text:
• Andrew J. Kliman
• Current Affairs
• Marx
• Racism
January 19, 2018 Andrew J. Kliman Current Affairs History Marx Racism
Trumpism: A Pre-Existing Condition, Not a Response to Neoliberalism or Globalization
✑ ANDREW J. KLIMAN | 5,220 words
"There is no evidence that the shift to Trump was a revolt of low-income voters.
"Trumpism is a manifestation of a long-standing white-nationalist strain in US politics". Kliman provides a list of evidence against the claim from ""populist" liberals" that Trumpism is a "response to neoliberalism or globalization" and declining incomes. What's more, the Left has much to learn from Karl Marx who would never agree with their "pandering to white-nationalist sentiments".
Andrew Kliman is a professor emeritus of economics at Pace University, author of many books on marxian economics (full CV here) and known for defending Marx's labor theory against claims of inconsistency from mainstream economics (see his book Reclaiming Marx's "Capital": A Refutation of the Myth of Inconsistency (2006)).
Originally published here in With Sober Senses (October 2, 2017), a publication of the Marxist-Humanist Initiative, as a longer essay (including a longer paragraph on Marx's writings).
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The anti-neoliberal "left" and "populist" liberals claim that Trump's electoral victory was due to an uprising of the so-called white working class against a rapacious neoliberalism that has caused its income to stagnate for decades.1 However, working-class income (measured reasonably) did not stagnate, nor is "economic distress" a source of Trump's surprisingly strong support from "working-class" whites. And by looking back at the presidential campaigns of George Wallace between 1964 and 1972, it becomes clear that Trumpism is a manifestation of a long-standing white-nationalist strain in US politics, not a response to neoliberalism or globalization.
Combatting White Nationalism
In the UK, the surge of support for Brexit in 2016, which secured the victory of the "Leave" forces, was driven largely by anti-immigrant backlash. In France, neo-fascist Marine Le Pen won more than a third of the vote in last year's presidential election. Most ominously, the virulently racist and xenophobic Donald Trump is now US president, and he enjoys the firm support of avowed white supremacists. This nexus has given rise to a shocking increase in far-right violence, up to and including the August 2017 murder in Charlottesville of anti-fascist protester Heather Heyer by a neo-Nazi.
Clearly, we must combat this resurgence of white nationalism.2 And we have to understand how to do so, and how not to do so. For Marxist-Humanists, the goal remains, as always, complete human freedom: the free development of each human being as the condition for the free development of all. What kind of responses to the threat of white nationalism help us to move closer to the realization of this goal, and what kinds do not?
In my effort to work out an answer to that question, I have found it helpful to examine Karl Marx's writings and praxis and seek to draw some lessons from them (see the complete version of this essay). In his day, Marx likewise had to confront white nationalism, and he developed some ideas about why it exists and how to overcome it. Marx differed from the anti-neoliberal "left" in that he sought to encourage the "independent movement of the workers" toward human emancipation, not further the political interests of "the left" by pandering to white-nationalist sentiments within the working class.
"Fighting white nationalism in the tradition of Marx entails the perspective of solidarizing with the "white working class" by decisively defeating Trumpism and other far-right forces.
The foremost lesson I have drawn from this examination is that fighting white nationalism in the tradition of Marx entails the perspective of solidarizing with the "white working class" by decisively defeating Trumpism and other far-right forces. Their defeat will help liberate the "white working class" from the grip of reaction and thereby spur the independent emancipatory self-development of working people as a whole.
However, this analysis of Marx's response to white nationalism is relevant to today's political situation only if Trumpism really is an expression of an extremely entrenched and long-standing white-nationalist strain in US politics. Many commentators have denied this. They assert, to the contrary, that Trumpism is, and/or that Trump actually won the 2016 election because of, an uprising of the so-called white working class against a rapacious neoliberalism that has caused its income to stagnate for decades. This latter narrative has been particularly popular within anti-neoliberal "left"3 circles and among "populist" liberals.
Thus, the first task––which I undertake below––is to expose the factual flaws in the "anti-neoliberal" narrative. Only then will the perspective of combatting white nationalism on the foundation laid by Marx be taken seriously.
Immediately after the 2016 US election, the "anti-neoliberal" narrative seemed almost ubiquitous, especially on the left. In the wake of the Charlottesville massacre, it seems a lot less plausible than it did before. But the real case against it rests on other facts: (1) The income of the working class did not stagnate. (2) "Economic distress" was not the reason why Trump garnered exceptionally strong support—for a Republican—from a segment of the so-called "white working class." And most importantly, (3) an examination of the historical record shows that Trumpism is not a response to neoliberalism or economic distress; it is a pre-existing condition.
The Anti-Neoliberal "Left" Narrative
In the UK, the surge of support for Brexit in 2016, which secured the victory of the "Leave" forces, was driven largely by anti-immigrant backlash. In France, neo-fascist Marine Le Pen won more than a third of the vote in last year's presidential election. Most ominously, the virulently racist and xenophobic Donald Trump is now US president, and he enjoys the firm support of avowed white supremacists. This nexus has given rise to a shocking increase in far-right violence, up to and including the recent murder in Charlottesville of anti-fascist protester Heather Heyer by a neo-Nazi.
The anti-neoliberal "left" and "populist" liberals frequently tell a story about the 2016 US election that comforts them by blaming their neoliberal adversaries and holding out hope of their ultimate triumph: Trump's victory was due to the forgotten "white working class," which rose up against decades of neoliberalism, globalization, and financialization. For example, Cornell West's instant analysis of the election was that
"[t]he monumental election of Trump was a desperate and xenophobic cry of human hearts for a way out from under the devastation of a disintegrating neoliberal order ….
White working- and middle-class fellow citizens––out of anger and anguish – rejected the economic neglect of neoliberal policies and the self-righteous arrogance of elites.
[… There was an] abysmal failure of the Democratic [P]arty to speak to the arrested mobility and escalating poverty of working people …."
And in February, Boris Kagarlitsky, an apologist for Vladimir Putin's regime and self-described Marxist theoretician, opined:
"The collapse of the neo-liberal world order is a spontaneous and natural process, generated by its own self-destructive logic …. The victory of Trump is itself a consequence of the crisis ….
No matter what the liberal pundits say, these were the votes of workers who brought him the victory. Not the so-called "white men", but the working class, who openly and, largely, in solidarity, made a stand against the Washington establishment. … This really was an uprising of the forgotten and resentful provincial America against the spoiled people in California and the cosmopolitan officials from Washington, who comfortably exploit cheap labor of illegal migrants …."
The crucial factoid regularly cited in support of what West calls "the arrested mobility and escalating poverty of working people" is the stagnation of middle-class incomes. For example, David Cay Johnston's instant election analysis was that
"Trump won because many millions of Americans, having endured decades of working more while getting deeper in debt, said "enough."
From 1967, when Lyndon Johnson was president, to 2014, the average income of the vast majority of Americans rose by only $328 to $33,068. That's just 1 percent above inflation after 47 years and this income stagnation applies, statistically, to the 90 percent, everyone who made less than $121,000 in 2014."
Middle-Class Income Stagnation?
Johnston got his figures from Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez. For a long time, their work on income inequality was taken to be authoritative and incontrovertible in many circles. Under neoliberalism (i.e., since the early 1980s), they reported, middle-class income has stagnated in the US and there has been a massive and shocking growth of income inequality. However, in response to other researchers' criticisms, they have recently abandoned the claim about stagnating income. In a December 2016 paper written together with Gabriel Zucman, they conceded that
"bottom 90% pre-tax income growth is significantly greater than that estimated using the Piketty and Saez (2003) data, according to which average bottom 90% incomes has declined since 1980 …. The real income figures from Piketty and Saez (2003) underestimate the growth of bottom 90% incomes and exaggerate the share of growth going to top groups."4
They went on to state that "[t]here are three reasons why middle-class growth has been stronger than in the Piketty and Saez (2003) series." First, they had adjusted for inflation by using an (inconsistent) inflation index that exaggerated how much inflation had occurred, thereby underestimating "real" income growth. Second, they had looked at the income of "tax units" rather than individuals. Since the number of tax units has grown faster than the number of individuals (because of a declining marriage rate), their previous figures had diluted income growth per person. Finally, and most importantly, their previous work did not count tax-exempt income—such as employers' contributions, on their employee's behalf, to Social Security, Medicare, and private pension and medical-insurance plans—which has "grown significantly since 1980."5
Revised estimates in their December 2016 paper, which addressed these problems, tell a very different story. Middle-class income growth was substantial. Between 1982 and 2014, the real per-person after-tax income of the bottom 90% of the population increased by 45%. For the middle 40%, the increase was 53%, and even the income of the bottom half of the population rose by 31%.6
Piketty, Saez, and Zucman also found that, once tax-exempt income is counted, the share of national income that employees receive did not decline throughout the neoliberal period. Prior to the Great Recession, there was no decline at all.7 In recent years, employees' income share has declined (by a relatively small amount), but this decline was not caused by neoliberalism. It was caused by the recession and the economy's failure to rebound briskly from it.
This evidence lines up very well with what other researchers have found when they measure income using the methods that Piketty, Saez, and Zucman have recently taken on board. It is crucial evidence that the anti-neoliberal "left" explanation for Trump's election is seriously flawed. If there was no stagnation of income caused by neoliberalism, globalization, or financialization, Trump's win simply cannot be attributed to a working-class revolt against such stagnation!
Why Votes of Non-College Whites Flipped to Trump
Yet even were the story about stagnating middle-class income correct, the narrative propounded by the anti-neoliberal "left" runs into other serious problems. One is the fact that Trump's "base" has been sticking with him through thick and thin. His approval rating fell somewhat during the initial months of his presidency—apparently, some of the "reluctant" Trump voters became disenchanted—but it has remained steady during the last four months. This would not be happening if Trump's election had been a revolt against neoliberalism, and for populist economic policies. He has been president for eight months, and there is still no jobs program in sight. He repeatedly pushed hard for the passage of legislation to "repeal and replace" Obamacare that would have taken away medical insurance from more than 20 million people. And he has populated his administration with the super-rich, including Wall Streeters. So, if the support for Trump among his base had truly been rooted in economic distress and populist concerns, we should by now have seen the base flee from him in substantial numbers. That has not occurred.
Another serious problem with the anti-neoliberal "left" narrative is that a substantial and growing body of research indicates that its explanation for why Trump won the election is just not correct. It is true that he received a substantially larger share of the votes of whites without a college education—the so-called white "working class"––than previous Republican presidential candidates had received. This single fact is the statistical hook on which the anti-neoliberal "left" explanation for Trump's election hangs, but this fact means very little by itself.
First of all, educational attainment is a rather imperfect proxy for social class as measured by income or occupation. Second, it is illegitimate to latch onto a fact about "working-class" whites voting for Trump and then "explain" the fact with a made-up story about this having been a working-class revolt against the economic distress imposed on it by neoliberalism, globalization, and financialization. That story is no more than one of a great many possible hypotheses about why the shift occurred. It should not be accepted as correct unless the preponderance of additional facts indicates that economic distress was the main cause of the shift.8
"If economic distress had any effect at all, it made people more likely to vote for Trump's main opponent.
However, they indicate that it was not. The controlled studies that have been conducted indicate that, if economic distress had any effect at all, it made people more likely to vote for Trump's main opponent. The shift to Trump instead seems to have been due to some combination of racism, sexism, discontent with cultural change, anti-immigrant sentiment, and authoritarianism.
In a post-election analysis, FiveThirtyEight's Nate Silver found that "Education, Not Income, Predicted Who Would Vote For Trump." There was a shift to Trump among whites without a college degree, but not because they tend to be lower-income. Once one controls for differences in education levels, "lower-income counties were no more likely to shift to Trump." This fact alone strongly suggest that economic distress was not a driving force behind the shift to Trump.
Similarly, Stephen Clarke & Dan Tomlinson of the Resolution Foundation found that, although it initially appears that the shift to Trump was determined in part by income level and residence in a manufacturing area, these economic variables cease to be statistically significant predictors of the shift to Trump once one controls for level of education. What determined county-level differences in the extent of the shift to Trump were differences in education level, race, national origin, and age, not differences in these economic variables.9
Jonathan Rothwell and Pablo Diego-Rosell of the Gallup organization analyzed a massive dataset on Trump's favorability ratings between July 2015 and October 2016. They found that, after controlling for the influence of other variables, Trump was more popular among more affluent people—even if one looks only at non-Hispanic whites. In addition, "[h]is supporters are less likely to be unemployed and less likely to be employed part-time"; support for Trump is not substantially affected by one's occupation; nor is it affected by being exposed to international-trade competition and job-competition with immigrants, which "make[s] it very unlikely that direct exposure to harm from globalization could be a causal factor in motivating large numbers of Trump's supporters."
Analyzing a post-election survey of more than 4000 people, Sean McElwee and Jason McDaniel found that, after controlling for the influence of other relevant variables, there was "little evidence to suggest individual economic distress benefited Trump." Nor did "economic anxiety" influence the election choices of white voters. In contrast, "racial attitudes towards blacks and immigration are the key factors associated with support for Trump." Two of their three variables that measure different dimensions of "racial animus" are "significant predictors of Trump support among white respondents, independent of partisanship, ideology, education levels, and the other factors included in the model," and they have a quite sizable influence on Trump support as well.
Daniel Cox, Rachel Lienesch, and Robert P. Jones analyzed attitudes to Trump among whites without college degrees. Their analysis was based on a large pre-election national survey and four post-election focus groups in Cincinnati. Contrary to the story that Trump's election was driven by "economic distress," they found that, once one controls for other relevant variables, "being in fair or poor financial shape actually predicted support for Hillary Clinton among white working-class Americans, rather than support for Donald Trump." Those who said that their financial situation was fair or poor were almost twice as likely as other respondents to support Hillary Clinton. The factors that actually stood out as predictors of Trump support were identification with the Republican Party, feeling that the American way of life needs to be protected from foreign influence, feeling like a stranger in their own country, favoring the deportation of undocumented immigrants, and believing that "investment" in college education is a risky gamble.
Brian F. Schaffner, Matthew MacWilliams, and Tatishe Nteta sought to explain why support for Trump was substantially stronger among whites without college degrees than it was among whites with such degrees. Analyzing results of a YouGov survey conducted shortly before the election, they found that
"very little of this gap can be explained by the economic difficulties faced by less educated whites. Rather, most of the divide appears to be the result of racism and sexism in the electorate, especially among whites without college degrees. Sexism and racism were powerful forces in structuring the 2016 presidential vote, even after controlling for partisanship and ideology"
as well as age, income, gender, and race (pp. 24–25). (Furthermore, their "economic dissatisfaction" variable was based on answers to the question, "All things considered, how satisfied are you with your overall economic situation?," which is not really a measure of actual or even perceived economic well-being.10 It is arguable, especially in light of other research surveyed here, that the small portion of the gap in support for Trump that they attribute to "economic difficulties" might actually be attributable to "economic anxiety" rather than objective economic problems.)
Matthew MacWilliams conducted and analyzed two surveys. One was a nationwide survey of 1800 Republican voters conducted at the end of 2015. The other was a survey, conducted two months later, of 538 people likely to vote in South Carolina's Republican primary. In both cases, he found that "education, income, gender, age, ideology and religiosity had no significant bearing on a Republican voter's preferred candidate." The only statistically-significant variables were authoritarianism and fear of terrorism.
Christopher Weber, Christopher Federico, and Stanley Feldman came to a similar conclusion. They analyzed survey data on more than 4000 voters, collected after the November 2016 general election. After controlling for the influence of education, income, age, gender, and religiosity, they found that a voter who scored "high" on a scale of authoritarian attitudes had a 79% chance of having voted for Trump, while those who scored "low" had only a 30% chance of having done so. This 49-point gap is much greater than the 34-point gap between high- and low-authoritarians' chances of having voted for Mitt Romney, the 2012 Republican candidate for president, and almost double the 28-point gap between their chances of having voted for George W. Bush in 2000.
These studies do not add up to a single, unified explanation for why whites without college degrees were actually more likely to vote for Trump than for previous Republican presidential candidates. But the negative results are indeed univocal and unequivocal. Once the influence of other factors is controlled for, there is no evidence that the shift to Trump was a revolt of low-income voters or people exposed to competition from imports or immigrant workers.11
Trumpism is Wallace-ism Redux
Yet the strongest evidence that Trump's electoral victory was not an uprising of the forgotten working class against economic distress brought about by neoliberalism and globalization is the evidence that Trumpism is a pre-existing condition. It has unfortunately been with us all along, as the resurgence of atavistic and revanchist white supremacism helps to make clear.
An examination of presidential campaigns of George Corley Wallace, the long-time authoritarian, racist, right-wing governor of Alabama makes it far clearer. Wallace ran for president three consecutive times between 1964 and 1972. This was well before neoliberalism, globalization, and financialization came along and allegedly pummeled the working class. Yet the messages and authoritarianism of his campaigns are eerily similar to Trump's, as is the strong support he garnered in the North as well as the South––particularly in the industrial Midwest where the flip to Trump occurred last year.
Image: Jerry "Woody: (Flickr)
Wallace became governor of Alabama in January, 1963. In his inaugural address––which was written by Asa Carter, who had started a paramilitary Ku Klux Klan organization in the mid-1950s, and left it only after shooting two other members in a dispute over finances––Wallace famously promised to fight for "segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever." Five months later, he stood in the doorway of a University of Alabama auditorium to prevent enrollment of its first Black students. These two events were the first to bring him widespread recognition, and tons of fan mail, outside the South.
The following year, when President Lyndon B. Johnson was in the process of getting the Civil Rights Act passed by Congress, Wallace decided to oppose him in the race for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination. Although Johnson's eventual nomination was assured, Wallace decided to run in select states outside the South—Wisconsin, Indiana, and Maryland—to demonstrate that his segregationist, "anti-elite," and anti-Washington message was popular, not only in the South, but in the North as well.12
Wallace did surprising well in all three states. Even though Johnson was an incumbent president, and very popular (his approval rating at the time was close to 75%), Wallace received 34% of the vote in Wisconsin, 30% in Indiana, and 43% in Maryland against "surrogate" candidates standing in for Johnson.
It is important to note that Wisconsin is one of the three states in the Democratic "firewall" that flipped to Trump in 2016. And it, as well as Indiana, are in the industrial Midwest—which globalization and neoliberalism had not yet turned into a "Rustbelt."
Martin Luther King commented that the results in Maryland showed that "segregation is a national and not a sectional problem." Wallace swept all eight counties on Maryland's rural Eastern Shore. It was estimated that more than 90% of white voters there cast their votes for him. (In 2016, Trump received 65% of the Republican primary votes on the Eastern Shore, compared to 54% statewide. In the November general election, his overall vote share in Maryland was only 35%, but he received 57% on the Eastern Shore.) Wallace voters in Glen Burnie, a suburb of Baltimore, "went to the polls with big grins on their faces," according to a local newspaper editor. "I never saw anything like it. They were going to show Uncle Sam that they had had it."13
They had had it with what, exactly? Globalization, neoliberalism, and financialization that would not arrive on the scene for another decade or more? This was the heyday of Keynesian "fine tuning" of the economy.
In 1968, Wallace ran for president in the general election as a third-party candidate, against Richard Nixon and Hubert Humphrey, the vice-president. He received 14% of the vote, almost half of which came from outside the states that had been part of the Confederacy. Wallace might have performed even better had Nixon not co-opted his "law and order" message and his claim to be the candidate of "forgotten Americans," in what Wallace biographer Dan T. Carter has described as "a desperate, undignified game of political catch-up."14
Wallace once again competed as a Democrat in the 1972 presidential primaries. The battle against de jure segregation had by this time been lost, and Wallace did not try to revive it, but instead ran as an implacable opponent of efforts to achieve the integration of public schools through "forced busing." In terms of the popular vote, the primary contest was a tight, three-way race between Wallace, Humphrey, and George McGovern, who ultimately secured the nomination. Humphrey obtained 26% of the nationwide popular vote; McGovern received 25%; and Wallace received 23%.15
Wallace ran in 17 of the 22 primaries held that year. He won five of them, and came in second in six others. As might be expected, he did very well in the South, winning primaries in all three southern states that held primaries––Florida, North Carolina, and Tennessee––and pulling down an absolute majority of votes in the latter two.
"What were these voters enraged about? Globalization, neoliberalism, and financialization had not yet arrived on the scene.
Yet Wallace also performed remarkably well outside the South. He won primaries in Michigan—where he again received an absolute majority—and Maryland. He came in second in Indiana, New Mexico, Oregon, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Wisconsin.16
Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin are the three Democratic "firewall" states that flipped to Trump in 2016. And they, as well as Indiana and West Virginia, are part of the "Rustbelt." This was 1972, however, before globalization and "neoliberalism"; the region was not yet a Rustbelt. Nonetheless, Wallace won a majority of votes in one of these five states and placed second in the other four.
Writing in 1996, Wallace biographer Dan T. Carter remarked that "Wallace, more than any other political figure of the 1960s and early 1970s, sensed the frustrations—the rage—of many American voters, made commonplace a new level of political incivility and intemperate rhetoric, and focused that anger upon a convenient set of scapegoats."17 What were these voters enraged about? Globalization, neoliberalism, and financialization had not yet arrived on the scene.
For a few examples of the political incivility, intemperate rhetoric, and anger to which Carter refers, consider the following Trump-like moments of Wallace's campaigning. During the 1964 primaries, 1000 supporters—and about 75 protesters—showed up to hear Wallace speak in Serb Memorial Hall in Milwaukee, Wisconsin (which seated 600). The band played "Swanee River," an infamous racist minstrel song, and the audience sang the Confederate anthem "Dixie" in English and Polish. The man who introduced Wallace, Bronko Gruber, singled out the only members of the audience who didn't have the "cordiality to stand up" during the national anthem, "these two colored gentlemen here." The crowd hissed and booed. Another Black protester, a minister, then shouted "Get your dogs out," referring to a tactic used by Southern police to intimidate civil rights' protesters. "I'll tell you something about your dogs, padre," Gruber replied. "[T]hree weeks ago tonight a friend of mine was assaulted by three of your countrymen or whatever you want to call them." As the audience urged him on, Gruber continued, "They beat up old ladies, 83 years old, they rape our women folk, how long can we tolerate this?" Wallace said nothing about these comments.18
This behavior persisted. At a rally in Tennessee during the 1968 race, Wallace famously declared, "If some anarchist lies down in front of my automobile, it will be the last automobile he will ever lie down in front of." New Republic columnist T.R.B. [Richard Strout] described a Wallace rally at New York City's Madison Square Garden, shortly before that year's election, as follows: "There is menace in the blood shout of the crowd. You feel you have known this all somewhere; never again will you read about Berlin in the '30s without remembering this wild confrontation."19 When protesters interrupted this rally, Wallace said: "We don't have riots in Alabama. They start a riot down there, first one of 'em to pick up a brick gets a bullet in the brain, that's all."20
Unlike Trump, Wallace did not succeed in becoming president. But how well might he have done in 1972 if he had not been burdened with certain disadvantages compared to Trump? What if he had had the advantage of not being a professional politician? The advantage of billions of dollars of his own money, to demonstrate that he could not be "bought"? What if he had been a TV star with 100% name recognition? What if he had had 24/7 media attention and assistance from right-wing and fake news like Trump enjoyed?
And what if he had run as a Republican? This was the main thing that was new about the 2016 election. The Trumpite base is not new––it is not a reaction to neoliberalism, globalization, and financialization. It is a pre-existing condition, as the look back at Wallace's campaigns has shown. But until 2016, mainstream Republicans managed to retain control of their party, by making concessions to this base and placating it with racist and misogynistic "dog whistles." In 2016, however, mainstream Republicans lost control. The base was allowed, for the first time, to vote for a Trump, not a mainstream Republican, in the general election. And thus the base wrongly seems––on the surface––to have emerged from out of nowhere, and to be a reaction to recent economic changes.
Lessons from Marx
Marx's response to the threat of white nationalism (upon which I elaborate much more in the complete version of this essay) was very different from that of much of the "left" today. The basic response of the anti-neoliberal "left" is consonant with its overall orientation, which can be called "Left First." Its primary concern is to "build the left" and win victories—elections, campaigns, adherents, power––for itself. Accordingly, it regards common people as a "constituency" to win over in its quest for political power. And it seemingly has no compunction about winning them over by "meet[ing] them where they are at."21 Thus, it offers an alternative version of "populism" that (it hopes) the authoritarian white-nationalist base that supports Trump, Le Pen, et al. will find appealing.
To be sure, the "Left First" types do not endorse explicit appeals to white-nationalist sentiments. Their words carefully condemn racism, xenophobia, misogyny, etc. The problem is rather that they seek to win over the authoritarian white-nationalist base by offering one or another "positive program" that does not fight the base's authoritarianism, racism, sexism, and xenophobia etc. head on.
"Marx did not merely decry white nationalism; he sought to defeat it.
This approach is especially dangerous at this moment in history, because it normalizes Trumpism. It treats Trumpism, not as a threat and abomination that must be eliminated, but as a legitimate rival for the allegiance of the "white working class." It seeks to out-compete its rival on the basis of an alternative-but-comparable "positive program." This is also the approach encoded in the Democratic Party's new "A Better Deal" economic program. The program rails against Wall Street, "[s]pecial interests, lobbyists, and large corporations," while literally saying nothing against Trumpism or against xenophobia, racism, sexism, heterosexism, etc.
Marx's aim was to encourage the "independent movement of the workers" toward human emancipation, not to further the interests of "the left," he did not pander to white-nationalist sentiments within the working class. On the contrary, he regarded white nationalism and ethnic nationalism as crucial barriers to the emancipatory self-development of the class. They impeded international and interracial working-class solidarity, and they were also contrary to the interests of white workers in the US and native workers in England. White- and ethnic-nationalist attitudes among these workers induced them to identify with "their" ruling classes, which enabled the latter to restrain and control them.
Marx did not merely decry white nationalism; he sought to defeat it. He called for and worked for the defeat of the Confederacy in the US Civil War, and the defeat of England in its effort to preserve its rule over Ireland, largely because of the damage that this would do to white- and ethnic-English nationalism. He anticipated that the defeats of the South and England would deal a strong blow against the supremacist attitudes of many white and English workers, and a strong blow against their identification with the ruling classes of "their" nation or race.
Time is running dangerously short. Trump wields enormous power, and he may well do unprecedented and irreversible harm to human civilization if given the chance. Compromises with white nationalism, disregard for its dangers, and abstract rhetoric about inter-racial and inter-national unity are not solutions; they have contributed to the crisis we now face. The time is now to reclaim the revolutionary humanism of Marx's struggle against white nationalism. We must decisively defeat Trumpism and other manifestations of far-right xenophobia and racism––and soon. Their defeat is in the interest of all humanity. Not least, it is in the interest of the white-nationalist base that Trump has in his grip. Only the defeat of Trumpism can free it from his grip and help redirect it away from white nationalism, and onto the path of independent emancipatory self-activity.
1 I refer to the "so-called white working class" because this statistical category actually refers to whites without four-year college degrees. Thus, thus definition of "working class" includes business owners and other non-workers, while excluding the tens of millions of proletarians in the US––in education, healthcare, sales, clerical, and other occupations––who do have four-year college degrees.
2 I am using the term white nationalist to refer to the ideology of people like Trump, Steve Bannon, and Pat Buchanan, and not only neo-Nazis and members of groups like the Ku Klux Klan. In an important recent essay, Ta-Nehisi Coates calls Trump "the first white president" and writes that "his ideology is white supremacy, in all its truculent and sanctimonious power."
3 By anti-neoliberal "left," I do not mean those opposed to neoliberalism—which no one on the left supports—but tendencies that oppose neoliberalism while shirking from opposition to capitalism in all of its forms, especially tendencies that seek to make common cause with the far right, celebrate the rising popularity of reactionary alternatives to neoliberalism as a progressive blow struck by the working class, and/or regard neoliberalism as the main enemy.
4 Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez, and Gabriel Zucman, "Distributional National Accounts: Methods and Estimates for the United States," National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 22945, Dec. 2016, p. 32.
5 Ibid., p. 33. The statistics cited by Johnston are likewise seriously affected by their failure to count tax-exempt income.
6 Ibid., Appendix 2, Table C3b. For the 1967–2014 period to which Johnston referred, Piketty, Saez, and Zucman's figures indicate that, after inflation, the per-person income of the bottom 90% of the population rose by 60%. For the middle 40% of the population, the rise was 67%; for the bottom half, the rise was 47%.
7 Ibid., p. 42, Table 1 (top graph).
8 Actually, even that would be insufficient. The facts would have to indicate that the revolt was against economic distress caused by neoliberalism, globalization, and financialization––which is highly unlikely, since these processes have been taking place for several decades, while the shift in the vote of non-college-educated whites was sudden. Why haven't they been voting to topple the "neoliberal world order" all along?
9 They also found that county-level differences in labor-force participation had a statistically significant effect, but only in "battleground states," and that recent changes in labor-force participation were not a statistically significant predictor of a shift in support for Trump.
10 Some people might say that they are dissatisfied because, even though they currently do not face serious economic problems, they wish that they were even better off or they are worried about the future.
11 After this essay was completed, yet another study was published that lends additional support to this conclusion.
12 During the period in which Wallace ran for president, 1964–72, the major parties' nominating systems were very different from those in effect today. Party officials and elected delegates played a much larger role in choosing the nominee; there were relatively few primaries and caucuses in which voters (in effect) directly vote for presidential candidates. In 1964, there were only 17 primaries; in 1972, there were 22.
13 Dan T. Carter, The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics, 2d ed. (Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2000), p. 215; Kenneth D. Durr, Behind the Backlash: White Working-Class Politics in Baltimore, 1940-1980 (Chapel Hill, NC: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2003), p. 125.
14 Dan T. Carter, "Legacy of Rage: George Wallace and the Transformation of American Politics, Journal of Southern History 62:1, Feb. 1996, p. 9.
15 The earlier front-runner, Edmund Muskie, ran a distant fourth, getting 12% of the popular vote, and dropped out of the race early.
16 His shares of the vote in the states mentioned were: Tennessee, 68%; Michigan, 51%; North Carolina, 50%; Florida, 42%; Indiana, 41%; Maryland, 39%; West Virginia, 33%; New Mexico, 29%; Wisconsin, 22%; Pennsylvania, 21%; and Oregon, 20%. Wallace also won the Texas caucus, coming away with 43% of its pledged delegates.
18 For fuller accounts of this meeting, see Dan T. Carter, The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics, 2d ed. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2000, pp. 206–8, and Matthew J. Prigge, "Dixie North: George Wallace and the 1964 Wisconsin Presidential Primary," Shepherd Express, Dec. 22, 2015.
19 [Richard Strout,] "T.R.B. From Washington," New Republic, Nov. 9, 1968, p. 4. See also Michael A. Cohen, "Trump Rally Oozes Fear, Anxiety, and Paranoia," Boston Globe, Apr. 7, 2016; Cohen writes that he "immediately thought" of Strout's account of the Wallace rally when he attended a Trump rally on Long Island, New York, last year.
20 Bill Barrow, "Are there echoes of George Wallace in Trump's message?," PBS Newshour, March 24, 2016.
21 "Socialist Alternative used what we call 'the transitional method': We connect with the consciousness of everyday people, meet them where they are at, …." Ramy Khalil, "How a Socialist Won––Lessons from Kshama Sawant's Historic Victory," Socialist Alternative, Jan. 31, 2014, https://www.socialistalternative.org/2014/01/31/lessons-kshama-sawants-historic-victory/ .


text:
Caitlin Hare
Student at The College of St. Scholastica
I am a full time student at The College of St. Scholastica, working to pursue a bachelor's degree in finance and communications. I am passionate about finance, law, and legal studies with the main goal of making a difference in the community. Through my years of being a student, being involved in customer service and working in a team atmosphere I have met several connections that encourage me to go and do great things... and that is what I plan to do.
Follow Caitlin
Caitlin in the News
The College of St. Scholastica announces students named to the Fall 2016 Dean's List
The following students have been named to the fall 2016 Dean's List at The College of St. Scholastica in Duluth, MN. Dean's List members have achieved a 3.75 grade point average or above on a 4.0 s...
Caitlin Hare named to the Spring 2016 Dean's List at The College of St. Scholastica
Caitlin Hare of Saint Paul, MN was named to the Spring 2016 Dean's List at The College of St. Scholastica in Duluth, MN. Dean's List members have achieved a 3.75 grade point average or above on a ...
Bank Teller at U.S. Bank
May 2016 - Present
Statistician at The College of St. Scholastica
• Demonstrates attention to detail maintaining accurate statistical information in StatCrew at every home game at collegiate level soccer, hockey and softball games. • Utilizes strong verbal communication skills orally recounting detail oriented play-by-play statistics.
August 2015 - Present
Retail Sales Associate at The Hockey Lodge
• Trains employees in the procedures necessary to use the LPA cashiering system. • Conducts strong customer service by clear communication over the phone and in person. • Performs accurate and efficient sales transactions in a fast paced retail sales environment, working successfully independently and in a team.
Caitlin was awarded this badge for 2 achievements. Click on the stories below to view them.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


A limited company is an organisation that you can set up to run your business. It is responsible in its own right for everything it does and its finances are separate to your personal finances that means that the company is liable for any debts.
Compare to sole traders, they are personally responsible for their business debts.
Every limited company has 'members', the people or organisations who own shares in the company.


Twelve of your favourite English worship tracks now translated to be heard and sung in Hindi.
Sheldon Bangera, having a great singing experience in the classic worship songs presents Nachoonga. It is a collection of popular English worship songs by well known lyricist Matt Redman, Martin Smith, Tim Hughes and others performed in Indian flavour. It provides a path from English speaking worship to the Indian community across the globe. Now we hear "Here I am to Worship", "In Christ Alone", "Your Grace Is Enough", "Blessed Be Your Name" etc in Hindi.


1. Complete 'What to do at 18' if you have not.
All services for your adult child with DD/ID will be driven by a document referred to as an Individual Service Plan. Here are several articles that will help you understand the Support Coordination Agency Role. Choose wisely! You need someone on your side.
If you do not feel that your agency is advocating for your adult child to the fullest extent they are supposed to be, you may switch agencies.
There are specific criterion for being added to waiting lists for government housing options in NJ (probably the rest of the country, too) and very long waiting lists are maintained.
It is a good idea to read about the options and request placement on either the General Waiting List or the Priority Waiting List, which may be available if you situation warrants it.


A Macungie couple is accused of stealing between $148,500 and $190,728 from St. Francis Academy in Bally and the Roman Catholic Diocese of Allentown over seven years. Thomas James Murphy, 65, and Ann Marie Murphy, 62, each face four felony and two misdemeanor charges that include theft by deception, theft by failure to make the required deposits, receiving stolen property and a related conspiracy charge and secure execution of documents by deception and a related conspiracy charge.
The defendants are accused of knowingly and intentionally defrauding members of the St. Francis Academy community, parishioners of the Most Blessed Sacrament Roman Catholic Church, also in Bally, and the diocese between 2011 and 2018. Charges in the case were filed March 27 in the Boyertown court of District Judge Michael Hartman.
A Sept. 17 complaint from the diocese's law firm to Berks County Detectives, alleging that the principal of the academy misappropriated $150,000 triggered the investigation, according to multiple police criminal complaints filed March 27 in the court.
The Diocese noticed the irregularities during an internal audit in August 2018, according to a news release posted on its website. It then performed a forensic audit, and turned the results of that audit over to the Berks County DA in mid-September. The Diocese then removed Murphy as principal on Oct. 5.
"Our financial audits are designed to ensure that the funds entrusted to us by parishioners, school parents and donors are used for the intended purpose," said Mark E. Smith, chief financial officer for the Diocese. He said it will pursue restitution.
The audit determined that Thomas Murphy, the former 25-year principal of the school at 668 Pine Street in Bally who took care of the school's business and bills, maintained and used a separate checking account that was not included in the school's regular financial records. Further, it was determined that the administrator, who also served as deacon at the Most Blessed Sacrament Parish held a credit card in the name of the school, which he used primarily for personal reasons, according to the affidavit of probable cause.
The former principal utilized the checking account - which funded by donations and reimbursements and supposed to be used for the school lunch program, aftercare, field trips and miscellaneous minor school expenses - to make payments to a Chase credit card account. Auditors determined that Thomas James and Ann Marie Murphy made $226,367.76 worth of purchase between 2011 and 2018. Law enforcement officials identified $148,500 of those purchases, as "personal," $35,637.88 as "school" and $42,229.78 as "other," according to law enforcement officials.
The arresting officer, assigned to the county's major crime's unit, found payments to Apple Vacations ($2,029.48 on July 25, 2011), CTR for oral surgery ($1,669 on June 23, 2014), Cheapcarribean.com ($3,003.47 in July of 2012), Hilton Gardens Inns (more than $700 between December 2012 and July 2016) and Midland Credit ($213.07 in June of 2012).
Most of the purchases were made in Lehigh County. Several purchases were made in Montgomery County. The Berks County locations where Thomas or Anne Marie used the Chase credit card include the Main Street Pub. Bally Hotel, Redner's, and Alfredo Ristorante in Bally. The Barto locations include the Pied Piper Diner and Wendy's Flowers in Barto. The card was also used at Bob Seidel's Auto in Bechtelsville and Josh's Pizza in Boyertown, according to the legal document.
Several other purchases were made in and around Breezy Point in Queens, a borough in New York City. The list includes Bay House ($674.01 in 2011 and 2012), Ragtime Gourmet ($57.97 in 2016), Blue Beach Nail ($56.50 in 2016), Breezy Wine and Liquor ($25.03 in 2016) and Home Depot ($87.46 in 2018), court records state.
Thomas and Ann Marie Murphy moved to Bally from Breezy Point 25 years ago. Their home there was destroyed by Super Storm Sandy in October of 2012 and was rebuilt piecemeal by family members, according to law enforcement officials.
During an Oct. 10, 2018 interview with detectives, Ann Marie said she used the school credit card by accident for personal purchases because it looks just like her personal Chase credit card. However, they took no steps to make sure this would not happen again, and Ann Marie continuously made this mistake for a total of $23,000. Thomas Murphy agreed to a question from investigators that he was simply living beyond his means. He also admitted to using the credit card for purchasing items that, in hindsight, he should have gotten permission from his employer, according to court records.
During a second interview, on Nov. 2, the couple admitted to knowingly using the Chase credit card for personal use. Thomas said he did not think he was doing anything wrong because he kept the school's budget. He reviewed his credit card statements, line by line, and determined that $124,052 worth of purchases were made for personal use or fit in the grey area category, the legal document states.
Investigators communicated with eight individuals who made donations to the school or to the Jerry Melcher Scholarship Fund, some of which were co-mingled with an account handled by Thomas Murphy. Three contributors to the scholarship fund - expressed surprise and dismay that their contributions possibly did not get to the children in need, according to the legal paperwork.
Jacob Thomas Thielen, a Fleetwood attorney, is representing, both defendants. On March 28, Hartman set bail in the cases against Thomas Murphy and Ann Marie Murphy at $50,000 unsecured and $25,000 unsecured, respectively.
A preliminary hearing in the case for both defendants has been scheduled for 3 p.m. on May 1, according to information .posted on a state judicial website.


Surgical abortion methods are available within the first trimester up until 12 weeks of gestation. The surgery generally takes between five and ten minutes. You are then taken to the recovery room where you will be observed by our nursing staff for another thirty to sixty minutes before being released.
From 13 to 24 weeks of gestation, the second trimester abortion procedure is typically performed in one day.
A woman between 15 and 22 weeks will require a two-day procedure for safety reasons. For women between 23 and 24 weeks, a two or possibly a three-day procedure is required for safety reasons.
Please call us or contact us below to talk to a certified professionals to discuss which Surgical Abortion method applies you.
If you would like to confidentially speak to a certified professional to discuss any question you may have, click the button to the right. You will be able to enter your phone number and select from receiving a call or text.
The patient remains asleep during the entire abortion procedure. The patient may feel some discomfort upon awakening, similar to menstrual cramps.
Medication is administered to numb the cervix. During the procedure, the patient will feel some discomfort resembling menstrual cramps.


text:
Sex Slave Survivor 'Wished to Die Like the Men Instead of Being Raped by Syrians, Iraqis, Europeans'
By Stoyan Zaimov, Christian Post Reporter | Monday, June 05, 2017
Yazidi survivor and United Nations Goodwill Ambassador for the Dignity of Survivors of Human trafficking Nadia Murad cries as she visits her village for the first time after being captured and sold as a slave by the Islamic State three years ago, in Kojo, Iraq June 1, 2017. | (Photo: REUTERS/Alkis Konstantinidis)
Nadia Murad, a human rights activist and sex slave survivor who has been speaking around the world about her experiences at the hands of the Islamic State terror group, visited for the first time her liberated Yazidi village in Iraq, where she was taken.
"I have been waiting for this day for nearly three years," Murad said on the rooftop of the school where she had studied for 11 years, according to Reuters.
Murad, 24, broke down in tears as she walked through Kojo, where in 2014 IS militants killed her mother, along with six of her brothers and stepbrothers in a major slaughter.
The Yazidi men and women were separated, with the men being killed, and the women and girls being sold into sex slavery.
"We hoped our fate would be to be killed like the men instead of being sold and raped by Syrians, Iraqis ... Tunisians and Europeans," Murad said.
The activist described how the IS commander demanded the Yazidis convert to Islam, but they refused.
"He demanded we change our religion but nobody agreed."
"We heard the sound of shots. At first, we believed people had come to help us, but when we looked out of the windows ... we saw them killing the men," she continued.
"We cried to the U.N., Europe, Kurdistan and Iraq but nobody came to help us. Today the village is surrounded by mass graves."
Yazidis, Christians, and other religious minorities have suffered a similar fate at the hands of IS throughout Iraq and Syria, with the U.S. and other Western powers recognizing that the atrocities carried out by the Islamic radicals constitute genocide.
Murad has spoken before the U.N. and several other humanitarian agencies about the horrors she and many others went through.
"We didn't feel valued as humans in their hands," she told STV News in February.
"They enslaved more than 6,500 females they took them to different places. They did what they want to the women and my fate was the same. I was one of the victims and they did everything to us."
The radicals would take any girl over nine years old, abusing them and trying to force them to change their religion.
"We were subjected to crimes to their hands that nobody can mention what they did for us," she described, revealing that she was raped by 12 men in total.
IS is slowly being driven out of Iraq, with Kojo and several other villages liberated by Popular Mobilization, an Iraqi Shi'ite paramilitary force trained by Iran.
The key city of Mosul is also on the verge of being liberated, reports have noted, though coalition forces estimate that close to 1,000 extremist fighters remain in the city.
Murad said that the world must not forget the victims and that the radicals must face justice for what they have done.
"All we want is people to save 3,000 women in the Daesh prisons and to document our graves ... until now, not a single mass grave has been documented," she said.
International human rights lawyer Amal Clooney has backed Murad in her plea.
"This is a global threat. It needs a global response. And part of that response must be a judicial one. It cannot be only on the battlefield. You can't defeat ISIS on the battlefield alone, because you have to also deal with future recruiting," Clooney said in March.
"I think trials and exposing the brutality of ISIS and trying to make a dent in some of their shiny propaganda by showing that it's not a holy war and showing what they're really doing to children, to women, is one way to help that."
Follow Stoyan Zaimov on Facebook: CPSZaimov
ISIS Captives Rescued in Mosul Reveal 'Unimaginable' Horrors Inflicted by Terror Group
ISIS Sex Slave Survivor: Terror Group Says Raping Underage Girls Is OK 'Under Islamic Law'
ISIS Radical Claiming to Have Raped 200 Women Explains: 'Young Men Need This, It's Normal'
ISIS Jihadist 'Monsters' Are Torturing 9-Y-O Kids, Says Sex Slave Survivor Left Disfigured


text:
package com.intellij.vcs.log.graph.api.printer;

import com.intellij.vcs.log.graph.PrintElement;
import com.intellij.vcs.log.graph.impl.print.elements.PrintElementWithGraphElement;
import javax.annotation.Nonnull;

import java.util.Collection;

public interface PrintElementGenerator {

  @Nonnull
  Collection<PrintElementWithGraphElement> getPrintElements(int visibleRow);

  @Nonnull
  PrintElementWithGraphElement withGraphElement(@Nonnull PrintElement printElement);
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


For those of us who were alive in the 90's remember the classic Walt Disney film Cool Runnings, directed by Jon Turteltaub that grossed over $69 million in the US alone. The film tells the story of Derice Bannock a Jamaican sprinter who was predicted to compete in the Olympics, but gets disqualified during a qualifier race. He wants to compete so bad in the Olympic games that he starts the first Jamaican Bobsled team. The film is based of a true story of the Jamaica national bobsleigh team's first debut competition during the 1998 Winter Olympics in Calgary, Canada.
In 2014 Dudley "Tal" Stokes, who was on the actually 1988 Olympic team that inspired the film spoke up online in October of 2014 stating that Cool Runnings, "Is a feature Disney film, not much in it actually happened in real life." The true story is that George Fitch an American who was living in Jamaica at the time, was inspired by a local pushcart derby. Fitch who was portrayed by John Candy in the film became the founder of the team, Fitch also spoke out about the film saying, "I was personally offended by the film because I'm not a disgraced Olympic bobsledder who's a drunk, who's spending the rest of my life in some pool hall. But that's Hollywood" he said in an ESPN article.
Fitch then pitched it to the government and it got approved, they recruited men from the Jamaican army. Also, during the recruitment process they needed someone with good hand-eye coordination to drive the sled, he asked one of the Colonels in the army if they had anyone that fit that description. He gave him a helicopter pilot and he became the driver of the sled. Coaches from the US and Austria were sent over to help teach the team how to bobsled. Jamaica did not have much of a budget for the team so after they qualified for the Olympics they needed to raise $80,000 and were over-whelmed when they received $100,000, which was still the bare minimum to compete. Fitch also pitched in $92,000 of his own money to support the team.
Stokes said that he saw a bobsled for the first time in September 1987, and by February he was competing in the Winter Olympics. Once in Calgary the team aimed to only race in the two-man sled event, but after beating 13 other teams they wanted to try the four-man race. Fitch said that, they didn't have any money left over, didn't have a four-man sled and only had three guys do to an injury. The guys didn't want to give up. So they sold Jamaica bobsled t-shirts and they proved to be so popular that were able to raise $24,000! They then went to the Canadian team and bought a used four-man sled from them.They still only had three guys so Stokes told Fitch, that his brother Chris Stokes was a track star at the University of Idaho. They were able to convince Olympic officials to give Chris accreditation and flew him in.
Now as a team of four, they only had four practice runs before the start of the race. The team brought a lot of popularity with them and their race drew in a record crowd of 40,000 to their race. Compared to the 5,000 that was expected. During the actually race their sled was going 85 miles an hour when it lost control and crashed. The teammates were trapped underneath the sled. Unlike the movie the team did not lift the sled over their heads and carry it across the finish line. But they did push the sled across the finish line and while doing so thousands and thousands of people shook their hands as the crowd cheered them on.
This was an incredible story of how many hoops this Jamaican team had to jump through and how they never gave up hope. Although it ended in disappointment Fitch said in an interview with ESPN reporter Nick Atkin, "The Jamaican bobsled team returned to the Winter Olympics at Albertville in 1992. Two years later in Lillehammer, Jamaica came in 13th, beating several top teams like USA 1, Russia 1, Italy 2 and Austria 2. But Jamaica's influence of creating a team spawned off, with Trinidad, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Mexico, American Samoa and the Philippines all creating teams. They actually had a Caribbean Cup. You go to a World Cup race and they had a cup within a cup. At least half a dozen islands now have bobsled teams." This was a huge moment for the sport of bobsledding, people saw what the Jamaicans had done and it inspired other countries to follow in their footstep and created more teams.


[PMID 18047539] Association between genetic variants in the IL-23R gene and early-onset Crohn's disease: results from a case-control and family-based study among Canadian children.
[PMID 22718508] Association of interleukin 23 receptor gene polymorphisms (rs10489629, rs7517847) with rheumatoid arthritis in European population: a meta-analysis.
[PMID 27320770] Impact of the IL-17F, IL-23 and IL-23R on susceptibility and phenotype of systemic lupus erythematosus.


Home » Safeti Blog » Safety Learning on YouTube!
We have been busy here at Safeti. We promised that we would produce simple content for you to contribute to your health and safety learning curve. Let's get to work.
We have created a short video which addresses the relationship between two important terms in health and safety management. These are the terms Hazard and Risk. Many people struggle to grasp the difference and relationship between these two words. This is understandable. It is easy to misplace or confuse them when talking about the actual risk that exists in a given situation.
In this video, we provide a simple explanation for you. If you are still confused after watching this, don't worry! Please let us know so that we can provide further clarity for you.
This is only the start of a stream of free safety learning resources produced by Safeti.co.uk. With your help, we can continue to focus on what matters and provide valuable material that you can use and share.
Previous post Do we secretly love Tragedy?
Next post What is Risk Assessment?


text:
By Tim Slavin / News Wire / February 2014 Issue
Image by Kevin Dooley on Flickr
Is the Universe Made of Math?
http://www.scientificamerican.com/article.cfm?id=is-the-universe-made-of-math-excerpt
The Art of Box Making
http://hackaday.com/2013/12/31/the-art-of-box-making/
http://inventorartist.com/box-making/
A Kids' Book Where Every Character Can Be 3-D Printed
http://www.wired.com/design/2013/12/characters-come-alive-in-this-3-d-printable-book/?viewall=true
Why Do Most Programming Languages only Return a Single Value from a Function?
http://arstechnica.com/information-technology/2013/12/why-do-most-programming-languages-only-return-a-single-value-from-a-function/
It Works! A Tiny Speaker Printed on a Single Sheet of Paper
http://www.wired.com/design/2013/12/a-tiny-speaker-made-out-of-paper/?viewall=true
As Engineers, We Must Consider the Ethical Implications of our Work
Engineers are behind government spying tools and military weapons. We should be conscious of how our designs are used.
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/dec/05/engineering-moral-effects-technology-impact
Exploring Canvas Drawing Techniques [in HTML5/JavaScript]
http://perfectionkills.com/exploring-canvas-drawing-techniques/
To What Extent Do We See with Mathematics?
http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/guest-blog/2013/11/27/to-what-extent-do-we-see-with-mathematics/
How Do Languages Count? And Are Languages with Restricted Number Systems "Primitive"?
http://www.geocurrents.info/cultural-geography/linguistic-geography/languages-count-languages-restricted-number-systems-primitive
JavaScript has problems. Do we need Dart to solve them?
http://arstechnica.com/business/2011/10/javascript-has-problems-can-googles-dart-solve-them/
Why More Women Conference Speakers?
http://www.ultrasaurus.com/2014/01/women-conference-speakers/
Raspberry Pi and Primary Computing
Excellent comparison of the Pi in classrooms with alternatives.
http://www.simonhaughton.co.uk/2014/01/raspberry-pi-and-primary-computing.html
Internet Users Ditch "password" as Password, Upgrade to "123456"
Contest for most commonly used terrible password has a new champion: 123456.
http://arstechnica.com/information-technology/2014/01/internet-users-ditch-password-as-password-upgrade-to-123456/
The Whole Story Behind Low AP CS Exam Stats
http://tech.slashdot.org/story/14/01/20/1319213/the-whole-story-behind-low-ap-cs-exam-stats


text:
Kościół Podwyższenia Krzyża Świętego w Dobranowicach – rzymskokatolicki kościół parafialny, znajdujący się w Dobranowicach w powiecie krakowskim, w gminie Igołomia-Wawrzeńczyce.

Obiekt, wraz z kaplicą, cmentarzem przykościelnym oraz ogrodzeniem, został wpisany do rejestru zabytków nieruchomych województwa małopolskiego.

Historia
Geneza pierwotnego kościoła – odnotowana przez Jana Długosza jako drewniany pw. św. Krzyża sięga XIV w. (wzmiankowany w 1381 r. i 1382 r. oraz w 1400 r.).
Zniszczoną w okresie reformacji świątynie wzniesiono na nowo w 1614 r. z fundacji Zuzanny i Jerzego Obalkowskich. Na przełomie XVI/XVII w. wieś Dobranowoce należała do pobliskiej parafii w Żębocin, po odbudowie kościoła parafia wznowiła działalność. Kościół został odnawiany w 1802 r. staraniem rodziny Treutlerów (Franciszka Treutlera) jednak z powodu złego stanu rozebrano go w 1886 r. Obecny wybudowano w 1887 roku staraniem ówczesnego proboszcz Władysława Kucińskiego według projektu Adalfa Jóżefa Opida (1838-1892) krakowskiego budowniczego, dzierżawcy Wronia, konsekrowany 10 lipca 1889 r. przez bpa Tomasza Kulińskiego.

Architektura
Obiekt ceglany, neogotycki, orientowany, jednonawowy z prezbiterium zamkniętym trójbocznie. W 1975 roku budynek otynkowano. Po południowej stronie kościoła stoi prosta żelazna dzwonnica.

Wystrój i wyposażenie
Wyposażenie manierystyczne z pocz. XVII wieku
 freski z 1913 roku autorstwa Leona Zdziarskiego z Łęczycy;
 ołtarz główny i boczny południowy – barokowe z około 1614 roku, pochodzą z wcześniejszej świątyni;
 ołtarz boczny północny neogotycki z 1937 roku;
 ambona neogotycka z przełomu XIX i XX wieku;
 organy piszczałkowe z 1929 roku wybudowane przez Stefana Truszczyńskiego.

Kaplica cmentarna z krypta grobową
Kaplica murowana powstała przed 1887 rokiem, czyli przed budową obecnego kościoła murowanego. Spoczywają w niej właściciele dóbr Dobranowice (Poborowice), oraz księża z parafii.

Cmentarz parafialny
Założony ok. poł. XIX wieku, za kościołem i kaplicą cmentarną, stary przykościelny cmentarz zlikwidowano. Najstarszy grób (z żelaza) rodziny Treutlerów pochodzi z 1851 roku.

Przypisy

Bibliografia

Kościoły w diecezji kieleckiej
Świątynie pod wezwaniem Podwyższenia Krzyża Świętego
Obiekty sakralne w gminie Igołomia-Wawrzeńczyce
Architektura neogotycka w województwie małopolskim
Zabytkowe kościoły w powiecie krakowskim
Kościół
Budynki w Polsce oddane do użytku w 1887

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Transportation - 2m 3s ago
Court Battles - 2m 29s ago
Healthcare - 15m ago
News - 41m 7s ago
Campaign - 45m ago
California grants first permit for commercial use of self-driving cars to Nuro
by Rebecca Klar - 12/24/20 12:23 PM ET
California-based robotics company Nuro can start using its self-driving cars for commercial use on some streets near its Bay Area headquarters after receiving a permit from the California Department of Motor Vehicles.
The California DMV said Wednesday it issued its first autonomous vehicle deployment permit to Nuro, allowing the robotics company to start deploying its driverless delivery cars.
"Issuing the first deployment permit is a significant milestone in the evolution of autonomous vehicles in California," DMV Director Steve Gordon said in a statement. "We will continue to keep the safety of the motoring public in mind as this technology develops."
The deployment permit allows Nuro to use a fleet of driverless vehicles for commercial delivery on streets within designated parts of Santa Clara and San Mateo counties. The vehicles have a maximum speed of 25 mph and are only approved to operate in fair weather conditions on streets with a speed limit of no more than 35 mph, according to the DMV.
Nuro has had state authority to test its autonomous vehicles on public roads with a safety driver since 2017, and the company received a driverless trading permit in April.
Nuro will soon announce its first deployment in California with "an established partner," the company's chief legal and policy officer David Estrada said in a blog post.
"Driverless delivery will have a big impact for Californians in the coming years. Services like Nuro's will provide contactless access to goods in our communities," Estrada said.
"We're excited to see these benefits grow into the everyday lives of the people in our communities, in the places we also call home," he added.
The service will start with Nuro's fleet of Prius vehicles in fully autonomous mode, followed by its custom-designed electric R2 vehicles, according to Nuro.
Tags Automation Autonomous cars California Department of Motor Vehicles Electric vehicles Nuro Self-Driving Cars
by Julia Mueller 3 hours ago
Technology / 3 hours ago
Surgeon general: 13-year-olds too young to join social media
Healthcare / 3 hours ago
With ChatGPT rising in popularity, what's a parent to do?
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Bhagavad Gita means 'song of God'. This noble mandate is at the heart of Indian spirituality. This holy book teaches a man to overcome his low instincts and realize his full potential as a human being, that is to know himself as an eternal Atman, one with God.
There is an expression that states that Bhagavad Gita is the 5th Vedic, which seems very sensible. If you read the Gita, you will find the essence of the supreme purification of humanity, human struggle, the true truth about God and the human obligation of the neighbor, the universe, not just the obligation to God, the Creator Himself. Bhagavad Gita is very universal, and there are many world leaders from ancient times read and inspired by Gita. The Bhagavad Gita is the universal teachings for all mankind, not only for Indians or Hindus.
Six thousand years ago Bhagavan Sri Krishna taught this knowledge to Arjuna in the battle field just before the great battle began, a fight between good ability against evil. The battle represents an ongoing battle in the human heart to do right and eradicate the wrong, an inner struggle that continues to this day.
Gita speaks to the struggling man, his eternal and universal mandate addressed to people from all sorts of backgrounds and ages, from Arjuna to modern humans. Readers who do not know Bhagavad Gita yet, here we include a quotation containing a summary of his story and teachings.
There is a very interesting part of the Bhagavad Gita, which is in chapter 12, which emphasizes the way of devotion and chapter-2 that emphasizes the path of wisdom and activity. Each of these conversations each other continuously, though each is a complete dharma discourse. The reader can start with any conversation and by taking his life in accordance with this mandate he can enjoy the beauty of increasing spiritual awareness that filled his life.
Krishna drove a chariot between the two warriors ready for battle so Arjuna could see all his relatives facing each other. With a heart full of deep compassion Arjuna said, "Oh Krishna! I can not fight! I am overwhelmed with helplessness I do not understand what my duty is, I am Your follower I fully surrender to You.
Then the Most Gracious replied, "Arjuna, leave this weak attitude, it is not right for you, do not give up on weakness, your grief is of no use to the truth, know the truth of Atman (Soul), Arjuna. And wear new clothes, as well as the Atman leaves the old (old) body and goes into the new body. The body was born and what was born would die, But the eternal Atman never was born and never died. The weapon can not hurt it, fire can not burn it, water can not wash it, and the wind can not dry it.
Atma is not the body to be destroyed. It is the eternal self of every one. When you already know this why grieve? The wise have never grieved, both for the dead and for the living. "
"I am the Atman, Arjuna, I am the Almighty who dwells in every creature, I am the Father and the Mother and the care of it, I am the beginning, the middle and the end, Everything comes from Me. My way. Although I was never born and never changed forever, I incarnate from age to age. When welfare decline and rampant crime, I incarnate, to defend the virtue and destroy evil. "
"Because I am hidden by my supernatural ability, they do not know Me, though they do not know Me, Arjuna, I know all of them ... what has happened, what is happening now, and to come. -The supernatural I, the fools assume that I am the intangible and eternal being as ordinary people, because they do not know my reality, they ignore me and are busy in the world, filled with hopeless hopes. Because of the loss in the virtual world, they twisted around like puppets on the carousel.
"This mystical Maya is very difficult to overcome, among the thousands, perhaps only one who seeks to know my truth, even among those who strive hard, is perhaps only one who knows my true reality. Who has a solid wisdom, therefore, Arjuna, be a yogi! Fit yourself to Me, and with My mercy, you will attain the highest peace.
From now on keep your mind steadfast with Me in your heart. Be at peace with me, prostrate to Me, praise me always in you, and you will soon unite with Me. Yes, this is true I promise to you, Arjuna because you are so I love, "
"Arjuna, who works for Me and makes Me the ultimate goal, anyone who worships Me and is not bound, has no hatred of any creature, will come to Me immediately, who knows the birth and my work. Who is holy, will not be born again from the dead, he sees me everywhere, eternal in eternity, dwelling in every creature, yet he sees, and I still see him.
Those who always put me in his heart and who always serve Me with love will bear his burden and I will give them what they need. They are always satisfied and happy when speaking about Me.
Because of my love for them, I increased their ability to discriminate, and by the rays of knowledge, I eliminated the darkness and ignorance that hindered their views. Because they are able to master the senses, they achieve the ultimate knowledge; Because they are free from evil, they achieve the highest happiness because they are able to surpass the world of death and destruction, they attain eternity. "
"Arjuna, whoever offers me lovingly, whether it be a leaf, a flower, or a piece of fruit, even water ... such a gift that comes from a pure heart, I will accept it. You do whatever you eat, or whatever you do, or whatever you do, offer it to me.
You will be freed from the consequences of your actions, and soon your mind will be calm and blessed with self-denial. By having an inner balance and not taking into account your efforts, you will be freed forever from the chains of birth. Therefore, submit your deeds to Me. Center your mind through yourself and set you free from all sin. Do not be afraid. Thanks to my mercy you will overcome all obstacles. "
"But because of your arrogance you will not listen to me, you will certainly perish, you may think, 'I do not want to fight' but driven by your sense of responsibility, your nature will force you to fight. You do not want to do it.
Arise Arjuna! With the sword of the knowledge which I have given you, basry the foolishness and imagination that arise from him, who doubted the truth of the Lord dwelling in your heart. Arjuna, arise and win! You have been sworn to establish the dharma! The fate of power has been rampant.
You have to face it and destroy it. Protect me, Arjuna. Remember me always ... and fight! You're not going to kill these knights, but me. I am the creator of this nature and its maintainers, but I am also the time, the mighty power that destroys the world and destroys everything. All the officers in this opponent's army have perished by Me. "
"Arjuna, you are only a tool for me to act, now I am giving you my universal appearance, where you can see the essence of the whole universe, see the ability of my god! Look at the whole moving and stationary universe, They all belong to me! " Covered by his astonishment and admiration Arjuna bowed his head respectfully and clasped his hand as he said, "O God Almighty!
Praise be to You! Praise for ever! The excellence of a thousand sun that goes together in space will not mean when compared to Your splendor! You are the highest ... the eternal protector of the eternal dharma. You are everything to know. Seeing your awesome shape, the whole world trembled with fear, so did I. Like the rivers flowing into the sea, so the heroes in this human world come into your Blazing Thing. "
Then the Most Holy God came back to his original form and said, "I have shown you my great First Message, it is very difficult to see what you have seen." Such Myths can not be seen through the study of the books Neither by the tapa, charity, or yajna 'sacrifice', but only through devotion or earnest devotion.
The experience I have given you and the knowledge that I have taught you is a precious treasure. Are you listening to me with Arjuna's concentration? Is the imagination that comes from your ignorance has vanished? Think of everything I say to you, think deeply, then do what pleases your heart. "
Arjuna said, "O Lord of the universe of the universe! Your magnificent and marvelous words contain very high knowledge, and You have spoken it with all patience: For your mercy, my deceitful illusions have now been destroyed. Rise without a doubt, I beg your guidance, and I will do whatever you ask. "
That's the dialogue Arjuna is in doubt with Lord Krishna. You will probably be inspired by this colossal story. You can find the complete dialog of Bhagavad Gita completely. You can find this wonderful book in the nearest bookstore so you will get enlightenment.


At the end of the day, it's all about sales. When sales are top of mind, everything works better, not only financially, but in building desirable communities that nurture quality referrals.
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The story is set in an alternate world called Geminar, where countries have fought endless wars with replicas of humanoid Seikishi weapons that they found in ancient ruins. 15-year-old Masaki Kenshi, the half-brother of Tenchi Muyou! protagonist Masaki Tenchi, is summoned from another world to Geminar.


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Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) For Multi- Faith rooms use during Covid-19
This SOP has been created to maintain students, staff, Volunteer Chaplains and visitor safety with regards to infection control while using the prayer room, quiet room and pastoral room at the Multi-Faith Chaplaincy in Witham House during COVID-19. From 14/09/2020 the Multi-Faith space at Witham House will be open for students and staff use but will have restrictions in place to ensure that it meets COVID-safe requirements.
Working alongside Estates, procedures have been put in place to ensure there is a reduced risk of infection when using the Multi-Faith space.
Regulations:
The points listed below are to ensure everyone's safety. As we are re-opening the Multi-Faith space during COVID-19 to provide a space for faith and belief expression of students and staff members, it is of vital importance student and staff keep to the regulations listed below.
Please wash your hands before and after using the Multi-Faith room.
Ensure the 2M OF SOCIAL DISTANCING. Please adhere to the social distancing in the prayer room of WH0003. Signage has been put up to encourage 2m distancing. This also means that there are only limited spaces available for students and staff to use within the Multi-Faith space and that is a MAX OF 6 PEOPLE AT A TIME in line with current government guidance. If the room has reached its max capacity; please wait outside the building until someone leaves and you are then able to enter the Multi-Faith space. It is not acceptable to pray on the corridors in large groups during this Please use the disposable prayer mats.
WH0001 (Group workshop/Pastoral Room) is only allowed 4 people in the room at a time.
WH0005 (Quite Space) is only allowed 2 people in the room at a time
Please do not use the items stored in the cupboards in order to reduce touching frequent used
We will not be able to provide any religious books or texts that are shareable at the moment; so please bring in your own books or texts that are important for your own faith or belief (such as Bibles, Thorah, Quran, etc).
WH0052 (Kitchen) is only available for staff and volunteer chaplain is only allowed 2 people in the kitchen at a time. Adhere to safety regulations by keeping the kitchen tidy and clean all times to prevent the transmission by touching contaminated surfaces.
Make sure to maintain 2M distance in the corridor. If you see more than 2 people in the corridor between the prayer room and the main entrance then wait outside the building until the corridor is clear.
Follow all signage in terms of one way systems and guidance.
If you need to perform certain rituals; please ensure your own safety and those of others and do not share any items (such as cups, oils or prayer mats, etc). These items need to be of personal use only and brought in and taken back home after use. IF THESE ITEMS ARE LEFT IN OR AROUND THE MULTI-FAITH SPACE THEY WILL BE REMOVED
Please adhere to the normal infection control guidelines as communicated in daily bulletins
A daily cleaning schedule is outlined on the wall in the Multi-Faith space
Overview of Chaplaincy services during COVID-19
The Multi-Faith Chaplaincy Co-ordinator is currently working from home offering phone support, WhatsApp to students, and staff. He is also available on campus for socially distanced meeting for any emergency meeting and support. Volunteer Chaplains/Faith Advisors are available for pastoral meetings over phone and emails. Some chaplains are available to meet on campus face to face and with a restricted group of 6 but please ensure that you email the appropriate Chaplain/Faith Advisers or email Chaplaincy Co-ordinator. https://chaplaincy.lincoln.ac.uk/about/contact-us/
We are additionally providing support for loss or bereavement amongst students, and staff members and would be happy to be contacted if student and staff members are affected by this and who might like to organise a memorial service.
To contact Chaplaincy, please email or phone: schellaiah@lincoln.ac.uk or 07500 910372
To get in contact for students, please go through Student Wellbeing. Phone and leave a message on: +44 (0)1522 886400, a member of the team will call you back OR email them on:
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Sometimes people have heart attacks and never know it. It's called the silent heart attack, when someone either shows no symptoms at all or ignores or misinterprets the symptoms until the pain goes away. Because the key to recovering from a heart attack is by restoring the blood flow to the heart as quickly as possible, silent heart attacks are even more deadly. In fact, twice as many people... Many women experience none of the usual symptoms of a heart attack. Some experience all or a few of those listed above. In general, the most common symptom of a mild heart attack is pain, discomfort or pressure in the chest.
The symptoms you experienced are very typical for a heart attack, and you should not delay EMERGENT MEDICAL CARE. It is not OK for you to wait 2 weeks for a checkup, and in fact the ER personnel are better at dealing with this than a primary physician in the office.


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In difficult times, Baxter Burial Vault embodies the Great Reliance
3 minute read September 9, 2022 Share on facebook Share on Twitter Share on LinkedIn Share on Reddit Print Story
Since 1924, Baxter Burial Vault Service provides an important piece of the final care for those who have lost loved ones, including during times of war, terrorism, natural disasters, and pandemics. The organization cares deeply for their customers and ultimately the families they serve. Positivity is essential – the leadership team brings humor and camaraderie into the workplace, encouraging employees to find light in the difficult times. The nature of their business is to handle last-minute needs and changes on a daily basis. In the 1980s, Baxter Burial Vault put in a crematory to provide this service to funeral homes and cemeteries, as many were in neighborhoods that were not zoned for the service. Through industry association and meetings with lawmakers, the company participated in the creation of the Ohio Cremation Law in 1998.
An investment in graphic technology allows Baxter Burial Vault to create customized vault covers, transforming them into integral parts of the graveside ceremony. This customization was significant during the pandemic, as many people lost their loved ones in isolation. Though Baxter Burial Vault is in the manufacturing industry, the company provides a tender service. Ingenuity is vital to figure out new ways to display a vault cover, be in multiple places simultaneously with limited trucks and employees, source materials, diversify services to meet new laws, stay up to date on customers' licensing requirements and offer continuing education.
Classified as "essential workers," Baxter Burial Vault created their own "Great": The Great Reliance. Through the pandemic, team members relied on each other, and their customers relied on them. Their leadership team is authentic: working alongside their employees, rewarding them financially, recognizing their efforts, being vulnerable with their own fears, and reassuring them that they can and will overcome incredible obstacles.
Baxter's employees come from a 60-mile radius to complete a six-day work week. During the pandemic, they doubled in production and service. Employees stay, thrive, and deeply care about their work. Many families work together at the company: fathers and sons, brothers, cousins, in-laws. Their clients are funeral homes and cemeteries who call daily with immediate or next-day service. Giving is paramount; the organization makes donations to local schools, community events, and other charities and fundraisers. When people are in grief, it is not the time to make mistakes. Baxter Burial Vault is reliable, respectful, and responsible. Their funeral home and cemetery customers trust them, coming back to the company for decades and beyond.
Featured image from left: Holly Baxter Bridgers, Darren D. Baxter, and Trevor D. Baxter (Co-Owners) of Baxter Burial Vault Service
The Goering Center is sharing this content as part of its 2022 Family and Private Business Awards celebration.
About Baxter Burial Vault Service
Started by Don E. Baxter in 1924, Baxter Burial Vault Company sold grave liners and concrete air domes to area funeral homes. His two sons, Don Jr. and Doug, entered the business, and the precast and burial vault business grew to such an extent that the brothers eventually separated into two businesses. Today, Baxter Burial Vault Service is run by Doug's three children, who have expanded the business into the Dayton, Ohio area with the purchase of Bell Vault & Monument Company.
About the Goering Center for Family & Private Business
Established in 1989, the Goering Center serves more than 400 member companies, making it North America's largest university-based educational non-profit center for family and private businesses. The Center's mission is to nurture and educate family and private businesses to drive a vibrant economy. Affiliation with the Carl H. Lindner College of Business at the University of Cincinnati provides access to a vast resource of business programming and expertise. Goering Center members receive real-world insights that enlighten, strengthen and prolong family and private business success. For more information on the Center, participation and membership visit goering.uc.edu.
Goering Center for Family & Private Business
Goering Center news: Planning beyond the buy-sell
Goering Center news: Securing your legacy
How to help employees manage their financial wellness
While a company-supported 401K plan is a good start, there is so much more that companies can provide to help their workers get on good financial footing. This article provides guidance to business owners on how they might help their employees improve their financial wellness.
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In the gangster era of Prohibition and the Great Depression, a physicist at the National Bureau of Standards, now NIST, brought modern ideas to the then-emerging field of forensic science.
How fast is that plant pulling CO 2 out of the atmosphere? You may soon be able to point a sensor at it to find out.


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Why I spend more time in nightclubs or at the bingo
First published in the Sunday Times on 20th September 2015.
Growth is great, but it isn't everything. Most investors prefer to focus on expanding industries, although in economies like Britain perhaps 80% of businesses operate in what might be called mature sectors. As a result, companies in sexy, booming sectors can become significantly overvalued because buyers are queuing up to back them. By contrast, dull, stagnant sectors receive scant attention — and little investment demand. That is why they can be interesting.
Another disadvantage of growing sectors is that they require relentless investment. Whether it is R&D spending, working capital or new capital capacity, dynamic industries tend to absorb cash — not generate it. By contrast, unloved sectors should throw off cash for shareholders, since there is likely to be spare, unwanted capacity already available. Even in tough sectors, there will be winners that can take advantage of depressed conditions to do well.
In the past couple of years I have backed two companies in what are almost certainly ex-growth sectors — but where I believe profits can still be made. Most of my capital is still deployed in areas with seemingly better prospects, but I have bet a fraction of my resources on at least partial recoveries in sectors that are deeply out of favour. It will be fascinating to see, in the coming years, if my contrarian wagers pay off.
First, I have gone back into the nightclub business, 35 years after my initial involvement. I started at Oxford in 1980 hosting one-night events for students. It gave me a taste for the entrepreneurial life that I have pursued ever since. Now I have re-entered the fray by becoming chairman of a business called Eclectic Bars, which operates about 20 venues across the country.
The industry has changed a lot. It has shrunk in the face of competition from pubs with licences for later opening, and has also suffered from the smoking ban and a sharp fall in the amount of alcohol drunk by young people. More aggressive policing and poor planning laws have played a part too.
Among 16 to 44-year-olds, frequent drinking has fallen by two-thirds in the UK since 2005. The public still like going out and dancing, but the nightclub sector is facing rising costs such as those for security and music licensing, while losing much of the lucrative entry money that used to be charged on the door. According to the trade body ALMR, the number of clubs has fallen by half in 10 years, from 3,144 to 1,733.
I hope this market decline is stabilising, and that there will be consolidation opportunities at sensible prices. Typically, I find that the purchase multiples in zero-growth sectors are half those in what are seen as buoyant sectors. Meanwhile, a static industry should encourage managers to rationalise, cut costs and become more efficient.
Another neglected sector is bingo. Ten years ago it was seen as highly cash generative and resilient, and assets changed hands for full prices. Acquirers took on lots of debt, and a number of deals were done by private equity. We built up, and sold profitably, a company called Mayfair Gaming — luckily getting out just before the bingo business unravelled owing to the rise of online gaming, the recession and so on. After years of decline, the industry appears to have reversed its slump. I recruited one of the key managers who worked in our previous bingo operation, and so far we have bought and merged two companies to create Majestic Bingo. We now have 15 bingo halls and hope to buy more.
My philosophy for investing in such mature industries is to offer better service than local rivals; try to be a low-cost operator; and remember that, with cash cows, capital projects should achieve a very swift payback. I look at measures like free cashflow generation, actual payback and return on capital — not growth. As long as there is reasonable underlying demand, then if a business is deeply unfashionable, all the better.
One might say the opposite of a business like bingo is the electric car market. This is seen as the future of transport and is absorbing a decent chunk of the annual $70bn (£45bn) in R&D spending by the automotive sector — which is on top of the billions of dollars of government subsidies expended every year on helping electric vehicles.
All manufacturers lose large sums of money on electric cars — even after state interventions. They represent less than 3% of all new cars sold. Yet Tesla Motors, which has always lost money and burns through cash at a remarkable rate – is worth $32bn according to the stock market. To me its valuation is preposterous: it is based on fantasy projections of revenues that must carry huge risks. Of course Elon Musk, Tesla's chief executive, is an impressive inventor, but sadly pioneers typically lose money for their equity providers. It is those who come later who reap the rewards.
Investing experts say diversification is everything — which is why I don't only believe growth stories. Boring, mature companies have their place in every portfolio.


Emptying Trash, setting the output volume level to 0, setting the brightness level to minimum, opening particular folders, launching iTunes, accessing this website and that website with your default web browser... You won't have to do all these tasks for yourself every time you turn on your Mac. Choose tasks that you want it to perform, and MacReady will do them all on your behalf when your Mac starts up or at any time.
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