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Unirea Republicii Moldova cu România (și, prin aceasta, intrarea Republicii Moldova în Uniunea Europeană și în NATO, și scoaterea sa din CSI) este obiectivul politic al unor mișcări din ambele țări, până acum  neîncheiată, așa cum reiese din faptul că unirea nu a avut încă loc.

Contextul politic

 Mișcarea Unionistă. În măsura în care prima Republică Democratică Moldovenească s-a unit cu România la data de 9 aprilie 1918, se poate vorbi despre o re-unificare a Republicii Moldova cu România, mișcare inițiată în ambele țări la începutul anilor 90, după ce Moldova și-a declarat independența față de Uniunea Sovietică. Spre deosebire de naționaliștii care promovează revenirea în cadrul României a tuturor teritoriilor cedate Uniunii Sovietice în 1940, unioniștii se limitează la promovarea unei reunificări pașnice și democratice a Republicii Moldova cu România având ca model Reunificarea Germaniei după anul 1989.
 Anti-unionismul. În Republica Moldova, anti-unioniștii, regrupați astăzi în coalițiile dominate de Partidul Comuniștilor din Republica Moldova și Partidul Socialiștilor din Republica Moldova, comuniști și socialiști cuprind atât minoritățile conlocuitore (o treime din populația republicii) cât și o parte însemnată dintre băștinașii moldoveni românofoni, care se tem de modelul capitalist, politic și economic, românesc și european, preferând să rămână în modelul rusesc post-sovietic reprezentat de CSI. În România nu există concret o mișcare anti-unionistă structurată, ci mai degrabă o majoritate de alegători cărora această chestiune le este indiferentă, care nu au zilnic această preocupare. O parte din cercurile conducătoare din România au în vedere și costul economic al unei uniri și de intrarea în colectivul național a mai bine de un milion de cetățeni de origine etnică rusă, ucraineană, bulgară, găgăuză sau altele, dintre care mulți nu cunosc limba română decât tangențial.

Potrivit sondajelor din noiembrie 2006, 48% din locuitorii Republicii Moldova doreau să devină cetățeni români, iar 46% nu erau interesați de acest lucru. Potrivit acestui sondaj se constată că o majoritate de 85% dintre cei care-și doresc pașaportul românesc se gândesc în primul rând la posibilitatea de a circula liber în Uniunea Europeană. Alții – 19% – vor să aibă cetățenia pentru a putea munci și/sau locui în România, în timp ce 14% doresc să fie cetățeni români pentru că se consideră români.

Fapte istorice

Identitatea și luptele în jurul acesteia
În mentalul colectiv al populațiilor românești, existau, ca moștenire a trecutului medieval, percepții pur locale privind identitatea colectivă: oamenii se defineau ca ardeleni (sau chiar ungureni), bănățeni, olteni, munteni, moldoveni sau dicieni (în Dobrogea), deși se știau cu toții vorbitori ai aceleiași limbi românești. Mișcarea pentru reunificarea Republicii Moldova cu România este continuarea în zilele noastre a unei mișcări unioniste începută încă din secolul XIX, care avea ca scop crearea unui stat întregit național pentru toți vorbitorii limbii Daco-Romane care locuiau în principatele Moldova și Țara Românească, cât și în imperiile Austro-Ungaria, Otoman și Rus, mai precis în Transilvania, Bucovina, Dobrogea și Basarabia. Această mișcare se înscria în procesul european de constituire a națiunilor moderne, care s-a concretizat în 1859 într-o parte din spațiul românesc prin Unirea Principatelor Moldova și Țara Românească, în 1861-1870 prin unirea principatelor și regatelor italiene, în 1871 prin unirea principatelor și regatelor medievale germane și în 1918, din nou în spațiul carpato-dunărean românesc prin unirea restului teritoriilor românești, inclusiv Basarabia (Est-Moldova).

Uniunea Sovietică însă, teritorial continuatoare a politicii Imperiului Țarist Rus, nu a recunoscut această unire și încă înainte de cel de Al Doilea Război Mondial, creează Regiunea Autonomă Moldovenească din Ucraina, pe malul stâng al Nistrului, unde este promovată o identitate etnică (așa-zisă) moldovenească, ce ar fi diferită de cea română, aceasta din urmă fiind asociată cu "opresorii capitaliști" (români). După al Doilea Război Mondial, deși România devenise un stat comunist, Uniunea Sovietică a continuat promovarea acestei identități moldovenești "neromâne", pentru a justifica etnic despărțirea Est-Moldovei de țara-mamă, România, adică anexarea Basarabiei și a Bucovinei de Nord, deși rusa nu are nimic comun nici cu așa-zisa limba moldoveană "sovieticǎ", promovată de Moscova ca "neromânească".

Situația particulară din Republica Moldova
Unirea tuturor teritoriilor cu majoritate românofonă la 1 decembrie 1918 este rezultatul susținerii conceptului unionist în teritoriile respective, de către o elită intelectuală puternică : "deșteptătorii neamului". Dar, în prejma Primului Război Mondial, în Basarabia, dat fiind că o mare parte a populației trăia în mediul rural și era analfabetă, ca urmare a politicii rusificatoare a Imperiului Rus de interzicere a învățământului în limba română, și a interzicerii generale a limbii române în gubernia Basarabiei, "deșteptătorii neamului" erau mai puțin numeroși ca în alte teritorii românofone. Fiind însă majoritari în "Sfatul Țării", Basarabia a fost primul teritoriu românofon unit cu vechiul regat al Românei, în martie 1918. Mărturiile antebelice relevă însă faptul că în acel moment majoritatea locuitorilor încă se identificau ca fiind "moldoveni" și nu ca "români", nu din cauză că ar fi respins "identitatea românească", ci deoarece "așa apucaseră din bătrâni să-și spună". Trecerea Basarabiei de la un stat la altul de patru ori într-un răstimp scurt în anii 1918-1944 a avut ca urmare o receptivitate mai redusă a populației atât față de ideea că ar fi români, mai ales în mediul rural, în mentalul colectiv păstrându-se mai degrabă o identitate locală, moldovenească. După 1940, o mare parte dintre "deșteptătorii neamului" se refugiază la apus de Prut, partea rămasă în Basarabia fiind deportată sau marginalizată de autoritățile sovietice.

Astfel, elita românească care s-a menținut în teritoriile românofone rămase în România, a dispărut în mare parte din Republica Moldova, fiind înlocuită cu o elită rusă, rusofonă sau rusificată : din aceste motive, în cadrul teritoriului actual al Republicii Moldova, se poate remarca o absență vizibilă a sentimentului românității din mentalul colectiv al majorității populației românofone actuale. Politica moldovenistă impusă de către URSS în regiune după crearea Republicii Sovietice Socialiste Moldovenești, a constat în ridicarea apartenenței locale moldovenești la rangul de sentiment național, conform doctrinei că ar exista o limbă română și o alta, distinctă, moldovenească. Pentru a evidenția "diferențele" dintre ele, "moldoveneasca" era scrisă folosind un alfabet chirilic "moldovenesc" derivat artificial din alfabetul rus - spre deosebire de cel român, scris în alfabet latin, și spre deosebire de cel greco-slavon vechi, folosit în vechiul principat al Moldovei. Vrând, nevrând, majoritatea populației a acceptat treptat această definiție al identității naționale moldovenești, mai ales că ei dintotdeauna își spuseseră "moldoveni". Această nouă interpretare a identității locale a umplut golul pe care îl lăsase eșecul administrației românești care, în numai 22 de ani, nu avusese timp să fructifice în mentalul colectiv basarabean un sentiment puternic al românității, ca în celelalte regiuni românofone rămase în cadrul României după 1945.

Astfel, la aproape 2 secole de la ocuparea Basarabiei de către Rusia Țaristă, în Republica Moldova, deși există o semnificantă parte a populației (mai ales printre cei tineri) care susține românismul, majoritatea vorbitorilor de limbă română din această țară nu se consideră români, ci moldoveni. Acest fapt este un obstacol la fel de important în calea mișcării pentru reunificare a Republicii Moldova cu România, ca și problemele transnistreană și găgăuză.

Mișcarea unionistă în vremea Uniunii Sovietice
Frontul Național-Patriotic din Basarabia și Nordul Bucovinei (FNP) a fost înființat în ilegalitate în 1972, de către un grup condus de Gheorghe Ghimpu (n. 26 iulie 1937, d. 13 noiembrie 2000), fratele fostului președinte interimar al Republicii Moldova, Mihai Ghimpu. Printre conducătorii FNP din Basarabia erau Alexandru Usatiuc-Bulgăr, Gheorghe Ghimpu si Valeriu Graur. În Bucovina de Nord, mișcarea era coordonata de Alexandru Șoltoianu. Deținut politic în perioada sovietică pentru acest act, Fondator al Mișcării de Eliberare Națională, Gheorghe Ghimpu a fost primul care a dat jos drapelul sovietic și a arborat tricolorul pe clădirea Parlamentului, actualmente Președinția Republicii Moldova, la data de 27 aprilie 1990. G. Ghimpu a fost membru al Comitetului Executiv al Frontului Popular din Moldova și deputat în primul Parlament al Republicii Moldova ales în mod democratic 1990 la Chișinău.

Frontul Național-Patriotic, dovedește, prin programul său, cât de neinformați erau întemeietorii săi : sub impactul refuzului lui Ceaușescu de a participa la intervenția trupelor Pactului de la Varșovia în Cehoslovacia în 1968, FNP decide să ceară sprijin României comuniste (!) în lupta împotriva puterii sovietice. FNP avea drept scopuri nu mai puțin decât ieșirea Moldovei din componența URSS, formarea unei "Republici Populare Moldovenești" cuprinzând și celelalte teritorii românofone din zonă (Nordul Bucovinei, Sudul Basarabiei, teritoriile fostei RASSM) și unirea ulterioară a acesteia cu România. Drapelul Republicii Populare Moldovenești urma sa devina tricolorul, cu o panglică neagră în diagonală, până la realizarea Unirii. Un alt scop era organizarea de alegeri libere pentru organele de conducere ale statului. Limba română pe baza alfabetului latin trebuia sa devină limbă oficială. Pentru aceasta, la 29 martie 1969, Alexandru Usatiuc-Bulgăr, aflat în vizită la București, lasă în cutia poștală a oficiului poștal nr.6 de la Gara de Nord un plic conținând 70 de pagini privitoare la activitatea și scopurile FNP. Anul următor, A. Usatiuc-Bulgăr mai vine o dată la București, cu această ocazie mergând, pe 12 iunie 1970, la sediul Consiliului de Stat al României. Președintele Consiliului de Stat, Nicolae Ceaușescu, nu-l primește în audiență. Usatiuc-Bulgăr se întâlnește, până la urmă, cu trei consilieri de-ai lui Ceaușescu (consilierul-șef Predescu și alți doi consilieri care nu s-au prezentat). Audiența durează 3 ore și 40 de minute, Usatiuc-Bulgăr explicând cu amănuntul activitatea FNP. La plecare, lasă și o serie de documente ale FNP.

Pe 30 iunie 1970, printr-o scrisoare strict secretă nr. 14006418, Ion Stănescu, Președintele Consiliului Securității de Stat al Republicii Socialiste România, îl informa pe Președintele KGB al URSS, Iuri Andropov, despre vizita cetățeanului sovietic Usatiuk Aleksandr. Împreună cu scrisoarea, Stănescu îi trimite lui Andropov și plicul cu documentele lăsate de Usatiuc-Bulgăr. Ca urmare, Alexandru Usatiuc-Bulgăr, Gheorghe Ghimpu, Valeriu Graur și Alexandru Șoltoianu sunt arestați : după jumătate de an de anchetă, dosarul nr. 6648 privind lotul Usatiuc-Ghimpu-Graur este trimis la Curtea Supremă de Justiție a RSSM. Judecata durează trei zile : acuzații sunt condamnați la șase sau șapte ani de lagăr corecțional cu regim sever și cinci ani de deportare, în baza art. 67, partea I și art. 69 ale Codului Penal al RSSM. O mulțime de basarabeni și bucovineni sunt anchetați, dați afară de la lucru, în special, din învățământ. O mulțime de elevi și studenți sunt eliminați din instituțiile de învățământ. Mai mulți tineri au fost puși sub urmărire.

Odată cu proclamarea restructurării (Перестройка : perestroika), Alexandru Usatiuc-Bulgăr, Gheorghe Ghimpu, Valeriu Graur și Alexandru Șoltoianu, împreună cu mulți alții, se încadrează activ în Mișcarea de Renaștere Națională și de democratizare a societății, fiind autori ai proiectelor de lege privind reabilitarea victimelor regimului totalitar de ocupație și despre controlul de stat. La 27 aprilie 1990, Sovietul Suprem al RSSM aprobă tricolorul ca drapel de stat.

Independența Republicii Moldova
În cadrul politicii sovietice de Гласность ("glasnost": transparență) și de Перестройка ("perestroika": reformă) inițiată de către Mihail Gorbaciov, sentimentele naționale locale devin, ca în celelalte republici unionale sovietice, sinonime de deschidere și de Равенсность ("ravensnost": a fi, pentru băștinași, deopotrivă, egali cu populațiile ruse sau rusofone aduse aici de URSS). Sentimentele românești, care în ciuda politicii de rusificare, dăinuiseră parțial între Prut și Nistru, determină parlamentul Republicii Moldova de la Chișinău, în septembrie 1989, să declare limba română drept limbă oficială și să admită oficial "identitatea lingvistică Moldo-Românească", conform datelor științifice care consideră că atâta vreme cât două popoare se pot înțelege spontan și în întregime fără să aibă nevoie de traducători, ele vorbesc aceeași limbă.

Pe 6 mai 1990, România și Republica Moldova desființează restricțiile privind călătoria între cele două state și sute de mii de persoane trec râul Prut care marchează granița dintre acestea.

În cuvântarea sa ținută Parlamentului României din februarie 1991, Mircea Snegur, președintele Republicii Moldova, a vorbit despre identitatea comună a moldovenilor și a românilor, referindu-se la românii de pe ambele părți ale Prutului și la teritoriile românești ocupate de sovietici.

În 1991, Republica Moldova oficializează ca limbă de stat "Limba română", ca steag național drapelul tricolor românesc cu o stemă moldovenească, ca imn național Deșteaptă-te, române!, imnul național al României, și ca deviză "Virtus romana rediviva". La acel moment se aștepta și spera o unire cât mai rapidă a celor două țări, dar parlamentele celor două țări nu îndrăzniră să proclame această unire din cauza considerentelor geopolitice și presiunilor economice: România intră în sfera de influență a Uniunii Europene, în timp de Republica Moldova, membră a C.S.I., rămâne în sfera de influență a Rusiei, care ocupa Transnistria și Tighina. În fața dificultăților economice, entuziasmul inițial din Moldova devine minoritar în masa populației, și începând cu 1993 Republica Moldova și România au început să se distanțeze. Președintele român Ion Iliescu declară că România "nu poate absorbi un milion de ruși cu forța", în timp ce președintele Moldovean Mircea Snegur elaborează doctrina: "un popor, două state".

În anul următor, distanțarea crește: Constituția Moldovei, adoptată în 1994, reia termenul de "limbă moldovenească" în loc de "română", deviza "Virtus romana rediviva" este înlocuită prin "Virtus Moldaviae rediviva" iar imnul a devenit Limba noastră. O controversă identitară traduce în interiorul țării lupta influențelor "româno-europeană" pe de-o parte, și "ruso-comunistă" pe de alta: această confruntare există și în țările vecine, România și Ucraina, dar sub forme care nu implică identitatea națională (deși atât la București cât și la Kiev, pro-comuniștii afirmă a fi singurii adevărați patrioți, și îi acuză pe pro-europeni de trădare a intereselor țării și poporului). Încercarea din 1996 a președintelui Mircea Snegur de a schimba din nou denumirea limbii oficiale în "română" a fost respinsă de Parlamentul Republicii Moldova, și considerată de minoritatea rusǎ a fi o "promovare a expansionismului românesc".

Acțiunea 2012

În aprilie 2011, o coaliție de ONG-uri din România și Republica Moldova a creat platforma civică "Acțiunea 2012" al cărei scop este de a "sensibiliza opinia publică cu privire la necesitatea unificării României cu Republica Moldova". Anul 2012 a fost ales cu referire la comemorarea divizării din 1812 a Moldovei istorice, când Imperiul Rus a anexat partea de est  ce mai târziu se va numi Basarabia. În data de 16 mai 2015, Acțiunea 2012, alături de alte câteva zeci de asociații s-au coalizat în Blocul Unității Naționale(BUN). Actualmente lider al BUN este unionistul originar din Chișinău, Ion Leașcenco. Susținătorii acțiunii înțeleg unificarea ca o reparație a acestei divizări istorice, inspirați de Unirea Basarabiei cu România (1918-1940) care a fost perturbată de ocupația sovietică.

Situația actuală

Extinderea teritorială a unirii
Potrivit diferitelor propuneri ale mișcărilor unioniste, există cinci variante ale unei eventuale uniri:

 Unirea politică a Republicii Moldova și României prin contopirea într-un singur stat, în frontierele "de jure" (de drept) actuale (ceea ce implică preluarea de către noul stat a problemei transnistrene și a legăturilor acesteia cu Federația Rusă) și indiferent de situația politico-administrativă a unităților teritoriale actuale, care pot fi păstrate sau reformate în cadrul noului stat;

În august 2016 peste 100 de asociații civice și grupuri de inițiativă au semnat "Alianța pentru Centenar", fiecare dintre entitățile semnatare asumându-și acțiuni ce vor apropia cele două maluri românești. La Chișinău, Mișcarea Unionistă este reprezentată printr-o coaliție de asociații civice "Blocul Unității Naționale" , președinte Ion Leașcenco, o coaliție ce înglobează peste 20 de asociații obștești cele mai active fiind mișcarea civică "Tinerii Moldovei", în frunte cu tinerii Vitalie Prisăcaru, Anatol Ursu, Artemis Bălan și Igor Budeanu și asociația Unirea - ODIP, președinte Vlad Bilețchi.
Asociațiile civice colaborează cu deputatul unionist Constantin Codreanu, președintele Comisiei pentru Românii din Afara Granițelor Țării din Parlamentul României.
 Unirea politică a Republicii Moldova și României prin contopirea într-un singur stat, în frontierele "de facto" (de fapt) actuale (ceea ce implică renunțarea noului stat la teritoriul controlat de statul auto-proclamat al Transnistriei, acesta având atunci de ales între independență, alipirea la Ucraina sau alipirea la Rusia: această variantă a fost denumită de presă "planul Belkovski");
 Unirea politică a Republicii Moldova și României prin contopirea într-un singur stat, în frontiere stabilite printr-un tratat internațional după un schimb teritorial cu Ucraina, bazat pe menținerea suprafeței actuale a Ucrainei (adică a echivalenței între suprafețele schimbate) în care teritorii de pe malul stâng al Nistrului ar fi cedate acesteia în schimbul raionului Reni, fâșiilor de teritoriu din Bugeac situate la sud sau est de calea ferată Reni-Tighina și insulelor dunărene Maican și Limba de pe brațul Chilia: această variantă a fost denumită de presă "planul Andronic-Dungaciu-Filat");
 Unirea politică a Republicii Moldova și României prin federalizarea celor două state (care și-ar păstra fiecare suveranitatea) într-o comunitate economică, monetară, vamală și militară (această variantă este inspirată din ideea "un popor, două state" a lui Mircea Snegur);
 Unirea exclusiv culturală (nici politică si nici teritorială), prin care cele două state ar fi menținute în hotarele și alianțele lor actuale, dar prin care populația romanică din Republica Moldova ar fi constituțional recunoscută ca fiind română, astfel ca și moldovenii, aidoma rușilor, ucrainenilor sau bulgarilor, să aibă dreptul de a se socoti membrii unui popor, vorbitorii unei limbi și vectorii unei culturi depășind hotarele Republicii, fără a fi siliți, pentru a avea acest drept, să fie socotiți "minoritate" în propria lor țară, cum este cazul celor care se declară "români" în sistemul actual.

Sondaje de opinie în Republica Moldova
International Republican Institut[en] în parteneriat cu organizația Gallup efectuează periodic sondaje de opinie în Republica Moldova în legătură cu diverse aspecte social politice. Rezultatele de mai jos reflectă percepția publică asupra chestiunii unirii.

*În sondajele "iData" nu sunt precizați cei indeciși, aceștia fiind trecuți la împotrivă.

Chiar dacă cei care se declară împotrivă sunt majoritari, numărul celor care sunt de acord crește constant în ultimii ani.

Notă 1 = 22% consideră că acest lucru este bun din punct de vedere economic, 17% nu ar fi împotrivă.

Sondaje de opinie în România
Un sondaj efectuat în noiembrie-decembrie 2010 și analizat pe larg în studiul Republica Moldova în conștiința publică românească a abordat și chestiunea unirii.

Alte sondaje

Costul economic al unirii
Consecințele economice ale unificării celor două state nu sunt neglijabile. Aritmetic, rezultatele unificării pentru anul 2022 ar fi următoarele:

 Populația, suprafața și densitatea RM exclude teritoriul din Stânga Nistrului (cca. 0,5 mln)

Condițiile politice
Până recent, unirea României cu Moldova a fost considerată improbabilă, din cauza unei lipse de interes din partea ambelor țări. În România, deși majoritatea partidelor politice au sprijinit conceptul, cel puțin teoretic, unirea ar reprezenta cel mai probabil o povară pentru economia țării, așa cum reiese din datele de mai sus, deoarece Moldova este în prezent cea mai săracă țară din Europa. Din acest motiv, Uniunea Europeană se arată în general ostilă unionismului, și, deși a sprijinit și sprijină Moldova în politica sa externă, mulți analiști politici dispută pregătirea politică a Moldovei, și faptul că ar fi progresat suficient pentru unificare. Alt motiv, pentru care și membrii OTAN-ul sunt reticenți față de unionism, este că unirea ar fi socotită de Federația Rusă drept o provocare, cum reiese clar din declarațiile succesive ale liderilor ruși. Din acest motiv, o eventuală unificare nu ar cuprinde decât acea parte a Moldovei aflată la vest de râul Nistru, deoarece Transnistria unde sunt staționate și trupe ruse, aflată de cealaltă parte a fluviului, refuză să facă parte din statul român, oficialii transnistrieni admițând unirea Moldovei cu România, numai atâta timp cât Transnistria nu e inclusă.

În perioada de dinainte de 2005, doar Mișcarea Unionistă din Republica Moldova și Partidul Popular Creștin Democrat au sprijinit activ unificarea. Însă, poziția Creștin-Democraților a devenit nesigură după colaborarea acestora, începând din 2005, cu Partidul Comuniștilor din Republica Moldova. Datorită acestei schimbări în politica Republicii Moldova, a fost creat Partidul Național Liberal (similar partidului cu același nume din România), care susține cauza uniunii dintre România și Republica Moldova și a integrării în UE.

Cu toate acestea, discuțiile cu privire la unificare sunt în creștere după cum poate fi observat din diferite articole din presă și forumurile de pe internet din ambele țări.

În 2004, publicația română Ziua a publicat o serie de articole în care un diplomat rus susținea un plan care afirma că ar fi susținut de Vladimir Putin și prin care se accepta unirea Moldovei cu România în schimbul recunoașterii de către România a independenței Transnistriei sau a alipirii acesteia la Federația Rusă. Președintele rus, Putin, nu a confirmat sau infirmat aceste afirmații. Jurnaliștii români, însă, au considerat false aceste articole, întrucât nu se specifica nimic legat de situația orașului Tighina aflat sub controlul auto-proclamatelor autorități din Transnistria și nu explica cum ar putea convinge Rusia un stat independent — Republica Moldova — să accepte această uniune.

În ianuarie 2006, președintele României, Traian Băsescu și-a declarat public susținerea puternică pentru integrarea Republicii Moldova în UE, afirmând că "politica României ar trebui să fie unificarea națiunii române în interiorul UE", soluție rezonabilă, căci ar înlătura reținerile unora din Europa față de o nouă "reîntregire" română.

Conform sondajelor din martie 2006, 51% din populația României sprijină reunirea cu Republica Moldova, iar 27% sunt împotrivă. Dintre partizanii reuniunii, 28% sprijină unirea, incluzând Transnistria, iar 16% fără Transnistria.

În iulie 2006, președintele României, Traian Băsescu, a declarat că a făcut o propunere președintelui de atunci al Republicii Moldova, Vladimir Voronin, astfel încât să adere ambele țări la UE împreună. Această ofertă, a fost refuzată de către Voronin (care din 2009 nu mai este președinte la Chișinău), iar Băsescu a declarat în continuare că va respecta această decizie a Republicii Moldova, iar România va ajuta Moldova să intre pe drumul de integrarea în Uniunea Europeanǎ.

Pe parcursul anului 2006, mișcarea unionistă a câștigat teren, subiectul fiind mult mai discutat în ziarele din România, iar peste 100.000 de cetățeni ai Republicii Moldova au cerut pașapoarte românești în doar două luni, august și septembrie 2006. Un articol în publicația Cotidianul , care estima costul unificării la 30-35 miliarde de dolari a provocat un val de reacții negative în publicații precum Ziua  sau unele publicații din Republica Moldova — Timpul și Jurnal de Chișinău, care acuzau Cotidianul de exagerarea costurilor și limitarea uniunii doar la dimensiunea materială.
La finalul anului 2006, în lunile noiembrie și decembrie, a existat o explozie de cereri de obținere a cetățeniei române, din partea cetățenilor Republicii Moldova, consulatul României nemaifăcând față la numărul de cereri.

În urma declarării independenței Kosovare, ziarul moscovit Pravda a publicat un articol care exprimă îngrijorarea Rusiei pentru posibila unificare a Republicii Moldova cu România, în contextul precedentului Kosovo. Mai mult, ziarul estimează poziția Moscovei astfel: "astăzi pentru Moscova este mai importanta o altă problemă: să nu admită anexarea fostei Basarabii de către România". Această declarație se încadrează în ansamblul manifestărilor politice, diplomatice și militare ale luptei de influență, în jurul Mării Negre, între Federația Rusă și OTAN-ul împreună cu Uniunea Europeană, luptă care se desfășoară și în Ucraina ("revoluția portocalie") sau în Georgia (conflictul din Abhazia și Osetia de Sud). În acest context, mișcarea pentru reunificarea României cu Moldova se situează geopolitic în rândul fenomenelor pe care strategii OTAN-ului le definesc ca un containment ("îngrădire") al influenței Rusiei, în timp ce politica Transnistriei și a forțelor care, în Republica Moldova, se opun reunificării, se situează în rândul fenomenelor care manifestă și susțin influența Rusă, pe care se și bazează.

Pe 7 aprilie 2009 peste 30 de mii de persoane au ieșit pe străzile Chișinăului, ca să conteste victoria comuniștilor la alegeri, scandând "Vrem alegeri repetate" și "Jos comuniștii". În timpul demonstrațiilor, unii dintre manifestanți au agitat steaguri românești și au arborat drapelului României și al Uniunii Europene pe clădirile Parlamentului și Președinției.

În cursul zilei de 8 aprilie, Vladimir Voronin, președinte în exercițiu după expirarea mandatului de șef al statului pe 7 aprilie, a reiterat acuzațiile că România s-ar fi aflat în spatele protestelor violente de la Chișinău, anunțând expulzarea ambasadorului român la Chișinău, Filip Teodorescu și introducerea sistemului de vize pentru cetățenii români.

În urma alegerilor anticipate din iulie 2009, Partidul Comuniștilor a pierdut majoritatea în Parlament, în favoarea partidelor de opoziție PL, PLDM, AMN și PDM. Acestea au constituit o coaliție de guvernare sub numele de Alianța pentru Integrare Europeană (AIE), iar ca urmare a poziției pro-europene a noii conduceri de la Chișinău, pentru prima dată după 8 ani de guvernare comunistă ostilă României a început un dezgheț al relațiilor bilaterale dintre București și Chișinău.

Președintele prin interim al Republicii Moldova, Mihai Ghimpu, a declarat de mai multe ori că se consideră român și chiar că este unionist. Însă a ținut să precizeze că acestea sunt doar viziunile sale personale, și că unirea după model german cu România nu este pe agenda politică a noii conduceri de la Chișinău.

După ce pentru prima dată în istoria Republicii Moldova un partid pro-european a câștigat de unul singur majoritatea parlamentară, noua guvernare a Republicii Moldova, cât și președintele Republicii Moldova, Maia Sandu, au anunțat că se pronunță pentru aderarea Republicii Moldova la Uniunea Europeană, dar nu urmăresc aderarea în NATO. Referitor la unirea cu România, Maia Sandu a declarat în decembrie 2021 că este un proiect major care are nevoie de o majoritate covârșitoare, mai mult decât 50%+1 din voturi. Înainte de a deveni președinte, Maia Sandu declarase că unirea nu se mai poate face ca în 1918, ci ar fi necesară organizarea unui referendum.

Unirea unul câte unul și controversele suscitate de aceasta
Unirea personală a cetățenilor Moldoveni cu România (după expresia lui Mircea Druc) consistă în acordarea cetățeniei române pentru cetățenii Republicii Moldova. În data de 18 decembrie 2007, Traian Băsescu a declarat pe postul TV public că în spiritul apropierii dintre Republica Moldova și România ar trebui ca cetățenia română să fie acordată tuturor cetățenilor din Republica Moldova, chiar dacă nu sunt de origine etnică română. Acestă propunere a fost pusă în practică, el declarând că în 2008 au primit cetățenie română aproape 2500 de persoane, iar în 2009 14 000, în timp ce alte mii de dosare erau în curs de procesare. În anul 2010 se preconizează un ritm de eliberare al pașapoartelor de 10 000 pe lună.

Această situație a stârnit diverse reacții, în general ostile, în Uniunea Europeană. În 13 iulie 2010 Der Spiegel afirmând că prin asta s-ar permite cetățenilor unui stat care nu face parte din UE să intre, totuși, ușor în UE, "prin ușa din spate", și că asta ar reprezenta o extindere pe ascuns a EU spre Est, fără a avea vreo aprobare în acest sens prin vreun referendum sau acord cu Bruxelles, Berlin sau Paris. De asemenea, Der Spiegel afirmă că doar 2% din moldoveni se declară români, iar pe moldoveni nu-i interesează unirea cu România, care, oricum, ar fi, alături de Bulgaria, una dintre cele mai sărace țări de pe continent, ci accesul în Europa, unde să-și ofere ieftin forța de muncă.

Articolul din "Der Spiegel" a primit replica Ministerului Afacerilor Externe din România sub forma unui comunicat acordat presei centrale, în care se spune că faptul că unii dintre foștii cetățeni români și-au pierdut cetățenia din motive neimputabile lor este o chestiune de notorietate, iar in materia redobândirii cetățeniei România nu face excepție de la normele europene, și că articolul 10 din Legea cetățeniei române conține prevederi similare cu articolul 116 din constituția Republicii Federale Germania, care reglementează faptul că "foștii cetățeni germani, care în perioada 30 ianuarie 1933 – 8 mai 1945 și-au pierdut cetățenia din motive politice, etnice sau religioase, precum și descendenții acestora pot redobândi, la cerere, cetățenia germană". În plus, o parte a presei remarcă că nici pentru absorbția RDG nu s-a organizat vreun referendum la nivel european, statele continentului luând act de voința liber exprimată a germanilor de a trăi într-o singură țară, iar prin acest act au intrat în UE 18 milioane de germani, în timp ce în cazul Republicii Moldova este vorba de numai 3 milioane.

În 2021, se estima faptul că peste 642.000 de cetățeni ai Republicii Moldova au redobândit cetățenia română, în timp ce alte 60.000 de cereri așteptau să fie soluționate. De asemenea, estimările arată că aproximativ unul din 4 cetățeni ai Republicii Moldova are și cetățenia română.

Diferențe și convergențe față de modelul german și de alte unionisme

Mișcarea unionistă din cele două țări susține ideea reunificării Republicii Moldova cu România bazându-se pe identitatea cultural-lingvistică dintre băștinașii celor două state, și pe istoria comună a moldovenilor de pe ambele maluri ale Prutului, până în 1812, între 1918 și 1940 și între 1941 și 1944. Privind modalitățile unirii, se referă la modelul reunificării germane din 1990.

Există însă, față de modelul german, diferențe:

 În ciuda faptului că până în 1871, Germania nu exista, în locul ei găsindu-se regate, principate și ducate diferite (cu limbi germanice diferite), în mentalul colectiv al populației din Est sentimentul germanității nu a fost niciodată combătut de autoritățile sovietice, apoi comuniste din RDG, al cărei nume oficial era Republica Democrată Germană, iar chestiunea reunificării nu a fost niciodată respinsă, depinzând de condițiile acesteia.
 Germania de Vest era considerată de către elita politică a RDG-ului ca fiind "teritoriu național aflat sub ocupație capitalistă": în Germania de Est nu a fost niciodată promovată o identitate națională diferită față de cea a celorlalți germani, limba era denumită tot germană, minoritățile conlocuitoare (slavii Sorabi) reprezentau sub 2% din populație și trăiau acolo din Evul Mediu, nu erau colonizate recent de Imperiul țarist sau de URSS și nu erau în poziție social-economică dominantă, iar în momentul căderii zidului Berlinului, cvasi-totalitatea cetățenilor doreau și revendicau unirea.
 existența altor trei state germanofone sau preponderent germanofone: Austria, Elveția și Liechtenstein, separate de Germania, cu existența cărora oamenii sunt obișnuiți de veacuri, care nu suscită controverse fiind bazate pe același model social și politic ca și Germania, în care limba poartă același nume, și în care orice vorbitor al Germanei se poate referi nestingherit la Germania, la istoria și cultura poporului german, fără să fie socotit de autorități ca fiind un partizan al imperialismului german.

Unionismul românofonilor din România și Republica Moldova este unul dintre numeroasele unionisme existând în Europa și în lume: cel german, care a reușit, precum și cele ale Yemenului și Vietnamului, dar și cele, mult mai numeroase, care au dat greș:

 Austria cu Germania, în 1918;
 Coreea;
 țările arabe între ele;
 statele polineziene între ele;
 Ciprul cu Grecia;
 Macedonia de Nord cu Bulgaria;
 țările sârbești și croate după prăbușirea Iugoslaviei;
 Kosovo-ul cu Albania;
 Bielorusia cu Rusia după prăbușirea URSS-ului;
 Osetia de Nord cu cea de Sud;
 Senegalul cu Gambia, apoi cu Mali;
 Malaezia cu Indonezia;
 Republica irlandeză cu regiunea britanică Irlanda de Nord;
 jumătățile franceză și olandeză ale insulei Sf. Martin, aflată în Caraibe ș.a.

În cele mai multe din aceste cazuri, forțele centrifuge au fost mai puternice decât cele unioniste. Un caz particular este Armenia cu Karabagul, unire efectivă pe teren, dar nerecunoscută juridic.

Referințe

Bibliografie
  Grenoble, Lenore A (2003) Politica privind limbile în Uniunea Sovietică, Springer, ISBN 1-4020-1298-5
  John Mackinlay, Peter Cross (2003) Regional Peacekeepers. United Nations University Press ISBN 92-808-1079-0

Vezi și
 Colaborare moldo-română în timpul pandemiei de COVID-19

Legături externe

 BBC Romanian: "Interviu cu președintele PPCD Iurie Roșca" (Mar 2005)
 Ziua: "Trădarea Basarabiei de la București" (Jun 2005)
 Hotnews.ro: Sondaj CIVIS martie 2006
 Analiză FUMN. Cât ne-ar costa unirea cu Republica Moldova, adevărul.ro, 15 noiembrie 2014
 Cotidianul: "Câți bani ne-ar costa unirea cu Basarabia" (Oct 2006)
  Basescu Plan: Actions supporting unification with Romania held in Chisinau (Oct 2006)

Unificări naționale
Politica Republicii Moldova
Politica României
Relațiile bilaterale ale României
Partide politice unioniste în Republica Moldova
Iredentism

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: Use Sugru for fraying lightning adapter on a Thunderbolt Display? I have a 27-inch Thunderbolt display and the thunderbolt connector--not the magsafe power cord--is fraying on the end that plugs into the laptop. I've seen several posts about using sugru on the power cords, can I use it on the thunderbolt cord from my monitor as well? Thanks!

A: yes, I just did this, it was simple and it worked well! The Sugru pack is abot $12 and it's far simpler than lugging the display in to an Apple store.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Young Agency & Associates, LLC
PPP Loan Data — Young Agency & Associates, LLC, Saint Louis, MO
Industry: Insurance Agencies and Brokerages
Location: Saint Louis, MO
Young Agency & Associates, LLC is a limited liability company (LLC) located at 2130 Schuetz Rd in Saint Louis, Missouri that received a Coronavirus-related PPP loan from the SBA of $125,387.00 in April, 2020.
Triad Bank
Young Agency & Associates, LLC in Saint Louis, MO received a Paycheck Protection Loan of $125,387 through Triad Bank, which was approved in April, 2020.
This loan's status is reported by the SBA as "Paid in Full", which includes both loans repaid and those fully forgiven from repayment under PPP guidelines. The loan's status was last updated by the SBA in January, 2021.
For Young Agency & Associates, LLC, the calculation used to estimate payroll costs is shown below:
Based on the standard PPP eligibility formula, it may be possible to estimate the payroll expenses represented by a company on their PPP application (see details above). In order to qualify for the PPP loan amount received, Young Agency & Associates, LLC's 2019 payroll expenses are estimated to be at least $601,858.
On the PPP application, Young Agency & Associates, LLC reported intending to use the proceeds of their PPP loan for the following expenses:
Business Information - Young Agency & Associates, LLC in Saint Louis, MO
2130 Schuetz Rd
Insurance Agencies and Brokerages
Saint Louis County, MO — SBA Office 0768 — Congressional District: MO-01
Similar Companies near Saint Louis
In the Saint Louis area, 25 businesses in the "Insurance Agencies and Brokerages" industry received a PPP loan. These local businesses reported an average of 2 employees (compared to this company's 11) and received an average PPP loan of $20,324 (compared to this company's $125,387).
Joseph Briegleb
Cameron Hill Agency, LLC
Joseph Gerchen
Milana Furman Agency LLC
Sharon Rose Lucarelli
Donald A Schneider Group LLC
Sinclair Financial Solutions LLC
Halo Group LLC
Nationwide, 148,603 businesses in the "Insurance Agencies and Brokerages" industry received a total of $5.85B in PPP loans. These businesses account for 1% of total PPP applications submitted, and received 1% of the total PPP funding allocated.
PPP recipients in this industry report an average of 4 employees, 64% lower than Young Agency & Associates, LLC's reported 11 employees, and received an average PPP loan of $39,368, 69% lower than this company's loan of $125,387.
Source: www.federalpay.org/paycheck-protection-program/young-agency-associates-llc-saint-louis-mo

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Wed, Dec 7 2022
NuScale, Shell, To Collaborate On Hydrogen Project
NuScale Power announced Tuesday that it would collaborate with Shell Global Solutions and other industry participants to seek a strategy for an economically optimized Integrated Energy System (IES) for hydrogen production using electricity and process heat from a future NuScale VOYGR small modular reactor (SMR) power plant.
The project entitled, "Development and Demonstration of a Concept for an Economically Optimized IES," will be completed in two phases. Additional research participants include Idaho National Laboratory, Utah Associated Municipal Power Systems (UAMPS), Fuel Cell Energy, FPoliSolutions, and GSE Solutions.
NuScale's SMR technology holds the potential to balance and stabilize power grids dominated by renewable energies through hydrogen production. Energy markets present reliability concerns at times when energy demand is high and renewable energy production is low. In these markets, hydrogen would be used as an end-product or as a stored energy source to be processed through a Reversible Solid Oxide Fuel Cell (RSOFC) for electricity generation.
"Hydrogen has been identified as a pathway for global decarbonization and NuScale's SMR technology complements this goal through low carbon hydrogen production," said John Hopkins, NuScale Power President and Chief Executive Officer.
A NuScale control room simulator will be modified to evaluate the dynamics of the IES and will include models for the Solid Oxide Electrolysis Cell (SOEC) system for hydrogen production, in addition to a RSOFC for electricity production. The research will consider the number of NuScale Power Modules™ needed for use in SOEC hydrogen production and the quantity of hydrogen stored for subsequent electricity production. Further, local economic factors from the UAMPS Carbon Free Power Project will be assessed, such as the impact in the Western Energy Imbalance Market, resource adequacy programs, and other local market factors to be defined, the company said.


text:
Jail Ministry Provides Spiritual Care to Inmates
Each week, Rev. Ernest August and volunteer ministers from local churches strive to bring light into the darkness of jail. Each week, these ministers meet with inmates, offering them hope and healing. They pray for lives to be changed, for hope to be restored, and for darkness to be replaced with the promise of a bright future.
"We hope the teachings that they learned here will be applied when leave here to return to their families and return to society," said Rev. August, who serves as chaplain of the Sherman Walker Correctional Facility in St. John Parish.
Providing spiritual care to inmates is the focus of the St. John Parish Sheriff's Office's jail ministry. Through ecumenical activities, ministers work with inmates to help improve their well-being during incarceration as well as to guide them in a positive direction for their return to their families and society. Bible study, religious discussions, and one-on-one spiritual counseling are available to all inmates.
The jail ministry also serves as a liaison between inmates and their families in times of tragedy such as the death of a loved one. Prayer and spiritual support are provided, if needed and requested.
"I enjoy bringing the word of God's love and light to these men and women," Rev. August said. "We want them to know they can be worthy of God's grace of forgiveness. It's a privilege to serve in this ministry,"


LIVE from San Diego Comic-Con, Coffee With Kenobi's Dan Z broadcasts from the Topps booth (2913-R) in the Lucasfilm Pavilion. Dan talks with Topps' Gino Ferrazzano, Emily Kless, & Mark Von Ohlen about the past, present, and future of the collaboration between Topps and Star Wars. He also shares details about the amazing opportunities awaiting attendees of SDCC who visit the Topps booth and discusses recent Star Wars announcements made during the convention, as where we are in fandom with The Last Jedi. LIVE from the convention floor, this is the podcast you're looking for! Note: This podcast features sponsored content.


text:
Llewellyn Worldwide (formerly Llewellyn Publications) is a New Age publisher, currently based in Woodbury, Minnesota, a suburb of St. Paul.
"As the world's oldest and largest independent publisher of books for body, mind, and spirit, Llewellyn is dedicated to bringing our readers the very best in metaphysical books and resources. Since 1901, we've been at the forefront of holistic and metaphysical publishing and thought... Llewellyn has grown to include two critically acclaimed and award-winning imprints; Midnight Ink mystery titles and Flux novels for young adults. Flux is proud to have launched the careers of three New York Times bestselling authors: Laurie Faria Stolarz, Maggie Stiefvater, and Simone Elkeles. Elkeles's Flux title Return to Paradise made its debut on the New York Times bestseller list in September, 2010. Llewellyn has also partnered with Italian publisher Lo Scarabeo, and is the exclusive US and Canadian distributor of Lo Scarabeo's beautiful tarot and oracle decks."[1] A new era at Llewellyn Publications commenced in 1961, the year Carl L. Weschcke of St. Paul, Minnesota purchased the company and relocated it to the Midwest. [1]
"In 1974, Carl Weschcke's "Principles of Wiccan Belief" was adopted by the U.S. Army Chaplains. In addition to publishing or re-issuing influential works by Raymond Buckland, Dion Fortune, Aleister Crowley, Lady Sheba, Melita Denning, and Osborne Phillips. Llewellyn published Israel Regardie's The Golden Dawn, A Garden of Pomegranates, The Middle Pillar and The Tree of Life—four books forming a complete library of esoteric knowledge and practice. " [2]
"Llewellyn also expanded into magazine publishing with the purchase in 1988 of FATE Magazine. First published in 1948 by the legendary Ray Palmer and Curtis B. Fuller, FATE was the world's first magazine devoted to exploring paranormal phenomenon and is the longest running periodical of its genre. " [3]
Web: http://www.llewellyn.com
Related Sourcewatch
Barbara Hand Clow
Megan C. Atwood
Donald Kraig
↑ [], organizational web page, accessed June 14, 2014.
Retrieved from "https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Llewellyn_Worldwide&oldid=650539"


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Are you interested in earning a master's in gerontology online? If so, you've come to the right place. This article is dedicated to sharing information about the top affordable graduate programs in gerontology available to distance learners in the United States.
As the American population ages, medical professionals who understand the issues and concerns specific to aging populations will find themselves in high demand. Baby Boomers, in particular, are gearing up to put a massive strain on the U.S. healthcare system. That makes now a perfect time to earn your degree in gerontology. In doing so, you'll gain knowledge of the health, social, psychological, and other wellness-related issues facing seniors today.
Note: This article may contain sponsored links. These are intended to help you connect with programs easily.
For this ranking, we focused on public and private (non-profit) colleges and universities that offer online master's degrees in gerontology. Because the focus of this list is on affordability, we only considered programs with average* tuition rates of $25,000/year or less.
Note that for the purposes of this ranking, we did not consider MSN (Master of Science in Nursing) degrees with gerontology specializations. The reason is that these programs are very different academically from traditional gerontology master's degrees. That is, MSNs emphasize clinical/medical topics, whereas most gerontology programs focus on the social science aspects of the field.
Unfortunately, there are a limited number of online master's in gerontology degree programs available. Therefore, we could not compile a pool of options large enough to justify a multifactorial ranking system in which we'd score programs based on a list of specific considerations.
So instead, we ranked the programs solely according to their affordability. See below for the best cheap master's in gerontology online programs, ranked from most to least expensive.
You do not need to have any clinical experience to apply to UF's accredited online gerontology master's program.
The University of Florida is so dedicated to the study of gerontology that it has created an entire Department of Aging and Geriatric Research. Within this department, students will find a comprehensive yet affordable online master's in gerontology degree. Classes offer a thorough survey of geriatric issues, including age-related disease, the neuroscience of aging, and the law and ethics of elder care. Even better, you can choose to customize your program with one of three specialty tracks. The Geriatric Care Management track focuses on caregiver practice, while the Geropsychology track explores elderly cognition and mental health. Lastly, the Medical Physiology track emphasizes "the clinical complexities of geriatric care."
On this master's in gerontology online ranking, Nova Southeastern's program stands out for its humanistic approach to the field.
If you're looking for a program that's more conceptual than clinical, check out Nova Southeastern University. Here, your primary mission will be to consider how geriatric adults can find meaning, purpose, and well-being as they age. You'll explore this question, and others like it, in core classes like "Concepts and Controversies in Aging" and "Sociology of Aging for Future Leaders." This is also one of the top online master's degrees in gerontology if you're interested in concentrations. Students have four choices: Public Health, Emergency Preparedness, Gerontology and the Family, and Professional Geriatric Care Management.
UMBC offers need- and merit-based graduate scholarships to help you cut costs on this already affordable online gerontology master's program.
At the University of Maryland–Baltimore County, the study of gerontology goes hand in hand with management training. Through the school's M.A. in Management of Aging Services, you'll learn how to be a leader in the field of long-term care and to design effective care programs for seniors. Classes like "Strategy, Marketing, and Service Delivery in Aging" and "Policy Foundations of Aging Services" will help you understand gerontology in the context of the broader economic marketplace. Plus, you'll take coursework that directly builds your skills in leadership, innovation, and entrepreneurship. Due to this unique dual focus, UMBC's program is one of the top master's in gerontology online for management-focused individuals.
Students typically finish this innovative, accredited online master's in gerontology degree in two to three years.
The University of Missouri–Columbia offers its online master's degree in gerontology through a joint effort with several other Midwest colleges. Through this initiative, known as the Great Plains Interactive Distance Education Alliance (IDEA), participating schools pooled their coursework and faculty expertise to create one comprehensive gerontology program. You'll enroll and register through UMC (or another GPIDEA college) but have access to classes throughout the region. As a result, your classes may have varying start and end dates depending on which university is delivering them. But scheduling quirks are a small obstacle when you consider the quality of the curriculum, which includes a professional seminar and optional research project or internship.
While other top online gerontology master's programs require internships, KSU gives you an option so you can earn credits how you learn best.
Drawing on recommendations from the Association for Gerontology in Higher Education, Kansas State has created a comprehensive, career-oriented graduate program. Core classes cover both the scientific and social aspects of elder care, from "Adult Development and Aging" to "Public Policy: Economic and Social Impacts on Older Adults." Another possible perk? The curriculum includes a hefty elective component. To earn these credits, you can complete an independent study/practicum or explore unique topics like "Gerontechnology" and "Spirituality and Aging." Note: this affordable online master's degree in gerontology is part of the Great Plains IDEA program.
If you're not quite ready to earn your online master's in gerontology degree, note that Iowa State also offers a graduate certificate.
Another member of the Great Plains Interactive Distance Education Alliance, Iowa State's program attracts applicants from diverse backgrounds. Whether you're a recent undergrad, starting a second career, or have years of experience in the field, you'll fit right in to Iowa's affordable master's in gerontology online program. Like other GPIDEA members, this program's core provides a full survey of the aging process, from economics and public policy to nutrition and development. After completing the eight required courses, you'll finish off this 36-credit curriculum with four electives. Alternatively, you can take three electives alongside a hands-on practicum experience.
In this online gerontology master's program, you'll choose between completing a master's project (four credits) or thesis (six credits).
The University of Utah's interdisciplinary gerontology program caters to students with a strong interest in nursing. Although you don't need a nursing degree to apply, the school does operate an exchange program that allows nursing grad students at other colleges to enroll in its gerontology courses. Even students who enroll directly through "The U" will get a clear medical understanding of geriatric development. Coursework covers topics like advanced physiology, health and optimal aging, and research methods. It also includes a required practicum. Lastly, you'll finish off this top cheap online master's degree in gerontology with clinically-focused electives like "Geriatric Care Management" and/or "Caregiving and Aging Families."
If you're interested in a career in research or administration, ULM has one of the best cheap master's in gerontology online.
ULM has one of the top online master's in gerontology degrees for students who are either interested in healthcare administration or want to go on to earn their Ph.D. Why? Because the University of Louisiana Monroe's gerontology program offers specializations that cater specifically to these two groups. The first is a specialization in Aging Studies. This track includes classes in social statistics, research, and public policy, making it perfect for individuals who aspire to be career-long researchers. Alternatively, you could choose a specialization in either Program Administration or Long-Term Care Administration. The former focuses on public policy, case management, and service delivery, while the latter emphasizes community-based care and includes a required internship.
UNCG has one of the best programs on this online master's degrees in gerontology ranking for hands-on, practical learning.
When it comes to experiential learning, few schools can rival UNCG's hands-on approach. Although this program is available 100% online, the University of North Carolina–Greensboro nonetheless finds plenty of ways to emphasize applied practice. For example, immediately after enrolling in this master's in gerontology online, you'll take seminar, proseminar, and applied research/professional practice courses. After that, you'll take a statistics class and complete two internships and/or research experiences. Finally, you'll round out your studies with nine credits of electives and an integrative seminar/capstone course. In this capstone, you'll hone your professional skills in gerontological writing, presenting, and networking.
EIU distinguishes itself on this online master's in gerontology degrees ranking with its versatile and flexible curriculum.
Are you looking for a truly top-notch degree? Only four schools in the country have earned a "National Program of Merit" distinction from The Association of Gerontology in Higher Education, and Eastern Illinois University is one of them. Its M.A. in Aging Studies has achieved this honor due to its multidisciplinary, flexible curriculum. Six different academic units across the university have banded together to provide classes in education ("Educational Response to Third Age Learning"), psychology ("Psychological Processes in the Aged"), sociology ("Societal Theories of Aging") and more. In addition, you'll get to choose whether to cap this high-quality yet cheap online gerontology master's program with an internship, thesis, or independent study project.
Webster's accredited online master's degree in gerontology prepares program members to be innovators in the field.
Because gerontology is a relatively new discipline, providers in this industry must have a wide range of skills that can adapt to different positions and environments as the field evolves. That's why Webster University has created its cheap online master's in gerontology degree – to give students a "broad educational base" and the confidence to be pioneers in the workplace. Indeed, required classes cover an expansive range of topics, from physiology and psychology to economics, social issues, and management. And if you really want to beef up your business acumen, you can opt to earn an MBA with an emphasis in gerontology instead.
Enroll in Southeastern's accredited master's in gerontology online if you want to acquire a broad-based understanding of the human services field.
Southeastern University differs somewhat from other schools on this online gerontology master's programs ranking. Instead of a full gerontology degree, Southeastern offers an MA in Human Services with five specialization options. That means that most of your core coursework will address general human services topics, such as program planning, community relations, and the law/ethics. However, you'll also have a chance to learn about the aging process through the Gerontology specialization. This track includes four targeted courses in the social issues and sociology of aging, as well as clinical concerns like disability and long-term care.
TSU's online master's degree in gerontology provides options for both career-focused learners and those who want total academic flexibility.
With its unusually narrow focus, Texas State University's MS in Dementia and Aging Studies (MDAS) isn't for everyone. But if you have a specific interest in dementia and aspire to a career in research or long-term care, you'll likely rate this program as one of the top master's in gerontology online. For example, the curriculum offers a Research Track with courses in statistics, quantitative research, and social psychology, plus a six-credit thesis requirement. A separate track provides a robust yet stringent (no electives!) curriculum on governance, personnel, finance, and clinical practices of long-term care administration. Or if you want optimal flexibility, go for the Practitioner Track; it includes just four required classes, leaving the rest open to electives.
In NDSU's online gerontology master's program, electives fall into one of two major tracks: Direct Service or Education and Research.
If you like seminar (aka discussion-based) courses, consider attending North Dakota State University. On top of a 27-credit core sequence – including a six-credit practicum – this affordable online master's in gerontology degree offers a long list of graduate seminar electives. You'll have to take two or three of these seminars in total, but your biggest challenge might be deciding which ones to take! Currently, seminars are available in "Global Perspectives in Elder Care," "Creativity and Aging," "Cognitive Health," "Gerontechnology," "Sexuality and Aging," and about a dozen other topics. Or if you'd prefer a more hands-on activity, you can earn elective credit for completing a master's paper or thesis.
If you'd rather spend your money on electives than practicum courses, Texas Tech has a great cheap online gerontology master's program for you.
Like its fellow participants in the Great Plains IDEA, Texas Tech University offers a comprehensive, affordable master's in gerontology online. The program is designed to accommodate applicants with a wide range of backgrounds and career aspirations, whether you want to work directly in medicine or would prefer a job in counseling, education, or public policy. Of course, TTU's 24-credit core curriculum matches those of other GPIDEA members, with classes in physical health and nutrition, adult development, program evaluation, and everything in between. Note, however, that Texas Tech leaves the remaining 12 credits completely open to electives, with no specific requirement that you complete an internship or final project.
If you're interested in public health, WSU's accredited online master's in gerontology degree should be high up on your list of options.
Most programs on this list prepare degree candidates for a career in either administration or research. And to be sure, Wichita State's program does have a concentration in Administration. But it also goes beyond other schools on our online master's degrees in gerontology ranking by offering concentrations in Public Health and Social Sciences as well. The former emphasizes epidemiology, environmental health, and statistics, and it comes with a graduate certificate in Public Health. In contrast, the latter option delivers a relatively broad lesson plan to help students with different backgrounds (e.g., psychology, sociology, or social work) integrate their knowledge into the field of gerontology.
Students in UNO's online master's in gerontology degree: thesis track will complete a six-credit independent research project.
An M.A. in Social Gerontology, the University of Nebraska at Omaha's program focuses specifically on social issues related to aging, rather than clinical ones. For example, required courses cover human behavior, elder care services, and research, but not physiology or nutrition. That being said, most of UNO's master's in gerontology online curriculum is comprised of electives. Some of these classes are medically-minded (e.g., "Health Aspects of Aging") but the majority explore social science topics, including politics, economics, education, housing, and more. Another noteworthy feature: this program provides both thesis and non-thesis options (for mid-career professionals/aspiring researchers and experienced practitioners, respectively).
CUN has a top online master's degree in gerontology for anyone considering a career in healthcare administration.
Concordia University–Nebraska is the place to go if you want to get a comprehensive education in healthcare administration. In fact, it's the only school on this online gerontology master's programs ranking to offer its degree in the form of a Master of Healthcare Administration. Not only is an MHA a highly desirable credential in the current job market, but it also ensures that you'll be well-versed on a wide range of practical topics, like healthcare policy, health law, and healthcare finance. The gerontology concentration itself is relatively small (nine credits in social gerontology, long-term care, and aging issues), yet still provides a compact survey of the field's essential elements.
Before graduating from McDaniel's accredited master's in gerontology online, you'll have to complete either a capstone course or master's thesis.
A small school (and one of the only private colleges on this list of cheap online master's degrees in gerontology), McDaniel College offers a unique experience to distance learners. For example, while the program is available 100% online, students who live near the Westminster, Maryland campus can easily take traditional classes as well (just make sure to notify your advisor). And while the curriculum's core requirement features relatively standard fare, McDaniel's small and independent status has allowed it to create some unusual elective courses. You could take "Understanding and Combating Ageism," "Exercise and Aging," or even "Geriatric Pharmacology" – all options that are hard to find in the majority of programs.
FHSU's affordable online gerontology master's program terminates in a "culminating experience," which could be an internship, project, or thesis.
With an average annual tuition of less than $7,500, it's hard to find a better value than Fort Hays State University. Indeed, this is exactly why the school tops our cheap online master's in gerontology degrees ranking. But low costs aren't all you'll get out of an FHSU education. Organized as a Master of Liberal Studies (MLS) degree, this program has a slightly philosophical bent. For example, core classes include "Origins and Implications of the Knowledge Society," and "Ways of Knowing in Comparative Perspective." And yet, the gerontology concentration actually comprises a majority of the coursework, exploring topics ranging from neuropsychology and nutrition to exercise testing and communication in aging.
Thanks for reading our ranking of the 20 top cheap online gerontology master's programs!


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This Disastrous Election Ad Lampoons 'Top Gun' and Fails Miserably
Drew Weisholtz Published: September 20, 2017
Dan Helmer for Congress, YouTube
There's no such thing as bad publicity. Well, maybe there is.
Army veteran Dan Helmer is a Democrat running for Congress in Virginia, determined to unseat Republican incumbent Barbara Comstock. There's a crowded field of Democrats, so how do you rise above the noise and make yourself stand out. You make a campaign ad that is so bizarre it goes viral.
Helmer did just that, appearing in this spot that's a take on the popular scene in Top Gun where Tom Cruise serenaded Kelly McGillis with the Righteous Brothers' "You've Lost That Lovin' Feeling" (you can see that below).
Helmer's commercial has been panned, but, as The Daily Beast points out, it "is so bad it might just be genius-level good." That's because the ad has made the rounds and gotten Helmer's name out there. Sure, you may think this spot is terrible, but it's merely a vehicle to discover what he's all about.
Whether the ad pays off remains to be seen. In the meantime, check out the beating (with a sprinkling of support) Helmer is taking on social media, which is infinitely better than taking a beating at the polls.
Source: This Disastrous Election Ad Lampoons 'Top Gun' and Fails Miserably
Filed Under: Comedy
Categories: Articles, News, Videos
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JACKASS' Steve-O is Coming to Cedar Rapids
Comedian Nate Bargatze is Coming to Cedar Rapids
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There Are a Ton of Well-Known Comedians Coming to Iowa in 2022 [LIST]
Comedian Chelsea Handler Coming to Cedar Rapids
A Bunch of Comedians are Headed to Iowa These Next Few Months
Those "Whose Line is it Anyway?" Guys Are Coming To Cedar Rapids


i don't know what to say.. i just know that i am not at all feeling good.. i start crying after every hour.. i m an office going girl and i m not at all giving even my 10% to the work.. whole day i m just lost in thought.. i can't even sleep properly.. daily i sleep while crying and wakeup crying.. before i have 100s of frnds.. every day i talk to many frnds hangout with them but now i don't even give a reply to any of them.. who was my bestfrnds before now i just hate them.. i even had avery very bad breakup and i know the main problem is my breakup only.. i loved that guy alot.. like if he is happy i m happy if even for few sec he is sad my whole day becmes the worst one.. if he is with me i the happiest girl in the world.. i dance party means enjoy whole day but whenever he fights with me i feel like killing my self.. but know i m done been sad.. i want to feel happy again.. but everytime i try been happy i just fail.. i just miss him alot..????????
i don't know what to say.. i just know that i am not at all feeling good.. i start crying after every hour.. i m an office going girl and i m not at all giving even my 10% to the work.. whole day i m just lost in thought.. i can't even sleep properly.. daily i sleep while crying and wakeup crying.. before i have 100s of frnds.. every day i talk to many frnds hangout with them but now i don't even give a reply to any of them.. who was my bestfrnds before now i just hate them.. i even had avery very bad breakup and i know the main problem is my breakup only.. i loved that guy alot.. like if he is happy i m happy if even for few sec he is sad my whole day becmes the worst one.. if he is with me i the happiest girl in the world.. i dance party means enjoy whole day but whenever he fights with me i feel like killing my self.. but know i m done been sad.. i want to feel happy again.. but everytime i try been happy i just fail.. i just miss him alot..
yes dr. i m here..
You want to start our call now?
So you not happy because of all this?
yes ma'am i m not happy bcoz of all this..
And what happened with your friends ??
my childhood bestfrnd left me when i had my breakup bcoz she thinks ki week people do breakups and all.. and i don't know how to handle things so she just left.. that she thinks ki i will even gonna leave her as i left my bf..
Whatever her reason is xxxx... Don't you think that probably you need to let go her and respect her decision?
i tried doing that.. its been 3 month dr. i m just not feeling good.. every day i miss both of them hell alot.. bcoz before my breakup i used to talk to them daily.. and i used to be the happiest soul alive.. for me world used to be beautiful.. but now as both of them are not with me.. i just hate evrything.. and yes i asked for breakup but i miss himm.. in this 3 months we have talked several times bcoz day without talking to him is a big nightmare for me.. so i used to msg him.. and even he do that sometime.. but with my bestfrnd i never even know where she is.. not for onces i have seen her talked to her..
everyone says moveon xxxx u have so many frnds.. u can overcme this.. but no one trys to understnd me..
xxxx you tell me what all you tried?
i started taking classes.. and i even joined yoga class.. my office is going on.. i changed my place.. i changed phone.. so that i just don't have any photos of themm..
i have been dating him for 4 years.. and 4 years is a long time right.. the least u can expect from your partner is that he trust you and share everything with you what is going on in his life.. he was in big problem and he never said anything about it to me.. and problem was financial issues.. he was not having money and something like that.. and when i cme to know about it.. i asked him that why he had not told me anything.. he said he thinks i will never understand bcoz i can't face that problem anytime in my life.. actually my father is so rich and he is from middle class family.. so i used to give him alot of gift means what ever he wants and he never gifted me anything.. and everyday he used to say xxxx ki me kuch nhi deskta tujhe toh please chod mt dena mujhe and i was like ki i have everything i just want you.. i don't want your money..
i was like stop it.. if i only want money i would have never dated u..
so i said we can't be in a relationship where the boy just not trust me at all..
You thought from long term perspective?
Don't you think that's a good decision on your end ?
i everytime think of long term result with him.. bcoz i really want him to be my future.. but life took a big u-turn..
i don't know that decision was good or not..
yes i will face them all.. every day..
but everyone said i did wrong.. i should have given him time..
dr. i was his gf.. if he is not opened with me then whom he want in his life..
i too don't want to think what everyone says.. but u only tell me na that how can i help myself when 24/7 everyone is coming and saying xxxx tune galt kia.. and ab ro mt.. ab sad mt ho.. listen to it every single day it is making me more weak..
dr. u know what.. i am having a joined family.. since my birth i have never been alone for even a single min.. like i don't know how to eat food sitting alone.. every min i have some one to share things with.. but for futher studies i cme to xxxx.. and here for one year i was so happy.. enjoying every min of my day.. but then people started showing me what the bad world is.. i have never seen that before.. u will not belive it i tried to kill myself 2 times.. bcoz here in xxxx people are so bad when it cmes to frndship.. bht that time i was having my bf and my bestfrnd by my side.. and actually my bf saved me.. and know he is just not with me.. he changed pune changed him too.. and i m left with those people bcoz of whom i tried to commite sucide..
and again they r showlly killing me.. by there actions and thoughts..
i don't want to learn it.. my family says that u r never alone.. i have a big family.. they all are crazy people.. even someone will meet them for onces na he or she will fall in love with them.. if they can be so good.. why not frnds can remain the same..
before xxxx i don't remember when was the last time i cried.. and here in xxxx now i don't remember when was the last time i laughed..
dr. i love my family.. but i don't have them here.. they r way far.. i want people physically to be with me.. to be happy.. and that's why i make new frnds.. to becme happy.. but no..
dr. may i ask you somthing..
can u pls help me with how smeone can be happy with themself.. like 24 hours u have to be with yourself.. and be happy.. you don't have people to share things with them.. you don't have people to share you small small happiness and saddness with.. you don't have someone to talk about how was your day.. you don't have someone to share your food with.. you don't have someone to go and have party ya to share your random stupid cute thoughts with.. like how is that possible..
how can someone be happy with this..
and that is the reason i m going home.. so that atleast for a weekend i can again feel loved..
yess i think i can try that.. and i m sorry for being rude to you.. just some bad thoughts made me do that.. i m really sorry dr.
and i will talk to them.. i don't now what will happen nextbut i now that i need them badly..
thanku so much dr. thanku for listening..
I hope you have the answers you were looking for, do check in with me tomorrow if any new questions come up.


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text:
Q: DNS and Registrar If I set up a DNS server at let's say my house, like with a Windows server. Would I be able to get a .com domain  that will work with my games like Minecraft or TF2? Or do I still have to pay for a registrar? I have been wondering this question for a long time.

A: You could set up a DNS server at home that would have an authoritative record for your domain name. You would still have to pay a registrar for a domain name. A registrar must be accredited by the top level domain registry. In the current system new registrars must pay 4,000USD plus a variable fee totaling 3,800,000USD.

A: No. Just because you can install a DNS server on your computer doesn't mean you will be able to get authority over an Internet domain name. Internet domains have to be "rented" in 1 to 10 year contracts - even Google and Facebook must renew theirs. As long as you keep renewing before it expires you can use it indefinitely.
If you decide to get a domain name, make sure to use a registrar that also provides free DNS service. You don't want to be running a DNS server on the same computer that is running the game server, you want your DNS service to have some form of redundancy and fault tolerance, i.e. at least 2 machines with  2 different Internet connections, geographically dispersed preferably.
For games that have an in-game server browser(i.e. TF2) there really isn't a reason to link a public domain name to it since they will allow you to set the hostname in the game's server configuration.


text:
JOHN ADAMS, Autograph Letter Signed, as President, to Tristram Dalton, March 30, 1798, Philadelphia, [Pa.] 2 pp., 8 x 9⅞ in.
A wistful letter to a boyhood friend in which Adams mentions some guileful political colleagues and laments the "popular Passions of the times" and the general neglect of his political writings. "The Difficulty of leading or guiding Millions, by any means but Power and Establishments can be known only to those who have tried Experiments of it."
JAMES MADISON, Newspaper. The Repertory, March 14, 1809. Boston, Massachusetts: John & Andrew W. Park. 4 pp., 13¼ x 20¼ in.
"Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality."
When President Thomas Jefferson followed George Washington's example and declined to seek a third term, he selected James Madison as his successor. Reflecting challenges within his own party, Madison won the Presidency over fellow Democratic-Republican DeWitt Clinton, who was endorsed by some state Federalist parties, by a narrow margin.
Item #30001.61, $795
ANDREW JACKSON, Newspaper. Niles' Weekly Register, March 7, 1829. Baltimore, Maryland: Hezekiah Niles & Son. 16 pp. (17-32), 6¼ x 9⅞ in.
"As long as our Government is administered for the good of the people, and is regulated by their will; as long as it secures to us the rights of person and of property, liberty of conscience and of the press, it will be worth defending...."
Andrew Jackson's election in 1828 over incumbent John Quincy Adams marked an end to the "Era of Good Feelings," as Jackson's supporters became the Democratic Party, while those who supported Adams became the National Republicans. In March 1829, Jackson became the first president to take the oath of office on the East Portico of the U.S. Capitol. His inaugural address promised to respect the rights of states and the constitutional limits on the presidency.
Front-Page Printing of William Henry Harrison's Deadly Inaugural Address
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Newspaper. National Intelligencer, March 6, 1841. Washington, D.C.: Gales & Seaton. 4 pp., 18 x 23¼ in.
"If there is one measure better calculated than another to produce that state of things so much deprecated by all true republicans, by which the rich are daily adding to their hoards and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic currency...."
On a cold, wet day, March 4, 1841, President Harrison delivered the longest inaugural address in history. Harrison wrote the entire speech himself, though it was edited by his soon-to-be Secretary of State, Daniel Webster. Webster said afterwards that in the process of editing the text, he had "killed seventeen Roman proconsuls." Contracting pneumonia, Harrison became the first president to die in office 31 days after delivering this address. His vice president John Tyler became the new president and served out Harrison's term.
In an 8,460-word address, printed here on the front page of the National Intelligencer, Harrison presents a detailed statement of the Whig agenda and a repudiation of the populism and policies of Democratic Presidents Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. Harrison promises to reestablish the Bank of the United States, to issue paper currency, to use his veto power sparingly, and to appoint qualified officers of government in contrast to the spoils system that Jackson heralded. He favors term limits, limits on the powers of the presidency, and devotion to the nation rather than party. Harrison avoids specifics on the divisive issue of slavery, which in theory he might have opposed, but of which he was in practice a staunch defender.
[JOHN QUINCY ADAMS], Newspaper. Western Monitor, August 7, 1821. Lexington, Kentucky: William Gibbes Hunt. Issue owned by John Quincy Adams; Report on Adams-Onís Treaty of 1819. 4 pp, 14½ x 20½ in.
This issue contains an inside page report of the U.S. taking possession of Florida from Spain under the terms of the Adams-Onís Treaty of 1819. This issue was owned by, delivered to, and read by John Quincy Adams (the "Adams" in the Adams-Onís Treaty) when Adams was the Secretary of State in the James Monroe administration. "Hon. John Q. Adams" is written in contemporary brown iron gall ink in the top blank margin on the front page, indicating that this issued was delivered to Adams while he was serving as Secretary of State.
Andrew Jackson Covers for His West Point Dropout Grandnephew
ANDREW JACKSON, Autograph Endorsement Signed with Initials, January 17, 1836. On RENÉ E. DE RUSSY, Autograph Letter Signed, to Andrew Jackson, West Point, January 12, 1836. 3 pp., 8 x 10 in.
"have all debts paid & draw on me for amount"
Andrew Jackson Dockets a Report from His Nephew on the Hermitage and Middle Tennessee Roads
ANDREW JACKSON, Autograph Endorsement Signed with Initials, ca January 1837. On ANDREW JACKSON DONELSON, Autograph Letter Signed, to Andrew Jackson, January 22, 1837. 4 pp., 8 x 10 in.
[CIVIL WAR], Partially Printed Document Signed by James M. Smith, countersigned by Jerome B. Parmenter, and Captain Joseph H. Allen. Richmond, Virginia, October 18, 1864. 1 p., 8 x 12½ in. With printed envelope restating affidavit's claim on the outside.
Herbert Hoover - Rare Signed Inaugural Address
HERBERT HOOVER, Printed Document Signed, March 4, 1929. A rare large-print copy of his inaugural address. 21 pp., 9 x 12 in.
"We have emerged from the losses of the Great War and the reconstruction following it with increased virility and strength. From this strength we have contributed to the recovery and progress of the world. What America has done has given renewed hope and courage to all who have faith in government by the people."
Herbert Hoover Drafts Note, and Fredtjof Nansen Sends Letter to Vladimir Lenin, Trying to Get Lenin to Accept Food Aid for Starving Russians During the Russian Civil War
HERBERT HOOVER, Autograph Note, undated [April, 1919]. Cover sheet: "Draft note (undated) / Dr. Nansen to Lenin in / Mr. Hoover's handwriting." 1 p., 8¼ x 10½ in. #24849 With FRIDTJOF NANSEN, Typed Letter Signed, to VLADIMIR LENIN, Paris, France, April 17, 1919. 4 pp., 8¼ x 10¾ in. This compound letter includes Nansen's proposal for Russian relief to the Big Four allied leaders, their response, and his proposal to Lenin. It is a remarkable compilation of the prospects for and obstacles to efforts to ease Russian suffering.
"The Government and peoples whom we represent would be glad to cooperate, without thought of political, military or financial advantage, in any proposal which would relieve this situation in Russia."
To combat starvation in Europe during World War I, President Woodrow Wilson created the United States Food Administration by executive order. Under the direction of Herbert Hoover, it became one of the most efficient and successful governmental initiatives in American history. More than 5 million Russians died of starvation before food aid was allowed in 1921.
John Quincy Adams Scathing Anti-Masonic Letter After the Murder of a Prominent Anti-Mason Who Threatened to Reveal their Secrets
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, Autograph Letter Signed as Congressman, to Stephen Bates. Washington, D.C., April 1, 1833. 3 pp. 8 x 9¾ in.
"To all members of the Masonic fraternity, who entered it before the murder of Morgan I would extend the most liberal Toleration. Most of them took the Oaths without reflecting upon what they imported….Now the case is otherwise. How they can now take or administer the cutthroat Oath to keep Secret, what all the world knows, I cannot comprehend."
In the wake of the murder of William Morgan, a prominent anti-Mason who had threatened to reveal the society's secrets, John Quincy Adams requested the return of an old letter. Considering the political climate, Adams thought the letter would reflect poorly on its now-deceased recipient, as well as expose Adams, a prominent opponent of Freemasonry, to public criticism for having supported a man he knew to be of good character who also happened to be a Mason. The former president, now in Congress, goes on to explain his political support for anti-Masonry, one of the first third-party political movements in the United States.
The Border Ruffian Code in Kansas
[BLEEDING KANSAS], Pamphlet. The Border Ruffian Code in Kansas. [New York: Tribune Office. 1856.] 15, [1] pp. Concludes with full page (8.75 x 5.75 in.) map, "Freedom and Slavery, and the Coveted Territories."
This tract provides an example of the laws "notoriously forced upon the people of that Territory, at the hands of invading ruffians from Missouri, using the persuasive arguments of the Bowie-Knife and Revolver...." Included are the three Presidential platforms for the 1856 election, and a special map: "Freedom and Slavery, and the Coveted Territories," printed on the last page.
Franklin Roosevelt Orders Books on Naval Battles, New York, and Ladies
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, Autograph Notes filling out bookseller's printed postcard order form, October 28, 1924, 1 p.
Both Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt were avid readers. With this postcard, the future president orders three books from Pierce & Scopes, Booksellers and Importers, in Albany, New York.
Andrew Jackson Dockets a Letter on Redecorating the Hermitage, Refusing to Apologize to the French, and Bringing Home Indemnification Money Due from France to America
ANDREW JACKSON, Autograph Endorsement Signed with Initials, ca. June 1835. On HENRY TOLAND, Autograph Letter Signed, to Andrew Jackson, May 29, 1835. 4 pp., 7¾ x 10 in.
"where no apology is due, you are the very last man on earth to make one…. In the present state of Exchange in this Country, I am sure that 2 to 4 % might be made out of the money instead of paying one half per Cent to Rothschilds to bring it here" (Toland to Jackson)
Anti-Jackson Broadside in Highly Contested
ANDREW JACKSON, Broadside. A Brief Account of Some of the Bloody Deeds of General Jackson, Philadelphia?, 1828. 15¼ x 21 in. 1 p.
BENJAMIN OWEN TYLER, Broadside, Drawn by Tyler and engraved by Peter Maverick, [Washington, D.C., 1818]. 1 p., 23⅞ x 31 in., archivally framed to approx. 32 x 40 in.
"In Congress, July 4th 1776. The Unanimous Declaration of the thirteen United States of America."
Registration for FDR's Customized
1936 Ford Phaeton—Signed as President
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, Document Signed as President.
Roosevelt's Ford Phaeton was customized with special hand controls that allowed the polio-stricken president to drive under his own power without using his legs. The car is now at the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library and Museum.
JOHN TYLER, Autograph Letter Signed and Autograph Manuscript Signed several times in the third person. Sent to S. Cunningham, from Sherwood Forest, October 12, 1850, 1 p., 9⅜ x 7¼ in. on blue paper marked "Private," being the cover letter for the manuscript, written for anonymous publication: "The fugitive slave bill and Commissioner Gardiner," [ca. October 12, 1850], 2 pp., 9⅜ x 7⅞ in. on blue paper.
In the first fugitive slave law case, which came before his cousin Commissioner Gardiner: "The fugitive was promptly dealt by and restored to his owner in Baltimore. Mr. Gardiner has proven himself to be a faithful public servant, an honest man, and a Patriot. And yet, by a certain class of Editors in New York he is sneered at…"
Tyler criticizes two NY editors in particular: "Now what jackasses are Mssrs Herricks and Ropes… These would-be somethingarians [a colloquialism, usually used as an insult] in the first place, deem it a matter of censure in a judge, to execute the law—and, in the next they show their ignorance … by ascribing to Mr. Tyler under their witty soubriquet of Captain (a title he is well content to wear since he enjoyed it during the war of 1812 with Great Britain)…"
GEORGE WASHINGTON, Autograph Manuscript, Pages 27-28, 35-36, and 47-48 of Washington's own draft of his undelivered inaugural address. [written ca. January 1789]. 6 pp. on 3 leaves, 7 x 9 in.
"This Constitution, is really in its formation a government of the people"
George Washington understood that the new government's success, as had the Constitutional Convention's, rested squarely on his shoulders. He also knew that everything he did as the first president would set precedents for future generations. He wrote privately about the promise, ambiguity, and tension of high office, and these same themes are woven throughout his original, undelivered inaugural address. Would the government work as intended, or suffer death from a thousand cuts? Still, the former Commander in Chief recognized the nation's potential, as well as the honorable men who had come together to build the Constitution.
The three unique leaves—six pages—offered here are written entirely in Washington's hand. They include assertions that government power is derived from the people, and a highly significant section of the Address explicitly arguing that the Constitution is subject to amendment and, by implication, advocating the adoption of the Bill of Rights. They also include the oratorical climax of the address—arguably the most visionary and impassioned passage of the address.
Claims that First Republican Presidential Candidate is Foreign Born & Ineligible
[STEPHEN H. BRANCH], Broadside. Important! to the Public ... The Republican Candidate for the Presidency, John C. Fremont, of Foreign Birth. Ogdensburgh, N.Y. October 31, 1856. 1 p. 10½ x 7½ in. Foxing, some paper remnants on verso.


Hang on to your butts, because it's time for some pandering 90s nostalgia. Did you hear that? 90S NOSTALGIA. Put that in your SEO and smoke it.
As one of those dreaded children of the 90s (sort of? I vaguely remember seeing A Goofy Movie in theaters), I grew up during the heyday of Nickelodeon cartoons. Shows like Rocko's Modern Life and Hey Arnold were well above my maturity level. However, we deserved these shows. We were smart enough and brave enough for them. After all, this was America before it started canceling movies.
Anyway, kids shows can teach a lot of valuable lessons that don't actually make sense until much later in life. There is something special about Rugrats, a cartoon about rebellious talking babies, that used to strike such a cord with me. In Rugrats, the Pickles family was Jewish. Well they were half-Jewish. "Just the good half," as my man Henry Hill would say.
While Judaism was not a typical topic of conversation in the Pickles household, the show brought it up at all the right times. This came in the form of two very memorable holiday specials: A Rugrats Passover and A Rugrats Chanukah. I like to complain that there aren't nearly enough Hanukkah stories out there. While Hanukkah isn't that important of a holiday, it can still feel lonely to be a Jew on Christmas, so a little consolation would be nice. You see, there are a lot of Jews working in Hollywood, as Mel Gibson might tell you. Unfortunately, a lot of those Jews aren't telling very Jewish stories. That is why it was so nice to see how generous Rugrats was with its Jewishness.
Not to mention, while Hanukkah is a pretty simple holiday, a lot of non-Jews still don't seem to completely understand it. "So like, if it's about candles… then why do you get presents?" I don't know, your holiday is about the birth of Jesus, yet you decorate trees. All holiday traditions are a little bit weird. That is what makes them so special. It is the slightest bit comforting that A Rugrats Chanukah was the first exposure to both the holiday and the religion for many people. But it also gave a lot of Jewish kids a chance to see their life on television. With this and Eight Crazy Nights, it seems like only cartoons know how to handle Hanukkah. Step it up, Hollywood, I want to see Home for the Challah Days already.


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Generally cloudy. High 42F. Winds N at 5 to 10 mph..
Partly cloudy skies early will give way to cloudy skies late. Low 27F. Winds NNE at 5 to 10 mph.
OSU's Sydnie Ziegler during the Big 12 Championship match against Baylor, at Totusek Arena in Stillwater, OK, on March 30, 2019.
Logan Biggins/O'Colly
Oklahoma State equestrian team announces schedule for 2019-20 season.
Ryan Novozinsky, Sports Reporter, @ryannovo62
The Oklahoma State equestrian team released its schedule for the 2019-20 season Monday morning.
The Cowgirls begin their season with a tournament in the Volunteer State as they take on the hosts; UT-Martin, and Auburn on Sept. 19-20. The Lady Tigers will be the first true test of the season as they are the defending national champions.
Following the road trip to Tennessee, Larry Sanchez's squad will welcome non-conference opponent South Dakota State to Totusek Arena on Sept. 27. Other non-conference foes that will face off against the Pokes in Stillwater are South Carolina on Nov. 23 and Texas A&M on Feb. 22.
Other non-conference opponents this season include SMU and California at Davis. The Cowgirls will travel to Davis, California on Oct. 26 and to on Feb. 8.
Big 12 Conference play for the Pokes begins on Oct. 18 when the Cowgirls welcome Baylor to Stillwater. Immediately after this, the team will travel to Fresno, California to face Fresno State. Following this California road trip, the Cowgirls will go down to Texas to battle another Big 12 rival, the TCU Horned Frogs, on Nov. 8.
The Cowgirls will finish Big 12 play with rematches against TCU (Feb. 15), Baylor (March 7) and Fresno State (March 14).
The Big 12 Championship will be held on March 27-28 in Waco, Texas
The NCEA National Championship is April 15-18 and will also be in Waco.


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Catalina Chavarria, 94, of Alpine, died Wednesday, Aug. 20, 2008, at Alpine Valley Care Center.
Rosary was recited at 7 p.m. Friday, Aug. 22, at Our Lady of Peace Catholic Church. Funeral Mass was celebrated at 10 a.m. Saturday, Aug. 23 at the church with Father Mike Alcuino officiating. Alpine Memorial Funeral Home handled arrangements.
Mrs. Chavarria was born on March 23, 1914, in Terlingua to Felipa and Jose Tucker (Tucar). She was a homemaker.
Survivors include two daughters, Elidia Polanco and Juanita C. Lee, both of Alpine, and a son, Bobby Chavarria of Fort Stockton; nine grandchildren, 24 great-grandchildren and a great-great-grandchild.


120km of insidious sandy tracks as dunes dominate the agricultural lands of El Menia. None of the pilots were expecting such an intense day when they set off this morning.
A short SS, one worthy of the famous stages of the Paris-Dakar that used to take place here - once again proving that the Sahari Rally is not a joke. After a very quick, brief plateau, the route led to a large loop of high and steep dunes.
The expectation was the dunes would be more compact at the start of the day, but these immediately were discovered to be crumbly and almost unconquerable. After the first tiresome crossing of the shorter side, the route featured another fast track, and few passages through rocky canyons, and finally back to the dunes.
These dunes were to be crossed length-wise along the peaks for about 23km. To complicate the situation further, a handful of WP masqués were perfidiously distributed on the tops of the highest dunes.
In the magnificent dunes between the first and second round of cars, a city-like traffic jam occurred. Due to the proximity of El Menia, a myriad of supporters came down, lending a hand at digging and suggesting routes to get escape the chaos.
The day proved to be challenging for the motorcycles too, especially for those with heavy twin cylinder bikes. Alessandro Ruoso made it out quite fast, while Alessandro Madonna and his Teneré struggled a bit more. British Salt Lee, on the other hand, was in real trouble. It was truly an effort to convince his Africa Twin Adventure to make it up the dunes, and he arrived back at the bivouac in a terrible mood.
A few of the Italian participants did not make it onto the track today – Gianluca Grassi was still recovering from yesterday's fall; Matteo Olivetto encountered gearbox failure; and Stefano Turchi did not compete due to temporary poorliness. Paolo Ceci started out in a sprint but broke a third wheel and finished the stage very late and behind.
In the moto category, Algerian Sied Ali Mahammdi took home the first place, with Portuguese Alexandre Azinhais and Italian Livio Metelli respectively behind in second and third place. Alessandro Ruoso is first in the general rankings with 17.02 minute advantage. Englishman Jonathan Blackburn is behind, with Laurent Weibel of France in third place.
In the auto category, it's an all-Algerian podium, the winning equipe is Bnenmansour-Bnenmansour, followed by Larbi-Bennerrouzi, and then Benmansour-Nour.
In the general rankings for auto, the great Algerian champion Fodil Allahoum, with Giacomo Tognarini navigating, remain at the top. Paolo Ceci and Sara Bioli have also maintained their lead in the general rankings for the SSVs.
ALESSANDRO MADONNA: I didn't understand today's sand right away and I got stuck a few times, but I got all the WP.
JONATHAN BLACKBURN: It was a great day. The navigation was very difficult, but it was very fun. We crossed some beautiful places. I hope I got all the WP.
ALESSANDRO RUOSO: I fell on a large dune and the pilots behind me caught up and we did a part of the track together. Jonathan and I alternated for a part of the way, then we separated. I tried to stay on the CAP rather than the tracks. Aside from a few falls in the sand, it all went well. I thought I wouldn't make it out of the sand a couple of times though. With my bike, it's double the effort, but today was difficult for everyone.
LIVIO METELLI: Today's stage was worthy of the Dakar. A short stage, but a very challenging one too. We went from fast tracks to small dunes, to mountain-like dunes. The WP were on the top of the dune, hard to get because it was difficult to see the slopes and the shadows. I think today was the best stage of all.
PAOLO CECI: We punctured three wheels and didn't have any spares, so we went on with the wheels as they were. We had to leave the track and get back in to make it to the arrival point. We hope we'll be more lucky tomorrow.
FODIL ALLAHOUM: A great stage, but I must say that Algerians don't know sportsmanship. Helping each other out is the basis of rally-raids. Here, however, it seems like we're at war. In my first Dakars in Africa, when Thierry Sabine was still competing, we'd always stop to help out other contestants. It seems like here there is dislike between the Algerians who seems to not have understood the spirit of this sport.