FOOD SNOB: Christmas = cookies!
Christmas definitely equals cookies at my house. After nearly 5 pounds of flour, three pounds of butter, assorted other ingredients, and 11 1/2 hours of my time yesterday, I have nine varieties of Christmas cookies on hand! I always enjoy my baking day; afterwards I enjoy eating and sharing homemade cookies over the following weeks.
A soft, chewy, yet sturdy molasses cookie, with a double punch from ground and candied ginger. I like that these cookies focus only on the ginger, omitting the more traditional spices found in molasses cookies. However, I'm sure they'd be delicious with the addition of cinnamon, nutmeg, and cloves, too!
If you are careful to catch these beauties just as they approach done, you will be rewarded with the richest, fudgiest brownie ever! I enjoy the white chocolate and crushed peppermint candy topping -- my mom makes "peppermint bark" (white chocolate and crushed candy canes) yearly, but I've found it's too sweet for me in my "old age." These brownies offer a taste of that childhood candy, but in a more balanced package. Plus, chocolate and peppermint is such a classic holiday flavor, and the candy canes add a pop of color to the cookie tray. Win-win-win!
After trying these bars for the first time last year, I received complimentary phone calls and emails from several choir colleagues about these! Better make 'em a frequent repeat. These remind me somewhat of a lemon bar, as they have a shortbread crust covered in an eggy, fruity topping. However, these bars have more texture than a lemon bar, filled with chewy dried apricots and plenty of flake coconut. (I choose to use unsweetened coconut, which is a variation from the recipe. I find it makes the bars just a little less sweet, with more coconut flavor.) Side note: John doesn't care much for coconut, but he still loves these!
Bless the Post-Punk Kitchen for developing the simplest, easiest to work with recipe for gingerbread vegans! I love so much about this recipe -- the yield is small to moderate, (important when you are making a plethora of cookies as I do,) it calls for basic pantry staples (canola oil! Woot!), results in a soft, yet sturdy cookie, and is so deeply SPICY. The bestest.
I wasn't entirely sure these cookies were a success straight out of the oven, (they seemed a bit dry to me at first,) but once they cooled . . . watch out! Chocolatey, rich, and decadent, with a nice sour pop of dried cherry every now and then. These may be a frequent repeat for years to come!
John labeled these as one of his favorites of this year's selection, and I agree -- the soft, buttery, fluffy cookie topped with crunchy, sweet-sour glaze is practically perfect. :) I enjoy the bumpy, rustic look my cookie scoop gave these cookies, too! More little pockets for glaze to soak in, right?
A classic I almost considered skipping these this year, but I'm so thankful I didn't. Real Simple creates amazing recipes, and this sugar cookie dough is no exception. Simple, classic, tasty, and easy to work with, this dough has booted my GRANDMA'S recipe for sugar cookies out of my holiday cookie rotation. :) Can you believe it? If left relatively thick, the cookies bake up soft yet sturdy, with rich vanilla flavor that is only complemented by a bit of frosting and sprinkles. You want a decorated sugar cookie base to have some flavor, but not be overwhelming, you know? I've been delighted with this recipe, and again, appreciate the moderate yield.
With my baking done, I'm ready to kick back, relax, and enjoy the rest of my Christmas vacation!
What did you bake this year? Do you focus more on family favorites, or exploring new recipes?
Great job on your pretty cookie tray! What a great gift!
I don't do any Christmas baking (other than helping my Grandpa make Rosettes and Fattigmand) because if that stuff is in my house, I'd eat it all!
Hooray for cookies! I only made my standards--swedish farmer cookies and almond poppyseed--but then we flew out to stay with family, where there was a veritable mountain of other cookies. All cookies all the time!


text:
import os
import sys
import time
import json
import copy_reg
import types
from collections import defaultdict
from Bio.Application import _Option, AbstractCommandline, _Switch
from Bio.Blast.Applications import NcbiblastnCommandline
from multiprocessing import Pool
from ARMICARD import decipher
__author__ = 'mike knowles'

__doc__ = 'The purpose of this set of modules is to improve upon earlier development of ARMISeekr.py and eventually' \
          'to include generalized functionality for with OOP for GeneSeekr'

class MakeBlastDB(AbstractCommandline):
    """Base makeblastdb wrapper"""
    def __init__(self, cmd='makeblastdb', **kwargs):
        assert cmd is not None
        extra_parameters = [
            # Core:
            _Switch(["-h", "h"],
                    "Print USAGE and DESCRIPTION;  ignore other arguments."),
            _Switch(["-help", "help"],
                    "Print USAGE, DESCRIPTION and ARGUMENTS description; "
                    "ignore other arguments."),
            _Switch(["-version", "version"],
                    "Print version number;  ignore other arguments."),
            # Output configuration options
            _Option(["-out", "out"],
                    "Output file prefix for db.",
                    filename=True,
                    equate=False),
            _Option(["-in", "db"],
                    "The sequence create db with.",
                    filename=True,
                    equate=False),  # Should this be required?
            _Option(["-dbtype", "dbtype"],
                    "Molecule type of target db (string, 'nucl' or 'prot').",
                    equate=False)]
        try:
            # Insert extra parameters - at the start just in case there
            # are any arguments which must come last:
            self.parameters = extra_parameters + self.parameters
        except AttributeError:
            # Should we raise an error?  The subclass should have set this up!
            self.parameters = extra_parameters
        AbstractCommandline.__init__(self, cmd, **kwargs)

def _pickle_method(method):
    func_name = method.im_func.__name__
    obj = method.im_self
    cls = method.im_class
    if func_name.startswith('__') and not func_name.endswith('__'):  # deal with mangled names
        cls_name = cls.__name__.lstrip('_')
        func_name = '_' + cls_name + func_name
    return _unpickle_method, (func_name, obj, cls)

def _unpickle_method(func_name, obj, cls):
    for cls in cls.__mro__:
        try:
            func = cls.__dict__[func_name]
        except KeyError:
            pass
        else:
            break
    return func.__get__(obj, cls)

copy_reg.pickle(types.MethodType, _pickle_method, _unpickle_method)

class GeneSeekr(object):

    def yeah(self, reset=None):
        """
        :type reset: int
        :rtype: yeah
        """
        if reset is not None:
            self.count = 1
        if self.count == 1:
            sys.stdout.write('[{}] 1 ( \xE2\x80\xA2_\xE2\x80\xA2)'.format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S")))
        elif self. count % 3 == 0:
            sys.stdout.write('\r[{}] {} (\xE2\x8C\x90\xE2\x96\xA0_\xE2\x96\xA0) #Yeeeaaahhhh'
                             .format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"), self.count))
        elif self.count % 2 == 0:
            sys.stdout.write('\r[{}] {} ( \xE2\x80\xA2_\xE2\x80\xA2)>\xE2\x8C\x90\xE2\x96\xA0-\xE2\x96\xA0'
                             .format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"), self.count))
        else:
            sys.stdout.write('\r[{}] {} ( \xE2\x80\xA2_\xE2\x80\xA2)'.format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"), self.count))
        self.count += 1

    def makeblastdb(self, (fasta, db)):
        if not os.path.isfile('{}.nhr'.format(db)):  # add nhr for searching
            assert os.path.isfile(fasta)  # check that the fasta has been specified properly
            MakeBlastDB('/usr/local/bin/makeblastdb', db=fasta, out=db, dbtype='nucl')()  # Use MakeBlastDB above
            self.yeah()
        return 0

    def __init__(self, subject, query, threads=12):
        """:type subject: list of genes
           :type query: list of target genomes"""
        assert isinstance(subject, list), 'Subject is not a list "{0!r:s}"'.format(subject)
        assert isinstance(query, list), 'Query is not a list"{0!r:s}"'.format(query)
        self.count, self.subject, self.query, self.threads = 0, subject, query, threads
        self.cutoff, self.genelist = 70, []
        self.db = map((lambda x: os.path.splitext(x)[0]), subject)  # remove the file extension for easier globing
        self.plus = dict((target, defaultdict(list)) for target in self.query)  # Initialize :return dict
        print '[{}] GeneSeekr input is path with {} files'.format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"), len(query))
        print "[{}] Creating necessary databases for BLAST".format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"))
        Pool(self.threads).map(self.makeblastdb, zip(self.subject, self.db))
        print "\r[{0}] BLAST database(s) created".format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"))

    def _blast(self, (fasta, db)):
        self.yeah()
        blastn = NcbiblastnCommandline('/usr/local/bin/blastn',
                                       query=fasta,
                                       db=db,
                                       evalue=10,
                                       outfmt="'6 sseqid nident slen'",
                                       perc_identity=self.cutoff)
        stdout, stderr = blastn()
        if stdout != '':
            return [[fasta, aln[0][4:], abs(float(aln[1]) / float(aln[2]))]
                    for aln in [hsp.split('\t')
                                for hsp in stdout.rstrip().split("\n")]
                    if abs(float(aln[1]) / float(aln[2])) >= self.cutoff/100.0]

    def mpblast(self, cutoff=70):
        assert isinstance(cutoff, int), u'Cutoff is not an integer {0!r:s}'.format(cutoff)
        self.cutoff = cutoff
        print "[{}] Now performing and parsing BLAST database searches".format(time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"))
        self.yeah(0)
        start = time.time()
        p = Pool(12)
        for genes in self.db:
            mapblast = p.map(self._blast, [(genome, genes) for genome in self.query])
            for fastaline in mapblast:
                if fastaline is not None:  # if the returned list contains [genome, gene, value]
                    for fasta, gene, v in fastaline:  # unpack
                        if gene not in self.genelist:
                            self.genelist.append(gene)  # create list of all genes in anaylsis
                        self.plus[fasta][gene].append(v)
                        self.plus[fasta][gene].sort()

        end = time.time() - start
        print "\n[{0:s}] Elapsed time for GeneSeekr is {1:0d}m {2:0d}s with {3:0.2f}s per genome".format(
            time.strftime("%H:%M:%S"), int(end) / 60, int(end) % 60, end / float(len(self.query)))

    def csvwriter(self, out, name):
        assert isinstance(out, str), u'Output location is not a string {0!r:s}'.format(out)
        assert isinstance(name, str), u'Output name is not a string {0!r:s}'.format(name)
        assert os.path.isdir(out), u'Output location is not a valid directory {0!r:s}'.format(out)
        self.genelist.sort()
        rowcount, row = 0, 'Strain,'
        row += ', '.join(self.genelist)
        for genomerow in sorted(self.plus):
            row += '\n{}'.format(os.path.split(os.path.splitext(genomerow)[0])[1].replace('_filteredAssembled', ""))
            for genename in self.genelist:
                row += ',' + (lambda x, y: ' '.join(map(str, x[y])) if y in x else 'N')(self.plus[genomerow], genename)
                # Add the allele numbers to the row for the appropriate gene, otherwise return N
        with open("%s/%s_results_%s.csv" % (out, name, time.strftime("%Y.%m.%d.%H.%M.%S")), 'wb') as csvfile:
            csvfile.write(row)

def helper(genes, targets, out, cuttoff, aro, threads):
    from glob import glob
    assert os.path.isdir(out), u'Output location is not a valid directory {0!r:s}'.format(out)
    assert os.path.isfile(genes), u'ARMI-genes.fa not valid {0!r:s}'.format(genes)
    assert os.path.isfile(aro), u'Antibiotic JSON not valid {0!r:s}'.format(aro)
    assert isinstance(threads, int)
    ispath = (lambda x: glob(x + "/*.fa*") if os.path.isdir(x) else [x])
    genes = ispath(genes)
    targets = ispath(targets)
    result = GeneSeekr(genes, targets, threads)
    result.mpblast(cuttoff)
    json.dump(result.plus, open("%s/ARMI-gene_results_%s.json" % (out, time.strftime("%Y.%m.%d.%H.%M.%S")), 'w'),
              sort_keys=True, indent=4, separators=(',', ': '))
    decipher(result.plus, json.load(open(aro)), out)

if __name__ == '__main__':
    from argparse import ArgumentParser
    parser = ArgumentParser(description='Antibiotic Resistance Marker Identifier:\n'
                                        'Use to find markers for any bacterial genome')
    parser.add_argument('--version', action='version', version='%(prog)s v0.5')
    parser.add_argument('-i', '--input', required=True, help='Specify input fasta folder')
    parser.add_argument('-m', '--marker', required=True, help='Specify antibiotic markers folder')
    parser.add_argument('-o', '--output', required=True, help='Specify output folder for csv')
    parser.add_argument('-a', '--anti', type=str, required=True, help='JSON file location')
    parser.add_argument('-c', '--cutoff', type=int, default=70, help='Threshold for maximum unique bacteria'
                                                                     ' for a single antibiotic')
    parser.add_argument('-t', '--threads', type=int, default=12, help='Specify number of threads')
    args = vars(parser.parse_args())
    helper(args['marker'], args['input'], args['output'], args['cutoff'], args['anti'], args['threads'])

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


DRAMA TEACHER: Hey. Ellen is sick. She called from the hospital.
CHORUS TEACHER: Oh no. (Furrows her brow) What are you going to do for the show tonight? Are you going to play her part?
DRAMA TEACHER: I don't know. Lisa wants me to but I don't know the lines and I teach straight through today. I have no time between now and when I have to start putting make-up on the kids. When am I going to learn the lines? We could just cut the act – the rest of the play won't crash without it.
CHORUS TEACHER: No, but it's one of the funniest pieces! Don't cut it. You don't know the lines? Not even if we practice them now? I've been running lights for a week – I think I might know some them.
DRAMA TEACHER: Ohhhh … here, let me give it a try.
DRAMA TEACHER: How do you KNOW these lines already?
CHORUS TEACHER: I watched from the light booth – learn by hearing I guess. I think I could do it if you don't want me to.
DRAMA TEACHER: Would you? That would be amazing. I could coach you for a bit on stage after school today. That way you could get your confidence up. And I'll get Sam to run the lights for the last scene.
CHORUS TEACHER: Okay – sure.
DRAMA TEACHER: That's right, make all the motions really big – use up that space. Don't worry about the British accent. Just annunciate.
CHORUS TEACHER: (every motion is exaggerated) Come flame of the sky and pierce my head! What do I Medea gain from living any longer? Oh I hate living! I want to end my life, leave it behind, and die!
CHORUS TEACHER: Fie on her and the House of Creon! … uhhhh … and the four brothers of the acropolis! Oh but I am skilled in poison, and tonight three of my enemies I will strike down dead – Debbie, Debbie's dad, and … oh my husband Jason.
DRAMA TEACHER: Excellent – the next bit is fine. Let's go back to the opening monologue. You've almost got it.
ACTOR 1: (stage whisper) Break a leg Miss Lillis! You're gonna be great.
ACTOR 2: Okay it's you now! Go!
ACTOR 1: Miss Lillis – wait! We still have the curtain call … right now, come!
Yeah for awesome teachers like Ms. Lillis!!!


The Gold Coast SUNS have acquired veteran defender Sam Virgo from the Brisbane Lions in the AFLW Sign & Trade Period.
Virgo has been a rock for Brisbane in defence, playing 15 games in two seasons.
An ACL injury sustained in the 2017 QWAFL Grand Final ruled Virgo out for the entire 2018 season, but the 32-year-old was still invaluable to the Lions as team manager.
Virgo said her desire to develop her coaching credentials was a major factor in her decision to move to the Gold Coast.
"It's the start of something special I think," Virgo said.
"The opportunity to develop myself in a football sense as well as my coaching was something I found really enticing and I'm really excited to develop both areas of my game and my life really.
"I'm looking forward to seeing how I can have an impact on the younger girls in the team and those coming through the club's academy, it's pretty exciting.
Virgo has been a strong leader for the Lions in her time there, being a member of the leadership group since the start.
Born in South Australia, Virgo moved to Queensland in 2014 where she played her first game of women's football.
She met her partner Jenna playing the game and the pair have recently welcomed their first child Harriet into the world.
Settled off the field, Virgo now wants to recapture her 2017 All Australian form with the SUNS.
"I think now I've got a year under my belt since my injury I'd like to be a bit more consistent throughout my games and drive the standards for a young group," she said.
"I think that's probably one of my strengths.
"I'm looking forward to bringing them along with me and letting them teach me some stuff.
Virgo becomes the 9th player to join the SUNS' AFLW list following the commitments from premiership Bulldog Tiarna Ernst and fellow ex-Lion Jacqui Yorston earlier today.


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text:
Bild Lilli Doll fue una muñeca alemana a la moda producida de 1955 a 1964. Es la predecesora de la muñeca más famosa en el mundo: Barbie.

Historia
Al principio, Lilli era un personaje de caricatura, creado por Reinhard Beuthien para el tabloide alemán Bild-Zeitung en Hamburgo, Alemania. En 1953 el Bild-Zeitung decidió comercializar a la muñeca Lilli y contactó a Max Weissbrodt de la compañía de juguetes Hausser en Neustadt/Coburgo, Alemania. Siguiendo los dibujos de Beuthien, Weissbrodt diseñó el prototipo de muñeca que fue lanzada a la venta de 1955 a 1964, cuando Mattel adquirió los derechos de la muñeca, así que las producciones alemanas tuvieron que parar. Hasta entonces, se habían alcanzado las 130.000 unidades. Hoy en día Lilli es una pieza de colección al igual que Barbie y poseen un gran valor económico.

La caricatura
Reinhard Beuthien recibió el encargo de realizar una tira cómica de "relleno" para el número inaugural del Bild-Zeitung del 24 de junio de 1952. Beuthien dibujó un bebé ingobernable, pero a su jefe no le gustó. Así que adaptó la cara, le agregó una cola de caballo y un cuerpo de mujer curvilíneo y la llamó "Lilli". Ella aparecía en la tienda de una adivina preguntando: "¿Podría ud. decirme el nombre y dirección de este rico y apuesto hombre?" La caricatura fue un éxito inmediato, así que el dibujante comenzó a hacer un dibujo diario.

Lilli era una joven de posguerra, ambiciosa y descarada. Como mujer trabajadora, ganaba su propio dinero como secretaria, pero no fue más allá de salir con hombre ricos. La tira casi siempre incluía una viñeta de Lilli vistiéndose o desvistiéndose, mientras hablaba con amigas, novios o su jefe ("Como te enojaste cuando llegué tarde esta mañana, me iré de la oficina a las cinco p.m. en punto. ¡Listo!").

La caricatura trataba temas que iban desde la moda (a un policía que le dijo que los trajes de baño de dos piezas estaban prohibidos en la calle: "En su opinión, entonces ¿qué pieza quiere que me quite?"); política ("Claro que estoy interesada en la política. ¡Nadie debería ignorar la manera en que algunos políticos se visten!") e incluso la bella naturaleza ("El amanecer es tan hermoso que siempre me quedo tarde en el antro ("nightclub") para verlo!"). La última tira de Lilli apareció el 5 de junio de 1961.

Lectura adicional
No hay libros acerca de la muñeca Lilli como tal. A diferencia de Barbie, ella solo fue producida durante ocho años y nunca alcanzó la importancia de la muñeca americana. Pero en libros acerca de Barbie o del estilo de vida alemán en los años 50 hay capítulos dedicados a Lilli. En el libro de Knaak se describen todas las muñecas y sus guardarropas son mostrados a color.

Bibliografía
 Knaak, Silke: Deutsche Modepuppen der 50er und 60er Jahre (German fashion dolls of the Fifties and Sixties); 2005. No ISBN; disponible en Barbies.de. Alemán e inglés.
 Warnecke, Dieter: Barbie im Wandel der Jahrzehnte; Heyne 1995. ISBN 3-453-08738-0. Alemán.
 Metzger, Wolfram (Ed.): 40 Jahre Barbie-World; Info Verlag 1998. ISBN 3-88190-229-5. Alemán.
 Lord, M.G.: Forever Barbie: The Unauthorized Biography of a Real Doll; Avon Books 1995. ISBN 0-8027-7694-9. Inglés.
 Rolf Hausser's Story (Entrevista en la revista "Barbie Bazaar", febrero de 2000). Inglés.
 Stephanie Deutsch: Barbie. The First 30 Years 1959-1989. Value guide.

Muñecas
Juguetes de colección

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: How do you delete/unset the GIT_EDITOR variable How do I delete the GIT_EDITOR variable?
I set it by error and would like to remove it.
It looks like git var can only list variables...

A: Environment variables are set/exported, and hence unset/unexported, by the outer level shell that runs each command.  Hence the way to un-set GIT_EDITOR completely depends on your shell.
In most Unix-style shells, unset is the verb to un-set a variable.  If the variable is marked exported, this not only unsets it in the shell but also removes it from the exported environment.  Unix csh / tcsh uses unsetenv instead (its unset unsets only shell variables, not environment variables; set sets shell variables and setenv sets environment variables).
I have no idea what do to in DOS-style shells, but Command line to remove an environment variable from the OS level configuration has some advice, plus links to additional StackOverflow questions and answers.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The Reflections Through Reality Support Group – July meeting was well attended as mesothelioma sufferers, carers and family members welcomed Professor Jenette Creaney as guest speaker.
Professor Creaney very generously gave of her time to share some of her experiences as a senior researcher at the National Centre of Asbestos Related Diseases (NCARD) where researchers study the intricacies of mesothelioma in the ongoing battle to find a cure for the disease. Everyone enjoyed the opportunity to ask questions in an unhurried, casual environment.
Norma and John shared some of their experiences on their recent cruise around Australia. It was evident the voyage up the east coast during dreadful storms was an unwelcome highlight, spending most of the time on their bunks watching the drawers in their cabin open and close as the ship pitched and rolled.
Barb also shared some of her experiences on a trip-of-a-lifetime on the rivers in Europe.
A few of our regular attendees were away enjoying the warmth of our northern climates. We wish them well in their travels and look forward to hearing of their adventures next month.
It is a honour and privilege to meet regularly with such lovely people – sharing life's journey as we face an uncertain future.
If you or someone you know has been diagnosed with mesothelioma and would like the care and support of others who have first-hand experience with this disease, please contact us today.


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2023 Experiential Internship - Drug Product Pilot Plant, Technical Operations Intern (Illinois)
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text:
Q: Set the develop branch as the default for a pull request I want to make the pull request merge into develop from the feature branch by default.
I'm advocating the use of git flow, so when a pull request is submitted for a feature, the pull request needs to get merged into develop, and not master.
Some of the managers commented that being human, there is a possibility that the team leads could overlook that fact and merge the pull request into master by mistake, causing issues with the release later on.
We want to mitigate the risks of merge hell so this would go a long way in achieving this goal.
Edit: I'm using a fork of gitflow called hubflow(http://datasift.github.com/gitflow/). By default, when a feature branch is created  git hf feature start [tik-123]  the feature branch is created per spec but also gets pushed up to origin. We want this for collaboration. Once the feature is complete, the dev will go to the feature branch in github and issue a pull request. The team leads will then review the pull request and merge the feature into dev if the feature is slated for release in the sprint.

A: The github has their own suggested workflow called github flow, by convention all pull requests default to master but you can now edit it to any branch you like.

A: Alternatively make develop the default branch that everyone sees when visiting the project. The downside is that anyone who clones it will get an unstable branch by default but all pull requests will go to the develop branch by default too.

A: Instead of using master and develop branches, use stable and master.
Then it is usually good to merge them before tagging a new version, so there is none or only little diversion. I use this schema and usually stable follows master with small delay and merges are mostly fast-forward.
To keep master branch deployable, merge feature branches when they are ready. But since you have stable branch, new features does not have to be well tested.

A: When using gitflow in github with the default branch set to develop, you will get a notification that the master has changes and ask you to create a Pull Request to develop after releasing. I'm not sure how to fix this.


Sun and clouds mixed. High 78F. Winds WSW at 10 to 15 mph..
So what do these statistics look like applied to Payson? With a population of 15,476 in 2016, statistics indicate 170 people would have schizophrenia; 402 would have bipolar disorder; 1,068 would be suffering with major depression; and 2,801 would have anxiety disorders.
For people with mental illness, it can be difficult to maneuver across the stream of life. Without proper support, individuals may find themselves in crisis (homeless, incarcerated, in dysfunctional family situations, exhibiting self-harming behaviors like substance abuse, or living a life of lost potential) and therefore, falling into the stream.
With proper support people with mental illness can safely maneuver through the rapids, stepping on the rocks, and making it to the other side of the stream. NAMI Payson offers support at three levels: advocacy, support group, and education.
• Advocacy: NAMI supports efforts in the community to increase awareness and decrease stigma. NAMI also encourages lawmakers to improve the mental health system.
• Support Groups: NAMI offers support meetings for those with mental illness (peers) as well as family and close friends of people with serious mental illness. NAMI also helps to identify resources.
- NAMI Family-to-Family is a free, 12-session educational program for family, significant others and friends of people living with mental illness. Research shows that the program significantly improves the coping and problem-solving abilities of the people closest to an individual living with a mental health condition.
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NAMI's Peer-to-Peer program is designed for people living with serious mental illness who want to maintain their wellness and recovery. The program is led by a team of two trained mentors who are personally experienced in living well with mental illness.
Peer-to-Peer participants attend 10, two-hour courses and address the way mental illness can impact their personal and professional lives, relationships, legal and health concerns. They work through mindfulness exercises, plans for relapse prevention and develop skills for communicating with their mental health providers.
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- NAMI Homefront is a free, six-session educational program for families, caregivers and friends of military service members and vets with mental health conditions. Based on the nationally recognized NAMI Family-to-Family program, NAMI Homefront is designed to address the unique needs of family, caregivers and friends of those who have served or are currently serving our country. The program is taught by trained family members of service members/veterans living with mental health conditions. This program should be launched in 2019.
NAMI also hosts two monthly support groups: Family Support Group and Connection Recovery Support Groups.
The Family Support Group is a confidential support group for loved ones of individuals living with mental illness. A loved one of a person with mental illness faces unique challenges: complex family dynamics, social isolation and often-unpredictable aspects of the illness. Through NAMI Family Support Group you will gain support from peers who understand your experience as well as insight into the challenges and successes of others. It is open to adults with loved ones who live with mental illness and is free to participants. It meets 60 or 90 minutes weekly or monthly and is led by trained family members of individuals living with mental illness. No specific medical therapy or medication is endorsed or recommended.
• We will see the individual first, not the illness.
• We recognize that mental illnesses are medical illnesses that may have environmental triggers.
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• In Our Own Voice: Presenters discuss their personal perspective of mental illness, and talk openly about what it is like to live with a mental health condition. The goal of these presentations is to change attitudes, assumptions and stereotypes about people with mental health conditions.
• Ending the Silence: An engaging presentation that helps audience members learn about the warning signs of mental health conditions and what steps to take if you or a loved one are showing symptoms of a mental illness.
Why ending the silence matters — 13 percent of children ages 8 to 15 experience a mental health condition; 13 to 20 percent of children living in the U.S. (one out of five children) experience a mental health condition in a given year; 50 percent of children ages 8 to 15 experiencing a mental health condition don't receive treatment; 17 percent of high school students seriously consider suicide; half of all lifetime cases of mental illness begin by age 14.
Despite effective treatments there are long delays — sometimes decades — between the onset of symptoms and treatment.
For more information about NAMI Payson, call 928-301-9140, or email namipayson@yahoo.com, or on the web at www.nami.org.


text:
The Russian Revolution and the Soviet Government : Letter to the Workers of Western Europe
Revolt Library >> Anarchism >> Russian Revolution and the Soviet Government, The
Author : Peter Kropotkin
(1842 - 1921) ~ Russian Father of Anarcho-Communism : As anarchism's most important philosophers he was in great demand as a writer and contributed to the journals edited by Benjamin Tucker (Liberty), Albert Parsons (Alarm) and Johann Most (Freiheit). Tucker praised Kropotkin's publication as "the most scholarly anarchist journal in existence." (From : Spartacus Educational Bio.)
• "Which side will you take? For the law and against justice, or for justice and against the law?" (From : "An Appeal to the Young," by Peter Kropotkin, 1880.)
• "...all that is necessary for production-- the land, the mines, the highways, machinery, food, shelter, education, knowledge--all have been seized by the few in the course of that long story of robbery, enforced migration and wars, of ignorance and oppression..." (From : "The Conquest of Bread," by Peter Kropotkin, 1906.)
• "The fatherland does not exist.... What fatherland can the international banker and the rag-picker have in common?" (From : "The Conquest of Bread," by Peter Kropotkin, 1906.)
communist (94)
activist (21)
geographer (5)
The Russian Revolution and the Soviet Government
Dmitrov, Russia,
Photo by Keijo Knutas,
I have been asked if I did not have a message for the workers of the western world. Certainly there is plenty to say and learn of the actual events in Russia. As the message would have to be long to cover all, I will indicate only the principal points.
First, the workers of the civilized world and their friend in other classes ought to prevail on their governments to abandon entirely the idea of armed intervention in Russia whether openly or secretly. Russia is undergoing now a revolution of the same extent and importance as England under went in 1639 to '48, and France in 1789 to '94. Every nation should refuse to play the shameful role played by England, Prussia, Austria and Russia during the French Revolution.
Further, it must be borne in mind that the Russian Revolution – which is trying to build a society in which al productive work, technical ability and scientific knowledge will be entirely communal – is not a mere accident in the struggle of contending parties. It was prepared by almost a century of socialist and communist propaganda, since the days of Robert Owen, Saint Simon and Fourier. And although the effort to introduce the new social system by means of a party dictatorship is apparently condemned to failure, it must be recognized that already the revolution has introduced into our daily lives new conceptions of the rights of labor, its rightful place in society and the duties of each citizen, – and that they will endure.
Not only the workers, but all the progressive forces in the civilized world should put an end to the support given until now to the enemies of the revolution. Not that there is nothing to oppose in the methods of the Bolshevik government. Far from it! But all foreign armed intervention necessarily strengthens the dictatorial tendencies of the government, and paralyzes the efforts of those Russians who are ready to aid Russia, independently of the government, in the restoration of its life.
The evils inherent in a party dictatorship have been accentuated by the conditions of war in which this party maintains its power. This state of war has been the pretext for strengthening dictatorial methods which centralize the control of every detail of life in the hands of the government, with the effect of stopping an immense part of the ordinary activities of the country. The evils natural to state communism have been increased ten-fold under the pretext that all our misery is due to foreign intervention.
I should also point out that if Allied military intervention continues, it will certainly develop in Russia a bitter feeling toward the western nations, a feeling which will be used some day in future conflicts. That bitterness is always developing.
In short, it is high time that the nations of Europe enter into direct relations with the Russian nation. And from this point of view, you – the working class and the progressive elements of all nations – should have your word to say.
A word more on the general question. The reestablishment of relations between the European and American nations and Russia does not mean the supremacy of the Russian nation over the nationalities that composed the Czarist Empire. Imperialist Russia is dead and will not be revived. The future of these different provinces lies in a great federation. The natural territories of the various parts of this federation are quite distinct, as those of us familiar with Russian history and ethnography well know. All efforts to reunite under a central control the naturally separate parts of the Russian Empire are predestined to failure. It is therefore fitting that the western nations should recognize the right of independence of each part of the old Russian Empire.
My opinion is that this development will continue. I see the time coming when each part of this federation will be itself a federation of rural communes and free cities. And I believe also that certain parts of western Europe will soon follow the same course.
As to our present economic and political situation, the Russian revolution, being a continuation of the great revolutions of England and France, is trying to reach the point where the French revolution stopped before it succeeded in creating what they called "equality in fact," that is, economic equality.
Unhappily, this effort has been made in Russia under a strongly centralized party dictatorship. This effort was made in the same way as the extremely centralized and Jacobin endeavor of Babeuf. I owe it to you to say frankly that, according to my view, this effort to build a communist republic on the basis of a strongly centralized state communism under the iron law of party dictatorship is bound to end in failure. We are learning to know in Russia how not to introduce communism, even with a people tired of the old regime and opposing no active resistance to the experiments of the new rulers.
The idea of soviets, that is to say, of councils of workers and peasants, conceived first at the time of the revolutionary attempt in 1905, and immediately realized by the revolution of February, 1917, as soon as Czarism was overthrown, – the idea of such councils controlling the economic and political life of the country is a great idea. All the more so, since it necessarily follows that these councils should be composed of all who take a real part in the production of national wealth by their own efforts.
But as long as the country is governed by a party dictatorship, the workers' and peasants' councils evidently lose their entire significance. They are reduced to the passive role formerly played by the "States General," when they were convoked by the king and had to combat an all-powerful royal council.
A council of workers ceases to be free and of any use when liberty of the press no longer exists, and we have been in that condition for two years, – under a pretext that we are in a state of war. But more still. The workers' and peasants' councils lose their significance when the elections are not preceded by a free electoral campaign, and when the elections are conducted under pressure by a party dictatorship. Naturally, the usual excuse is that a dictatorship is inevitable in order to combat the old regime. But such a state of affairs is evidently a step backwards, since the revolution is committed to the construction of a new society on a new economic base. It means the death-knell of the new system.
The methods of overthrowing an already enfeebled government are well known to ancient and modern history. But when it is necessary to create new forms of life, especially new forms of production and exchange, without having examples to imitate; when everything must be constructed anew; when a government which undertakes to furnish every citizen with a lamp and even the match to light it, and then cannot do it even with a limitless number of officials, – that government becomes a nuisance. It develops a bureaucracy so formidable that the French bureaucracy, which requires the help of forty officials to sell a tree broken down by a storm on the national highway, is a mere bagatelle in comparison. That is what we are learning in Russia. And that is what you workers of the west should avoid by every means, since you have at heart the success of a real social reconstruction. Send your delegates here to see how a social revolution is working in real life.
The immense constructive work demanded by a social revolution cannot be accomplished by a central government, even if it had to guide it something more substantial than a few socialist and anarchist hand-books. It has need of knowledge, of brains and of the voluntary collaboration of a host of local and specialized forces which alone can attack the diversity of economic problems in their local aspects. To reject this collaboration and to turn everything over to the genius of party dictators is to destroy the independent center of our life, the trade unions and the local cooperative organizations, by changing them into bureaucratic organs of the party, as is the case at this time. That is the way not to accomplish the revolution, to make its realization impossible. And that is why I consider it my duty to put you on guard against borrowing any such methods...
The late war has brought about new conditions of life for the whole civilized world. Socialism will certainly make considerable progress, and new forms of more independent life will be created based on local autonomy and free initiative. They will be created either peacefully, or by revolutionary means.
But the success of this reconstruction will depend in great part on the possibility of direct cooperation between the different peoples. To achieve that, it is necessary that the working classes of all nations should be directly united and that the idea of a great international of all the workers of the world should be taken up again, but not in the form of a union directed by a single political party, as in the case of the Second and Third Internationals. Such unions have of course plenty of reason to exist, but outside of them, and uniting all, there should be a union of all the workers' organizations of the world, federated to deliver world production from its present subjection to capitalism.
The revolution we have gone through is the sum total, not of the efforts of separate individuals, but a natural phenomenon, independent of the human will, a natural phenomenon similar to a typhoon such as rises suddenly on the coasts of Eastern Asia.
Thousands of causes, in which the work of separate individuals and even of parties has been only a grain of sand, one of the minute local whirlwinds, have contributed to form the great natural phenomenon, the great catastrophe which shall either renew, or destroy; or perhaps both destroy and renew.
All of us prepared this great inevitable change. But it was also prepared by all the previous revolutions of 1793, 1848-1871; by all the writings of the Jacobins, socialists; by all the achievements of science, industry, art and so on. In a word, millions of natural causes have contributed just in the same way as millions of movements of particles of air or water cause the sudden storm which sinks hundreds of ships or destroys thousands of houses – as the trembling of the earth in an earthquake is caused by thousands of small tremors and by the preparatory movements of separate particles.
In general, people do not see events concretely, solidly. They think more in words than in clearly-imagined pictures, and they have absolutely no idea what a revolution is, – of those many millions of causes which have gone to give it its present form, – and they are therefore inclined to exaggerate the importance in the progress of the revolution of their personality and of that attitude which they, their friends and co-thinkers will take up in this enormous upheaval. And of course they are absolutely incapable of understanding how powerless is any individual, whatever his intelligence and experience, in this whirlpool of hundreds of thousands of forces which have been put into motion by the upheaval.
They do not understand that once such a great natural phenomenon has begun, such as an earthquake, or, rather, such as a typhoon, separate individuals are powerless to exercise any kind of influence on the course of events. A party perhaps can do something, – far less than is usually thought, – and on the surface of the oncoming waves, its influence may, perhaps, be very slightly noticeable. But separate small aggregations not forming a fairly large mass are undoubtedly powerless – their Powers are certainly nil.
It is in this position that I, an anarchist, find myself. But even parties of far greater numbers in Russia at the present moment are in a very similar position.
I will even go farther; the governing party itself is in the some position. It no longer governs, it is being carried along by the current which it helped to create but which is now already a thousand times stronger than the party itself...
What is then to be done?
We are experiencing a revolution which has advanced not at all along those ways which we had prepared for it, but which we had no time to prepare sufficiently. What is to be done now?
To prevent the revolution? Absurd!
Too late. The revolution will advance in its own way, in the direction of the least resistance, without paying the least attention to our efforts.
At the present moment the Russian revolution is in the following position. It is perpetrating horrors. It is ruining the whole country. In its mad fury it is annihilating human lives. That is why it is a revolution and not a peaceful progress, because it is destroying without regarding what it destroys and whither it goes.
And we are powerless for the present to direct it into another channel, until such time as it will have played itself out. It must wear itself out.
And then? Then – inevitably will come a reaction. Such is the law of history, and it is easy to understand why this cannot be otherwise. People imagine that we can change the form of development of a revolution. That is a childish illusion. A revolution is such a force that its growth cannot be changed. And a reaction is absolutely inevitable, just as a hollow in the water is inevitable after every wave, as weakness is inevitable in a human being after a period of feverish activity.
Therefore the only thing we can do is to use our energy to lessen the fury and force of the oncoming reaction.
But of what can our efforts consist?
To modify the passions – on one as on the other side? Who is likely to listen to us? Even if there exist such diplomats as can do anything in this role, the time for their debut has not yet come; neither the one nor the other side is as yet disposed to listen to them. I see one thing; we must gather together people who will be capable of undertaking constructive work in each and every party after the revolution has worn itself out.
From : Marxists.org
April 28, 1919 :
The Russian Revolution and the Soviet Government -- Publication.
October 04, 2019 ; 11:40:36 AM (America/Los_Angeles) :
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The Russian Revolution and the Communist Party
The Russian Revolution in Ukraine (March 1917 — April 1918)
Roy Bhaskar Obituary, by David Graeber
Rules and Program of the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy Founded in Geneva in October 01868, The, by Mikhail Bakunin
Rumblings of the Coming Storm, by Lucy Parsons
Running on Emptiness, by John Zerzan
Russia, by Charlotte Wilson
Russian Anarchists and the Civil War, by Paul Avrich
Russian Counter-Revolution, by Grigori Petrovitch Maximoff
Russian Peasantry, The, by Charlotte Wilson
Russian Proprietor, and Other Stories, A, by Leo Tolstoy
Russian Revolution and the Communist Party, The, by Alexander Berkman
Russian Revolution and the Soviet Government, The
Russian Revolution in Ukraine (March 01917 — April 1918), The, by Nestor Makhno
Russian Schools and the Holy Synod, by Peter Kropotkin
Russian Tragedy, The, by Alexander Berkman
Sabaté, by Antonio Téllez Solà
Sabotage, by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn
Sabotage, by Émile Pouget
Sacco and Vanzetti, by Emma Goldman
Sacred Bird, The, by Octave Mirbeau
Sacred Conspiracy, The, by Georges Bataille
Sacrilegious Laughter, by Erinne Vivani


The main thrust of the piece is that Draghi dismisses the option of a United States of Europe as well as the prospect of returning to the previous setup. Instead, Draghi focuses on a 'third way', a slightly vague proposition built upon combined economic and fiscal policies and greater financial oversight – again a picture which is likely to appeal to the traditional (ordo-liberal) German economic approach. Draghi sees the political and economic developments moving in tandem over time rather than through giant leaps and grand agreements.
There is no real explanation of how his proposed 'third way' would address the internal eurozone imbalances he correctly identifies as a cause of the crisis, other than some loose talk of competitiveness, (i.e. there is no mention of fully-fledged fiscal union that goes down so badly in Germany).
How will the eurozone find the time to make the piecemeal changes he suggests? Greater fiscal and financial oversight takes time to set up and organise. He also fails to mention the political/democratic implications of pooling greater economic powers at the eurozone level. Again no mention of potential ECB spending or bailouts to buy time for these changes.
Ignoring these issues makes the prospect of a eurozone solution without a political union sound easy, but in reality ensuring that conditions are enforced and that money is well spent may well require such a set up. This also avoids the thorny questions of democratic accountability which follow on from political union.
Ultimately, Draghi's unwillingness to put a price tag on any of his suggestions or explain how they can be delivered in a democratic manner makes them hard to believe. The German public deserve better 'solutions' than this.
A new EU treaty, a December summit… Déjà vu anyone?
A key question for the future institutional arrangement of the Eurozone is whether further integration will happen at the level of all 27 member states, within the framework of the EU treaties, or whether the Eurozone will simply press ahead with an 'inter-governmental' deal, circumventing the acquis communautaire and non-eurozone members.
This is critical for the UK as under the latter option, Britain will have little to no leverage over future Eurozone integration, whereas under the former it'll have a solid veto, which it can use to extract all kinds of concessions in pursuit of its national interest. Following Cameron's veto to an EU-27 treaty change last December – which resulted in the intergovernmental fiscal treaty - a host of eurosceptics and status-quo defenders alike now tend to argue that the precedence has been set; Eurozone members can do whatever they want inter-governmentally, they say, and use the EU institutions at that. Britain has been reduced to the role of a spectator. The plot has been lost and the goose has been cooked.
From there, some eurosceptics reach the conclusion that Britain should withdraw altogether, whereas the status quo defenders say Britain should hop on the train towards more integration (at which point they cease to be status quo defenders and turn into brave souls advocating that Britain signs up to a euro superstate).
So has the goose been cooked?
Well, this week's Spiegel magazine splashed with the news that the German governmet is pushing for a new EU treaty that will consolidate and expand Eurozone budget oversight powers – referred to in Germany under the euphemism of 'political union' - under a firm legal framework. Chancellor Angela Merkel is reportedly pushing for a convention – comprising representatives from national governments and parliaments, the European Parliament and the European Commission – to be formed by the end of the year, with a first meeting to be agreed at an EU summit in December. If the article is accurate, a 'convention' would be about a 'full' Treaty change, not the limited one agreed in December 2010.
One of the main changes sought is the provision for the ECJ to rule if national budgets comply with the EU's fiscal rules, with the option of credible sanctions for non-compliance, something Merkel failed to secure in the inter-governmental fiscal treaty last year – courtesy of French nervousness over loss of souveraineté.
It's difficult to gauge how credible the story is – speaking on ARD Merkel said that "I am not calling for a convention… that's not the point". Though politicians' denials count for zero these days, it's probably right that December is not realistic as a start date for a new EU treaty. Apart from everything else that needs to be sorted first, EU leaders still remember how long it took to push through the European constitution/Lisbon treaty – which Europe's citizens didn't like that much (as for being a 'crisis' this was of course a mere prelude to what has come to pass since). And unlike the Lisbon treaty, codified central fiscal controls would be about decisions over taxation and spending – the bread and butter of national politics. Also, non-euro member states – such as Poland - oppose a new treaty at this time on the basis that it would widen the euro/non-euro divide with a negative impact on the single market.
This is key. For a range of reasons (see here, here and here), the Germans don't have that much confidence in Eurozone inter-governmental arrangements, as it leaves them more at the mercy of the 'Club Med' and creates a grey zone between EU law and the German 'basic law' which is just too awkward to bear for many Germans. Sooner or later, there will be an attempt at EU treaty changes.
Does the UK know what it wants?
It may sound incredibly obvious, but the eurozone crisis is not only about Greece. Yes, Athens may be facing its "last chance" (Juncker dixit) to save its euro membership. And yes, the diplomatic offensive launched by Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras (see picture) to obtain a two-year extension to the EU-IMF adjustment programme clearly deserves attention.
However, while everyone is talking about Greece, quite important (and not necessarily good) news is coming out of other eurozone countries - of which, as usual, we also offer a comprehensive overview in our daily press summary.
A Cypriot government spokesman told reporters yesterday that the island's public deficit at the end of the year will be around 4.5% of GDP – significantly higher than the 3.5% of GDP initially forecast. Clearly not good news, as this will almost certainly increase the EU-IMF bailout Cyprus is currently negotiating. Another headache for the Troika, which is due to visit the island again shortly (although no clear date has been specified yet).
Add the German Constitutional Court ruling on the ESM treaty along with the Dutch general elections (with the EU-critic Socialist Party led by Emile Roemer ahead in the polls) into the mix and it really looks like there will be little room for boredom in September.
'Communication problems' between Angela and François?
A bit of mystery ahead of this evening's meeting between German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President François Hollande. A French diplomatic source told AFP yesterday that, before their working dinner, the two leaders will make a short statement to the press, but will take no questions from journalists.
However, the source went on to suggest that Hollande was quite keen to hold a proper press conference, since he "has not talked about Greece for a long time and wants to communicate." But apparently his request fell on (Merkel's) deaf ears.
Needless to say, the diligent Steffen Seibert - the German Chancellor's spokesman - moved swiftly to clarify that the decision not to open the floor for questions had been made "by mutual agreement". Hollande's office also stressed that the chosen format mirrors the one used during Merkel's previous visit to Paris at the end of June.
Mystery solved? Maybe, but the fact remains that Hollande has reportedly planned a separate press conference at the French Embassy in Berlin after his dinner with Merkel.
Will a common position on Greece be easier to agree on than the format of a press conference?
On 12 September, elections will take place in the Netherlands. Due to the country's traditional role as an ally to Germany in monetary affairs, they will be watched with close attention (and by coincidence the German Constitutional Court is due to rule on the ESM Treaty the same day).
The latest opinion poll shows that caretaker Prime Minister Mark Rutte's right-of-centre-liberal VVD party and the EU-critical left-wing Socialist Party would get the most votes, with each obtaining 34 seats in Parliament. Sniffing around third place are four parties: the social democratic PvdA (21), the Christian democratic CDA (16), Geert Wilders' PVV (14) and the left-liberal D66 (13). The Christian Union, which sits with the Tories in the ECR-group in the European Parliament, would get around 7 seats, and GreenLeft 4.
- Firstly, a centrist coalition might emerge from the VVD, PvdA and CDA. However, the polls suggest this currently falls a few seats short of the necessary majority. This coalition could be expanded to include D66, which would make for a eurofederalist formation, but this might not be convenient in the face of an EU-critical, although disparate, opposition composed of the Socialist Party and Wilders' PVV. Alternatively, the seats of the moderately EU-critical Christian Union might be sufficient but then the government would only have a narrow majority, if the current poll results materialise.
- A second option, the preferred solution of the Dutch social democrats (PvdA), would be a government with the Socialist Party, CDA, and GreenLeft. This would only narrowly obtain a majority and probably also need the support of D66. While the CDA would need to be convinced, it is questionable whether a government led by what many consider a far-left party is a viable political option in the Netherlands. The Socialist Party started off as a Maoist formation (a bit like the current European Commission President) but has moderated its tone and could now be described as left wing populist. Its current leader, Emile Roemer, who vehemently opposes the fiscal pact, has repeatedly warned that he won't pay any EU fines for breaching budget deficit limits, saying he would "put his body on the line".
Other options are theoretically possible, but unlikely: the divisions between the VVD and Socialists look too deep, while it's unlikely that the VVD would choose a new deal with Geert Wilders, after the previous Dutch government fell due to Wilders' opposition to austerity. The most likely outcome remains some kind of centrist government, possibly after several months of negotiation (last time around, it took four months to form a government).
What are the campaign themes?
Unavoidably, Europe is high on the list. The last government fell over EU-imposed austerity and it is no surprise that Socialist leader Roemer has raised it as an issue. Roemer has also warned that any transfers of power to the EU would need to be agreed by referendum (in a similar vein the UK's 'referendum lock'). Things have been moving in a more EU-critical direction for a few years now. Only 58% of Dutch voters are currently in favour of EU membership, a stunning drop from 76% in May 2010. Two thirds of Dutch voters want to see less of their cash going to the EU budget. Last, but certainly not least, there is general discontent about the eurozone bailouts, with at least half of Dutch citizens saying in May that they wanted to see a stop on money being sent to Greece and a majority opposing the eurozone's permanent bailout fund, the ESM.
Another important issue is pensions, following reports that cuts very likely will need to be made. Dutch pension rules are also under threat from upcoming EU initiatives such as Solvency II, which are being fiercely opposed by the Dutch government.
Economic policy is, as always, high on the agenda. Dutch PM Mark Rutte entered the campaign this week, promising tax cuts in order to reward those who work, in a bid to present his party as the alternative to voters who are scared of the SP and draw left vs. right battle lines.
Much of what's happening in the Netherlands today is still seen in the light of the murder of Pim Fortuyn in 2002. The Pim Fortuyn List, certainly started to break down the consensus in Dutch politics on issues such as immigration and the EU. Of course, a lot of has happened since: a range of unstable coalition governments, the no-vote in the referendum on the European Constitution in 2005, the rise and influence of Geert Wilders.
The sluggish Dutch economy also appears to have become somewhat decoupled from the German economy. There is particular concern about the housing market.
What will be the consequences for the EU and the euro?
Dutch daily De Volkskrant ran an article earlier this month noting that the current Dutch government has increasingly been playing EU hard-ball behind the scenes, under the headline "European patience with the annoying Dutch is almost up". An EU diplomat was quoted as saying, "the problem is not that the Netherlands is obstructing, the problem is that the Netherlands is almost always obstructing".
Given that around a third or more of the Dutch electorate now seem prepared to vote for more or less EU-critical parties, that isn't going to change anytime soon. Still, it will make a big difference whether the Socialist Party will make it into government or not, and perhaps more symbolically, whether it will become the biggest party in the country. Both remain uncertain.
However, it is clear that the consequences could be far reaching, especially for Chancellor Merkel if one of her most loyal allies starts to make things even more politically fraught at the level of the eurozone.
The EU's renewable target, (agreed by Tony Blair in 2007) requires the UK to shift from just 1.3% of total energy from renewables in 2005, the baseline year under the EU Directive, to 15% by 2020 – the largest proposed increase of any member state (see graph below). The Government predicts that this will come at a net cost of £66bn to the UK over 20 years. This is a huge cost given that the UK already faces a major energy generation challenge – a quarter of existing power plants in the UK are due to close by 2020 – and that Britain should be in the enviable position of being one of the EU's top energy producers, largely due to North Sea oil and gas, which makes it far less reliant on traditional energy imports than other member states.
The consensus is that the 15% target is likely to require the UK to produce 30-35% of its electricity from renewables by 2020, because it is far harder to source energy for transport or heating from renewables. The UK currently has one of the lowest proportions of electricity generated by renewables in the EU, illustrating the scale of the challenge.
So why do EU rules make the barrage almost a certainty?Article 5(2) of the original proposed renewables directive (requested by Britain) made it clear that the UK would have to build the controversial Severn Barrage in order to meet its EU renewables target.
(d) it must be possible for the plant to become operational by 2022."
Given the extremely specific description (something five times more powerful than a large nuclear power plant which will be built between 2020 and 2022), this can only realistically have refered to the barrage.
Expensive stuff given this was possibly all based on a "mistake"
"I think there was some degree of confusion at the heads of states meeting dealing with this. If they had said 20% renewables on the electricity grids across the European Union by 2020, we would have had a realistic target but by saying 20% of all energy, I actually wonder whether that wasn't a mistake."
Focusing on renewable energy from a climate change point of view sounds good but the 2020 rush to renewables is illogical as it ignores and actually diverts resources away from the easier and cheaper CO2 reduction wins to be gained from all other technologies (clean gas, clean coal, CCS, reducing consumption or even renewables that are at an earlier stage of technological development).
Several aspects of the EU's climate change policy (forgetting the UK's own self-imposed targets) are also self-defeating, including the competing and complex nature of the individual policies: the Emissions Trading System (ETS), which is essentially meant to be a market-based carbon pricing framework, and the aforementioned renewables target, which is essentially designed to change the energy mix of member states, often through subsidy.
In practice, forcing electricity generators towards prescribed renewable technologies, such as wind, through the 2020 target and government subsidy lowers the carbon price under the ETS because firms are being subsidised to meet the cap. This undermines the ETS' carbon pricing function, which is meant to be the driver of investment in the cheapest low carbon alternatives.
A similar conflict can be seen between the EU's initial push for a biofuels target, and the subsequent move to sustainability criteria, and additional production costs, due to the previously unforeseen impact certain biofuel production had on food prices and land use. All told, this policy mix is unlikely to be the best value for money option in reducing CO2 emissions.
With European politicians still nursing their holiday sunburns, speculation has already returned to the Eurozone crisis. Unsurprisingly, the focus is again on European Central Bank (ECB) intervention, not least because its president Mario Draghi's commitment to "do whatever it takes" to save the euro may now require him to follow through.
The main plan being mooted is for the ECB to cap the difference in borrowing costs between stronger and weaker Eurozone nations. The logic is that growing yield spreads drive investor fear, do not represent the true strength of these economies, and threaten a self-fulfilling bond run. Germany is naturally wary.
The plan would place the ECB directly in the realm of fiscal policy and political decision-making – a dangerous and almost untenable position for an unelected, independent central bank. Bond spreads are ultimately the market's judgement of the fiscal policy and domestic politics of each Eurozone country. Any failure or uncertainty in either area would see the level of ECB bond-buying directly influenced by national governments' decisions. This is even more concerning given that, if borrowing costs have an effective cap, the incentive for governments to reform quickly and effectively would be severely reduced.
The oft-cited upside is that the ECB's unlimited commitment would be enough to deter investors from challenging the ceiling on borrowing costs, meaning that the ECB may not be required to intervene much at all. But this impact may be overstated.
Take the peg between the Swiss franc and the euro, equipped with its own "unlimited" backstop from the Swiss National Bank (SNB). The SNB has had to defend the peg, causing it to accumulate reserves equal to 65 per cent of Swiss GDP. Clearly markets didn't take the bank at its word. It's not clear that the ECB would be any more successful, especially in the face of similar safe haven flows into northern Eurozone countries, and investors' desire to offload risky assets at a decent price. Don't forget that the ECB has also seen its own credibility dented over the past two years.
It's been contended that current borrowing costs are irrational and therefore warrant ECB intervention. While yields may not accurately represent the economic fundamentals of each nation, they are a result of markets trying to price in the domestic and European political risk, as well as the structural flaws in the Eurozone. Using the ECB to try to "correct" these issues would damage the price determination mechanism in markets.
This leads us to another area of potential political controversy. The ECB would be taking a huge step towards risk and debt pooling by allowing an EU institution to redistribute problems around the Eurozone – since all Eurozone members stand behind the ECB. Such a huge decision, integral to the future of the Eurozone and Europe, should not be taken by an unelected apolitical institution.
The fact that such a decision can't be made at the intergovernmental level is a sign that the Eurozone is not ready for such a move. Using the ECB to force the pace of integration may well backfire. It seems many have forgotten the problems caused by pushing ahead with an unfinished economic and monetary union, lacking clear political will, in the first place.
On top of all of this, such a move stands on incredibly shaky legal ground (thanks to its clearly defined statute, which stops it from financing sovereign states). It also fails to offer a solution. This is why intervention has little support in Germany.
The spreads in borrowing costs are a symptom of the crisis rather than a cause, although they have admittedly made things more difficult. However, artificially forcing them together will only paper over deeper problems. The best such a move can do is to buy time.
With the ECB already having bought Eurozone leaders two years, which were promptly wasted, we must ask whether this latest proposition is worthwhile.
There is, as of yet, no definitive answer. But the first move must be at the intergovernmental level. Until progress is made there, any move by the ECB would simply jeopardise its fundamental mandate, putting more money at risk and dragging the crisis on further, all without any clear end in sight. The ball is firmly in Eurozone leaders' court and should stay there.
The UK and banking union: could the Coalition go for a 'single market lock'?
In the desperate search for the euro's saviour, all eyes have turned to the concept of a "banking union". Regardless of whether it is a good idea or a bad idea, banking union will undoubtedly cut not only to the heart of a key UK industry — financial services — but also the wider issue of Britain's future in the EU in the face of further eurozone integration.
However, the typical response of City people, or those in Whitehall for that matter, is confused. On the one hand they love the idea, seeing it as a backstop for shaky eurozone banks that threaten City firms and the British economy alike. On the other, they fear it on the basis that the UK could be left without "a seat at the table" in Europe, meaning that the City would be forced to accept rules written for and by the eurozone. This hardly makes for consistent policy.
A banking union effectively involves three steps: a single rulebook, a single supervisor and a joint backstop (including a deposit guarantee scheme and resolution scheme with a wind-down mechanism). Given the Continent's vastly differing banking systems and interests, achieving these three steps will be hugely challenging — and probably take years.
Still, the European Commission will kick-start the process this autumn by tabling a proposal to make the ECB the single financial supervisor for eurozone banks, for which there is broad support. While David Cameron has ruled out the UK taking part, with zero chance of it being accepted domestically, he has actively encouraged the creation of a banking union on the condition that "British interests are secured and the single market is protected". The problem for the UK is that a banking union, if developed to its logical end point, will almost certainly cut across the single market in financial services.
For Britain and the City there are two main risks, the extent of which are unknown at present. First, companies doing business in the euro area could be required to be supervised by eurozone authorities. The ECB has already demanded that City-based clearing houses establish themselves inside the eurozone to be allowed to clear transactions in euros, something the UK has challenged at the European Court of Justice. If such practices become part of a banking union, the City would face a series of hurdles to doing business in the eurozone. The second risk is that the eurozone 17 start to write banking and financial rules for all 27 EU states, using their in-built majority in the Union's voting system to implement them via the EU institutions.
Here, it is vital to understand the political incentives created by a banking union. To avoid banks free-riding on German taxpayers, Angela Merkel, the Chancellor, is likely to insist on any financial backstop being backed by perfectly harmonised regulations — for example, on capital requirements or bonuses — with little or no national discretion. This could well spill over to Britain, as the eurozone is unlikely to accept an uneven playing field within EU financial services, with the UK having few ways of blocking eurozone-tailored regulation being applied to the single market, even if detrimental or discriminatory.
So what should be done? First, Britain needs a consistent diplomatic position: it cannot both actively call for a banking union and implicitly threaten to veto it, as is the case at present. Second, to avoid the new structure — including the ECB — stepping into single-market territory, the UK needs to work with EU allies to make sure that it is fully accountable. The division of labour between the ECB and the London-based European Banking Authority needs to be made perfectly clear, for example.
However, given the stakes, Britain also needs to think creatively about new institutional arrangements with Europe, not only to guarantee the City's position as a global entry point to the single market — offered by continuing EU membership — but also to create a space in Europe for those countries not intent on joining the single currency, and also for those that may choose to leave. There are several potential solutions. For example, non-euro members could be given the right to appeal against any proposal at the European Council, where all countries have a veto, if it is deemed to undercut the single market or be discriminatory — a "single-market lock", if you will.
Such a move may require treaty change, but so will the steps towards banking union beyond the single eurozone regulator. Furthermore, if pitched right, such proposals could draw support from countries on both sides of the eurozone divide, including Sweden, Germany and Poland, given that the motivation would be to protect the single market.
A eurozone banking union is still shrouded in unknowns. But the City, even if it wants things to stay the same, may have to accept that things will have to change.
Italian Lega Nord party's opposition to the euro is clearly not limited to two nostalgic MPs organising a rally where the Italian lira is used as the official currency. Call it political opportunity, but since Lega Nord is no longer in government, it has stepped up its anti-euro rhetoric by several notches.
Roberto Maroni (see picture) - the party's recently appointed Secretary General and a former Italian Interior Minister - made some very interesting remarks in an interview with La Repubblica (available here).
Pretty strong words to say on the Ferragosto bank holiday, with many Italians (including Mario Monti) enjoying their summer break. It is too early to say how far Lega Nord can get with this initiative. According to the Italian constitution, 50,000 signatures are required to submit a citizens' initiative - a number Lega Nord should be able to collect easily. However, the draft bill then needs to get parliamentary approval to become law - which looks much more difficult to achieve.
Nonetheless, the initiative in itself is politically quite significant. Furthermore, it will be very interesting to see how many Italians will sign up to it - we can see the number going well beyond the legally required threshold of 50,000.
Lega Nord has decided to treat its supporters to a bit of 'throw back' party, remembering the days when Italy used the lira as its currency. The party has organised a rally in Avio (north-eastern Italy, where else?) for this weekend, at which the lira will be used as the only official currency. Interestingly, the two Lega Nord MPs who promoted the rally - Maurizio Fugatti and Sergio Divina - have decided to officially invite Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti.
Neither of these parties is likely to be in government after next year's elections, and recent opinion polls suggest that a referendum on the euro would see a quite clear victory for the 'stay inside' camp. However, as we noted several times before (see here, here and here), such a change in rhetoric and the fact that cross-party support for the single currency can no longer be taken for granted in Italy is in itself very significant.
Following the bad blood within the coalition over the collapse of Lords reform and the constituency boundary review, there has been much speculation that the two parties will enact a policy 'reset' after conference season, with Oliver Letwin and Danny Alexander already reportedly working out the details. Most people looking for potential fresh common ground between Tories and Lib Dems would hardly place 'Europe' at the top of their list. However, while the parties are unlikely to ever see eye to eye on the EU, given political will, there are a number of areas of potential agreement.
For example, both parties already agree on the need to amend the Working Time Directive. However, in terms of immediate action and potential achievability, there is no better target than reforming the EU budget. While the UK and other member states struggle to balance their books, the EU budget has grown year on year despite the vast majority of spending going on policies at best irrelevant, and at worst outright damaging, in the fight to deliver the jobs and growth Europe so desperately needs.
Around 40% of the budget still goes on the Common Agricultural Policy; mostly subsidies to farmers and landowners which act as an outright disincentive for modernisation given they are de-linked from any meaningful economic activity. It is difficult to think of a policy more offensive to liberal values than the CAP: market distorting, sustained by effective lobbying from vested interests, staggeringly wasteful and inefficient, and disproportionately harmful to the least well off in society via higher food prices. Moreover, despite the Commission's rhetoric, the CAP's 'green' credentials are poor. Slimming down and radically refocusing the CAP by explicitly tying it to environmental objectives such as biodiversity would not only be hugely efficient, it would add credibility to the coalition's claim of being the 'greenest government ever'.
Another area in need of overhaul is EU regional spending; the current structure involving all regions in all member states, irrespective of their relative wealth, is economically irrational. For this reason, spending should be limited to the least wealthy member states where it can have the biggest positive impact, an objective endorsed by Nick Clegg. This would save the UK around £4bn net over seven years which could be ploughed straight back into developing the UK's least wealthy regions, helping the Lib Dems to achieve their long-standing ambition of 'rebalancing' the economy away from its over-reliance on London and the South-East.
These measures would require the coalition adopting a much tougher line in the on-going negotiations over the EU's next long-term budget than it has done, or else risk the existing flawed spending patterns becoming locked in until 2020. While achieving these reforms will not be easy, if pitched correctly, they could command support all across Europe.
These measures would deliver a number of wins; saving UK taxpayers' cash, soothing coalition tensions, and securing electoral popularity – Lib Dem members and voters are in tune with national opinion in wanting more national control over many policy areas currently significantly influenced by Brussels. Having shown that they can be 'tough' on the EU, Lib Dems would then have greater credibility when making the positive case for its continued involvement in other areas.
Italy's spreads would now be at 1,200 or something.
He might be right, but still not smart politics. Remember, although Monti leads a technocrat-only government (and, indeed, is an unelected technocrat himself), he has to rely on parliamentary support to pass the structural reforms Italy needs so badly.
Berlusconi's party still holds the highest number of seats in both chambers of the Italian parliament. Therefore, if Berlusconi's MPs and senators were to withdraw their support, Monti and his cabinet would have no alternative but to quit. So Monti should probably choose his words more carefully.
Berlusconi's party instantly retaliated, and the result was the government failing to obtain a majority during one of the votes in the lower house yesterday over a new €26bn savings package. It was mainly a symbolic move (the specific vote was on a procedural act) and the package was eventually approved, but it was a reminder of the important role still played by Berlusconi's lot.
Monti should display a more balanced and respectful behaviour, as the [Italian] parliament is holding one vote of confidence after the other. Sooner or later, someone may grow tired.
So for the second time in less than 24 hours, Monti was forced to apologise (although his office prefers using the word 'clarify'). He called Berlusconi and told him he was "sorry" because that specific sentence had been "extrapolated" from a longer conversation and taken out of context.
Apologies accepted, it seems. But the episode is another reminder of how for Italy the main risk remains political.
The day after the monthly meeting of the ECB's Governing Council and Mario Draghi's subsequent press conference - during which he said that the ECB is willing to intervene on the debt markets again but will hold fire for the moment - we've summed up a few media reactions from Spain and Geremany, opposite sides of the debate on what the ECB's role in the crisis should be. The discrepancy between what the Spanish and German press have made of Draghi's words is fascinating.
"With a single shot, Draghi has shifted all the pressure onto [eurozone] countries verging on intervention. That is, onto Spain. Therefore, Mariano Rajoy's government finds itself in the thorny condition of someone who has to choose between requesting a bailout – the second, after the one for [Spanish] banks less than two months ago – or burn in the markets."
"Make no mistake. Neither is Draghi the first high-ranking European official to show Spain the way to the [eurozone] bailout funds, nor did the [Spanish] government realise yesterday that this is what it is being asked to do."
In fact, the article goes on, other top European politicians, from EU Competition Commissioner Joaquín Almunia and Eurogroup Chairman Jean-Claude Juncker, made similar remarks over the past few weeks.
"Madrid and Rome have few options at their disposal, apart from Draghi's offer, if they want to avoid a full bailout."
Meanwhile, over in Germany, the media have focused more heavily on the implications for German taxpayers and the fraught relations between Draghi and Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann.
Mass circulation Bild, referring to the lack of concrete details announced yesterday, carries the headline, "Could…Would…Should…What does Draghi's euro wishy-washy mean for our money?" Still, the good news for Draghi is that as long as the ECB's 'monetary floodgates' remain closed, Bild have said he can keep his Pickelhaube.
"ECB Chief Mario Draghi obviously feels comfortable in his role of the euro-saviour. However, not yet able to offer money, he had to make do with strong words and hidden side-swipes."
"It would have been good not to interfere with the psychological impact of Draghi's announcement. But once again opposition came from Germany, from the head of the Bundesbank, Jens Weidmann, apparently the only one who voted against Draghi's plan in the Governing Council… It is indeed unwise to break the ranks of the Governing Council in this situation. Weidmann is fanning mistrust where he should be fostering confidence."
Two countries, two completely different roles in the eurozone crisis, two completely different interpretations of the same words. Meanwhile, European stock markets seem to have recovered from yesterday's losses. The interest rate on Spain's ten-year bonds has also decreased, after peaking at over 7.4% this morning.
"I haven't made any decision. I will do what suits the general interest of Spaniards."


eSlomšek: Anton Martin Slomšek: THREE SERMONS ON LANGUAGE.
Anton Martin Slomšek (1800–1862), Slovenian bishop, author, promoter of Slovenian culture, especially distinguished for reviving Slovenian national identity in eastern Slovenia and Carinthia. Pope John Paul II. beatified him in 1999.
The Three Sermons on Language by A. M. Slomšek were written between 1825 and 1841. Two of the texts are preserved in the author's manuscript. The manuscript of the third, best known text, has been lost, but was published twice soon after it had been written and was subsequently often cited and published in part. The three texts are linked by their common theme. The texts are the speaker's notes for sermons, formulated entirely as complete text, thus belonging to the literary genre of religious oration, more precisely sermon or rhetorical prose.
The electronic edition comprizes a foreword, facsimiles, diplomatic and critical transcriptions, and editorial notes. Each transcription is linked to the facsimiles, and the two transcriptions are aligned at the level of lines. This enables the parallel display of facsimile and each transcription, and the parallel display of facsimile and both transcriptions. Slomšek's references to biblical sources in the margins of the sermons are linked to the Web portal Biblija.net, where his translation of biblical fragments can be compared with the translations of the Bible into Slovene.