minimum at 1 million dollars.
For more humorous takes on Buffalo sports, visit Jeff's Authors page at Buffalo Sports Page.com.


Images of a man police would like to speak to after a woman was sexually assaulted on a night bus to Morden in south London have been released by police.
Metropolitan Police Service officers on Wednesday (February 21) put out an appeal for information after the attack on the 21-year-old woman at about 4.15am on Sunday, November 19.
The suspect is said to have boarded the Route N155 bus between central London and Lambeth and sat next to the victim, who had boarded in central London, despite there being other seats available.
The woman was then sexually assaulted, and the suspect got off the bus on Balham New Road in Wandsworth.
The suspect is described as a white man, aged in his 30s and around 5ft 6ins tall. He had short grey/brown hair and a small amount of facial hair. He wore a black leather jacket, blue jeans with rips and light brown shoes.
Anyone who recognises him or witnessed the offence take place is urged to contact police on 101 or via Twitter @MetCC.


Did you know that in recent studies analysing the percentage of happy people in different countries, the Netherlands scores in the top five? Iceland comes out tops with 94% of the population claiming to be happy and then Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands all score a joint second with 91%.
In the last few years, we've seen a giant upsurge in studies on positive psychology and the science of happiness. In fact, in the history of Harvard, the course with the most popular sign-ups ever was one on the "Science of Happiness" (yes, this course really exists!). Quite simply, what makes us happy? What brings us a sense of contentment and wellbeing?
For those who worry constantly about what people think of them: they're thinking about you less than you imagine. Other people are thinking about themselves, not you!
Take more chances. 'Worst case scenarios' don't usually transpire and are not as painful as we imagine they will be. Terrified to ask someone out on a date? Do it. If they say no, you won't be crushed forever with humiliation; it will be nowhere near as bad as you think it will be, and besides, all else being equal, you have about a 50% chance of them saying yes to you – not bad odds!
If circumstances in your life are causing you unhappiness, sit down with a pen and paper and work out what the problems are and what steps you can take to eliminate the problems. Do not ruminate – eliminate!
As for the link with coffee and happiness? It's a pretty strong one to be honest. Quite simply, coffee also has the capacity to bring us great joy. It is the drink we want when catching up with our friends, the drink that rounds off a delicious meal, the drink we reach out for to fuel us through our busy lives and of course, the drink we reach out for at the start of each day… It is part of our communal life.
Perhaps it is no co-incidence then that the Netherlands scores so highly as a happy nation and also has one of the highest per capita consumption of coffee in the world. Get it? More coffee = more happiness!
Have a great week and BE HAPPY!


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242. (W.H. Auden)
oboynton December 23, 2018 December 11, 2019 Reading Journal
The conundrum of Auden's poetry—the conundrum of how to compare its aims and achievements to those of his contemporaries and to earlier poets—consists of several parts and is best sustained by a comparison to Yeats and also to French verse. The parts in brief:
1) Auden's sense of history is flat: the past is not absorbed into his poems as a foreign element, as alien material against which his thought and beliefs must struggle, but is immediate and convertible to the same forms, verbal turns, and stylistic conventions as the present; similarly, the English language, the medium of the poetry, is not freighted with the social doctrines of a past that is alien to Auden; the language is at hand, blocks to build with into whatever shapes a poem demands.
2) Like Yeats, he seeks to transcend his given historical moment: he writes a poetry that assumes a vantage point associated, in French, with classicism, and in English, with the high style, albeit he does so without writing in a recognizable high style, often heralding the comic and light forms of verse, ballads and songs.
3) Implicit in the poems, there is no grand stretch of historical change, or Yeatsian cycle of historical recurrence, but instead a division of individual experience into childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age, with any of the four always available as a perspective on existence.
4) All of the above is in sharp tension with modernism on the surface, but beneath that surface, it is similarly preoccupied with history even in so far as it rejects history as few poets have; the rejection is so total as to make the poetry seem a transfiguration of any historical era or world: the poetry is history put through the Auden translation machine.
5) What remains is not history but temporality and its affective dimensions, above all anxiety and dread. Where the poetry is best, its affective sense of the future (rarely the past) is sharpest; where worst, it is complacency. Childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age are capable of anxiety and complacency alike.
6) Prohibitions, standards of rightness, wrongness, correctness: these are the subject matter of many of the poems and in the best, they are encountered uneasily, the orientation towards them, and by way of them, uncertain. Children, adolescents, adults, and the elderly must, he implies, re-learn what it means to learn these. Though what counts as right or wrong, correct or incorrect, differs from place to place and time to time, culture to culture, custom to custom, Auden wants to survey and describe an experience of rightness, the possibility of rightness and wrongness, that underlies or transcends any moment, that itself induces anxiety.
7) Formal poetry, with its self-sustained conventions, its openness to being a game and arbitrary in its norms, even as it only itself, something at all, on account of them, is the natural (so it seems) vehicle for Auden's deepest preoccupation: the rightness of formal judgment can be set against, or else sustain, whatever other experiences of rightness the poetry describes.
8) Attending the transfiguration of history to poetry, the homogeneity that Auden achieves, is a different sort of anxiety, not about temporality, but about the relation of the poet's experience of the world to the world: the awareness of the fragility of his experience, the uncertainty of his orientation. In many of the very early poems, this anxiety is most noticeable and it could be said to guard against the accusation that they have turned away from history nonchalantly; their isolation is felt.
9) Auden becomes less and less worried by (i.e. it disturbs him less) the transfiguration of history into poem over the course of his career; "Spain" and "September 1" are rejected from the Collected Poems, the latter on the ground that the poem contains an untruth, but both are firmly wedded to a historical reality and their truths are reactions to history, not untruths.
10) Where Auden is most openly in debt to the first generation of modernists, Eliot especially, is in the poetry's desire to speak to a public from which it feels itself to be estranged. In Auden the estrangement is not debilitating, but the possibility of estrangement, and the uncertainty of who hears, is a condition of the earliest verse. The poetry retains to the end a belief that there is a public for poetry, a public to which poetry is addressed, but the later poems are less ambitious in what they can tell that public and less concerned with the obstructions that might lie between poet and public.
11) Auden's elevated perspective, his willingness to speak to an entire public, his breadth of view, and his anxiety, and his forward-oriented vision set his early poems in the rhetorical mode of prophet—albeit it is the prophet without History, and the prophet of several modes: adolescent as prophet, unsure of himself, or else adult as prophet, unsure as to whether he can be understood (in the 1930s, Auden taught at several secondary schools; in the early poems, the adult perspective is accompanied by the lurking suspicion that the students might be sniggering and failing to comprehend). Auden, like other modernists, is concerned to reinvent the prophetic mode, and also concerned about (variously) the dangers, stupidity, and possibility of the vantage point that a prophet assumes. Does it matter whether the prophet is right or wrong or whether the prophet attends and helps others attend to the fallacious or vacuous standards by which they know rightness and correctness in the world?
12) Where history resides in the poetry, it resides in nouns: in the objects of his time and world. These would seem to anchor him to history, resisting translation and transfiguration, but they instead more often serve the opposite role: that the developments of technology, the landscape of the world, can be made to feel detached from history is a testament of the poet's strength, his capacity to translate. Translatability, in fact, comes to seem an ideal to which Auden's poetry aspires: if only the form and rhythm could be preserved, one feels, then he has arranged words so that any language ought to suffice. The poems resist, then, despite their formal virtuosities, that rightness can take only one form; they are generous to versions of rightness and correctness, because they are open to the universal difficulty of getting anything right.
Among the much-loved poems by Auden, take "Musée des Beaux Arts":
About suffering they were never wrong,
The Old Masters: how well they understood
Its human position: how it takes place
While someone else is eating or opening a window or just walking dully along;
How, when the aged are reverently, passionately waiting
For the miraculous birth, there always must be
Children who did not specially want it to happen, skating
On a pond at the edge of the wood:
They never forgot
That even the dreadful martyrdom must run its course
Anyhow in a corner, some untidy spot
Where the dogs go on with their doggy life and the torturer's horse
Scratches its innocent behind on a tree.
In Brueghel's Icarus, for instance: how everything turns away
Quite leisurely from the disaster; the ploughman may
Have heard the splash, the forsaken cry,
But for him it was not an important failure; the sun shone
As it had to on the white legs disappearing into the green
Water, and the expensive delicate ship that must have seen
Something amazing, a boy falling out of the sky,
Had somewhere to get to and sailed calmly on.
The first line should be a tip that this is not a poem about the Brueghel painting first and foremost: it is about what it means to understand or get something right, and about sympathy to those who do not recognize "importance" or significance. "About suffering they were never wrong" asks too much, and asks that we understand the desperation of Auden's asking: "never wrong"? Surely sometimes. But with that phrase, Auden sets his own need into the poem's praise. And that phrase set against another of insistent certainty: "there always must be…" and "…delicate ship that must have seen," in both of which the "must" desires as much as it reveals, wanting for things to be a certain way, insisting that they are a certain way, despite not knowing. It is, as much about Auden seeing the picture, as it is about the picture, and as much about the force of persuasion that the picture occasions. Auden is very much the adult here, even the schoolteacher, and the painting is an instance (and only an instance) of historical significance that is not significant much beyond its own mattering; and the poem is very much about his position, his enjoining us to feel what he feels, rather than about the painting itself.
Compare W.C. Williams' poem on the same painting:
According to Brueghel
when Icarus fell
it was spring
a farmer was ploughing
his field
the whole pageantry
of the year was
awake tingling
with itself
sweating in the sun
that melted
the wings' wax
unsignificantly
off the coast
there was
a splash quite unnoticed
this was
Icarus drowning
Williams' poem mirrors the painting, is at one in its attending with the attention of Brueghel, fascinated by the features of the world that fascinate the painter.
Auden, however, opens his attention to the rightness of the Old Masters, to this Old Master, to the understandable desires of the people in the painting, to the amazing significance of what is happening (not "unsignificantly" for Auden, or, as Auden knows, for Brueghel) and neglected by others in the painting, and finally to his own urgency to be right about what he sees; his own desire to get the painting right is set against the painting's own reminder of how difficult getting something right is, how what is necessary, true, and correct may be plural.
It is a rule of thumb that when Auden sets his own experience of rightness, and his own disorientation and anxiety at the possibility of something being right, into a poem, it is a better poem as a consequence. This may be done without a first person:
This lunar beauty
Has no history
Is complete and early,
If beauty later
Bear any feature
It had a lover
And is another.
This like a dream
Keeps other time
And daytime is
The loss of this,
For time is inches
And the heart's changes
Where ghost has haunted
Lost and wanted.
But this was never
A ghost's endeavor
Nor finished this,
Was ghost at ease,
And till it pass
Love shall not near
The sweetness here
Nor sorrow take
His endless look.
The impersonality of the verse is met by the intensely personal experience implied by the form, the lines unrolling, one into the next, with awed bewilderment at the perfection of beauty, its unchanging finality and Platonic reality separate from the poem's earthly ground, from which the poet stares up, correcting for the error of the human gaze (without which the beauty would not be what it is).
And other times, it is effected through the first-person, vulnerable and exposed in the transfigured landscape of the poet's own fashioning.
Now from my window-sill I watch the night,
The church clock's yellow face, the green pier light
Burn for a new imprudent year;
The silence buzzes in my ear;
The lights of near-by families are out.
Under the darkness nothing seems to stir;
The lilac bush like a conspirator
Shams dead upon the lawn, and there
Above the flagstaff the Great Bear
Hangs as a portent over Helensburgh.
O Lords of Limit, training dark and light
And setting a tabu 'twixt left and right,
The influential quiet twins
From whom all property begins,
Look leniently upon us all to-night.
No one has seen you: none can say, "Of late—
Here. You can see the marks—They lay in wait,"
But in my thoughts to-night you seem
Forms which I saw once in a dream,
The stocky keepers of a wild estate.
With guns beneath your arms, in sun and wet,
At doorways posted or on ridges set,
By cope or bridge we know you there
Whose sleepless presences endear
Our peace to us with a perpetual threat.
Look not too closely, be not over-quick;
We have no invitation, but we are sick,
Using the mole's device, the carriage
Of peacock or rat's desperate courage,
And we shall only pass you by a trick.
Deeper towards the summer the year moves on.
What if the starving visionary have seen
The carnival within our gates,
Your bodies kicked about the streets,
We need your power still: use it, that none,
O, from their tables break uncontrollably away,
Lunging, insensible to injury,
Dangerous in a room or out wild-
-ly spinning like a top in the field,
Mopping and mowing through the sleepless day.
Yeats meets Rimbaud. "I" rises, after the prayer to the Lords of Limit, to assume the responsibilities of the "we," among which is the acknowledgement that "we" might not include the reader, but also the possibility that it does. This poem might stand as an epigraph for all of Auden's work.
Modernism, Poetry, W.H. Auden
Previous 241. (Davie, Auerbach, Arnold)
Next 243. (Franz Kafka)


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Latest Vancouver Canucks News
Virtanen, Markstrom lead Canucks over Coyotes 3-1
VANCOUVER, British Columbia (AP) — Jake Virtanen borrowed a move from his Western Hockey League days — and it helped lift the Vancouver Canucks to victory. Virtanen scored the go-ahead goal midway through the second period and Jacob Markstrom made 34 saves to lead the Canucks past the Arizona...
Pettersson, Markstrom help Canucks beat Wild 4-1
ST. PAUL, Minn. (AP) — Vancouver's typically strong power play has been struggling. Luckily for the Canucks, they're doing just fine scoring 5 on 5. A day after scoring four third-period goals in Buffalo, the Canucks used a three-goal second period to beat Minnesota 4-1 on Sunday. Elias...
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WASHINGTON (AP) — St. Louis Blues winger David Perron and former teammate T.J. Oshie were voted by fans as two of the final representatives for NHL All-Star Weekend in St. Louis. After helping the Blues win the Stanley Cup last spring in his third stint with them, Perron is having one of the best seasons...
Boeser scores twice in Canucks' 6-3 win over Sabres
BUFFALO, N.Y. (AP) — Still stinging from opening their road trip with two lopsided losses, Bo Horvat and the Vancouver Canucks got back on track with a strong finish Saturday. Horvat had a goal and an assist, and the Canucks scored three times on their first six shots of the third period en route to a 6-3...
Rinne scores empty-net goal as Predators beat Blackhawks
CHICAGO (AP) — Pekka Rinne made 29 saves and scored an empty-net goal, and the Nashville Predators beat the sloppy Chicago Blackhawks 5-2 on Thursday night for John Hynes' first win with the team. Hynes became the third coach in franchise history after Peter Laviolette was fired on Monday. Hynes dropped...
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SUNRISE, Fla. (AP) — Noel Acciari just keeps getting the puck in the net during the best scoring streak of his career. Acciari did it again Thursday night with two more goals and Sergei Bobrovsky made 30 saves in his first start in three games to lift the Florida Panthers over the Vancouver Canucks 5-2....
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TAMPA, Fla. (AP) — A matchup between the two hottest teams in the NHL turned into a mismatch in a hurry. Rookie Carter Verhaeghe had his first career hat trick and Tampa Bay scored three times in less than a minute to finish a six-goal second period that propelled the Lightning to their season-best eighth...
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Halloween is just around the corner, and Julep is giving away this cute little box for free with any maven delivery signup. Get a box delivered to your door . Super cute nailpolish colorswith a black eye liner. go to my menu and click "shop Julep" and to the right click on the Halloween welcome box. You will love!


Does Evernote have a built-in structure for your information?
If you upgrade to the paid version, Evernote will provide you with a structure you can follow.
Yes. But you need to specify if you want to use the built-in structure when you create your account.
No, it doesn't. You've got to organize your information yourself.
How could you get a comprehensive list of all the Notes that were added to Evernote in the last month?
Go to the Default Notebook and see which notes at the top of the list match last week's dates.
You'll need to go to either tags or Notebooks screens and sort them by "Updated".
To get a comprehensive list of all the Notes that were added to Evernote in the last month, run a search using either of the search operators: created:month-1, created:week-4 or created:day-30.
What will happen if you forward into Evernote an email with the subject line that contains a Notebook name or tag that don't exist?
Evernote will create a new Notebook name or Tag.
Evernote will prompt you a message that those Notebook name or tag don't exist.


text:
Interesting facts about aviation
Aviation blog - Thursday, February 2nd, 2023
Readers ask: Where Is The Eaa Spirit Of Aviation?
by Robert Singleton on
1 Will there be EAA 2021?
2 Where is Oshkosh fly in?
3 Is Oshkosh 2021 happening?
4 What is the biggest airshow in the world?
5 What does EAA stand for?
6 How much does it cost to go to Oshkosh?
7 What is Oshkosh famous for?
8 Why is EAA in Oshkosh?
9 Where should I stay in Oshkosh?
10 How do I get to Oshkosh?
11 What is Oshkosh?
12 What is the best air show in the world?
13 How much does it cost to join EAA?
14 How many planes are in Oshkosh 2019?
Will there be EAA 2021?
EAA Air Venture 2021: Oshkosh: 26 Jul – 01 Aug Following on from the 2019 theme of "Year of the Fighter"- 2021 will see the aircraft and personnel of the "U.S. Air Force Special Operations Command" (AFSOC) being one of the highlighted programs at EAA AirVenture Oshkosh 2021.
Where is Oshkosh fly in?
EAA AirVenture Oshkosh (formerly the EAA Annual Convention and Fly-In ) is an annual air show and gathering of aviation enthusiasts held each summer at Wittman Regional Airport and adjacent Pioneer Airport in Oshkosh, Wisconsin, United States.
Is Oshkosh 2021 happening?
"We will be hosting AirVenture 2021, but there will be areas that will look different and areas where we'll incorporate technology to limit touchpoints as we work with local and state health officials to establish and maintain the best possible standards for public events," said Jack J. Pelton, EAA's CEO and Chairman.
What is the biggest airshow in the world?
The Royal International Air Tattoo is the world's largest military air show. It takes place annually over the third weekend of July at RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire, England. The show is held in support of The Royal Air Force Charitable Trust. The event typically attracts over 150,000 spectators during the weekend.
You might be interested: Readers ask: What Is Ads Compliance Aviation?
What does EAA stand for?
EAA stands for Experimental Aircraft Association, an international organization with more than 200,000 members. It is probably best known for its annual Fly-In Convention in Oshkosh, Wisconsin, which attracts more than 500,000 people and 10,000 airplanes each year.
How much does it cost to go to Oshkosh?
For the academic year 2020-2021, the undergraduate tuition & fees at University of Wisconsin- Oshkosh is $7,717 for Wisconsin residents and $15,290 for out-of-state students. The undergraduate 2021-2022 estimated tuition & fees is $7,778 for Wisconsin residents and $15,392 for out-of-state students.
What is Oshkosh famous for?
Oshkosh is probably best known for OshKosh B'Gosh, a manufacturer of overalls, adult work clothing, and children's clothing founded in 1895. Oshkosh is also home to the EAA AirVenture Oshkosh, the world's largest airshow.
Why is EAA in Oshkosh?
Aviation legend Steve Wittman, who had been an EAA member since the association's founding in 1953, suggested the airport in Oshkosh, Wisconsin. Oshkosh featured acreage surrounding the airport to handle the annual influx of airplanes, vehicles and tents. In late 1969, the EAA board approved the move to Oshkosh.
Where should I stay in Oshkosh?
Top rated Oshkosh Hotels
Best Western Premier Waterfront Hotel & Convention Center.
Comfort Suites Oshkosh.
Hilton Garden Inn Oshkosh.
Boarders Inn & Suites by Cobblestone Hotels – Oshkosh.
La Quinta Inn by Wyndham Oshkosh.
How do I get to Oshkosh?
The nearest airport to Oshkosh is Appleton (ATW) Airport which is 16.4 miles away. Other nearby airports include Green Bay (GRB) (38.5 miles), Madison (MSN) (73.8 miles), Wausau/Marshfield (CWA) (77 miles) and Milwaukee (MKE) (81.5 miles).
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What is Oshkosh?
Oshkosh Corporation, formerly Oshkosh Truck, is an American industrial company that designs and builds specialty trucks, military vehicles, truck bodies, airport fire apparatus, and access equipment.
What is the best air show in the world?
Best Air Show (2020)
EAA AirVenture Oshkosh. Oshkosh, Wis.
Bell Fort Worth Alliance Air Show. Fort Worth.
Mid-Atlantic Air Museum's World War II Weekend. Reading, Penn.
Wings Over Houston Airshow.
National Championship Air Races.
The Great Pacific Airshow.
Battle Creek Field of Flight Air Show.
Thunder Over Michigan Air Show.
How much does it cost to join EAA?
Your Individual membership makes you a part of the passionate EAA Family and gives access to EAA -Exclusive benefits. Membership is $40 per year and includes: Sport Aviation Magazine—our award winning publication that covers all things aviation.
How many planes are in Oshkosh 2019?
Total aircraft: More than 10,000 aircraft arrived at Wittman Regional Airport in Oshkosh and other airports in east-central Wisconsin.
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Anger grows over Arizona's new "papers please" law cracking down on illegal immigrants grew Monday as opposition, to the Arizona immigration law sb1070, used refried beans to smear swastikas on the state Capitol, civil rights leaders demanded a boycott of the state, and the Obama administration weighed a possible legal challenge.
Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano said Tuesday that she has "deep concerns" with a new Arizona law designed to crack down on illegal immigration.
Napolitano, who noted that the Justice Department is reviewing the measure, said she fears that it would siphon away resources that would otherwise be used to pursue individuals who commit major crimes while in the country illegally.
Mexico's Foreign Ministry on Tuesday issued an advisory to Mexicans living and working in Arizona following the signing of a controversial law to stem illegal immigration in that state.
In Arizona "there is a negative political environment for migrant communities and for all Mexican visitors," the advisory states.
The new law requires Arizona police to determine whether people are in the United States legally if there is a reason to suspect they aren't.