California State University at Sacramento, B.A.
Wake Forest University M. D.
President K Lite Signs Inc.
Acting just like mommy, girls can learn another natural nurturing skill about taking care of a baby. Just like changing, bathing, swaddling, singing, rocking to sleep, and cuddling for a healthy baby, company spokesman Dennis Lewis said in a news release.
Instead, the judge upheld Helman's removal on grounds that she accepted gifts from lobbyist and former VA administrator Dennis Lewis. The gifts cited include airline tickets, event admissions, tours and, in one instance, Beyonc tickets.
The whole purpose behind a doll is to pretend like youre a parent, said Dennis Lewis, the American representative for Berjuan Toys, the Spanish company that makes the dolls. The dolls are meant to just let kids play as mommies and daddies naturally.
Child's Play: What's So Bad About 'the Breast Milk Baby'?
What's The Big Deal With The Breast Milk Baby?
The negative attention has taken Berjuan Toys by surprise. Dennis Lewis, the U.S. Spokesman for the company, reportedly told the San Francisco Chronicle that "about 20% of the feedback has been hateful and mean."
The doll has been popular overseas, and Berjuan Toys is confident it will be popular in the United States because of support from breast-feeding activists, Dennis Lewis, Berjuan Toys' U.S. spokesman, told Forbes.com last week.
he company has had to defend itself against critics. In a news release on its website, U.S. spokesman for Berjuan Toys,Dennis Lewis, says Breastfeeding is good for babies, its good for mommies and its good for society. We really dont understand why this has created such controversy.
which was sold to Shandwick P. L. C ( UK ) in 1988.
An apparatus and method is disclosed for providing a user with task-specific information that includes a portable instruction system that may be worn by a user, and includes, a computer sufficiently lightweight and designed to be worn by a user to which a memory has been connected. The system includes a display device that can receive display signals from the computer for visual display to the user and an input device by which the user enters commands to the computer. An instructional program is provided that the computer accesses and stores in memory in response to a user command and displays information concerning a task to be performed by the user on the display device in response to commands from the user.
What is claimed is: 1. A portable instruction system for use at a location remote from a main computer wherein instructions relating to a site specific task at the user location are stored, comprising: a portable computer sufficiently small to be worn by a user; a memory connected to and under control of the computer; a display device that can receive display signals from the computer for visual display to the user; a video camera sufficiently small to be worn by the user; a system that transmits images from the video camera to a remote site; an instructional program that the computer accesses and stores in memory that contains instructional information concerning a task to be performed by the user, the program being stored in memory and responsive to a user command to display information to the program including a communications module for communicating with an assistant at a remote location; and a communications system whereby the user interactively communicates with an assistant at the remote site concerning the task to be performed to request and receive instructions relating to the performance of the task as the assistant views the transmitted images. 2. The system of claim 1 further comprising a garment suitable for securing the computer on the user's body and means for mounting the computer on the garment. 3. The system of claim 2 wherein the instructional program includes a program engine that contains program logic including one or more user assistance programs that can be accessed by the user through the program engine and whereby the program engine can access a database including data specific to the user's task. 4.
An apparatus and method is provided for controlling electrical power from a power source to electrical loads in response to a decrease in power source voltage. A power source signal is compared to a predetermined signal voltage to determine whether and how much the voltage of the power source signal has decreased below that of a predetermined signal. A fraction of electrical power from the power source is transmitted to the loads as a function of how much the voltage of the power source signal has decreased below that of the predetermined signal.
Technologies are described herein for wirelessly measuring liquid quantity in an enclosure. According to various aspects, an incident electromagnetic wave is transmitted within a conductive enclosure. One or more rebound electromagnetic waves that correspond to the incident electromagnetic wave are received. Using the rebound electromagnetic waves, a transfer function of the rebound electromagnetic waves is measured and a quantity of liquid stored in the enclosure is calculated based on the measured transfer function.
Systems and methods to stir an electromagnetic (EM) field of an EM reverberation chamber are disclosed. A particular system includes an EM reverberation chamber. The system also includes a transmit antenna and a receive antenna operable to generate an EM field within the EM reverberation chamber. The system further includes a variable charged particle source to stir the EM field by varying introduction of charged particles into the EM field.
A speed controller for motors of a solid fuel stove or stoker includes a bidrectional switch, such as a thyristor, to be interposed along an ac power line. The controller operates in a speed control mode for sending reduced power to a stove when a space thermostat is satisfied. The speed control mode may be automatically modulated between minimum and maximum in response to remote sensors, such as a thermistor. The controller may also provide a power-up mode for a predetermined period of time to supply full power to stove motors upon start-up, such as after a power outage. The controller may also provide full power to the stove motors when the motors are being powered by an inverter.
A method for accessing aircraft interference path loss in an aircraft. A plurality of radio frequency signals that are stepped through a plurality of frequencies in a frequency range is transmitted from a plurality of locations within an interior of the aircraft. Radio frequency signals present at a receive antenna are received in response to transmitting the plurality of radio frequency signals to form a plurality of measurements. An average of averages curve is generated from the plurality of measurements. A peak to average ratio is identified. Field uniformity is identified. A standard error for the average of averages curve is determined. An upper bound for the aircraft interference path loss in the aircraft is predicted using the average of averages curve, the peak to average ration, the field uniformity, and the standard error.
A container filler assembly, as for berries, having a filler hopper located above a central filler conveyor driven at a slower speed than an upstream denesting and infeed conveyor which feeds empty containers to the filler conveyor, and an exit conveyor downstream of the filler conveyor driven at a greater speed than the filler conveyor, such that spaced containers on the denesting conveyor are put into abutment as they approach the filler hopper outlet, and subsequently placed again in a spaced condition after filling for dropping any berries caught on the container rims and for being closed as by placement of a wrapper on the filled container or closure of the clamshell container. The conveyors have overlapping driven V-belts with high friction surfaces.
The denesting conveyor is preferably directly driven by a motor, while the filler conveyor and the exit conveyor are driven through a controlled clutch from the same motor.
Safety appparatus for sensing an electrically powered device connected to an AC power source to prevent the start-up of the device upon power restoration when the power device is in its "ON" operative condition includes a current sensing circuit that is responsive to reconnection of such a load to prevent the establishment of an electrical circuit path through the device. Included are circuits for sensing the presence of the AC power and for the generation of the sensing current are also presented.
Dennis spoke for the SAUG at the SAUG Summit 2010. He stopped to talk with interviewer Mark Jones, the Scoop.
Denver, COPast: Project Manager at Utility Resources Retired May look for work a couple of days a week to stay out of trouble, at least a couple of days a week.


Since 2009, NOBLE brings together K-16 educators interested in curriculum and program development that integrate the study of foreign language and culture across disciplines.
NOBLE works with educators and industry professionals on interdisciplinary initiatives that promote real-world connections in the classrooms and fosters innovative teaching and learning approaches that prepare students for the 21st century global workplace.
The University of Florida's (UF) Center for Latin American Studies has provided Title VI funding and support for the NOBLE project since 2009 when the first group of K-12 teachers met in Florida to discuss the development of business language courses in Florida. NOBLE was then established as an online learning community (Community of Practice -CoP). While the initial focus of NOBLE was primarily business, the project has gradually expanded to support language and culture study across professional fields such as healthcare, STEM, and law enforcement.


A wedding ceremony overlooking the sea, and a fun reception party at Portsmouth's Sheraton. Wedding pictures in the park. Great flowers from Jardiniere.
Check out thisSheraton Portsmouth Harborside Hotel wedding gallery!
This page is optimized for search results for Sheraton weddings, wedding photographers, and for Sheraton wedding photography. Hopefully that's what you were looking for!


Water damage can quickly steal the equity from a home. One way to protect this investment is by having a well maintained and properly draining gutter system. There are professionals that will install guttering but, by following a few simple steps a homeowner can accomplish the task of gutter installation.
1.	Layout the gutter system. Remember that the water needs to be carried away from the home. Plan the downspouts accordingly. Once the guttering has been planned, a material list will be compiled. Measure the distance for the gutter trough. Add ten to fifteen percent to this calculation. The extra will allow for waste created from cuts made during the installation. Calculate the number of components needed for the project. Rust resistant screws and silicon caulk should also be on the material list.
2.	The first step in the actual installation is to measure and plan for the slope that is needed for the guttering. The general rule of thumb is to allow 1/16 of an inch for every 1 foot of guttering. Start at the end opposite of the downspout. Mark the fascia board at ½ inch below the edge of the shingles. Calculate the drop of the gutter trough by measuring the length of the fascia and multiplying it by 1/16 inch. At the end with the downspout, mark the measurement for the gutter. Use a chalk line to mark the fascia board between the two measurements. The chalk line will be used as a reference line for hanging the gutters.
3.	Gutter hangers should be installed to help support the weight of the gutters. Install them every eighteen to twenty-four inches. Use the 1 ¼ rust resistant deck screws.
4.	It is easier to assemble the components of the gutters before installing them. Incorporate the drop outlets, end pieces, corners or elbows to the appropriate section of guttering. Because home lengths will not always fall in even ten foot sections, a hacksaw will be needed to cut down the length of the guttering to make it fit the home. Make any necessary cuts before installing components to the section that will need to be shortened.
5.	Begin hanging the gutters a section at a time. The assistance of another person will be helpful.
6.	The sections will fit into the gutter hangers and will then be connected with gutter connectors. Continue installing the sections for the length of the home.
7.	After the gutter sections are joined, run a bead of caulk at the joint. This will prevent water from leaking at the joints.
8.	After the overhead sections have been installed, install the downspouts. Be sure to secure the downspouts with gutter straps.
9.	To finish the project, inspect the location of the downspouts. To ensure that the water is channeled away from the home, flexible pipe may be need to direct the water flow further from the home. To prevent erosion from the water flowing out of the end of the downspouts, position splashblocks on the ground. This will also help to channel water away from the home.
The first step in protecting a home from water damage is to install an effective guttering system. Well maintained gutters should provide the homeowner with years of trouble free service.


You are here: Home > Is Medical Identity Theft on The Rise?
The threat of medical identity theft is becoming a far bigger threat than initially expected, and it's on the rise. And to make things even worse, patients can't effectively take matters into their own hands because, in most states, medical identities belong to the provider or hospital.


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HomeAway's Super Bowl Ad Gets Big Digital Push
HomeAway's Super Bowl Ad Gets Big Digital Push
Read More at: Clickz
HomeAway's :30 Super Bowl XLV ad, scheduled to air during the Feb. 6th game's third quarter, is being supported by an intriguing digital mix.
The Dallas-based vacation rentals site has partnered with digital video firm B-Reel to allow members of HomeAway's network of home renters to customize a version of the Super Bowl ad. They will be able to plug in images of the spaces and amenities they offer through the company.
"They will be able to star in and direct their own Super Bowl ad," said Matt Cohen, director of global brand marketing at HomeAway. "There will be various places to put their location in the ad… We want it to be more fun and entertaining than a hard-hitting sales tool."
Still, Cohen said the home renters will be encouraged to push their customized version of the TV spot through their individual accounts on Facebook, Twitter, and e-mail. HomeAway will also leverage its social media pages and e-mail list in the weeks and days leading up to the Super Bowl, he said, in order to build buzz around the ad.
In addition, the brand plans to run Facebook ads and Google AdWords campaigns specifically to help maximize effect of the Super Bowl purchase.
It's the second year in a row that HomeAway has bought a Super Bowl spot. During the 24 hours after the 2010 game began, Cohen said, HomeAway.com traffic spiked by 500 percent. He said the site had 1 million incremental page views during that same span of time, while the TV ad helped spur 171,000 measurable interactions on Facebook during the next 30 days. And the brand saw its "fans" on the social site lift from 76,000 to 98,000 during Super Bowl week.
Watch the Sneak Peek at Superbowl-ads.com
1995 – Pepsi Delivery Truck Drivers Share in Diner
2003 REEBOK – Terry Tate Office Linebacker
2008 E-TRADE – Baby Hires Clown
2018 TOURISM AUSTRALIA – Dundee with Chris Hemsworth and Danny McBride

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Budleigh is Back! Author Dave Jaffe's new book Sleeping Between Giants Book 2: Ask a Terrier: Professional Advice from a Licensed Dog
December 8, 2022 December 9, 2022 Donna Cavanagh
Let's catch up again with author and humorist Dave Jaffe. After the successful and award-winning release of his first book Sleeping Between Giants: Life If You Could Call It That, With a Terrier:Book I Budleigh,the Early Year, he and the star pooch of the publishing world, Budleigh, penned another book that takes us deeper into the world of a terrier and his rescued owners. So, get ready for Sleeping between Giants Book 2: Ask a Terrier: Professional Advice from a Licensed Dog
Tell us some history on your Sleeping Between Giants Books
My interest in writing about dogs began when my wife and I adopted a terrier, although why anyone would–still baffles us.
Previously, we'd always acquired our dogs from well-established, responsible breeders that we'd never heard of except afterwards when they appeared on the national news as part of a police raid.
Then, we met Budleigh. a young terrier-thing committed to a shelter after his arrest by police in Waukegan, Illinois, on charges of vagrancy, loitering, and panhandling, which were false, and of being a homeless dog, which was true.
Like many first-time adopters, my wife and I feared we'd be overwhelmed by the responsibility of raising a rescue dog. Yet Budleigh proved no more a challenge than if we'd both pursued medical degrees. Often unfairly labeled as "bad dogs," few shelter animals have ever been convicted of a crime, with the exception of retrievers. And usually those are just tennis-ball-related misdemeanors. However, the stigma remains.
Budleigh provided me, a longtime humor columnist, the impetus to explore the world of dogs, or Canines, and their owners, or Giants. Dogs have much to teach us all, besides the best spots to poop.
How has the success of books and winning prestigious awards, namely the 2021 International Book Awards Winner: Humor and Indies Today 2019 Best Humor Book Award Winner, changed both you as an author and more important- Budleigh
For me, it's the lessons learned. When SbG Book 1, subtitled "Life, If You Could Call It That, With A Terrier," launched in late 2019, the most valuable takeaway was: never launch a first book just as a pandemic SHUTS DOWN THE ENTIRE EARTH!!! That tends to limit speaking engagements and depress book sales.
Receiving honors for my writing from the National Society of Newspaper Columnists, the International Book Awards, and Indies Today, reassured me that I was a funny writer. And that the Covid pandemic was not my fault.
For Budleigh, book success translated into greater negotiating power over cookies.
How much control does Budleigh have over the content of the book?
Budleigh has absolute creative control over the books to the extent that he gets fed. Beyond that, he has delegated all work to his staff.
What is the most difficult part of writing your books?
Aside from a sticky "D" on my keyboard? I think that it's the letting go of a good piece of writing. Often, a sentence, a thought, a punchline will inspire the writing of a new column. Then, with the creation of that piece comes the realization – and grudging acceptance – that the funny, clever comment that spawned the column didn't make the final edit. Instead, it wobbled off to the side of the road – wheels flat, engine steaming – in the hope that one day, it will be rescued and used in a later column.
What is the most enjoyable aspect of writing books?
Making my wife laugh. Also, anybody else.
How has the dog world embraced yours and Budleigh's work?
What began as a small offering of unwanted counsel has grown into an empire of sketchy advice with Budleigh as Supreme Misguider. His internet column, Ask a Terrier, has been translated into 1,100 languages, none of which he understands. Fans of Budleigh's worldwide speaking tours – mostly dogs – stand in line for hours howling for tickets. Or maybe just howling at each other. It's hard to tell.
For more information about Dave Jaffe and both Budleigh books such as where to purchase, signings, media, etc, go to SleepingBetweenGiants.com.
FictionAsk a Terrier, Budleigh, comedy, Dave Jaffe, dogs, humor, Sleeping between Giants, Terriers
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I am 19 years old. I am currently stationed at Ft. Campbell, Kentucky. I am out looking for love, hoping to take things slowly and carefully.
pretty laid back guy, i like to go fishing, hunting, anything outdoors really. go out to the bars with friends and kick back and have a good time.
I'm an easy going individual who likes the company of good friends and relaxing nights. I work hard and play hard also. I love the outdoors, fishing, hiking, etc.
I like to hunt, fish and anything else outdoors.
i am 19, i stand 6 foot 5, and i am an awe shucks country boy. I grew up in texas and am serving the state of Texas in the army. I am rebel proud and rebel true.
Not looking for any games!!
im a nice person, love going out to chill, like the movies, I like going club hoppin. Im a pretty calm person until u piss me off.
cool guy, laid back. smoke, but only while deployed, which i am right now. infantry.
Idk what to say im funny i guess, im in the army, im currently serving in iraq. I have an A.S degree in architecture and i will be pursuing my architecture career upon my arrival back home to Ft. Campbell.
I try to make every day fun. I hate to sit around, I really like the out doors.
Well there aint much to say about myself Im just a plain ol country boy. I like to have fun. Im down to earth. I dont know what u all wanna know so just ask.


Single is a unit type and denotes the empty place holder for binding variables which are not written directly in de Bruijn style representation for abstraction.
Module Export deBruijn := Dgp Nat Single.
r0 is the representation of the variables for which shifting is performed.
Var case: only the case r = r0 is interesting.
Bind case: shifting happens only when the representation of bound variable has the representation r0. Note that, when r1 = REC, r0 is compared with r because REC denotes the representation of the abstraction body r.
r0 is the representation of the variables to be substituted.
intros; try absurd_math; try congruence.
simpl; repeat case_rep; try absurd_math.
replace T with U; [ idtac | omega ].
Remember that noRepr denotes that there are no REPR case.
T = subst (shift n r T) n T'.
| f_equal; apply noRepr_subst_shift; assumption ].
|f_equal; apply noRepr_subst_shiftRep; assumption ].
shift n r (shift (n + n') r T) = shift (S (n + n')) r (shift n r T).
| func_equal; apply noRepr_shift_shift; assumption ].
| f_equal; apply noRepr_shift_shiftRep; assumption ].
subst (shift n r T) (S (n + n')) (shift n r T').
| func_equal; apply noRepr_shift_subst_1; assumption ].
change_maths (S (n + n')) with (S n + n').
change_maths n with (0 + n).
| func_equal; apply noRepr_shift_substRep_1; assumption ].
destruct v; simpl; [ absurd_math | auto with arith ].
(subst (shift (S (n + n')) r T) n (shift (n + n') r T')).
| func_equal; apply noRepr_shift_subst_2; assumption ].
change_maths (n + n') with (0 + (n + n')).
| simpl; func_equal; apply noRepr_shift_substRep_2; assumption ].
(subst (subst T (S (n + n')) (shift n r V)) n (subst U (n + n') V)).
| func_equal; apply noRepr_subst_subst; assumption ].
rewrite noRepr_shift_subst_1; simpl; try assumption.
change_maths (n ) with (0 + n).
rewrite noRepr_shift_shift; simpl; try assumption.
rewrite noRepr_subst_substRep;simpl; try assumption; reflexivity.
| func_equal; apply noRepr_subst_substRep; assumption ].
size (shift n r T) = size T.
| apply noRepr_shift_preserves_sizeRep; assumption ].
T = shift n r' T.
| func_equal; apply noRepr_shift_hetero; assumption ].
| func_equal; apply noRepr_shiftRep_hetero; assumption ].
T = subst T n U.
| func_equal; apply noRepr_subst_hetero; assumption ].
| func_equal; apply noRepr_substRep_hetero; assumption ].


For over 30 years, Maruku has been our place to share our stories with you – the stories of our culture and of our country.
Explore our culture through our art, tours and workshops.
Discover traditional and contemporary Anangu art and craft from the heart of Australia. Each hand crafted piece has a story.
Explore and connect with Anangu art and culture in an authentic way by experiencing our range of cultural offerings in a unique format with local Anangu artists.


Turmeric is a lot more than just a little spice – it has numerous health benefits, too. We here at Ageless Nutrition put together a list of 10 proven health benefits of Turmeric just for you!
Curcumin is the yellow pigment contained within the spice which soothes the oxidative processes of the body. Oxidation describes the bodies ability to fight back against free radicals, which can be negatively impacted if we don't get enough of particular anti-oxidants. When this happens we call it oxidative stress (Healthline) and it can cause diseases if we are exposed to it frequently.
It's that Curcumin again! It has anti-inflammatory properties which help to soothe swelling. BBC Good Food suggests this is because curcumin slows down the inflammatory pathways, but speculate that more research needs to be done on the "why" it works.
Another compound found inside this ground up spice is Tumerone, which studies have shown to speed up the processing of neural stem cells within the brain. In an article by the NHS this experiment was performed on rats, so more testing is needed to confirm the correlation between Turmerone and brain health in humans.
When it comes to flavoring food that is where many of us fall into the trap of over-seasoning. Perhaps not because of flavoring but because we are trying to cover the blandness of the food. Next time you find yourself reaching for the salt try adding a pinch of turmeric instead and spice up your meal with a healthy alternative.
That bio-active ingredient curcumin contains polyphenols which are responsible for the anti-inflammatory goodness found in turmeric. According to WebMD previous studies have shown that these qualities found in this spice are powerful heart strengtheners and can even prevent heart failure… so if you have a heart condition turmeric may be exactly what you need to stay healthy.
Cancer is caused by the overproduction of cells within the body. These cells do not know they are unhealthy and continue to grow rapidly. In some specific cancers, the curcumin found in turmeric has shown to affect the growth, speed, and development at which these cells appear. Cancer Research UK has all of the details.
Those neuro-protective properties we mentioned earlier are specifically good at minimizing and/or slowing down the progress of this degenerative brain condition. The Alzheimer's Society has concluded that curcumin is an important ingredient for future study into treating the disease.
The anti-inflammatory properties of turmeric can help with a whole range of conditions; from settling an upset stomach to helping your heart stay healthy. One area where doctors report a positive impact of turmeric supplements is in the treatment of osteoarthritis. Arthritis.org suggests it is a key component in reducing swelling, pain, and inflammation that this particular disease causes.
Of course, we love the anti-aging properties of turmeric. This works because curcumin lessens the effects of oxidative stress on the internal organs by soothing them. This minimizes pain and swelling on the inside, which keeps you looking youthful on the outside!
Top of our list is depression – the silent killer. We turned to Psychiatry Advisor to ask the experts what they thought on the use of Turmeric to treat depression and they report that this seemingly innocent little spice shows promise in future medication development.
So as you can see, Turmeric is more than just a tasty way to stay healthy and should be an essential part of all our diets! This wonderful spice and turmeric supplement can improve your life in many ways, and we are happy to help!


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Beach Haven, NJ
Continuing our journey down the New Jersey coast, we started traveling at 7:30 on Oct. 13 just a little after dawn.
We were traveling about a half mile off of the coast. By doing so, we could pick up a favorable counter current and ride it down to Atlantic City. It was fun traveling so close to shore. We could clearly see the many lovely beach houses that line the Jersey coast. We also passed the well-known Jersey coastline town of Asbury Park. Ideally, we would have liked to take this route all the way to Cape May but that was not to be.
As we approached Manasquan, the wind picked up considerably and so did the waves. Fortunately, we had a Plan B – to take the New Jersey portion of the Intracoastal Waterway which runs the length of the state. We turned into the Manasquan Inlet and heaved a sigh of relief as the water and wind settled down considerably once we passed these interesting breakwaters.
We had read a lot about this section of the ICW and we weren't looking forward to it. It is known for its skinny waters and tendency to shoal. But at least we had a second option so we could continue moving – this time on calm albeit shallow waters.
Although we were sheltered from wind and waves, the Captain (Jonny) had to be hyper-vigilant watching the markers that trace a very narrow route through most of the waterway. We couldn't rely on our electronic or paper charts ) because the extensive shoaling is a recent phenomenon. We were able to use Active Captain (a terrific crowd sourced navigation program that we have used extensively throughout the trip) to provide recent reports on shoaling and other hazards.
We followed the sinuous route past rows of attractive homes lining the shore on both sides. It's absolutely amazing how many waterfront homes are in New Jersey (far more than any other area we've traveled through).
But it's not entirely built up. There are long stretches of beautiful marshland with birds and rushes and tidal pools that provide a serene counterpoint to the more densely developed areas of shoreline.
By late afternoon we started to look for an anchorage as we knew early on that there was no way we were going to make Atlantic City. But anchorages are few and far between on this part of the ICW. We finally chose one in Beach Haven which is located on Long Beach immediately off the ICW. The charts showed 12 foot depths but when we poked our way in those depths had shoaled to only 6 feet. But at this point we were out of options as the light was beginning to wane.
We settled into what we thought would be a good anchorage. We were in a more open area than we usually would choose but the waters were calm and the wind was OK. The shoreline was lined with what looked like newly built and very attractive homes. We were thinking that they must be beach homes but as darkness fell, many of them were lit up and obviously occupied.
Lynn went all out (for boat cooking anyway) and made homemade eggplant parmesan and we had a delicious dinner that evening. Jonny was exhausted but we wanted to watch the Democratic Presidential debates. We thought for sure we would be able to get reception – after all we are in big NY/NJ market area. But we couldn't get reception so we resigned ourselves to watching two episodes of our guilty pleasure – Mad Men.
Charleston, SC (return trip)
Butler Island Anchorage, Waccamaw River, NC
Calabash River, North Myrtle Beach, NC
Figure 8 Bridge Anchorage, near Wrightsville NC
Belhaven Anchorage, NC
Lutz Creek Anchorage, NC
Tangier Island, VA
Solomons Island, MD
St. Michaels, MD
Delaware City, DE (return trip)
Stone Harbor, NJ
Stonington, CT


This info is about Launch Manager for Windows. Here you can find details on how to uninstall it from your computer. It is produced by Gateway. More information on Gateway can be found here. Launch Manager is commonly installed in the C:\Program Files (x86)\Launch Manager folder, however this location may vary a lot depending on the user's choice when installing the application. The full command line for uninstalling Launch Manager is C:\Windows\UNINSTLMv7.EXE LMv7.UNI. Keep in mind that if you will type this command in Start / Run Note you might receive a notification for admin rights. Launch Manager's main file takes about 1.12 MB (1176688 bytes) and is called LManager.exe.
1. If you don't have Advanced Uninstaller PRO on your PC, install it. This is good because Advanced Uninstaller PRO is a very potent uninstaller and general utility to clean your PC.
2. Run Advanced Uninstaller PRO. It's recommended to take your time to admire the program's interface and wealth of functions available. Advanced Uninstaller PRO is a powerful system optimizer.
Safety rating (in the lower left corner). The star rating explains the opinion other users have about Launch Manager, from "Highly recommended" to "Very dangerous".
7. Press the Uninstall button. A window asking you to confirm will show up. Confirm the uninstall by pressing Uninstall. Advanced Uninstaller PRO will uninstall Launch Manager.
8. After uninstalling Launch Manager, Advanced Uninstaller PRO will ask you to run a cleanup. Click Next to go ahead with the cleanup. All the items that belong Launch Manager that have been left behind will be found and you will be able to delete them. By uninstalling Launch Manager using Advanced Uninstaller PRO, you can be sure that no registry entries, files or directories are left behind on your computer.
The text above is not a piece of advice to uninstall Launch Manager by Gateway from your PC, nor are we saying that Launch Manager by Gateway is not a good software application. This page only contains detailed instructions on how to uninstall Launch Manager in case you want to. Here you can find registry and disk entries that other software left behind and Advanced Uninstaller PRO discovered and classified as "leftovers" on other users' computers.


Having said that, companies need to decide whether they are going to approach the issue of Smart Services from the point of view of the customer or from that of the product, and whether or not the added value is to be achieved in a solo effort or in cooperation. Not until that has been determined can a decision be made in favour of one of the four Smart Services strategies described here.
The fifth part of this eight-part series has now appeared in German in Issue 9.16 of Smart Tech Magazine.


Last weekend we hosted some dear friends for dinner and they brought me a stunning bunch of red tulips. Sue had recently learned a little tip about tulips from her Dutch friend and it works so well I just had to share it! I am sure everyone has experienced droopy tulips before, but preventing this disappointing occurrence is a mere pin prick away! When placing the fresh cut tulips in a vase insert a pin through the stem just below the flower head and pull it out. The resulting little hole prevents the flowers from absorbing too much water and falling over. It works like a charm!


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Sound+Image mag
Panasonic TX-58AX802B review
It still can't quite hold off the competition, but if you're after a fine 4K TV, it's well worth investigating Tested at £2499
By What Hi-Fi? published 2 December 14
Updated Panasonic is a fine 4K TV
Deep blacks
Rich, warm colours
Plenty of subtlety
Picture could be more crisp
Darker areas occasionally compromised
Narrow viewing angle
What Hi-Fi? Verdict
We first reviewed the Panasonic TX-58AX802 in July. Our experience was dampened by some software issues relating to Netflix 4K, but now Panasonic has released a software update, it's only fair to take another look. What follows is our updated review.
We're sad and excited. Sad because we're still not quite over the demise of Panasonic's plasma TVs, but excited to see what's next.
What's next? The Panasonic TX-58AX802B, that's what.
MORE: Panasonic 2015 TVs - release dates, specs and features
The stand is roughly the size of the Oxford English Dictionary and the screen itself is unusually heavy.
It's well equipped though, complete with a pop-up camera and a generous set of connections including four HDMI 2.0, three USBs (one rated 3.0), an SD card slot and Freeview HD and Freesat.
Wi-fi is built in, although you get an ethernet socket too. It's worth noting that of the four HDMI slots, only one can handle 4K.
At launch, the AX802 was not able to stream 4K from Netflix, which is one of the only sources of 4K footage at the moment. Since then, Panasonic has released an update to rectify this issue.
Panasonic joins rivals such as the Sony KD-55X8505B, Samsung UE55HU7500 and LG 55UB950V in being able to stream Kevin Spacey's face at 3840x2160.
This is a shame, because in many areas the AX802 is rather good. We've long been fans of Panasonic's smart TV interface, but this year it's even better.
The 'My Home Screen' system makes a return, letting you choose from pre-set screens or build your own, and the Freetime TV guide lets you scroll back on primary channels to watch shows broadcast up to seven days ago.
'My Stream' offers suggestions for online and tuner content based on things you've marked as favourites.
The flashiest element here is the Info Bar. The TV goes from standby to a semi-conscious state, showing a band of data at the bottom of the screen – it's activated by a proximity sensor and is a neat idea, although the sensor can be triggered by bright lights or wandering pets.
We managed to activate it just by drinking a cup of tea. Thankfully you can turn it off, although it's tempting to keep it on and see how the cat reacts.
Slightly more useful is TV Anywhere, which lets you stream live or USB-based content to your smartphone or tablet.
When we first reviewed this TV we were unable to stream 4K video from Netflix. That's now been rectified by a software update
Start watching it and this screen feels much like a Panasonic plasma of old, right down to the warm colour reproduction and ink-deep blacks.
Flicking through Netflix 4K, as well as our server of 4K stock video and film clips, it's hard not to be amazed by the colour reproduction. While the richness of the palette may not be entirely lifelike, the wide range of hues breathes real life into the picture.
When it gets dark it is properly dark, although the normally sky-high levels of detail are occasionally compromised in the darker areas.
Contrast is excellent throughout. In terms of outright sharpness, the Panasonic's subdued approach feels nice and natural.
The main handset's lovely metal finish and clear layout instantly make it one of our favourites.
Blu-rays and Freeview HD are upscaled with skill, although it is not as crisp a screen as rivals such as the Samsung UE55HU7500. As for 3D, you get two pairs of active-shutter glasses.
There's an inevitable degree of image instability in action scenes, but we like the sense of depth. It's not perfect, however.
Viewing angles aren't particularly wide, and you don't need to go far off axis before the contrast and colours start to wash out.
The simplified smart remote felt unituitive in our time with it. Sadly, both remotes suffer from a degree of lag with menus.
The main handset's lovely metal finish and clear layout instantly make it one of our favourites, but a simplified smart remote is unintuitive.
Sadly, both seem to suffer from a degree of lag with menus, too.
The first time we tested the Panasonic TX-55AX802, we gave it three stars. We were disappointed in its inability to handle 4K from Netflix.
Now that the TV has been updated and this is no longer an issue, we're happy to give this TV an extra star.
We admire its features, and we're impressed by its picture. It still can't quite hold off the competition, but if you're after a fine 4K TV, it's well worth investigating.
MORE: Best 4K TV 2014
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Имя или фамилия
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 Риа, Джейки — Джек (Джейки) Риа (Jack (Jackie) Rea) (род. 6 апреля 1921) — бывший североирландский профессиональный игрок в снукер.

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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


In 2017, Amorepacific focused on the expansion of its major brands in the overseas market. Overseas businesses continued its steady growth supported by the notable achievements in the Asian and North American region. In establishing the framework to improve this year's performance, Amorepacific will further accelerate its overseas expansion. We will focus on the diversification of our global business by entering new markets including the Middle East, Australia, etc. as well as launching new brands within North America and ASEAN market. In line with this, Amorepacific will also establish the foundation for sustainable growth by executing small yet specific customer-centered service.


text:
HTS Theological Studies
Herv. teol. stud. vol.78 n.3 Pretoria 2022
http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v78i3.7610
Examining the autonomy of Zulu Ingoma from the 1930s to present: Image or authentic experience?
Sakhiseni J. YendeI; Vusabantu NgemaII
IDepartment of Performing Arts, Faculty of Arts and Design, Tshwane University of Technology, Tshwane, South Africa
IIMelmoth, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
It is prudent to highlight that Ingoma has played an essential role in the transformation of amaZulu. The Ingoma's story is of dramatic socioeconomic changes in Zulu society after the final 'downfall' of the independent kingdom. It is the decade in which amaZulu entered the migrant labour system in greater proportions than ever before. As expected from any African society, the narrative for this decade could well be expressed in music, song, dance and some other forms of performances, which could be collectively called Ingoma. Sentiments arose around this period in the history of Zulu Ingoma, whereby some felt it as negative, while others saw it as positive. As such, this article set out to examine the story of Ingoma during the decade between 1929 and 1939. This article adopted an ethnomethodological approach within an interpretive paradigm to understand the impact of Ingoma musical and/or dance performance tradition. The results of this article reveal that Ingoma musical and/or dance performance traditions of the 1920s and 1930s represented the less continuity of precolonial musical and/or dance performance traditions of amaZulu expressions of power and warfare than the complex interaction of dance traditions, labour migration and missionisation. This article concludes by affirming that people continuously construct their cultures to reflect their identities. These results imply two things: firstly, amaZulu migrants were not just passive recipients of cultural changes at that time, and secondly, they were consciously responsible for the transformation of Ingoma dance songs as they reflected on the socioeconomic changes they found themselves in.
CONTRIBUTION: This study contributes by establishing the factual impact of this transformative period on Ingoma musical and/or dance performance tradition and on the broader cultural expression of amaZulu as a society in developing South Africa
Keywords: authenticity; amaZulu; autonomy; culture; Ingoma; domestication; transformation.
It is essential to understand culture (webs of significance), which are formulated by religious beliefs and practices, cultural customs, social interactions, attitudes and behaviour. Max Weber (quoted in Geertz 1973) believed that:
… That man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law, but an interpretative one in search of meaning. (p. 5)
The 'webs of significance' as coined by Max Weber is echoed by Geertz (1973) while mentioning that it is important 'to "decode" the symbolic meanings of these certain events, practices, customs and interactions that take place within a specific culture'. Therefore, to understand the culture of amaZulu, this article focuses on the transformative period to Ingoma musical and/or dance performance tradition.
In this article the term Ingoma (literally, song) in isiZulu covers a broad range of male group dances such as isikhuze, isicathulo, ukukhomikha, isiZulu, isibhaca, umzansi and isishayameni (Coplan 1985:65; Erlmann 1991:95). However, there is controversy among both authors, as Erlmann includes the term 'isiZulu' (Zulu), while Coplan, includes 'Ingoma' [dance-song] in the list of dances by amaZulu migrant workers. It is unclear why they decided to include these terms because all the dance-songs mentioned are classified as isiZulu and Ingoma. However, for this article, the term Ingoma has been used. As mentioned earlier, it is a generic term for dance-songs by amaZulu or isiZulu dance-songs.
Coplan (1985) and Erlmann (1991) focused on the development of Ingoma by amaZulu migrant workers in the early years of the 20th century, the 1920s to 1930s and beyond. Erlmann regards this period as domestication of Ingoma, while Coplan sees this period as a form of co-option of workers' dance competitions. Coplan (1985:65) further stated that dancing workers were provided with uniforms, colours, banners, transport and time off for rehearsals, to heighten the loyalty and morale of the workforce. Whatever way one wants to look at it, domestication can imply the taming of something wild. In addition, because of the co-option for loyalty, one can conclude that Ingoma was no longer a pure and unique form of cultural expression by amaZulu in the same way that Ingoma was before industrialisation. The question arising from this is whether this was a positive transformation of Ingoma or something that can be regarded as the beginning of the end of Ingoma as a cultural identity element of amaZulu? As such, this article intends to scrutinise this process between 1929 and 1939, a 10-year period that Erlmann (1991:96) regarded as a remarkable decade of transformation, domestication of Ingoma from a militant, oppositional and suppressed form of popular culture to a tourist attraction. In this context, the development of Ingoma was deemed a fundamental transformation of the cultural practices of amaZulu. In addition, Ingoma has become a vital image and form of expression for amaZulu. It is against this background upon which this study was embarked.
For this study, the authors developed specific primary questions that sought answers that would clarify the ongoing crisis:
As mentioned, the research question is whether this decade of transformation and domestication of Ingoma, coupled with co-option by commercial employers, was a negative or positive thing in the existence of Ingoma. Therefore, it is the sole purpose of this article to analyse critically this decade to arrive at answers to this question. However, this pursuit should be guided by sub-questions such as: (1) can the past be relived in its genuineness? (2) If it can be relived, is Ingoma significant for the present times? (3) Would it be fair to say that the evolution of Ingoma through time has been a 'deception of staged experience'?
In an attempt to answer the research question, an ethnomethodological approach is used within an interpretive paradigm. Various scholars have agreed that ethnomethodology gives a unique method to the study of social life, which critically studies normal approaches adopted by scholars of certain settings to produce social order (Garfinkel 1974; Handel 1982; Maynard & Kardash 2007). Have (2004) asserted that an ethnomethodology is an extraordinary method for social scientists to have an in-depth understanding about the qualitative social research. According to Clayman (2015:203) 'ethnomethodology is a mode of inquiry devoted to studying the practical methods of common sense reasoning used by members of society in the conduct of everyday life'. Given the tentativeness of reality in this view, Garfinkel (1974) suggested that people are continuously trying to make sense of the life they experience. In a way, Garfinkel suggested that everyone is acting like a social scientist, hence the term ethnomethodology or 'the methodology of the people'. In this case, the focus is how amaZulu migrant workers continuously made sense of their life experiences during 1929-1939.
In this article, interviews were conducted with amasotsha, amagoso, amaphini and with existing dance troupes in and around the kingdom of amaZulu and beyond. The point shall be made from the outset that the focus of this article is confined to the dancing side of Ingoma, although the article also takes the singing into consideration, hence the 'dance-song' definition of Ingoma. As such, references to dance-songs such as isicathamiya sometimes referred to as Ingoma busuku, isicathulo [gumboot dance], maskanda and umbholoho [wedding songs].
Indeed, the migrant worker system in the period under investigation brought about a new social order, characterised by poor living conditions, gangsterism, beer halls and night-time recreational performances. As a result, all these aspects of life became features of amaZulu migrant workers, especially in Durban and Johannesburg. To migrants, these conditions were their concrete setting. In other words, their authentic experiences were determined by their daily activities in line with their working and living conditions. Although the authors earlier stated that this article examines the story of the evolution of Ingoma between 1929 and 1939, issues of historical background before this period are also considered. This article attempts to explain why things are what they currently seem to be.
Tree structure
The tree structure (Figure 1) is an attempt to illustrate the scope of the evolution of Ingoma, which this article presents.
On the one hand, the roots represent the historical background of the culture of competitive dancing of amaZulu during pre-industrialisation in Southern Africa. On the other hand, the stem represents the period under discussion: 1929-1939. The branches represent all that is presently known and seen regarding the culture of competitive dancing of amaZulu. In this section the authors focused on the existing materials by scholars such as Coplan (1985), Erlmann (1991), Krige (1950), Rycroft (1975), Tracey (1952) and Clegg (1982) and authors such as Thomas (1988), Bryant (1929) and Larlham (1981) to provide a clear understanding about the tree structure.
Roots of competitive Ingoma of amaZulu
The roots of modern competitive dancing among amaZulu can be traced to dance competitions such as Ijadu. Ijadu is one example of the earliest team-sport dances by amaZulu youths in the past. Ijadu has always used a dance for sporting competition as Dhlomo (1936:56) stated: Kuthe ngelinye ilanga kwamenwa umkhosi weJadu, uzosinela eMgungundlovu, kuzoqhudelwana izinsizwa zaKwaZulu nezaseMaqadini [On one specific day, a ceremonial invitation was set for a competitive Ijadu between young men of the Zulu and Qadi clan at uMgungundlovu royal palace].
Bryant (1949) also confirmed that the Ijadu are love dances to become better acquainted:
Zulus conceived the idea of inter-clan Love Dances (ljadu) … the young men and maidens of any clan would accordingly arrange to meet the young men and maidens of another clan on some spot convenient to both and generally on the veld near by a wood, nominally, for the purpose of competing at the dance, but really with the object of becoming mutually acquainted. (p. 225)
Ijadu could also be a match-making dance activity, as Krige (1936:340) explained that 'in former days, it was customary for love-dancing or dancing competitions to be held in the veld by the young people of the locality'. Over and above, Ijadu competitive dance-song activities were also part of wedding ceremonies, normally referred to as udwendwe in a form of umgqumushelo, ikhetho and umthimba in ancient times and are still presented by those who prefer the old ways, referring to the dance as amabhinca. However, amabhinca is known as umshado by amakholwa (Christianised) in a form of umbholoho. Dance-song competitions also manifested in what became known as makwaya or isikapulana, in the northern part of Natal or Kwangwanase, sometimes looking like a sister dance-song to isicathamiya. Makwaya are mainly performed by women in rural settings by wearing a cloth called isikapulana, while isicathamiya are mainly performed by men in industrialised settings.
It is interesting to note that isicathamiya have its roots in the words khwaya or ikhwaya. Coplan (1985:440) defined isicathamiya as a unique Zulu indigenous style of singing whereby the male chorus singing in an acappella style while dancing. This dance is believed to be largely influenced by Christian hymnody that can be traced in the early 20 century. Almost all the authors and scholars who have written and studied extensively about isicathamiya agree on the definition of isicathamiya as a cappella male choral music developed around 1920 and 1930 in Natal and later also in Johannesburg (Biyela 2001; Erlmann 1996; Ndlovu 1996; Xulu 1992). The word khwaya is a direct Zulu translation of the word 'choir'.
Both Erlmann (1991) and Coplan (1985) agreed that Ingoma as it is known today is a product of the response by amaZulu migrants to the industrialisation between the first and the second world wars. The development of Ingoma was through the participation of amaZulu migrants in domestic, industrial and mine labour systems around Durban and Witwatersrand. Ingoma is a continuation of rural cultural expression and became a form of defiance, gangsterism and conformity to harsh working and living conditions in urban and industrialised settings after the destruction of the independent Zulu Kingdom. This was echoed by Xulu (1992) who highlighted that the destruction of the independent Zulu Kingdom had its effects on Zulu culture. This was also emphatically stated by Erlmann (1991:98) that 'Ingoma is a product of the dramatic socioeconomic changes in Zulu society after the final downfall of the independent kingdom'.
Before and during the domestic, industrial and mine labour systems, the territorial, inter-clan and inter-family conflicts were channelled and defused through umgangela, an interdistrict competition of ukudlala ngenduku [playful stick fighting] (Erlmann 1991:99). In another attempt to control such conflicts, Ingoma dance competitions arose in the KwaZulu-Natal Midlands (Clegg 1982:9). According to Erlmann (1991:99), farm workers who went to Johannesburg as young migrants include Dubazane, Jubele 'Lumbu' who expressed dances such as umqonqo, indlamu, ingadla and umbholoho [weddings dances] that redefined the dances in ways more agreeable with the harsh realities of rural dispossession and proletarianisation.
Decade of the transformation of Ingoma, 1929-1939
The story about the transformation of the Ingoma musical and/or dance performance tradition of amaZulu settles around the idea of an image versus that of an experience. Firstly, the image pertains to what could be seen as an attempt to conserve and protect the immemorial form, content and structure of these musical and/or dance performance traditions of amaZulu. Secondly, the experience as a dance could be seen as a transformation and promotion of Ingoma to meet the demands of modern society. In other words, if Ingoma is perceived as an image, it is reduced into an object fixed in time and space. Alternatively, if it is an experience, it becomes a subject constructed by people based on their worldviews.
Between 1929 and 1939, Ingoma had become formally recognised as an authentic and appropriate form of black urban recreation. This did not gratify all sectors of the black elite in a similar way. Ngoma dancing was still viewed by many as a vestige of the 'uncivilised', 'heathen' past that stood in the way of a full integration into modern South African society.
Ingoma dancing continued to be observed by many missionaries as a vestige of the 'uncivilised' and 'heathen' past that stood in the way of full combination into new South African society (Erlmann 1991:106). The authors view this duality as Hegelian theory's thesis and antithesis, resulting in a synthesis. This synthesis simply means that the transformation of Ingoma was not a one-way process. Instead, the transformation was a product of actions and reactions embedded within the broader amaZulu migrants' society. Therefore, the transformation story of Ingoma should be seen within the following catalytic occurrences:
1. Migrant labour system that occurred because of the destruction and impoverishment of a once-independent kingdom. As a result, Ingoma became a way to express the echoes of the distant memories of the past while at the same time resisting the unjust living conditions brought by the new socioeconomic dispensation. As such, new songs that articulated deep-felt emotions were composed.
This song is an example of an Ingoma, translated for Margery Perham (1974) by Allison Wessels George Champion:
Who has taken our country from us?
Who has taken it?
Come out! Let us fight!
The land was ours. Now it is taken.
We have no more freedom left in it.
Come out and fight!
The land is ours, now it is taken.
Fight! Fight!
Shame on the man who is burnt in his hut!
Come and fight! (p. 196)
2. Criminal gangs resulted from rivalry between domestic workers, who were once associated with amalaitha [all wiser]. As a disguise, they formed themselves into Ingoma groups, assuming the cultural stability among 'rural forms of socialisation and among youths and expressions of ethnic group rivalry in the countryside and within the evolving urban workforce' (Erlmann 1991:103).
3. Co-option by commercial employers whereby a new aesthetic that incorporated forms of expression borrowed from mission stations, church songs, sponsored new costumes and regalia, and restrictions placed upon traditional expressive idioms by employers.
To some, the performance of Ingoma in its historical and rural idioms was seen as a way of resisting acculturation brought by modernisation. On the other hand, some viewed Ingoma as a new way of telling a story of a new Zulu in modernised socioeconomic circumstances. Therefore, as part of cultural expressions, Ingoma is defined in many ways by many people. All the definitions reflect the individual's or group's understanding of their reality. Every definition points to one thing: the way of life of the people, their behaviours, beliefs, values and symbols help define and justify their existence. Culture manifests at different levels of depth, as indicated in Figure 2.
Within these layers cited in Figure 2, several other aspects of life, such as norms, habits and languages, also express and determine the nature of individuals or groups. Culture is learned. Therefore, culture is relatively subject to various individuals or groups' feelings, thoughts and actions. Although culture seems to be a creation of the people, it is also the creator of the character of the people. All the aspects of culture cited here are responsible for shaping the behavioural patterns of individuals and societies. In other words, there is no passive party between humans and culture. Instead, a constant dialectic process occurs, underpinned by dynamism in the means and needs for survival.
It should also be added that culture is more than just a way of life. Culture is also the meaning people attach or derive from their lives. This derivation means that, no matter how significant an aspect of life might be, if it does not have a significant meaning to the existence of the people, it becomes useless. As established earlier, Ingoma is a form of cultural expression. Furthermore, Geertz (1973) postulates that cultural groups are formed from individuals and associations who interpret culture according to the meanings associated with different cultural layers within themselves. The differential interpretations are the result of each individual's inner mental programming. Generally, layers of culture and cultural interpretation are guided by levels embedded in societies, such as national, regional and educational, gender, age, social status and location. For example, a national identity binds all amaZulu together and is interpreted and expressed differently alongside the regional understanding of the people in that particular region, location, age, gender and education, among others. Mental programming of culture is either positive or negative and allocated in the minds and hearts of people (Geertz 1973). Geertz (1973) indicated that culture is composed of psychological structures. Individuals or groups guide their behaviour by these structures. The structures are a reaction to a theoretical muddling in contemporary anthropology created by some confusion rooted in a view that culture could be either a self-contained super-organic reality with forces and purposes of its own or is a brute pattern of observable behavioural events (Geertz 1973). Geertz (1973) is neither concerned with the nature of culture and its location in the human body nor interested in what culture causes individuals to do. Instead, he is interested in the question of the importance of culture. To him, a view that culture consists of whatever one has to know or believe to operate in a manner acceptable to one's society does not answer the question of what culture implies, indicates, signifies or expresses. His stance against the 'behaviourist' and 'idealist' views on culture stems from semiotic discussions about the culture and meaning of signs and symbols that reveal that meaning is not fixed.
Figure 3 demonstrates that human consciousness and reality interact and their relationship change constantly. Human consciousness evolves around an ever-changing world of things. Therefore, the human understanding of the world of things is never permanent. As such, the meaning attached to Ingoma as a form of musical and dance performance tradition for migrants is subject to time, space and mind biases. No matter how people try to keep their reality unchanged, the evolving consciousness will alter the look of that reality.
Meaning varies over time, by context and by the intent of the conveyor or maker. For instance, a natural movement or the wink of an eye can be used by a person to signal conspiracy, and as such, the recipient's knowledge and familiarity with the sign or symbol plays a vital role in the interpretation of the sign. With regard to the performance of Ingoma, it is not surprising to hear people today still referring to indlamu as a war dance because, to them, carrying shields, regalia and performing military drills suggest war. However, knowing what happened during the 10 years under discussion, one realises that nothing presented during modern indlamu performances is a sign of war. A completely new type of traditional dance regalia emerged during the restructuring of Ingoma (Erlmann 1991:108). The white organisers of the spectacle suggested that more traditional-looking regalia be worn to enhance the visual impact of the dancing for tourists and most teams readily adopted a completely different outfit of animal skins, sticks and shields that now forms the standard Ingoma 'uniform' (Thomas 1988:198). Differentiating between ihawu and isihlangu is essential. Both can be loosely classified as a Zulu shield but they differ in size and use. Isihlangu is a bigger shield than ihawu. Isihlangu was used for war purposes because it was almost of the size of a person. A combatant could cover himself against a barrage of assegais thrown at him. By contrast, the smaller ihawu was used for ceremonial purposes, such as weddings, and ukweshwama, among others. For the domesticated Ingoma, the Afrikaans knobkerries [stick with a round head] were replaced by sticks covered in sheepskin to remove the stick from war connotations. Therefore, Ingoma differs from a fictional story or event fixed in the book by a writer or society that creates or acts it out. Ingoma happens in time, and its significance is relevant and real. What cultural expressions such as Ingoma represent at that time can also be contested by various individuals and groups who have different views on its significance. During the transformation of Ingoma between 1929 and 1939, some saw the transformation as a setback to integrating into the new South African society. This sentiment is sometimes still upheld today.
This article's emphasis is on Ingoma and its elements. The article looks at dance-songs such as isicathulo [gumboot dance], isicathamiya and makwaya. Almost all these dances cited here used a step movement instead of stamping. In isicathamiya, makwaya and isicathulo, there is very little emphasis on the classical, traditional performance idioms of amaZulu. Instead, urban, religious, Western choral and military expressions are used. For instance, besides the aspects of singing and dancing, the attire for performances is highly Westernised, for example, Wellington boots for isicathulo and suits for isicathamiya and makwaya. Coplan (1985:72) claimed that makwaya concerts helped build middle-class pride and a national African culture. In Natal, African nationalism contained a strong admixture of Zulu ethnic pride. Coplan (1985:65) painted a clear picture of the events during the period under discussion, stating that the majority of creativity and innovations in the competitive dance-songs were neither from the more traditional Zulu migrants nor were the dance-songs from the more Christianised migrants. Instead, the dance songs were from amagxagxa [vagrants], which in isiXhosa are called abaphakathi [middle ones].
Amagxagxa brought dance steps and songs from other ethnic groups and from the urban locations and integrated the steps and songs into Zulu male dancing and singing in the hostels. The amagxagxa blended Zulu classical music and dance performance traditions with izangoma zomshado [wedding dance-songs] and Zulu Wesleyan Methodist hymns to create interesting syncretic dance team songs. Erlmann (1991:99) also asserted that migrant workers first became interested in the dances and songs developed in and around the mission stations during the search for aesthetic models and expressions of self-conscious urban status.
This 'middleness' could be an epitome of the pull-push situation migrants found themselves in during the period of domestication, industrialisation and urbanisation around Natal (Durban) and Johannesburg between 1929 and 1939. On the pull side, the black migrants were expected to adapt to new urbanised and Christianised lifestyles. On the push side, black migrants were not allowed to adopt a Westernised lifestyle fully because of laws associated with the colour bar, which prevented integration between white and black people. For instance, gumboot dancing draws on a variety of influences, such as the Bhaca tradition (dances by sailors who visited Durban, a Russian folk dance); the heritages of the various Christian missionaries; social dances that accompanied jazz (e.g. the jitterbug) in the 1930s and 1940s and tap dance, which South Africans witnessed in the performances of travelling minstrel groups and the films of Fred Astaire and Gene Kelley (Muller & Topp-Fargion 1999:88-109). Musical accompaniment typically consists of a guitarist and a concertina player playing a cyclical riff moving between tonic, subdominant and dominant chords. Coplan (1985:78) contented that when schools picked up new urban-influenced rural dances, even though missionaries forbade them, one such dance tradition that emerged was isicathulo [shoe] adopted by students in Durban and from there it spread to dock workers who produced spectacular rhythmic effects by slapping and pounding their rubber Wellington boots in performance.
From gumboot dancing, two styles emerged regarding gumboot dancing and singing: the igumboots dance connected to the heavy stamping of traditional Zulu men's dance and isicathulo dance, which is a lighter style of stepping or tapping connected to the civilising project of the mission station. There is emic evidence that gumboot dancing emerged in areas where missionaries had banned traditional Nguni dancing, suggesting missionary influences. Some of the dance patterns resemble step and folk dances that missionaries offered as a substitute for Nguni dancing. There is also a series of dance patterns commanded by the shouts of a leader similar to the musical drills missionaries used to instil discipline in children (Muller 2004:139).
Other forms of amaZulu dance-song traditions were also part of this evolution in black migrants around Durban and Johannesburg in the 1920s and 1930s. For example, the isicathamiya genre was influenced by Western-based wedding hymns, as the genre is closely related to Ingoma. With the increase of missions occurring in the rural areas, these classical wedding songs likely became part of the original repertoire of Ingoma performers. However, isicathamiya performers stressed the importance of a four-part harmony instead of the more discordant style of the Ingoma performers that was popular with wedding songs. This technique is Western. Overall, the style has not had only one name. Instead the name seems to reflect a perspective on the music that changes with time more than it depends on the music. Over time, the style has been called isikhunzi (after 'coons' or minstrel music), mbube (after the 'Linda song' came out), bombing (during World War II), isikhwela Jo and isicathamiya (a stealthy movement). Joseph Shabalala (the leader of Ladysmith Black Mambazo) prefers using the name isicathamiya to describe its whole history.
Almost every text on maskanda usually opens with a mention of this scene: a seemingly lonely figure walking the streets of Durban, decorated guitar in hand, strumming away and singing to himself. The ambulating musician and the cyclical, repetitive structure of the music almost suggest a journey or even a kind of nomadic life. For maskanda, the nomadic life was not unusual, many moving in rural areas from village to village. Also, the life of the migrant worker in the larger context of South Africa required leaving home for long periods - moving to Durban or Johannesburg away from rural areas - and bringing the music was a way to culturally reconnect back home.
Maskanda is often described as a neo-classical style of music of amaZulu and is most famously linked to the guitar, although not exclusively. The long syncretic tradition has incorporated a number of Western and global instruments including the concertina, accordion, violin, whistle (as in referee whistle) as well as a number of classical African indigenous musical instruments. In many respects the term itself - maskanda - is an amalgam derived from the Afrikaans musikant meaning musician. Carol Muller in her book Music of South Africa suggests that the term itself implies an association with music made by Afrikaans-speakers such as white farmers, for example, vastrap performed with concertina, guitar etc. Most other forms of amaZulu performance traditions such as singing, dancing and drumming were referred to as ingoma. The guitar and the concertina became commonplace as accompanying music instrument during the 1930s after cheap locally made versions were produced.
Thus far, the study revealed that the Ingoma as known today has become (1) an identity of amaZulu working class for mines, industries and farms, (2) a narrative for the socioeconomic transformation of the broader amaZulu cultural landscape, (3) a creative and innovative platform for both local and international artists, including crafters in dance-song performances and (4) an interaction between amaZulu cultural expressions and other cultures of the world. This variety confirms the view that culture is not static. Greenwood's (1982) argument embraced the opinion that 'all viable cultures are in the process of making themselves up all the time'. Greenwood's point alluded into Garfinkel's (1967) idea of people continuously constructing their cultures to reflect their identity.
In search of a meaningful cultural identity, Boissevain (1979) argued that modern people 'have neither the time nor the interest to preserve their traditions and cultural heritages as their culture no longer reflects their identity'. As such, Boissevain's belief would be that what is generally alleged as deception of Ingoma by domestication was a genuine and honest construction of cultural identity by amaZulu migrants between 1929 and 1939. Constructed culture is subjectively perceived and is subjected to constant changes and modifications. This idea of cultural construction is supported by Geertz's (1973) theory, which implies that culture exists in moments of occurrence. Fuller (2016) is adamantly radical, regarding the portrayal of the past as mere 'guesswork'. Several historic progresses are controversial and there is no distinct indication of the precise manifestation of various things from the ancient (Fuller 2016). In the study, two constructivists' theories emerged. Firstly, some constructivists would regard what was seen at Ingoma performances by amaZulu migrants from 1929 to 1939 was as a constructed 'ideal' image of the past. Secondly, other constructivists would see Ingoma performances by amaZulu migrants in 1929-1939 as 'ideal' and 'real' meaningful experiences of migrants at that time.
Although the backdrop to this study can be placed on both anthropologists and sociologist theories, the attention is on the existentialist that is based on individuals' or groups' 'sense of being', whereby people strive to find meaning within their existence among others or in established cultures. This meaning-making is similar to a 'sense of being autonomous'. To existentialists, being 'autonomous' is an ultimate goal for every individual or group.
Park (1983) listed three essential points towards autonomy, which are conformity to autonomy, centring and integrating and authentic projects-of-being. Park's points apply to the story of Ingoma from 1929 to 1939 as the migrants first conformed (through learning the rules and regulations of the Ingoma performance), and then developed meaning and purpose for their experience to re-centre and re-integrate their purposes, values and meanings, into their performances. Park (1983) further postulated that one is what one pursues. One devises one's own reasons for living, which might go beyond what anyone has ever tried before. Amagxagxa became an embodiment of 'real' and 'ideal' life amaZulu migrants found themselves in 1929-1939. Ingoma became a new and unique way to give meaning and purpose to migrants' lives and develop an authentic project-of-being.
Existentialists, behaviourists and anthropologists agree that human beings can choose the way of life they prefer. Through actions, people project themselves beyond themselves. People leave the 'themselves' of yesterday behind the 'themselves' of today and the 'themselves' of today behind the 'themselves' of tomorrow (Breisach 1962). This constant surge to surpass oneself is called transcendence, and in it lies the meaning of true existence (Sartre 2021). People remain in a state of change, making ever-new decisions concerning their standing with 'being'. Unique people do not appear by natural means, as their 'real' existence is a re-creation beyond what they were before (Breisach 1962). People live in a world of ever-changing reality or becoming. The ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus once said that all matter is becoming. In conclusion, this article reveals that Ingoma musical and/or dance performance traditions of the 1920s and 1930s represented the less continuity of precolonial musical and/or dance performance traditions of amaZulu expressions of power and warfare than the complex interaction of dance traditions, labour migration and missionisation. In essence, Ingoma continues to reveal the past in its genuineness through its musical and/or dance performance traditions.
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Both authors contributed equally to this work.
This article followed all ethical standards of research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Sakhiseni Yende
sakhiseniyende@gmail.com
Received: 06 Apr. 2022
Accepted: 27 July 2022
Published: 07 Sept. 2022
Note: Special Collection: Social Memory Studies, sub-edited by Christina Landman (University of South Africa) and Sekgothe Mokgoatšana (University of Limpopo).
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Starting his career as a session drummer Mark Rogers soon found himself in the chaotic world of the music producer. His experience as a drummer and songwriter helped Mark create a production style that is organic, "vibey" and at all times striving to be true to the song. Being a part of a band himself, Mark enjoys the challenge of working with other bands, taking their performance to passionate levels and maintaining their integrity as artists.


text:
The Decrees of Julius Caesar Favoring the Jews
Josephus Flavius, Antiquities of the Jews XIV 10.1-8, translated by William Whiston.
1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them, And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.
2. "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; - for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them."
3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where."
4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood."
5. "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute."
6. "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it. formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; and that the same original ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs."
7. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us."
8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us."


After the weird Clint Eastwood sweater (and by the way, isn't it cool that we got Dive to comment on a knitting blog? hee hee ), anyway...after the poncho sweater, I decided to relax a bit with a simple shawl using the free pattern at Knitter's Review.
I used two strands--Pure Silk by Debbie Bliss and a multi-colored cotton/silk yarn--knitted on size US 17 needles. Because the needles were so large, this project was done in no time at all and was a breeze to block.
As I caution with all of my knitting, don't look too closely, or you'll be astonished by the mistakes. I don't know when I'll wear this, but I am hoping for an opportunity or two to dress up this winter. Or, I could just leave it to grace the table.
Oh Scout, you are beating me in the knitting ranks.. looks good.... as for Dive posting on the knitting thread, he may well tell you how he was brought up with clicking needles!!!!!!!


text:
Published: 2 May 2016
Imprint: Puffin
Stuff Happens: Luke
James Valentine
Stuff happens sometimes. Everyday stuff.
At school, at home, with sport, with mates.
For Luke it happened on public speaking day.
James Valentine lives and works in Australia. A journalist, broadcaster and musician, James started his life in the public eye working in theatre orchestra, big bands, R&B and cover bands. He achieved 'rock stardom' with his band, The Models, recording two platinum albums and two number one singles. He has also contributed to many magazines including Vogue and Rolling Stone. In 1987 James became the host of a popular TV show, The Afternoon Show. He currently presents a weekday radio afternoon talk show and also hosts and produces a weekly TV show.
L. M. Montgomery, Kate Harper
I Just Couldn't Wait to Meet You
Kate Ritchie, Hannah Sommerville


2 records on 1 CD. Still sealed. / Eingeschweisst!. 14 Tracks: In the Winter of Your Love, Stormy Every Weekday Blues, Follow That With Your Performing Seals, Still Alive, Borrowed Time, Chiswick High Road Blues, I Believe in Rock & Roll, / Tea Break Is Over: Merlin, the Magic Man, Ballad of the Yessirrom Kid, Don Quixote's Masquerade, Tea-Break Over - Back on Your 'Eads, The Night Bird (Song for Alison), I Had a Friend, Raw Sewage. Folge Hurricane Recordss Pinnwand ?Progressive Rock? auf Pinterest.


Every year, thousands of developers of free and open source software from all over the world gather in Brussels to attend FOSDEM. This year FOSDEM took place on 3-4 February, in the beautiful city of Brussels (Belgium).
FOSDEM is a two-day event organized by volunteers to promote the widespread use of free and open source software and is widely recognized as the best such conference in Europe.
Fedora and CentOS bags ++ people loved them!
April 8, 2018 April 10, 2018 jonaazizajComments are off for this post.


text:
Q: std::array size set at class wrapper instantiation class A {};

class B{
private:
   size_t arraySize;
   unique_ptr<array<A, arraySize>> upArrayA;

public:
    B(size_t tArraySize)
      : arraySize(tArraySize), upArrayA(make_unique<array<A,arraySize>>())
    {}
};

B b(3);    //would like to set array size here

The above code does not work because arraySize is not static const.
I know array needs compile time knowledge of size but that is the case with normal C arrays too.  Yet with C arrays you can use the dynamic syntax to bypass this requirement.
Is there some ninja magic way that I can set the size of the array at object instantiation?

A: Template the class based on the size:
template <std::size_t arraySize>
class B {
private:
   unique_ptr<std::array<A, arraySize>> upArrayA;

public:
    B() : upArrayA(std::make_unique<>()) {}
};

Usage looks like:
B<3> b;

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange