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The Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858: Excerpts
The Lincoln-Douglas debates are the most famous political debates in American history. Lincoln and Douglas were the Republican and Democratic candidates for the U.S. Senate from Illinois. Douglas was one of the most powerful men in the U.S. Senate and a national figure, but he had gotten into serious difficulty over his Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 and was vulnerable. Because he had become a judge in an Illinois Court at age of 27, he was known as "Judge Douglas" all his life.
Lincoln served one term in the House of representatives as a Whig, 1847-49, but was not even renominated by his party, partly because of his opposition to the Mexican War. He tried again for the U.S. Senate seat from Illinois in 1854 but was not even nominated. He was virtually unknown outside Illinois, had a weak political record and little experience in office. In these debates, however, which were published nationwide, he became famous as he demonstrated a firm grasp of the issues and a witty debating style. His performance won him the presidential nomination in 1860.
Please note that Senators were not elected directly by the people in 1858, but by the state legislatures. The man who would represent Illinois in the U.S. Senate, however, was the most important issue in the upcoming election. The seven debates took place around the state over the several weeks, and each lasted approximately three hours. Stenographers were sent to transcribe each debates, and the transcripts were later edited to correct errors, etc. There was , of course, no radio coverage, so much of the content wa repeated from one debate to the next. The excerpts below are representative of the positions of the two men.
Note: The transcripts are punctuated with "Cheers," "Applause," "Laughter," and so on. Most of these have been omitted.
From the First Debate at Ottawa, Illinois, August 21, 1858
DOUGLAS:
My object in reading these resolutions [of the Republican Party on slavery] was to put the question to Abraham Lincoln this day, whether he now stands and will stand by each article in that creed and carry it out. I desire to know whether Mr. Lincoln to-day stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the fugitive slave law. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them. I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States. I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the territories of the United States, North as well as South of the Missouri Compromise line. I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein. I want his answer to those questions. Your affirmative cheers in favor of this Abolition platform is not satisfactory. I ask Abraham Lincoln to answer these questions, in order that when I trot him down to lower Egypt I may put the same questions to him.
My principles are the same everywhere. I can proclaim them alike in the North, the South, the East, and the West. My principles will apply wherever the Constitution prevails and the American flag waves. I desire to know whether Mr. Lincoln's principles will bear transplanting from Ottawa to Jonesboro? I put these questions to him to-day distinctly, and ask an answer. I have a right to an answer, for I quote from the platform of the Republican party, made by himself and others at the time that party was formed …
In the remarks I have made on this platform, and the position of Mr. Lincoln upon it, I mean nothing personally disrespectful or unkind to that gentleman. I have known him for nearly twenty-five years. There were many points of sympathy between us when we first got acquainted. … Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who perform with admirable skill everything which they undertake.
… Lincoln now takes his stand and proclaims his Abolition doctrines. Let me read a part of them. In his speech at Springfield to the convention which nominated him for the Senate, he said:
In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half Slave and half Free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of Slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States—old as well as new, North as well as South.
Mr. Lincoln, in the extract from which I have read, says that this Government cannot endure permanently in the same condition in which it was made by its framers—divided into free and slave States. He says that it has existed for about seventy years thus divided, and yet he tells you that it cannot endure permanently on the same principles and in the same relative condition in which our fathers made it. Why can it not exist divided into free and slave States? Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, Jay, and the great men of that day, made this Government divided into free States and slave States, and left each State perfectly free to do as it pleased on the subject of slavery. Why can it not exist on the same principles on which our fathers made it? They knew when they framed the Constitution that in a country as wide and broad as this, with such a variety of climate, production and interest, the people necessarily required different laws and institutions in different localities. They knew that the laws and regulations which would suit the granite hills of New Hampshire would be unsuited to the rice plantations of South Carolina, and they, therefore, provided that each State should retain its own Legislature, and its own sovereignty with the full and complete power to do as it pleased within its own limits, in all that was local and not national. One of the reserved rights of the States, was the right to regulate the relations between Master and Servant, on the slavery question. At the time the Constitution was formed, there were thirteen States in the Union, twelve of which were slaveholding States and one a free State. Suppose this doctrine of uniformity preached by Mr. Lincoln, that the States should all be free or all be slave had prevailed and what would have been the result? Of course, the twelve slaveholding States would have overruled the one free State, and slavery would have been fastened by a Constitutional provision on every inch of the American Republic, instead of being left as our fathers wisely left it, to each State to decide for itself. Here I assert that uniformity in the local laws and institutions of the different States is neither possible or desirable. If uniformity had been adopted when the government was established, it must inevitably have been the uniformity of slavery everywhere, or else the uniformity of negro citizenship and negro equality everywhere.
We are told by Lincoln that he is utterly opposed to the Dred Scott decision, and will not submit to it, for the reason that he says it deprives the negro of the rights and privileges of citizenship. That is the first and main reason which he assigns for his warfare on the Supreme Court of the United States and its decision. I ask you, are you in favor of conferring upon the negro the rights and privileges of citizenship? Do you desire to strike out of our State Constitution that clause which keeps slaves and free negroes out of the State, and allow the free negroes to flow in, and cover your prairies with black settlements? Do you desire to turn this beautiful State into a free negro colony, in order that when Missouri abolishes slavery she can send one hundred thousand emancipated slaves into Illinois, to become citizens and voters, on an equality with yourselves? If you desire negro citizenship, if you desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the white man, if you desire them to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them eligible to office, to serve on juries, and to adjudge your rights, then support Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor of the citizenship of the negro. For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any and every form. I believe this government was made on the white basis. I believe it was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity for ever, and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes, Indians and other inferior races.
Mr. Lincoln, following the example and lead of all the little Abolition orators, who go around and lecture in the basements of schools and churches, reads from the Declaration of Independence, that all men were created equal, and then asks how can you deprive a negro of that equality which God and the Declaration of Independence awards to him. He and they maintain that negro equality is guarantied by the laws of God, and that it is asserted in the Declaration of Independence. If they think so, of course they have a right to say so, and so vote. I do not question Mr. Lincoln's conscientious belief that the negro was made his equal, and hence is his brother, but for my own part, I do not regard the negro as my equal, and positively deny that he is my brother or any kin to me whatever. … Lincoln … holds that the negro was born his equal and yours, and that he was endowed with equality by the Almighty, and that no human law can deprive him of these rights which were guarantied to him by the Supreme ruler of the Universe. Now, I do not believe that the Almighty ever intended the negro to be the equal of the white man.
LINCOLN'S REPLY:
My Fellow-Citizens: When a man hears himself somewhat misrepresented, it provokes him—at least, I find it so with myself; but when the misrepresentation becomes very gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him. …
Now gentlemen, I have to waste my time on such things, but in regard to that general abolition tilt that Judge Douglas makes, when he says that I was engaged at that time in selling out and abolitionizing the old Whig party—I hope you will permit me to read a part of a printed speech that I made then at Peoria, which will show altogether a different view of the position I took in that contest of 1854.
Voice—Put on your specs.
Mr. Lincoln—Yes, sir, I am obliged to do so. I am no longer a young man. [Laughter.]
… Before proceeding, let me say I think I have no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not now exist amongst them, they would not introduce it. If it did now exist amongst us, we should not instantly give it up. This I believe of the masses north and south. Doubtless there are individuals, on both sides, who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew, if it were out of existence. We know that some southern men do free their slaves, go north, and become tip-top abolitionists; while some northern ones go south, and become most cruel slave-masters.
When southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery, than we; I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to Liberia, -- to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope, (as I think there is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery, at any rate; yet the point is not clear enough to me to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially, our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feeling, whether well or ill- founded, can not be safely disregarded. We can not, then, make them equals. It does seem to me that systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted; but for their tardiness in this, I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the south.
When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully, and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery, than our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one.
But all this; to my judgment, furnishes no more excuse for permitting slavery to go into our own free territory, than it would for reviving the African slave trade by law. The law which forbids the bringing of slaves from Africa; and that which has so long forbid the taking them to Nebraska, can hardly be distinguished on any moral principle; and the repeal of the former could find quite as plausible excuses as that of the latter.
I have reason to know that Judge Douglas knows that I said this. I think he has the answer here to one of the questions he put to me. I do not mean to allow him to catechise me unless he pays back for it in kind. I will not answer questions one after another unless he reciprocates, but as he made this inquiry and I have answered it before, he has got it without my getting anything in return. He has got my answer on the Fugitive Slave Law.
Now gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it, and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the two, which in my judgment will probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong, having the superior position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects—certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread, without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man.
… As I have not used up so much of my time as I had supposed, I will dwell a little longer upon one or two of these minor topics upon with the Judge has spoken. He has read from my speech in Springfield, in which I say that "a house divided against itself cannot stand." Does the Judge say it can stand? I don't know whether he does or not. The Judge does not seem to be attending to me just now, but I would like to know if it is his opinion that a house divided against itself can stand. If he does, then there is a question of veracity, not between him and me, but between the Judge and an authority of a somewhat higher character.
Now, my friends, I ask your attention to this matter for the purpose of saying something seriously. I know that the Judge may readily enough agree with me that the maxim which was put forth by the Saviour is true, but he may allege that I misapply it; and the Judge has right to urge that, in my application, I do misapply it, and then I have a right to show that I do not misapply it. When he undertakes to say that because I think this nation, so far as the question of Slavery is concerned, will all become one thing or all the other, I am in favor of bringing about a dead uniformity in the various States, in all their institutions, he argues erroneously. The great variety of the local institutions in the States, springing from differences in the soil, differences in the face of the country, and in the climate, are bonds of Union. They do not make "a house divided against itself," but they make a house united. If they produce in one section of the country what is called for by the wants of another section, and this other section can supply the wants of the first, they are not matters of discord but bonds of union, true bonds of union. But can this question of slavery be considered as among these varieties in the institutions of the country? I leave it to you to say whether, in the history of our government, this institution of slavery has not always failed to be a bond of union, and, on the contrary, been an apple of discord and an element of division in the house.
… Well, then, let us talk about Popular Sovereignty! What is Popular Sovereignty? It is the right of the people to have Slavery or not have it, as they see fit, in the territories? I will state—and I have an able man to watch me—my understanding is that Popular Sovereignty, as now applied to the question of Slavery, does allow the people of a Territory to have Slavery if they want to, but does not allow them not to have it if they do not want it. I do not mean that if this vast concourse of people were in a Territory of the United States, any one of them would be obliged to have a slave if he did not want one; but I do say that, as I understand the Dred Scott decision, if any one man wants slaves, all the rest have no way of keeping that one man from holding them.
When I made my speech at Springfield, of which the Judge complains, and from which he quotes, I really was not thinking of the things which he ascribes to me at all. I had no thought in the world that I was doing anything to bring about a war between the free and slave States. I had no thought in the world that I was doing anything to bring about a political and social equality of the black and white races. It never occurred to me that I was doing anything or favoring anything to reduce to a dead uniformity all the local institutions of the various States. But I must say, in all fairness, to him, if he thinks I am doing something which leads to these bad results, it is none the better that I did not mean it. It is just as fatal to the country, if I have any influence in producing it, whether I intend it or not. But can it be true, that placing this institution upon the original basis—the basis upon which our fathers placed it—can have any tendency to set the Northern and the Southern States at war with one another, or that it can have any tendency to make the people of Vermont raise sugar cane, because they raise it in Louisiana, or that it can compel the people of Illinois to cut pine logs on the Grand Prairie, where they will not grow, because they cut pine logs in Maine, where they do grow? The Judge says this is a new principle started in regard to this question. Does the Judge claim that he is working on the plan of the founders of government? I think he says in some of his speeches—indeed I have one here now—that he saw evidence of a policy to allow slavery to be south of a certain line, while north of it, it should be excluded, and he saw an indisposition on the part of the country to stand upon that policy, and therefore he set about studying the subject upon original principles, and upon original principles he got up the Nebraska bill! I am fighting it upon these "original principles"—fighting it in the Jeffersonian. Washingtonian, and Madisonian fashion.
… Now, having spoken of the Dred Scott decision, one more word and I am done. Henry Clay, my beau ideal of a statesman, the man for whom I fought all my humble life—Henry Clay once said of a class of men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they must, if they would do this, go back to the era of our Independence, and muzzle the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return; they must blow out the moral lights around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty; and then and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery in this country! To my thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast influence, doing that very thing in this community, when he says that the negro has nothing in the Declaration of Independence. Henry Clay plainly understood the contrary. Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our Revolution, and to the extent of his ability, muzzling the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return. When he invites any people willing to have slavery, to establish it, he is blowing out the moral lights around us. When he says he "cares not whether slavery is voted down or voted up,"—that it is a sacred right of self government—he is in my judgment penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty in this American people. And now I will only say that when, by all these means and appliances, Judge Douglas shall succeed in bringing public sentiment to an exact accordance with his own views—when these vast assemblages shall echo back all these sentiments—when they shall come to repeat his view and to avow his principles, and to say all that he says on these mighty questions—then it needs only formality of the second Dred Scott decision, which he endorses in advance, to make Slavery alike lawful in all the States—old as well as new, North as well as South.
Debate #2: Freeport, Illinois, August 27
LINCOLN:
Ladies and Gentlemen—On Saturday last, Judge Douglas and myself first met in public discussion. He spoke one hour, I an hour-and-a-half, and he replied for half an hour. The order is now reversed. I am to speak an hour, he an hour-and-a-half, and then I am to reply for half an hour. …
As to … the Fugitive Slave Law, I have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate to say, that I think, under the Constitution of the United States, the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave Law. Having said that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugitive Slave Law further than that I think it should have been framed so as to be free from some of the objections that pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an alteration or modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery.
In regard to the other question of whether I am pledged to the admission of any more slave States into the Union, I state to you very frankly that I would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another slave State admitted into the Union; but I must add, that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a Slave Constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union.
In regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia … I have my mind very distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly glad to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet as a member of Congress, I should not with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions. First, that the abolition should be gradual. Second, that it should be on a vote of the majority of qualified voters in the District, and third, that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, "sweep from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation."
… As to the question of the abolition of the Slave Trade between the different States, I can truly answer, as I have, that I am pledged to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I have not given that mature consideration that would make me feel authorized to state a position so as to hold myself entirely bound by it. In other words, that question has never been prominently enough before me to induce me to investigate whether we really have the Constitutional power to do it. I could investigate it if I had sufficient time, to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject, but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I should be of opinion that Congress does possess the Constitutional power to abolish the slave trade among the different States, I should still not be in favor of the exercise of that power unless upon some conservative principle as I conceive it, akin to what I have said in relation to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited in all the Territories of the United States is full and explicit within itself, and cannot be made clearer by any comments of mine. So I suppose in regard to the question whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such that I could add nothing by way of illustration, or making myself better understood, than the answer which I have placed in writing.
Now in all this, the Judge has me and he has me on the record. I suppose he had flattered himself that I was really entertaining one set of opinions for one place and another set for another place—that I was afraid to say at one place what I uttered at another. What I am saying here I suppose I say to a vast audience as strongly tending to Abolitionism as any audience in the State of Illinois, and I believe I am saying that which, if it would be offensive to any persons and render them enemies to myself, would be offensive to persons in this audience.
Ladies and Gentlemen—The silence with which you have listened to Mr. Lincoln during his hour is creditable to this vast audience, composed of men of various political parties. Nothing is more honorable to any large mass of people assembled for the purpose of a fair discussion, than that kind and respectful attention that is yielded not only to your political friends, but to those who are opposed to you in politics. …
…The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is, can the people of a territory in any lawful way against the wishes of any citizen of the United States; exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times from every stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the people of a territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered that question over and over again. He heard me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855 and in 1856, and he has no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position on that question. It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a territory under the constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they will elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave territory or a free territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satisfactory on that point.
… The fourth question of Mr. Lincoln is, are you in favor of acquiring additional territory in disregard as to how such acquisition may effect the Union on the slavery questions. This question is very ingeniously and cunningly put.
The Black Republican creed lays it down expressly, that under no circumstances shall we acquire any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited in the country. I ask Mr. Lincoln whether he is in favor of that proposition. Are you opposed to the acquisition of any more territory, under any circumstances, unless slavery is prohibited in it? That he does not like to answer. When I ask him whether he stands up to that article in the platform of his party, he turns, Yankee- fashion, and without answering it, asks me whether I am in favor of acquiring territory without regard to how it may effect the Union on the slavery question. I answer that whenever it becomes necessary, in our growth and progress to acquire more territory, that I am in favor of it, without reference to the question of slavery, and when we have acquired it, I will leave the people free to do as they please, either to make it slave or free territory, as they prefer. It is idle to tell me or you that we have territory enough. Our fathers supposed that we had enough when out territory extended to the Mississippi river, but a few years' growth and expansion satisfied them that we needed more, and the Louisiana territory, from the West branch of the Mississippi, to the British possessions, was acquired. Then we acquired Oregon, then California and New Mexico. We have enough now for the present, but this is a young and a growing nation. It swarms as often as a hive of bees, and as new swarms are turned out each year, there must be hives in which they can gather and make their honey. In less fifteen years, if the same progress that has distinguished this country for the last fifteen years continues, every foot of vacant land between this and the Pacific ocean, owned by the United States, will be occupied. Will you not continue to increase at the end of fifteen years as well as now? I tell you, increase, and multiply, and expand, is the law of this nation's existence. You cannot limit this great republic by mere boundary lines, saying, "thus far shalt thou go, and no further." Any one of you gentlemen might as well say to a son twelve years old that he is big enough, and must not grow any larger, and in order to prevent his growth put a hoop around him to keep him to his present size. What would be the result? Either the hoop must burst and be rent asunder, or the child must die. So it would be with this great nation. With our natural increase, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing from despotism in the old world to seek a refuge in our own, there is a constant torrent pouring into this country that requires more land, more territory upon which to settle, and just as fast as our interests and our destiny require additional territory in the north, in the south, or on the islands of the ocean, I am for it, and when we acquire it will leave the people, according to the Nebraska bill, free to do as they please on the subject of slavery and every other question.
Debate #3, Jonesboro, September 15
… I now wish to ask you whether that principle was right or wrong which guaranteed to every State and every community the right to form and regulate their domestic institutions to suit themselves. These measures were adopted, as I have previously said, by the joint action of the Union Whigs and Union Democrats, in opposition to Northern Abolitionists and Southern Disunionists. In 1852, when the Whig party assembled at Baltimore, in national convention for the last time, they adopted the principle of the Compromise measures of 1850 as their rule of party action in the future. One month thereafter the Democrats assembled at the same place to nominate a candidate for the Presidency, and declared the same great principle as the rule of action by which the Democracy would be governed. The Presidential election of 1852 was fought on that basis. It is true that the Whigs claimed special merit for the adoption of those measures, because they asserted that their great Clay originated them, their God-like Webster defended them, and their Fillmore signed the bill making them the law of the land; but on the other hand the Democrats claimed special credit for the Democracy, upon the ground that we gave twice as many votes in both Houses of Congress for the passage of these measures as the Whig party.
When the Republican convention assembled at Springfield in June last for the purpose of nominating State officers only, the Abolitionists could not get Lincoln and his friends into it until they would pledge themselves that Lincoln should be their candidate for the Senate; and you will find, in proof of this, that that convention passed a resolution unanimously declaring that Abraham Lincoln was the "first, last and only choice" of the Republicans for United States Senator. He was not willing to have it understood that he was merely their first choice, or their last choice, but their only choice. The Black Republican party had nobody else. …
But I wish to invite your attention to the chief points at issue between Mr. Lincoln and myself in this discussion. Mr. Lincoln, knowing that he was to be the candidate of his party on account of the arrangement of which I have already spoken, knowing that he was to receive the nomination of the Convention for the United States Senate, had his speech, accepting that nomination, all written and committed to memory, ready to be delivered the moment the nomination was announced. Accordingly, when it was made he was in readiness, and delivered his speech, a portion of which I will read, in order that I may state his political principles fairly, by repeating them in his own language.
We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was instituted for the avowed object, and with the confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation; under the operation of that policy, that agitation had only not ceased, but had constantly augmented. I believe it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either, the opponents of slavery will arrest the spread of it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States North as well as South.
There you have Mr. Lincoln's first and main proposition, upon which he bases his claims, stated in his own language. He tells you that this Republic cannot endure permanently divided into slave and free States, as our fathers made it. He says that they must all become free or all become slave, that they must all be one thing or all be the other, or this government cannot last. Why can it not last if we will execute the government in the same spirit and upon the same principles upon which it is founded. Lincoln, by his proposition, says to the South, "If you desire to maintain your institutions as they are now, you must not be satisfied with minding your own business, but you must invade Illinois and all the other northern States, establish slavery in them and make it universal;" and in the same language he says to the north, "you must not be content with regulating your own affairs and minding your own business, but if you desire to maintain your freedom you must invade the Southern States, abolish slavery there and everywhere, in order to have the States all one thing or all the other." I say that this is the inevitable and irresistible result of Mr. Lincoln's argument inviting a warfare between the North and the South, to be carried on with ruthless vengeance, until the one section or the other shall be driven to the wall and become the victim of the rapacity of the other.
What good would follow such a system of warfare? Suppose the North should succeed in conquering the South, how much would she be the gainer, or suppose the South should conquer the North, could the Union be preserved in that way? Is this sectional warfare to be waged between Northern States and Southern States until they all shall become uniform in their local and domestic institutions merely because Mr. Lincoln says that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and pretends that this scriptural quotation, this language of our Lord and Master, is applicable to the American Union and American constitution? Washington and his compeers in the convention that framed the constitution, made this government divided into free and slave States. It was composed then of thirteen sovereign and independent States, each having sovereign authority over its local and domestic institutions, and all bound together by the federal constitution. Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the federal constitution joining free and slave States together to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand. When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this government is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into free and slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased from four millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population, in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under a constitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says is in violation of the law of God, and under a union divided into free and slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the government. Washington did not believe, nor did his compatriots, that the local laws and domestic institutions that were well adapted to the green mountains of Vermont were suited to the rice plantations of South Carolina; they did not believe at that day that in a republic so broad and expanded as this, containing such a variety of climate, soil and interest, that uniformity in the local laws and domestic institutions were either desirable or possible. They believed then as our experience has proved to us now, that each locality, having different interests, a different climate and different surroundings, required different local laws; local policy and local institutions adapted to the wants of that locality. Thus our government was formed on the principle of diversity in the local institutions and laws and not on that of uniformity.
As my time flies, I can only glance, at these points and not present them as fully as I would wish, because I desire to bring all the points in controversy between the two parties before you in order to have Mr. Lincoln's reply. He makes war or the decision of the Supreme Court in the case known as the Dred Scott case. I wish to say to you, fellow- citizens, that I have no war to make on that decision, or any other ever rendered by the Supreme Court. I am content to take that decision as it stands delivered by the highest judicial tribunal on earth, a tribunal established by the Constitution of the United States for that purpose, and hence that decision be comes the law of the land, binding on you, on me, and on every other good citizen, whether we like it or not. Hence I do not choose to go into an argument to prove, before this audience, whether or not Chief Justice Taney understood the law better than Abraham Lincoln.
Mr. Lincoln objects to that decision, first and mainly because it deprives the negro of the rights of citizenship. I am as much opposed to his reason for that objection as I am to the objection itself. I hold that a negro is not and never ought to be a citizen of the United States. I hold that this government was made on the white basis, by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and should be administered by white men and none others. I do not believe that the Almighty made the negro capable of self-government. I am aware that all the abolition lecturers that you find traveling about through the country are in the habit of reading the Declaration of Independence to prove that all men were created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Mr. Lincoln is very much in the habit of following in the track of Lovejoy in this particular, by reading that part of the Declaration of Independence to prove that the negro was endowed by the Almighty with the inalienable right of equality with white men. Now, I say to you, may fellow-citizens, that in my opinion the signers of the Declaration had no reference to the negro whatever when they declared all men to be created equal. They desired to express by that phrase, white men, men of European birth and European descent, and had no reference either to the negro, the savage Indians, the Fejee, the Malay, or any other inferior and degraded race, when they spoke of the equality of men. One great evidence that such was their understanding, is to be found in the fact that at that time every one of the thirteen colonies was a slaveholding colony, every signer of the Declaration represented a slave-holding constituency, and we know that no one of them emancipated his slaves, much less offered citizenship to them when they signed the Declaration, and yet, if they had intended to declare that the negro was the equal of the white man, and entitled by divine right to an equality with him, they were bound, as honest men, that day and hour to have put their negroes on an equality with themselves. Instead of doing so, with uplifted eyes to Heaven they implored the Divine blessing upon them, during the seven years' bloody war they had to fight to maintain that Declaration, never dreaming that they were violating divine law by still holding the negroes in bondage and depriving them of equality.
My friends, I am in favor of preserving this government as our fathers made it. It does not follow by any means that because a negro is not your equal or mine that hence he must necessarily be a slave. On the contrary, it does follow that we ought to extend to the negro every right, every privilege, every immunity which he is capable of enjoying consistent with the good of society. When you ask me what these rights are, what their nature and extent is, I tell you that is a question which each State of this Union must decide for itself. Illinois has already decided the question. We have decided that the negro must not be a slave within our limits, but we have also decided that the negro shall not be a citizen within our limits; that he shall not vote, hold office, or exercise any political rights. I maintain that Illinois, as a sovereign State, has a right thus to fix her policy with reference to the relation between the white man and the negro; but while we had the right to decide the question for ourselves we must recognize the same right in Kentucky and in every other State to make the same decision, or a different one. Having decided our own policy with reference to the black race, we must leave Kentucky and Missouri and every other State perfectly free to make just such a decision as they see proper on that question.
Four Additional debates were held in Charleston on September 18, Galesburg on October 7, Quincy on October 13, and Alton on October 15.
Expansion_Reform Home | Updated May 10, 2017


Creating the perfect glass tile patterns for your home takes diligence and care. By using the right methods, you can enjoy a stunning bathroom wall, kitchen backsplash, or other design for years to come. Follow these tips for the best possible installation.
Paint the wall one color. If you are using tile to cover up wall blemishes or a fading paint job, be sure that the wall under the glass tiles is one uniform color. Even darker glass tile colors are translucent, so you will be able to see the wall underneath. This will keep your bathroom tile or kitchen backsplash completely uniform.
Make a template beforehand. Laying glass tile patterns takes fine attention to detail and precise measurements. To avoid excess space or having to cut tile last minute, take the time to draw a template in advance. This will advise how much tile to order and what size to cut them.
Work with care. While you might be eager to jump right into the project and get it done as soon as possible, be sure to slow down and take the project one step at a time. Use the same motions when applying the grout and use the same amount of pressure when pressing down each tile.Working slowly will pay off in the results.
Clean as you go. Keep a damp sponge and towel near by to wipe up any messes immediately. This will help you avoid having to scrape dried grout off of the floor and the surface of the glass wall tile. Be sure to place an old sheet or tarp on the ground to catch any spills.
Let the grout dry. Once you finish applying the tiles, let the surface be until everything dries completely. If people walk on or bump the surface of your project, this could dislodge tiles or offset the design. If you have children or pets, consider blocking off the room while the project sets.
Remember: Buying the highest quality glass tile is also key to beautiful installation. Take your time when selecting your tiles, and don't hesitate to hire a professional designer. Even small remodels make a big difference, with additions to the bathroom offering an average ROI of 86.4%. Making this investment will pay off both financially and aesthetically.


The Town of Clifton is organized under the Council/Manager form of government. The Town Council is the governing body, which formulates policies for the administration of the Town. Members of the Town Council are elected for four-year terms, with the Mayor being selected by the elected Council members for a two-year term.
The Town Manager is appointed by the Town Council and works with the Town's professional staff to direct Town operations. The Town Manager facilitates completion of Town Council priorities and encourages the entire workforce to provide superior service to all constituents: residents, visitors and businesses.


You will find many construction companies who will offer you remodeling services and what not but you cannot trust someone blindly and if you do your research and ask a couple of construction companies their rates and all then you will get to know that how costly it is and that it is not easy to find someone who will do a great job in good and reasonable amount of money. So, if you are in Toronto and you want to get your kitchen remodeled and all that then I know one place which you can trust blindly and the best part about it is that they are not extremely expensive as well. I am talking about the "Briks Construction", they are the best one in this business and are reasonable as well. They will give your kitchen a classy and an elegant look, just what you are looking for. If you want to know more about them then you should visit their website, just click on this link and you are good to go, here is the link; Briks.ca, everything you need to know about them is mentioned there.
From general construction to a commercial one, they do it all and it does not matter to them if their client is big or small, they treat all of their clients equally and give their best to them. They charge fair and square for what they do and they believe in comforting people and not costing them a fortune by constructing their homes. All of their staff and workers are highly experienced and skilled, they have been doing this since a lot of time now so they have become pros. If you give your construction contract to them then you do not have to worry about anything at all, it will all be taken care of, they notice each and every little detail, so nothing can miss their eye.
So, if you are looking for best Construction Services in Toronto to remodel your kitchen then I do not think that there is anyone else rather than the 'Briks Construction' who can do a better job, so think all you want to and then take your decision wisely, as we do not remodel our kitchens every now and then . if you have any queries you can also call them up and ask.
How can lawns help you to improve home ambiance?


seoul - Chip maker Qualcomm in South Korea won fined 1 billion, converted 813 million. The company has made abuse of its own patents and not paid enough for the use of patents of others, found the South Korean competition council Wednesday.
Qualcomm is also in Europe and the United States under attack and has already been punished in China. The company mainly makes money on its patents. It has to pay a monopoly on key technology and other companies to be allowed to use it.
Qualcomm is appealing. The penalty would be good news for the South Korean giants Samsung and LG. They might have to pay less money to Qualcomm.
Qualcomm is also the new owner of the Dutch chipmaker NXP.


This event is the largest Italian focused food and beverage trade show in the Western Hemisphere. The show's goal is to assist companies in sourcing gourmet & authentic Italian products and increasing two-way trade within various regions of Italy and throughout the Americas. It provides exhibiting companies and visitor's unparalleled opportunities to discover new markets, creative new products, ideas and innovations.
We look forward to seeing you at the 3rd Annual Taste of Italy Houston 2017!


Children at St Mary's love taking part in the wide opportunities for music learning and making. All children enjoy music as part of their learning. They perform in annual shows, regualr assemblies and church services, with singing and music making.
Our excellent peripatetic instrumental teachers offer optional small-group tuition in string, woodwind and brass for KS2 pupils. A reasonable charge covers a year of lessons, instrument loan and grading exams. For more information contact the school office.
Expert staff and volunteers run and support a busy programme of extra-curricular music clubs, currently including orchestra, choir, and music theory. BBC Radio Suffolk invited our renown school choir to perform in their Christmas Concert at Snape Maltings, broadcast on Christmas Day.
Sing a-long with Mrs Petts! Here are the audio files for choir to learn in preparation for our performance at Snape Maltings.


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Ostkreuz
DOCUMENTARIES • 1h 27m
OSTKREUZ, today's most famous photographers' agency in Germany, was founded with the Magnum agency as a role model in East Germany shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1990.
Today 20 photographers from East and West organize it. Each one has their own working practices and approaches, but one thing unites them: a humanistic worldview. All of the photographers go to the limit, whether political, physical, or imaginary.
Berlin-based filmmaker Maik Reichert accompanies OSTKREUZ since many years. His film tells the photographers' story with and without the Wall.
Maik Reichert director
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Nine years ago the first Kinvara pioneered our design philosophy. Today the Kinvara 9 is a staple in our lineup, with a minimal upper design for a superior lightweight fit. And with the addition of a full EVERUNTM topsole, the unparalleled underfoot feel of this women's neutral running shoe continues on without rival. Click here to learn more.


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De Cape Cod Canal Railroad Bridge is een spoorbrug over het Cape Cod Canal in Massachusetts, Verenigde Staten. De hefbrug verbindt Massachusetts met het schiereiland Cape Cod.

Cape Cod Canal
Tussen Cape Cod Bay en Buzzards Bay ligt het Cape Cod Canal. De eerste plannen voor de aanleg van een kanaal dateren al uit de 17e eeuw, maar het duurde tot 1909 voordat er daadwerkelijk werd gegraven. In 1914 werd het kanaal beperkt opengesteld; twee jaar later was de waterweg volledig gereed. Het kanaal bood een alternatief voor de lange en gevaarlijke vaarroute om Cape Cod heen.

Het kanaal was een private onderneming en er werd dus tol geheven om uit de kosten te komen. Het kanaal was nogal smal (slechts 30 meter) en het was lastig te bevaren. Diverse ongelukken belemmerden de doorgang en zorgden voor een slechte reputatie van de waterweg; dit had uiteraard negatieve effecten op de tolopbrengsten.

In 1918 vond er bij Cape Cod een incident plaats met een Duitse U-boot: de Duitsers schoten torpedo's af op een sleepboot en enkele barges. Voor de Amerikaanse overheid was dit reden om het kanaal onder toezicht te plaatsen van de United States Railroad Administration. Het Amerikaanse leger zorgde ervoor dat het kanaal werd uitgebaggerd. De overheid bleef tot 1920 de controle behouden, maar in 1928 werd het kanaal alsnog aangekocht door de regering om er een openbare doorgang van te maken. Tussen 1935 en 1940 werd het kanaal verbreed van 100 ft naar 480 ft en de vaargeul werd verder uitgebaggerd van 25 ft naar 32 ft. Tevens werd de zuidelijke toegang – tot dan toe een lastige ingang – verplaatst.

De spoorbrug
De eerste spoorlijn in deze regio werd al in 1848 aangelegd en heette toen de Cape Cod Branch Railroad. Na verdere uitbreidingen, een naamswijziging, en een overname van een andere maatschappij fuseerde het bedrijf in 1872 met de Old Colony & Newport tot de Old Colony Railroad. Dit bedrijf werd in 1894 geleased door de New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad. Tot aan de fusie met Penn Central in 1969 verzorgde de New Haven dus het spoorvervoer van en naar Cape Cod.

De eerste brug over het kanaal werd in 1910 gebouwd. Toen het kanaal in 1928 in handen kwam van de overheid, startte de United States Army Corps of Engineers met een grootscheepse verbouwing van het kanaal. Naast de verbreding en verdieping van het kanaal zelf, moesten ook de drie bruggen (twee voor het wegverkeer en een voor de spoorlijn) worden vervangen: de doorgangen waren namelijk erg nauw (slechte 140 ft) en leverden veel problemen op voor de scheepvaart. De uit 1910 daterende basculebrug voor de spoorlijn werd vervangen door een hefbrug met een doorgang van 544 ft en een doorvaarthoogte van 135 ft. De bouw startte in 1933; twee jaar later was de brug gereed.

Zowel de brug als het kanaal worden geëxploiteerd door de United States Army Corps of Engineers. De brug staat in principe altijd in open positie voor het scheepvaartverkeer.

Spoorvervoer
In 1959 werd alle reizigersvervoer door de New Haven beëindigd. Het goederenvervoer bleef bestaan en kwam in via Penn Central (1969) in handen van Conrail (1976). In 1976 werd de staat Massachusetts de eigenaar van het spoor.

Reizigersvervoer
Van 1982 tot in 1988 was er reizigersvervoer, maar dit was seizoensgebonden. In 1989 ging een toeristentrein van start, maar in 1997 eindigde dit vervoer. Twee jaar later echter begon de Cape Cod Central Railroad met het rijden van toeristentreinen en doet dit nog steeds tot op de dag van vandaag. Het bedrijf Cape Rail is eigenaar van deze maatschappij. Regulier reizigersvervoer is er niet, maar er zijn plannen bij Cape Rail om forensenvervoer tussen Cape Cod en het 'vasteland' van Massachusetts op te zetten.

Goederenvervoer
In 1982 kreeg de Bay Colony Railroad het recht om goederentreinen te rijden. Op 1 januari 2008 kwam deze concessie in handen van de Mass Coastal Railroad, een onderdeel van het eerder genoemde Cape Rail. Het belangrijkste vervoer betreft de 'trash train': afval van Cape Cod wordt naar een energiecentrale in Massachusetts gebracht om daar te worden omgezet in elektriciteit. Mass Coastal noemt deze trein dan ook de 'Energy Train'.

Spoorbrug in de Verenigde Staten
Hefbrug
Bouwwerk in Massachusetts

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Buddle Findlay is proud to sponsor the 2016 SOLGM Annual Summit (21-26 September 2016, Auckland). Under the theme of Inspiring Leadership, a two-day programme will give local government professionals the opportunity to explore emerging trends and address issues of significance to the sector.
Buddle Findlay's dedicated local government practice provides strategic legal advice to regional and city councils throughout New Zealand.


Used 2008 Honda Accord EX-L Sedan AT for Sale in Louisville KY 40206 Tom Leis Auto Sales Inc.
This 1-owner 2008 honda accord ex-l is loaded and only has 124k has been very well maintained.we have totally serviced this accord and it needs nothing.Come by today and check out this awesome 08 accord ex-l !!!


Retirement isn't what it used to be – making it even more important to think about all of the years it could last, the ways your life will change and the events you might not foresee.
Three little questions can have big implications on your quality of life in retirement.
Dementia and Alzheimer's can be physically and emotionally tolling for everyone involved. Review the resources below to learn more about how you can detect early signs or cope with caregiver stress.


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Electric Last Mile Aims To Create Up To 960 Jobs In Indiana
The electric vehicle (EV) company intends to invest $300M to establish operations at the former AM General commercial plant in Mishawaka, IN.
https://businessfacilities.com/2020/12/electric-last-mile-aims-to-create-up-to-960-jobs-in-indiana/
Home » Industry News » Automotive » Electric Last Mile Aims To Create Up To 960 Jobs In Indiana
Electric Last Mile, Inc. (ELMS), an electric vehicle (EV) company focused on commercial and delivery fleet vehicles, will establish operations and launch production in Mishawaka, IN. Subject to the completion of ELMS' recently announced business combination with Forum Merger III Corporation, the company plans to create up to 960 new jobs by the end of 2024 to support its expansion plans in Indiana.
"Indiana was a natural choice for us given our product roadmap, the highly-trained and motivated workforce, and the logistics of moving finished goods within the U.S.," said Jim Taylor, co-founder and CEO of ELMS. "We couldn't be more pleased to launch our production operations in Indiana."
The Auburn Hills, MI-based company plans to invest more than $300 million in the 675,500-square-foot former AM General facility in Mishawaka. The facility is expected to support the production and assembly of ELMS' electric Urban Delivery vehicle, with the capacity to manufacture up to 100,000 vehicles annually. The company plans to launch production by the third quarter of 2021.
ELMS' electric Urban Delivery vehicle is expected to provide 170 cubic feet of cargo space, 150 miles of range capacity, and advanced onboard and wireless data capabilities to optimize fleet planning and tracking. (Photo: Electric Last Mile, Inc.)
To support its Indiana operations, the company plans to add up to 140 positions by the end of 2021 and ramp up hiring over the next few years. ELMS plans to hire for positions in production, engineering and administration.
ELMS' commercial electric vehicles will offer efficient last mile solutions for commercial fleet providers. The company's electric Urban Delivery vehicle is expected to provide 170 cubic feet of cargo space, 150 miles of range capacity, and advanced onboard and wireless data capabilities to optimize fleet planning and tracking. Once launched, the vehicle is expected to be the only Class 1 EV in the U.S.
"ELMS' decision to fuel its growth in Indiana is a testament to the state's business-friendly environment, strong automotive sector and skilled, diverse workforce," said Governor Eric J. Holcomb. "We're excited ELMS is choosing to launch production at the former AM General facility in Mishawaka and look forward to supporting their growth as the company delivers advanced electric vehicle solutions and creates hundreds of quality career opportunities for Hoosiers."
"This project puts St. Joseph County on the forefront of the electrical transportation movement and continues our long history of being industry leaders in manufacturing," said Andrew Kostielney, president of the St. Joseph County Board of Commissioners.
The Indiana Economic Development Corporation (IEDC) offered ELMS up to $10 million in conditional tax credits and up to $200,000 in conditional training grants based on the company's job creation plans. The IEDC also offered up to $2.8 million in conditional tax credits from the Hoosier Business Investment (HBI) tax credit program based on the company's planned capital investment in Indiana. These tax credits are performance-based, meaning the company is eligible to claim incentives once workers are hired. St. Joseph County will consider additional incentives at the request of the St. Joseph County Division of Economic Development.
Indiana is a leader in manufacturing, with 8,500 manufacturing facilities and the highest concentration of manufacturing jobs in the nation. With more than 500 automotive suppliers and five original equipment manufacturer (OEM) companies, Indiana supports the second largest automotive sector by GDP in the U.S., producing more than 1.3 million cars and light trucks annually.
Want to learn more about doing business in Indiana?
Check out all the latest news related to Indiana economic development, corporate relocation, corporate expansion and site selection.
Subaru Investing $158M In Indiana Expansion The automotive company plans to create up to 350 new jobs at its Lafayette, IN manufacturing operations by the end of 2023.
Toyota Announces Additional $700M Investment In Indiana Toyota Motor Manufacturing Indiana will complete the modernization project at its Princeton operations, and add 150 more new jobs.
Fiat Chrysler To Invest $400M In Indiana Transmission Plant II The global auto manufacturer will expand and retool its Kokomo, IN manufacturing operations for production of a new engine.
Electric Last Mile
Forum Merger III Corporation
Governor Eric Holcomb
St. Joseph County
Urban Delivery vehicle
U.S. Steel Picks Arkansas For New $3B Steel Mill
Upon completion in 2024, U.S. Steel's Osceola, AR facility will be the most technologically advanced steelmaking facility in North America.


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HomeThe Sirens of Mars: Searching for Life on Another World
The Sirens of Mars: Searching for Life on Another World
by Sarah Stewart Johnson
@biosigs
"Sarah Stewart Johnson interweaves her own coming-of-age story as a planetary scientist with a vivid history of the exploration of Mars in this celebration of human curiosity, passion, and perseverance."—Alan Lightman, author of Einstein's Dreams
WINNER OF THE PHI BETA KAPPA AWARD FOR SCIENCE• NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY The New York Times Book Review • Times (UK) • Library Journal
"Lovely . . . Johnson's prose swirls with lyrical wonder, as varied and multihued as the apricot deserts, butterscotch skies and blue sunsets of Mars."—Anthony Doerr, The New York Times Book Review
Mars was once similar to Earth, but today there are no rivers, no lakes, no oceans. Coated in red dust, the terrain is bewilderingly empty. And yet multiple spacecraft are circling Mars, sweeping over Terra Sabaea, Syrtis Major, the dunes of Elysium, and Mare Sirenum—on the brink, perhaps, of a staggering find, one that would inspire humankind as much as any discovery in the history of modern science.
In this beautifully observed, deeply personal book, Georgetown scientist Sarah Stewart Johnson tells the story of how she and other researchers have scoured Mars for signs of life, transforming the planet from a distant point of light into a world of its own.
Johnson's fascination with Mars began as a child in Kentucky, turning over rocks with her father and looking at planets in the night sky. She now conducts fieldwork in some of Earth's most hostile environments, such as the Dry Valleys of Antarctica and the salt flats of Western Australia, developing methods for detecting life on other worlds. Here, with poetic precision, she interlaces her own personal journey—as a female scientist and a mother—with tales of other seekers, from Percival Lowell, who was convinced that a utopian society existed on Mars, to Audouin Dollfus, who tried to carry out astronomical observations from a stratospheric balloon. In the process, she shows how the story of Mars is also a story about Earth: This other world has been our mirror, our foil, a telltale reflection of our own anxieties and yearnings.
Empathetic and evocative, The Sirens of Mars offers an unlikely natural history of a place where no human has ever set foot, while providing a vivid portrait of our quest to defy our isolation in the cosmos.
Aspen Ideas to Go
Are We on the Brink of Finding Life on Mars?
9/21/21 30 min
Planetary Radio: Space Exploration, Astronomy and Science
The Sirens of Mars Call to Us
9/2/20 53 min
Planetary Radio: Space Exploration. Astronomy and Science
Sarah Stewart Johnson
New York Time's Notable Book
Crown Publishing Group
BISAC Biography & Autobiography
BISAC Science
History (Science)
Life Sciences – Evolution
The Glass Universe: How the Ladies of the Harvard Observatory Took the Measure of the Stars Wonders All Around: The Incredible True Story of Astronaut Bruce McCandless II and the First Untethered Flight in Space The End of Everything: (Astrophysically Speaking) Notes on a Silencing: A Memoir Fox and I: An Uncommon Friendship


Our New Ladybug baby Hats are made in the UK from 95% Cotton 5 % Elastane Jersey.
Fred & Noah baby leggings feature an enclosed non roll elasticated waist and are available in sizes 0-12months. The leggings also feature a reversible ankle cuff which can be turned up for shorter babies whilst also keeping their little socks on .All of our styles are cut for both disposable and cloth nappies and can be mixed and matched with our range of hand printed vests and T shirts .
Matching knotted hats and dribble bibs also available .


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Moon Hunters review
Best 13 Wireless Gaming Headsets
Zelda: Breath of the Wild sets the standard for open-world games
PlayStation Now to add PlayStation 4 games later this year
Tom Holland speaks out on playing Spider-Man in Captain America: Civil War
Futurama is coming to mobile in Worlds of Tomorrow game
Keith McNally release a free eBook based on The Last of Us
Looking Forward: Why NieR: Automata could have the best story of 2017
Inquisitor – Martyr is looking to be the ARPG Warhammer 40k deserves
Shadow of War has plenty of room to improve on Shadow of Mordor
Ghost Recon Wildlands embodies the promise and pitfalls of open-worlds
The MMO genre should learn from Black Desert's mistakes and comeback
For Honor and how bad servers can ruin a good game
SteamWorld Heist Review
The Walking Dead: A New Frontier "Ties That Bind Part I & II" Review
Assassin's Creed Movie Review: A failed leap of faith
Batman- The Telltale Series Full Season Review
Xbox Podcast Episode 1
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The Game Café: The rise and future of mobile gaming
The Game Café: Video game movies are still a work-in-progress
The Game Café: The horror genre and what makes a good horror game?
The Game Café: Switch and the long history of Nintendo
The Game Café: Season Passes and Modern DLC
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Tagged Kickstarter
UnDungeon's Kickstarter fully funded with two weeks to go
UnDungeon is a beautiful game that mixes top-down dungeon crawling, action RPG mechanics, and rogue-like permadeath. The game's Kickstarter campaign recently reached its funding goal and is now working towards ... Read More...
The Banner Saga 3 Kickstarter is fully funded, working towards stretch goals
On January 24th, Stoic Studio started a Kickstarter campaign to fund the third and final chapter in the epic Banner Saga franchise. On January 30th, the campaign reached its initial goal of $200,000. Stoic cele... Read More...
Stoic Games launches Banner Saga 3 Kickstarter campaign
The Kickstarter campaign for Banner Saga 3, from Stoic Games, is currently underway. The next installment of the company's award winning series is set to bring a variety of changes as well as the conclusion to the trilogy. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TP... Read More...
Apocalypse Now to become a video game
One of the most iconic movies of all time, Francis Ford Coppola's Apocalypse Now, is to be made into a computer game. Involved in production are some of the top games developer talents behind big titles like F... Read More...
Mind Grown Software announces Convicted Galaxy Kickstarter
Mind Grown Software has announced that they have started a Kickstarter campaign for their upcoming game, Convicted Galaxy. The game is a 2.5D space action game that blends together Rogue-lite elements with comb... Read More...
Battle Chasers: Nightwar is coming to PS4
Battle Chasers: Nightwar is a unique RPG created by Airship Syndicate, based on the comic series by Joe Madureira. It's set to be a companion story to the well loved series, allowing old fans of the comics to recognize the world and characters without alienati... Read More...
System Shock remake has been delayed to 2018
When the Kickstarter for System Shock showed up, fans of the old action role-playing game were immediately enthralled. They were fully backed, and then some, with a possible release date of December 2017. In... Read More...
Kickstarter campaign for Dual Universe begins today
A new Kickstarter campaign began today for MMORPG Dual Universe, developer Novaquark announced. Dual Universe is a sci-fi sandbox game for PC that contains one unique world that is shared by all players with... Read More...
New Homeland combines sprite art and modern gameplay
After spending two years in development, Hot Fudge Games has announced a Kickstarter campaign for its first game, New Homeland. The Kickstarter explains New Homeland with an ambitious list of inspirations: 8- and 16-bit, platformers, action adventures, metr... Read More...
Interview with Columnae developer Moonburnt Studio
Earlier last month, I had the pleasure of talking with Moonburnt Studio on their first Kickstarter venture, called Columnae: A Past Under Construction. The point-and-click adventure game boasts an interesting n... Read More...
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The Brandeis men's and women's track and field teams participated in the University Athletic Association Championships last Saturday, Mar. 1, with both teams coming in seventh.
The Washington University men's team and the University of Chicago's women's team took first place.
Kelsey Whitaker '16 placed second in the mile, and Amelia Lundkvist '14 immediately followed her teammate, to take third by less than a second. They won All-UAA honors, and Victoria Sanford '14 came in fifth.
Top female finishers in the 3,000-meter run were Maddie Dollins '17 in seventh and Ashley Piccirillo-Horan '17, who came in 16th. Selen Livas '17 was ninth in shot put, and Ashley Klein '16 and Alyssa Fenenbock '15 came in 16th and 17th respectively.
Junior Mo Sidique had the best three jumps in the meet, out-jumping his closest opponent by about two feet. He and teammates Adam Berger '16 and Brian Louis '17 won more than two-thirds of the men's 23 points with these three performances.
In the men's 55-meter dash, Victor Asante '17 won Brandeis two more points by coming in fifth.
The men's top mile finishers were Grady Ward '16 as number nine, Daniel Leon '17 as number 16 and Matthew Doran '17 as number 18.
Northeastern University will host the ECAC Championships on Friday, Mar. 7 and Saturday, Mar. 8, which both teams will attend.


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I have a different problem. On SPSS I can go to data/select cases/ and a drop down box allows me to pick a range of information from a particular column and select that....for example if I want to select only certain ages from a group (ages 13-20 from a column of ages 5-55) I can do that and it only selects those ages. Is there a way to do that in PSPP? I hope I am being clear. I am just learning this program and am not all that familiar with the computer language.
And how do you do this for windows, from a French language windows to en English-speaking PSPP ? I tried but did not succeed.
Which is the code, in which file to put, and in which folder to put the file ?
the currently logged in user) is set to Portuguese, then that is what PSPP will display.
example, on GNU or on GNU/Linux you could use the command "export LANG=pt_PT"
(for Portuguese portuguese) or "export LANG=pt_BR" for Brazillian portuguese.
you will have to refer to your OS documentation.
Please note, that currently the Portuguese localisation of PSPP is somewhat out of date.


American University offers a variety of doctoral, master's, and certificate programs. Whether you are interested in studying game design, economics, film, or international affairs, AU offers a vast array of top-ranking academic programs. Take a minute to explore all the exciting opportunities that AU has to offer!
Are you a graduate student at American University? Share your internship experience, research publication, art piece, or study abroad story with us!


Dominica and later Liverpool slave-trader, and slave-owner in Demerara, partner with William Heathcote (q.v.). Consistent with the financial problems implied by the appearance of assignees for his estate in Demerara, David Pope shows him as leaving only £100 in his will, proved at Chester 12/01/1819, of Liverpool and Newbie Dumfriesshire.
David Pope, 'The wealth and aspirations of Liverpool;s slave merchants' in Richardson et al. Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery p. 212.
Registered to assignees of William Neilson in both 1817 and 1826, by which later time he was deceased.
'William Neilson', Legacies of British Slave-ownership database, http://wwwdepts-live.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/2146652411 [accessed 21st April 2019].


text:
Nechanice (deutsch Nechanitz) ist eine Stadt im Okres Hradec Králové in Tschechien. Sie liegt 14 Kilometer westlich der Kreisstadt Hradec Králové.

Geographie
Nechanice liegt in der Vychodolabská tabule am Fluss Bystřice. Nachbarorte sind Suchá und Stračovská Lhota im Norden, Třesovice und Střezetice im Nordosten, Lubnó und Horni Přím im Osten, Hrádek und Radostov im Südosten, Končice und Zvikov im Süden, Kobylice und Nový Bydžov im Westen und Podoliby im Nordwesten.

Geschichte

Nechanice wurde erstmals 1228 urkundlich erwähnt, als der böhmische König Wenzel I. dem Kloster Leitomischl für das Seelenheil seines verstorbenen Bruders Vladislav Bußgelder überschrieb, die in der Landtafel verzeichnet wurden. Die Urkunde wurde u. a. von Peter von Nechanice (Petr z Nechanic) bezeugt. Er war Kaplan von Nechanice und handelte als Beauftragter des witigonischen Zweiges der Herren von Krumau, in deren Besitz Nechanice damals war. Um diese Zeit verfügte Nechanice bereits über eine Kirche sowie eine Feste, die 1235 von Záviš (Zawisch) von Nechanice, einem Sohn Witikos II. von Krumau (Vítek starší) bewohnt wurde. Záviš ist für die Jahre 1216 bis 1257 belegt und bekleidete von 1233 bis 1236 das Amt des Unterkämmerers des Königs Wenzel I. Wahrscheinlich von Záviš wurde das befestigte Dorf Nechanice zu einem Städtchen erhoben und ihm gleichzeitig das witigonische Wappen mit der fünfblättrigen Rose verliehen.

Vermutlich nach dem Aussterben des Krumauer Familienzweigs 1302 fiel Nechanice als erledigtes Lehen an das böhmische Königshaus, jedenfalls ist König Johann von Luxemburg als Besitzer von Nechanice nachgewiesen. Weitere Besitzer waren u. a. Albrecht von Kolowrat und Johann von Waldstein, der vor 1521 die Herrschaft Nechanice an Nikolaus Pencingár von Bydžín verkaufte. Dessen Nachfahre Ctibor Smil verlor die Besitzungen nach der Schlacht am Weißen Berg. Später besaßen Nechanice die Grafen Schaffgotsch und zuletzt bis zur Enteignung 1945 die Grafen Harrach. Nachdem deren Schloss in Sadová 1744 abbrannte, erbaute Franz Ernst von Harrach bei Nechanice das Schloss Schloss Hrádek, das nachfolgend als Sitz der Grafen Harrach diente.

1866 war Nechanice im Deutschen Krieg durch die Schlacht bei Königgrätz stark betroffen. Von wirtschaftlicher Bedeutung war in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts der Musikbau, wobei vornehmlich Harfen hergestellt wurden. Bereits seit 1865 war Nechanice, das 1867 zur Stadt erhoben wurde, Sitz des gleichnamigen Bezirks, der bis 1928 bestand. Aus politischen Gründen verlor Nechanice 1949 den Status einer Stadt und erhielt ihn erst 1992 wieder zurück.

Ortsteile
Zu Nechanice gehören die Ortsteile
 Komárov (Komorn)
 Lubno
 Nerošov (Nereschow)
 Sobětuš (Sobietusch)
 Staré Nechanice (Alt Nechanitz)
 Suchá (Dürr) und
 Tůně (Thun).

Sehenswürdigkeiten
 Die bereits 1228 erwähnte Kirche Mariä Himmelfahrt wurde 1680–1692 unter Ernst von Schaffgotsch umgebaut und erweitert. Nach einem Brand 1827 wurde die Kirche von den Grafen Harrach 1833 wieder errichtet.
 Statue der Anna selbdritt aus dem 18. Jahrhundert auf dem Marktplatz
 Die Statue des Hl. Johann von Nepomuk in der Prager Straße stammt aus dem Jahr 1730
 Soldatenfriedhof für Gefallene der Schlacht bei Königgrätz in Bažantnice
 Auf dem ehemaligen Friedhof in Štrossovy sady befindet sich das Grab von František Škroupa, dem Komponisten der tschechischen Hymne
 Schloss Hrádek u Nechanic, südöstlich von Nechanice
 Auf den Wiesen hinter der Stadt beim Fluss Bystřice befinden sich Überreste der alten Festung

Persönlichkeiten
 Ignaz Raab (1715–1787), Kirchenmaler
 Jan Křtitel Vaňhal (1739–1813), Komponist

Weblinks

 Geschichte (tschechisch)
 Verzeichnis Sehenswürdigkeiten (tschechisch)

Einzelnachweise


An opportunity to transform the way we move in our cities. A report models the potential benefits that could be realised if cities increased cycling to a normal, everyday activity.
Bike Life is the UK's biggest assessment of cycling in cities. It is delivered by Sustrans in collaboration with 15 UK cities and urban areas. This report models the benefit cycling could produce between 2017 and the year 2040 with ambitious commitment to deliver change. The report uses data from Bike Life 2017 from the seven original cities: Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, Cardiff, Edinburgh, Greater Manchester and Newcastle.


DANGER: CONTAINS GAS UNDER PRESSURE: MAY EXPLODE IF HEATED. MAY DISPLACE OXYGEN AND CAUSE RAPID SUFFICATION. MAY CAUSE OR INTENSIFY FIRE: OXIDIZER. CONTAINS REFRIGERATED GAS: MAY CAUSE CRYOGENIC BURNS OR INJURY. MAY CAUSE DROWSINESS OR DIZZINESS.
Do not breathe gas. Do not get into eyes, on skin, or on clothing. Keep valves and fittings free from grease and oil. Use and store only outdoors or in a well ventilated place. Avoid spills. Do not walk or roll equipment over spills. Open valve slowly. Close valve after each use and when empty. Use a back flow preventive device in the piping. Do not handle until all safety precautions have been read and understood. Wear cold insulating gloves/face shield/eye protection. Do not drop. Use a suitable hand truck for container movement. Always keep container in upright position. DO NOT change or force fit connections. Use only with equipment cleaned for oxygen service. Keep/store away from clothing and other combustible materials. In case of fire: Stop leak if safe to do so. Store locked up. Read and follow the Safety Data Sheet (SDS) before use.
FIRST AID: IF INHALED: Remove to fresh air and keep comfortable for breathing. Get medical advice/attention. IF ON SKIN: Thaw frosted parts with lukewarm water. Do not rub affected area. Call a POISON CENTER or doctor/physician if feeling unwell.
WARNING: Administration of Nitrous Oxide may be hazardous or contraindicated. For use only by or under the supervision of a licensed practitioner who is experienced in the use and administration of Nitrous Oxide and is familiar with the indications, effects, dosages, methods, and frequency and duration of administration, and with the hazards, contraindications and side effects, and precautions to be taken.
WARNING: Administration of Nitrous Oxide may be hazardous or contraindicated. For use only by or under the supervision of a licensed practitioner who is experienced in the use and administration of Nitrous Oxide and is familiar with the indications, effects, dosages, methods, and frequency and duration of administration, and with the hazards, contraindications and side effects and precautions to be taken.
DANGER: CONTAINS GAS UNDER PRESSURE: MAY EXPLODE IF HEATED. MAY DISPLACE OXYGEN AND CAUSE RAPID SUFFICATION. MAY CAUSE OR INTENSIFY FIRE: OXIDIZER. MAY CAUSE FROSTBITE. MAY CAUSE DROWSINESS OR DIZZINESS.
Do not breathe gas. Do not get into eyes, on skin, or on clothing. Keep valves and fittings free from grease and oil. Use and store only outdoors or in a well ventilated place. Protect from sunlight when the ambient temperature exceeds 52°C/125°F. Open valve slowly. Close valve after each use and when empty. Use a back flow preventive device in the piping. Do not handle until all safety precautions have been read and understood. Use only with equipment of compatible materials of construction and rated for cylinder pressure. Use only with equipment cleaned for oxygen service. Keep/store away from clothing and other combustible materials. In case of fire: Stop leak if safe to do so. Store locked up. Read and follow the Safety Data Sheet (SDS) before use. FIRST AID: IF INHALED: Remove to fresh air and keep comfortable for breathing. Call a POISON CENTER or doctor/physician if feeling unwell. IF ON SKIN: Thaw frosted parts with lukewarm water. Do not rub affected area. Get immediate medical advice/attention. WARNING: This product contains a chemical known to the state of California to cause birth defects or other reproductive harm.
DANGER: CONTAINS GAS UNDER PRESSURE: MAY EXPLODE IF HEATED. MAY DISPLACE OXYGEN AND CAUSE RAPID SUFFICATION. MAY CAUSE OR INTENSIFY FIRE: OXIDIZER. MAY CAUSE FROSTBITE. MAY CAUSE DROWSINESS OR DIZZINESS. Do not breathe gas. Do not get into eyes, on skin, or on clothing. Keep valves and fittings free from grease and oil. Use and store only outdoors or in a well ventilated place. Protect from sunlight when the ambient temperature exceeds 52°C/125°F. Open valve slowly. Close valve after each use and when empty. Use a back flow preventive device in the piping. Do not handle until all safety precautions have been read and understood. Use only with equipment of compatible materials of construction and rated for cylinder pressure. Use only with equipment cleaned for oxygen service. Keep/store away from clothing and other combustible materials. In case of fire: Stop leak if safe to do so. Store locked up. Read and follow the Safety Data Sheet (SDS) before use. FIRST AID: IF INHALED: Remove to fresh air and keep comfortable for breathing. Call a POISON CENTER or doctor/physician if feeling unwell. IF ON SKIN: Thaw frosted parts with lukewarm water. Do not rub affected area. Get immediate medical advice/attention. Rx only. WARNING: Administration of Nitrous Oxide may be hazardous or contraindicated. For use only by or under the supervision of a licensed practitioner who is experienced in the use and administration of Nitrous Oxide and is familiar with the indications, effects, dosages, methods, and frequency and duration of administration, and with the hazards, contraindications and side effects and precautions to be taken. WARNING: This product contains a chemical known to the state of California to cause birth defects or other reproductive harm.