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text:
Reforming Ukraine After the Revolutions
Article/Op-Ed in the New Yorker
Joshua Yaffa wrote an article for the New Yorker on the promise, hope, and frustration of Maidan, and post-revolutionary Ukraine's incomplete process of reform, told from the perspective of two journalists-turned-politicians:
When Sergii Leshchenko was at university, in Ukraine, he dreamed of working in television news. He is the son of two Soviet-trained engineers, and grew up in Kiev, where he studied journalism. He aspired to become an on-air correspondent, but his speech was mumbly and imprecise. After an unsuccessful summer internship at a local news channel, in 2000, he heard that a new online publication, Ukrayinska Pravda, was desperately looking for reporters; in recent weeks, nearly all the staff had quit, fed up with low pay and worn down by pressure from authorities. His interview took place in a cramped and sparsely furnished three-room apartment, where he was met by the site's founder and editor-in-chief, Georgiy Gongadze, a thirty-one-year-old reporter. Gongadze regularly received threats from Ukrainian officials because of his muckraking investigations. The power was out in the apartment, so Leshchenko and Gongadze sat in darkness. After a few minutes, Gongadze told him that he could start right away.
Two weeks after Leshchenko began work, Gongadze disappeared. "I thought maybe he wandered off somewhere, went on a bender," Leshchenko recalled recently. "He could have met a girl, gone to L'viv, or maybe Georgia." Two months later, Gongadze's body was found in a forest outside Kiev. He had been decapitated, his body doused in chemicals and burned. Leshchenko had never expected journalism to be a deadly profession, but now that it was it didn't seem right to do anything else. "There was no going back," he said.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Reaction to Real Madrid coach Zidane's departure
Reuters , Thursday 31 May 2018
In this file photo taken on June 05, 2017 Real Madrid's French coach Zinedine Zidane is tossed by players as they celebrate the team's win, at the Santiago Bernabeu stadium after winning the UEFA Champions League football match final Juventus vs Real Madrid. (Photo: AFP)
Zidane's departure leaves big questions for Real
Zidane steps down as Real Madrid coach
Zinedine Zidane announced on Thursday that he is stepping down as Real Madrid coach, less than a week after leading the Spanish club to a third straight Champions League triumph.
The following is reaction to his departure.
Sergio Ramos, Real Madrid captain, tweeted:
"Boss, as a player and now as a coach, you went out at the top. Thanks for two and a half years of football, hard work, warmth and friendship. You're leaving but your legacy will forever remain. It's one of the most successful periods in the history of our beloved Real Madrid."
Cristiano Ronaldo, Real Madrid and Portugal forward, wrote on Instagram:
"I'm just proud of being your player. Mister, thanks for so much."
Karim Benzema, Real Madrid and France striker, tweeted:
"I did not have the pleasure of playing with you brother. But I had the immense honour to have you as a coach.
"So I thank you from the bottom of my heart for all that you have given and brought to me. Good (luck for the future) to you and yours and maybe see you soon."
Isco, Real Madrid and Spain midfielder, tweeted:
"It's been an honour to work with you, to learn from you every single day and to win things together. You've managed to make this team historic, I wish you the best of luck."
Toni Kroos, Real Madrid and Germany midfielder:
"Gracias Mister! It's been a pleasure!," Kroos tweeted along with a picture showing him sharing a moment with Zidane on the touchline.
Marcelo, Real Madrid and Brazil defender, tweeted:
"Boss Zizou. I've learned so much at your side! I enjoyed every training session like a little kid, each piece of advice. You're very special to me.
"You've made history with your work, dedication, passion and above all humility. Thanks boss."
Dani Carvajal, Real Madrid and Spain defender, tweeted:
"Zidane, just thank you for these 2 and a half years as our coach, you have been an amazing professional like all your staff. I have learned a lot as a player and person at your command. I wish you the best and again."
Lucas Vazquez, Real Madrid and Spain midfielder, tweeted:
"It's been a real pleasure to play under your tutelage. You're a legend as a player and now also as a coach. It's been an honour to learn and win by your side, I wish you the best. Thanks, and see you soon."
Casemiro, Real Madrid and Brazil midfielder, tweeted:
"I have no words to thank you for everything you've done for this team, and for Real Madrid as a club. It's been an honour and a privilege to have had my idol as my coach. I'm eternally grateful Zizou."
Ramon Calderon, former Real Madrid president, told Sky Sports:
"It's really a shock. He's leaving when he cannot do any better. Winning three Champions Leagues in a row is going to be very difficult in the future for any coach of any team. This job is very demanding. He did a good job but we have to accept his position."
Germany team manager Oliver Bierhoff told a news conference:
"Zidane seemed to want to enjoy it when I saw his body language during the CL (Champions League) final. I also thought: 'Is he thinking about it, is he thinking of leaving'.
"It's good that the German (football) association extended (their contract) with (coach) Joachim Loew because there are not many top coaches out there.
"Zidane leaves a big legacy but Real will continue to have the demand to win the Champions League. I am really curious to see who they will find to replace him."
Russian side Zenit St Petersburg tweeted that they were glad to have appointed Sergei Semak as their manager this week.
"Shocked by the news about Zidane leaving @realmadriden, but luckily we snapped up Sergey Semak on Tuesday so hands off Real! #Relieved."
La Liga president, Javier Tebas, tweeted:
"I want to thank Zinedine Zidane for his great work and the enormous talent he's left behind at Real Madrid.
"His words suggesting the La Liga title was the greatest triumph of his coaching career are a great recognition to this competition, it's the best in the world."
Bixente Lizarazu, Zidane's former Bordeaux and France team mate, said:
"I fell off my chair. Maybe he felt he did all he could with this team because he is a perfectionist, who wants to help his team improve and after three Champions League titles it was hard to go further."
World number one tennis player Rafa Nadal, who is a Real Madrid fan, told reporters:
"Of course was a surprise for everybody, no? But at the same time, Zidane is a top person.
"He deserve to choose what's better for him. For my side, I just can say thanks for all the things that he did for Madrid. I hope will be back."


The Coral Cutter Midi by Aqua Medic is about 18 cm long and equipped with a straight edge. It is thus ideally suited for medium to thicker coral branches. The price performance ratio is very good considering the high quality material selection. The stainless steel tool finds application in the propagation of hard corals with which coral branches can be cut precisely without damaging the sensitive coral tissue more than necessary. So that the tool survives contact with salt water, Aqua Medic has produced the Coral Cutter series from high quality stainless steel. Nevertheless, a rinse with fresh water and brief drying after use is recommended.


PRDnationwide Ballarat is proud to present for lease 201 Ripon Street South, Ballarat Central.
• 5 Bedrooms: 2 bedrooms with built in robes and master with walk in robe.
• 1 Family Bathroom downstairs: Offering shower, bath, vanity and separate toilet.
• 1 Family Bathroom upstairs: Offering shower, vanity & toilet.
• 1x Ensuite: Offering shower, toilet & vanity.
201 Ripon Street South, Ballarat Central VIC 3350 was last sold in 2018 and 1 other 5 bedroom house in Ballarat Central have recently been sold.


When Marriott announced in November, 2015, that it was merging with Starwood to create the world's largest hotel company, it met with mixed reaction from meeting planners. Some worried about diminished competition for their business, while others brushed it aside as having little impact on them.
I initially fell into the latter camp. My view is that supply and demand drive market pricing, and that since the merger wasn't going to affect the supply of hotel meeting space, it wouldn't have much impact on pricing to planners. When demand is strong, like it is in the current seller's market, hotels are able to drive tough deals. When demand weakens, it's the planners calling the shots.
Plus, I've always been a Marriott fan. When I owned my event management firm and we were sourcing venues for clients, all things being equal we preferred Marriott Hotels. The rooms and properties were on par with Hyatt, Hilton and Sheraton, but we found Marriott's service was more consistently planner-friendly.
However a recent conversation with The Capitol Forum, a Washington policy group that analyzes mergers for possible anti-competitive outcomes, turned me around somewhat. They reached out to get my opinion on how the merger would impact meeting planners, and I gave them my reasoning above.
Yet some analysis they sent me was a little unnerving. It turns out that after the merger, Marriott will control more than 50% of the market share in 17 of the top 20 meeting destinations. Think that's a lot? Wait it gets worse. In a half dozen of those markets, Marriott's share will be 65-75%, as shown below.
If you're thinking of hosting a meeting in Scottsdale, does the fact that Marriott will control 73% of the hotels with significant meeting space in the area concern you? How about Marriott controlling 63% of the market in a city the size of Washington, DC? Those are some pretty sobering numbers.
I'm not suggesting Marriott will use this market dominance for collusion, to the planners' disadvantage, but they'd certainly have the numbers to do so. Planners hoping to negotiate against several local properties for their meeting will now have one less major player in the mix.
On the Flip Side . . .
Before we start labeling Marriott as the next 'evil empire' of hospitality, let's bear a few things in mind.
Smart planners already benefit by bundling as much of their business as possible when negotiating, and Marriott's expanded inventory will enable them to accommodate even larger portfolios of planner business.
The merger should not affect meeting hotel inventory, so planners' choices are not really being limited. If Verizon were to merge with AT&T, for example, suddenly there would be one less mobile company to compete for your business. With the Marriott-Starwood merger, however, all of the individual hotels will still be there with their meeting rooms. So the supply side of the equation won't change.
Marriott already had pretty sizable numbers in many of these markets already, as shown in the table above, and there hasn't been much said or written about this adversely affecting planners in any way. When Starwood acquired Sheraton in 1998, we didn't hear much about planner problems either.
Actual collusion on the local level is not so easy to execute. For one thing, Marriott (like many chains) doesn't actually own the vast majority of their hotels. They're paid to manage them, and have to report to individual owners of each property, all of whom have their own unique P&L situations, with their own sales goals, locations, renovation status, and lots of other criteria that would make it difficult to present a unified pricing front with other properties in the same market.
From Marriott's perspective, they're facing a new challenge in the rise of sharing platforms, like Airbnb, opening up vast inventories of lodging options for travelers who might otherwise stay at hotels. Surely this is one of the reasons driving the merger, to enable Marriott to be better positioned to respond to this new threat. Though Airbnb doesn't actually own any properties in it's database, as a whole the platform itself becomes a tremendous potential competitor.
From a meeting planner's perspective, AirBnB has not had a significant impact. Yet. But it's only a matter of time.
The economics of supply and demand will continue to be the primary driver of hotel pricing and competitiveness in the meetings industry, and a bigger Marriott is unlikely to affect the supply end, from an inventory standpoint.
Still, planners with the ability to choose not just the individual property, but the destination itself, would be wise to look at how much of a given market is dominated by the new Marriott. All things being equal, from a negotiating standpoint planners will want to have several viable properties to compete for their business. If too many of those are Marriotts, it's not unreasonable to think you may not get the same level of aggressive bidding as if they were all separate brands. Once the merger is completed, that will be the case in many of the top meeting destinations.
The statement "The merger should not affect meeting hotel inventory, so planners' choices are not really being limited. If Verizon were to merge with AT&T, for example, suddenly there would be one less mobile company to compete for your business. With the Marriott-Starwood merger, however, all of the individual hotels will still be there with their meeting rooms. So the supply side of the equation won't change." is missing some logic in that the bandwidth, what the companies supply will still be there, just less choice in who to get the bandwidth (rooms, meeting space) from.
In some Canadian Cities, it might be even higher than 75%, so yes, there should be some regulatory intervention.


Sounds like a good plan. Best of luck to you in 2016….You deserve a good man smart and sensitive… Wait on God and he will bring him to you. That's an assumption on my part. You may feel totally complete just as you are… Enjoy yourself.


text:
class CreateProblemReportNotes < ActiveRecord::Migration
  def change
    create_table :problem_report_notes do |t|
      t.integer :user_id
      t.integer :problem_report_record_id
      t.datetime :created_date
      t.string :comment

      t.timestamps
    end
  end
end

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Code Vein, the hardcore vampire RPG from Bandai Namco, officially revealed
As promised, Famitsu unleashed the first screenshots and details of Bandai Namco's vampire RPG Code Vein in this week's edition. The game is being created using Unreal Engine 4, and it is being helmed by Producer Keita Iizuka, Director Hiroshi Yoshimura, and Team Leader Yusuke Tomizawa, all members of Bandai Namco's God Eater team.
Gematsu has the full translation over on its website, but I'll pick out the highlights. The game takes place in the future after Earth is ravaged by "thorns of judgment," huge spikes that jet up through the surface of the Earth. Players take on the role of "Revenants," vampire-esque creatures who exist in a closed society called the "Vein."
The game unfolds in a dungeon exploration style, and they will dive into the depths of the Earth to learn more about their fate and also drink a lot of blood.
One of the biggest features of Code Vein is the existence of a "Buddy." When exploring Vein, you can take along a single Buddy. By sharing the sense of accomplishment of defeating strong enemies and overcoming the point of death, that feeling evolves into something special. You'll witness Vein's variety of faces—from mountainous regions enclosed by ice to caves and underground shopping areas—as you travel alongside your Buddy.
A Gift is Revenant's special ability that creates various battle effects using the absorbed blood of enemies. It has various effects, including direct attacks on the enemy, self strengthening, and weakening the enemy. Figuring out how to successfully land blood sucking attacks and when to use Gift in battles against Losts are key to exploring Vein and clearing dungeons.
Looks different from the teaser, butit's still rad as hell
The first screenshots are hardly dripping with the style that Bandai Namco used in the trailer. They carry a bit of the "gleam over anime" look that occurs a lot in JRPGs these days, Valkyria Revolution being the first game to come to mind. That's not to say that the art isn't cool. I'm not really one for flash over substance, but that only applies when the artists don't go totally over the top. Not the case here. These vampires are awesome.
I only hope that Bandai Namco can set it apart from the rest of the action games of the world. I wouldn't want to see it devolve into a musou game or yet another Monster Hunter knock-off.
The best part is that it has a worldwide release date, meaning it will be coming to North America in 2018 as well. No platforms have been announced yet.


text:
from QUANTAXIS.QAPubSub.consumer import subscriber_routing
from QUANTAXIS.QAPubSub.producer import publisher_routing
from qaenv import eventmq_ip
import json

class QAStrategySyncOrders():
    """
    订单同步器
    如何挂实盘账户请看 QATrader
    http://www.yutiansut.com:3000/topic/5dc865e8c466af76e9e3bdd1
    你可以理解成这是一个流处理的过程
    simid  被跟单的策略的id
    realid 实盘账户id
    realamount  实盘账户的订单数量
    """

    def __init__(self, simid, realid, realamount=1):
        self.sub = subscriber_routing(
            exchange='QAORDER_ROUTER', host=eventmq_ip, routing_key=simid)
        self.pub = publisher_routing(
            exchange='QAORDER_ROUTER', host=eventmq_ip, routing_key=realid)
        self.realamount = realamount
        self.realid = realid
        self.simid = simid

    def add_subscriber(self, simid):
        self.sub.add_sub('QAORDER_ROUTER', simid)

    def callback(self, a, b, c, data):
        d = json.loads(data, encoding='utf-8')

        if d['topic'] == 'send_order':

            self.on_order(d)

    def on_order(self, order):
        """在此处理你的订单逻辑
        如果你订阅了多个策略账户 则order['account_cookie']不相同

        Arguments:
            order {[type]} -- [description]
        """
        self.send_order(order)

    def send_order(self, order):

        order['topic'] = 'sendorder'
        order['code'] = order['instrument_id']
        order['account_cookie'] = self.realid
        order['user_id'] = self.realid
        order['volume'] = self.realamount
        order['order_direction'] = order['direction']
        order['order_offset'] = order['offset']
        self.pub.pub(json.dumps(order), routing_key=self.realid)

    def start(self):
        self.sub.callback = self.callback
        self.sub.start()


International Journal of Advances in Engineering & Technology, Sept. 2013.
obtained for the studied load range using E0, E10 maize, E10 potato and E10 cassava, respectively.
range using E0, E10 maize, E10 potato and E10 cassava, respectively.
This file has been shared by a user of PDF Archive. Document ID: 00172460.


Venezuelan national guard troops on Friday (February 22) lined up across the road at the country's border with Brazil, preventing anyone from crossing a day after Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro said he would close the border ahead of opposition plans to bring in humanitarian aid despite his objection. People looking to cross into Venezuela jeered at the troops who prevented them from entering Venezuela. Brazil is going ahead with the airlifting of humanitarian aid for Venezuela despite the impending closure of the border by Venezuelan leftist President Nicholas Maduro, Brazilian presidential spokesman Otavio Rego Barros said on Thursday (February 21). He said the non-perishable food and medicine would be stockpiled in the Brazilian border town of Pacaraima until Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaidó is able to send trucks to pick up the aid.
CALIFORNIA'S GOVERNOR IS REDEPLOYING OVER 3-HUNDRED NATIONAL GUARD MEMBERS.


text:
Toni Jo Henry (* 3. Januar 1916 bei Shreveport als Anna Beatrice McQuiston; † 28. November 1942 in Lake Charles) war eine US-amerikanische Mörderin und die einzige Frau, die im Bundesstaat Louisiana auf dem elektrischen Stuhl hingerichtet wurde.

Leben
Anna Beatrice McQuiston, die in schwierigen sozialen Verhältnissen aufwuchs, war im Alter von 16 Jahren drogenabhängig und prostituierte sich. Später arbeitete sie als Prostituierte in einem Bordell in Shreveport unter dem Spitznamen "Toni Jo". Hier lernte sie 1939 den 26-jährigen Claude Henry kennen, der unter dem Namen "Cowboy Henry" als Preisboxer arbeitete. Am 25. November 1939 heirateten die beiden. Im Januar 1940 wurde Claude Henry von einem Gericht in Texas zu 50 Jahren Freiheitsstrafe wegen Totschlags verurteilt und im Gefängnis in Huntsville (Texas) inhaftiert. Vor der Eheschließung war er an einer Schießerei beteiligt, ein Projektil aus seiner Waffe hatte einen Mann getötet. Er selbst hatte auf Notwehr plädiert.

Zusammen mit dem vorbestraften 23-jährigen Harold Burks plante Toni Jo Henry, ein Auto zu stehlen, eine Bank zu überfallen und anschließend ihren Ehemann aus dem Gefängnis zu befreien. Am 14. Februar 1940 wurde das harmlos wirkende Paar von dem 41-jährigen Joseph P. Calloway per Anhalter mitgenommen. In der Nähe von Lake Charles raubten Henry und Burks unter Androhung von Waffengewalt Calloways Kleidung, Geld und das Auto. Toni Jo Henry befahl Calloway, sich niederzuknien und tötete ihn aus unmittelbarer Nähe mit einem gezielten Revolverschuss ins Gesicht. Harold Burks, der zwar einen Raubüberfall, aber keinen Mord geplant hatte, setzte sich daraufhin ab. Toni Jo Henry ging zu ihrer Tante und legte dort vor der Polizei ein vollumfängliches Geständnis ab.

Am 29. März 1940 wurde sie von einem Gericht in Lake Charles zum Tod durch Hängen verurteilt. Nach einer Revision wurde das Urteil in einem zweiten Hauptverfahren im Februar 1941 bestätigt. Ein erneuter Revisionsantrag wurde im Januar 1942 abgewiesen. Unterdessen war im Staat Louisiana die Hinrichtungsmethode von Hängen zu Elektrokution geändert worden. Da die Todesurteile gegen Toni Jo Henry auf Hängen gelautet hatten, legten ihre Rechtsanwälte Beschwerde gegen die Rechtmäßigkeit einer Vollstreckung durch den elektrischen Stuhl ein. Diese Beschwerde wurde vom Obersten Gerichtshof des Staates abgelehnt. Auch Harold Burks wurde in einem eigenen Prozess zum Tod verurteilt.

Im Gefängnis ließ sich Toni Jo Henry von Gefängnispfarrer Wayne Richard (* 1913; † 2005) taufen und wurde zu einer praktizierenden Katholikin. Am 23. November 1942 unternahm Claude Henry in Texas einen gescheiterten Ausbruchsversuch mit dem Ziel, seine Frau zu befreien. Einen Tag vor der Hinrichtung, am 27. November, durfte Toni Jo Henry mit ihrem Ehemann telefonieren. Dabei forderte sie ihn auf, im Falle einer vorzeitigen Freilassung ein anständiges Leben zu führen. Am 28. November 1942 wurde Toni Jo Henry kurz nach Mittag im Gefängnis von Lake Charles hingerichtet. Es handelte sich nach der Abschaffung des Galgens in Louisiana um die sechste Hinrichtung mit dem elektrischen Stuhl, der vom Gefängnis Angola nach Lake Charles gebracht worden war. Mit demselben elektrischen Stuhl wurde am 23. März 1943 auch Harold Burks hingerichtet.

Claude "Cowboy" Henry wurde nach fünfjähriger Haft Anfang 1945 auf Bewährung aus dem Gefängnis entlassen. Bereits wenige Monate später, am 15. Juli 1945, fand er den Tod bei einer Schießerei.

Medienrezeption
Die Tatsache, dass eine zierliche junge Frau Täterin eines brutalen Raubmords war, führte zu einem gesteigerten Medieninteresse von der Verhaftung bis zur Hinrichtung. Ein wenige Stunden vor der Hinrichtung aufgenommenes Pressefoto, auf dem Toni Jo Henry lächelnd und mit einem weißen Kleid in der Todeszelle zu sehen ist, fand weite Verbreitung in den Zeitungen. Dasselbe gilt für ein Foto, auf dem sie mit einem Kopftuch (vor der Elektrokution werden die Haare der hinzurichtenden Person abrasiert) auf dem Weg zum elektrischen Stuhl zu sehen ist.

Nachdem der Fall über Jahrzehnte weitgehend in Vergessenheit geraten war, setzte nach dem Jahr 2000 eine erneute Rezeption in den Medien ein. Lawrence King (2001) und Norman German (2008) veröffentlichten jeweils einen historischen Roman über den Fall. Der Münchner Musiker und Produzent Lennart produzierte 2008 ein Album mit 18 Titeln über Leben und Tod Toni Jo Henrys. Schirmherr dieses Projektes ist Amnesty International. Ebenfalls 2008 drehte Regisseur Tom Anton unter dem Titel The Pardon einen Spielfilm über den Fall mit Jaime King als Toni Jo Henry sowie T. J. Thyne (als Pfarrer Wayne Richard), Jason Lewis (als Cowboy Henry), John Hawkes (als Harold Burks) und M. C. Gainey. Der Film wurde am 23. Juli 2010 auf dem Stony Brook Film Festival an der Stony Brook University uraufgeführt. Der Film erschien 2013 in Deutschland unter dem Titel "Unforgiven - Das Todesurteil der Toni Jo Henry" auf DVD.

Romane
 Lawrence King: Stone Justice.Casting the Last Stone. 1st Books, Bloomington 2001, ISBN 0-75965-011-X.
 Norman German: A Savage Wisdom. Thunder Rain Publishing, Thibodaux 2008, ISBN 0-96545-696-X.

Musikalbum
Lennart: Toni Jo Henry. Lennart Music, München 2008.

Film
 The Pardon. USA 2013, Regie: Tom Anton.

Weblinks
 Toni Jo Henry, A Love Worth Dying for? Auf capitalpunishmentuk.org (englisch)
 toni-jo.com, Internetseite der Band Lennart über Toni Jo Henry

 Pressefoto: Toni Jo Henry am 28. November 1942, wenige Stunden vor ihrer Hinrichtung, in der Todeszelle
 Pressefoto: Toni Jo Henry mit Kopftuch auf dem Weg zum elektrischen Stuhl (links: Gefängnispfarrer Wayne Richard)

Einzelnachweise

Person (Mordfall)
Prostituierter

Hingerichtete Person (Vereinigte Staaten)
Hingerichtete Person (20. Jahrhundert)
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1916
Gestorben 1942
Frau

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Linglong to launch IPO for tire upgrade project
Jane Ho
European Rubber Journal correspondent
YANTAI, China—Shandong Linglong Tyre Co. Ltd. is set to launch its IPO on the Shanghai Stock Exchange, the company has announced.
Linglong plans to issue up to 200 million shares or up to 16.7 percent of its total shares after issuance with par value of 15 cents per share.
Funding raised through the IPO is earmarked for a $271.4 million high performance passenger radial tire upgrade project with 10 million unit annual capacity as well as cash flow supplements.
The tire maker currently has the capacity to manufacture 41 million units per year.
"The country's auto industry is still at its golden stage and the steady growth of auto production, especially regarding the competitiveness of domestic vehicle makers, will largely boost domestic tire makers' share in the OE market," said the company's prospectus.
China had a 125 car parc per thousand populations at 2015 year-end, well below world average. The country's vehicle production and sales volume grew by 3.3 percent and 4.7 percent, respectively, last year against nationwide economic slowdown.
Besides the upgrade of older facilities, the project, located in Linglong's existing site in Yantai, Shandong, also contains the divesting of 3 million unit annual capacity for bias tires and new facilities for the company's own developed ultra low profile, wet-skid resistant and low noise tires with 8 million unit annual capacity.
Construction is scheduled to be completed in two years and full operation is expected in another two. Annual sales of the project, when in full operation, is pegged at $724.8 million with $85.9 million profit.
Last year Linglong had a 19 percent drop in net profit to $102.9 million on a 15 percent decrease in revenue to $1.36 billion, due to "factors such as global economy and commodity prices" and a fire at its Thailand plant that caused damage to produced tires, said the prospectus.
With the Thailand plant started up in 2013, Linglong's sales to the US picked up by 10 percent in 2015 to $171.9 million, compared to a downslide for most of its Chinese competitors on account of the anti-dumping tariffs. Overseas sales took up 55 percent of the company's total sales last year, stable over the past three years.
Linglong projects similar revenue and net profit in 2016 compared with 2015, and expects to have a total of 80 million unit annual capacity by the end of 2020.
Linglong, Horizon take dispute to court
Chinese tire dispute heads to federal court
Asia-Pacific imports supplant reduced Chinese imports
Chinese tire maker to grow in Thailand
Shandong Yinbao arranging JV in Thailand
Linglong's motion for arbitration denied


text:
Contrasting your claims with the Encyclopedia of Islam
in response to reader comment: Pre-history of Islam
Submitted by zzazzeefrazzee (United States), Jul 2, 2008 at 16:00
Leonard, I took the liberty of posting the entry "al- ʿArab: The Arabs." from the Encyclopedia of Islam. You should carefully read this and contrast it with the claims you posted. If you do so, you will see that they are not to be found. You are most welcome to reply with full citations and sources (including manuscript accession numbers) used by Oaks and Oberoi. Better yet, why not determine the exact entry in Worldcat, so that everyone here can see how they can obtain a copy from the library.
"al- ʿArab: The Arabs."
[Print Version: Volume I, page 524, column 2]
Grohmann, A.; Caskel, W.; Spuler, B.; Spuler, B.; Wiet, G.; Marçais, G. "al- ʿArab." Encyclopaedia of Islam. Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis , C.E. Bosworth , E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2008.
(i) the ancient history of the arabs
(For the ethnic origins of the Arabs cf. al-ʿArab ( Ḏj̲azīrat al-), section on Ethnography, cf. also para ii, below).
The early history of the Arabs is still obscure; their origin and the events governing their early years are equally unknown to us. Probably we would know a good deal more about them, if Uranius' five books of ᾿Αραβικά, which constituted a special monograph on the Arabs, had been preserved. What we know about them is derived chiefly from the Assyrian records, the classical writers, and, as far as the history of the last three centuries before Islam is concerned, from Muslim tradition and some pre-islamic Nabataean and Arabic inscriptions .
Possibly "the Aramaean Bedouins", who in 880 B.C. interfered in the affairs of Bet-Zamāni on the upper Euphrates and helped to overthrow the local vassal of the Assyrian king Assur Naṣirpal, were predecessors of the Arabs. Their anti-Assyrian policy was subsequently followed by the Arabs, who first appear in the light of history in 854 B.C.: Gindibu, the Arab with 1000 camel troops from Aribi territory, joined Bir-ʾidri of Damascus (the biblical Benhadad II) against Salmanassar III at the battle of Ḳarḳar in which, it is said the Asyrian king was successful. Perhaps the camp of Gindibu ¶ was situated somewhere south-east of Damascus . Certainly the bedouin element of the Arabian Peninsula—for which Aram, ʿEber, and Ḵh̲abiru are probably synonyms—was to be found originally in the area which extended between Syria and Mesopotamia and which, including Syria, was the oldest centre of the Semites.
If the hypothesis, presented by F. Hommel (Ethnologie, 550), that the land of Magan corresponds to Arabic Maʿān and forms the starting point for the foundation of the South-Arabian kingdom of Maʿīn, were established—though it would be difficult to prove it—the South-Arabian tribe of the Minaeans must have detached themselves from Arab nomads settled in this country, which had already been included in the Babylonian Empire by Naram-Sin (2320 to 2284 B.C.). The traditional pro-Babylonian policy of the Arabs would, therefore, be understandable because of their old political and cultural relations with Babylonia.
The geographical position of the land of Aribi between Syria and Mesopotamia , and the rôle of the Arabs in the traffic on the commercial routes leading from the Persian Gulf to Syria, from Syria to Egypt and Southern Arabia, and along the Wādī Dawāsir through the highlands of Nad̲j̲d to Maʿīn, influenced historical events in the Near East. The struggle for the possession of these important high roads characterises the course of history during the last two millennia B.C. and the Roman period.
Already in 738 B.C., during the reign of Tiglat-Pilesar III (745 to 726 B.C.), who had occupied Gaza , the terminal point of the "incense" road from Southern Arabia to the Mediterranean Sea, Zabibē, the queen of the Aribi region, sent tribute to the Assyrian king. She probably ruled the oasis of Adumu ( Dūmat al-Ḏj̲andal ) and was high priestess of the Ḳedar tribe, to which the oasis paid tribute. In 734 B.C. Tiglat appointed the Arab Idibaʾil as his representative in the land of Muṣri (Midian and Northern Hid̲j̲az), through which the "incense" road passed, and in 732 B.C. he subdued another queen of Aribi, Samsī—who had apparently joined a coalition of the king of Damascus and several Arab tribes, among them Masʾa (Massa in Genesis xxv, 13 f.), Tema ( Taymāʾ ), Ḵh̲ayappa (ʿEfa, a Midianite tribe in the territory of Ḥesma, east of Taymāʾ ), the Badana (south-east of the oasis of el-ʿElāʾ-Daydān) and Sabʾa (the Sabaeans)—conquered two of her cities and besieged her camp, so that she sent white camels as a tribute; the aforementioned Arab tribes were also compelled to pay tribute, and Idibaʾil (the Adbeʾēl of Genesis xxv, 13), who resided near Gaza , was forced to recognise Assyrian suzerainty. In order to be sure of the loyalty of queen Samsī's land, Tiglat-Pilesar III appointed a resident at her court. As the cities subdued by the Assyrian king were situated on the caravan road in southern Ḥawrān and northern Ḥid̲j̲āz , it is obvious that the object of the struggle was the possession of the northern part of the caravan road from Mārib to Gaza ( G̲h̲azza ). Nevertheless his success in subduing these people was neither complete nor lasting, for in 715 B.C. king Sargon II (722 to 705 B.C.) again defeated the Ḵh̲ayappa as well as the Tamūdi ( T̲h̲amūd , west of the oasis of Taymāʾ ) and the Marsimani ( south of ʿAḳaba ), and Samsī, queen of Aribi, and the Sabaeans are again recorded as paying tribute. In 703 B.C. the Arabs (Yatiʾe was the queen of Aribi) helped the Babylonian king Marduk-apal-iddina against Sennacherib, king of Assyria (705 to 681 B.C.); but the Arab troops were¶ taken prisoner by the Assyrians, and Sennacherib seems to have possessed considerable influence over the Arabs, as Herodotus (ii, 141) calls him "king of the Arabs and Assyrians" (F. Hommel, Ethnologie, 574). In 689 B.C., after the defeat of Babylon , Sennacherib attacked the camps of the Arab clans subject to queen Teʾelk̲h̲unu, routed them and pursued them into the inner desert around Adummatu ( Dūmat al-Ḏj̲andal ). The settlers of this large oasis were dependent upon the Ḳedar tribe which had control over Northern Arabia (the Palmyrene). The queen and priestess of Adummatu, Teʾelk̲h̲unu, and her lieutenant Ḵh̲azaʾil, king of Aribi, had taken refuge here; the latter, after a dispute with the queen, fled into the inner desert, but was pardoned by Assarhaddon, Sennacherib's successor, who recognised him as chief of all the Ḳedar. Ḵh̲azaʾil died in 675 B.C., and his son Uaiteʾ (Yataʾ) succeeded him, paying a heavy tribute to the Assyrian king, who had sent back Teʾelk̲h̲unu's daughter Tabuʾa to Ḵh̲azaʾil as queen and priestess. In 676 B.C. Assarhaddon made an expedition against the Bāzu (Būz) and Ḵh̲azu (Ḵh̲azō) in the depression of the Wādī Sirḥān . When S̲h̲amas̲h̲-s̲h̲um-ukīn, the king of Babylon , revolted against Assurbanipal, the Ḳedar under Uaiteʾ began hostilities against him and plundered the western borders of the country between Ḥamāʾ and Edom, but were driven back to the desert; when they again plundered the Assyrian provinces, they were forced to flee to Ḥawrān , while king Uaiteʾ, expelled by his own subjects, who were enraged by the devastation of their lands during the campaign, was captured and brought to Niniveh. The Nabayati and the Ḳedar, settled in the Palmyrene and south of Damascus , and the Ḥarar in the southern Sirḥān valley were also subdued by Assyrian forces coming from Damascus , while an auxiliary detachment, which fought in Babylon on the side of the Babylonian king, was completely destroyed after the capture of that capital. Aribi and the tribes of the Nabayati and Ḳedar again recognized Assyrian suzerainty. About 580 B.C. the Ḳedar are mentioned as having been subdued by Babylon .
Strenuous efforts had been made during the Assyrian period to restore order in Arabia, but as a whole this was an impossible task. The utmost that could be achieved, was the protection of the important trade routes and the p later (539 B.C.) Arab warriors helped King Cyrus II to take Babylonia (Xenophon, Cyropaedia, vii, 4, 16; v, 13).
When the Near East was annexed to the Achaemenid Empire, the Arabs again furnished camel troops to the Great King of Persia, e.g. to Xerxes (Herodotus, vii, 86), but sometimes the Arabs also joined the kings of Asia Minor in their struggle against Persia; for instance their king Aragdes (or Maragdes, Ḵh̲ārid̲j̲a?) was a confederate of Croesus¶ (Xenophon, Cyropaedia, ii, 1, 5). The "King of the Arabs" mentioned in Herodotus (iii, 4) may be a king of the Liḥyānites (the Laianitai of Agatharchides; the latter had occupied the Northern Ḥid̲j̲āz , i.e. the colony of the Minaeans known as Muṣrān ("border-land") in the land of Midian, with the centre of Agra-Hegra, between 500 and 300 B.C., and were followed by the Nabataeans .
When Alexander the Great had conquered the Achaemenid Empire, he also subdued Arabia according to Livy (xlv 9) and Pliny (Nat. Hist. xii, 62). The Arabs now had to supply clothes and arms to the Greek army , and they participated in military actions, e.g. in the defence of Gaza (Arrian, Anabasis, ii, 25, 4, Curtius Rufus, Memorabilia, iv, 6, 30) and in the battle of Raphia (217 B.C.) on the side of Antiochus III. Although the western part of Arabia was occupied by Ptolemy after the death of Alexander , the majority of the Arabs joined Antiochus (Polybius, v, 71); presumably these Arabs are the predecessors of the Nabataeans . Arab colonies, established at the foot of the Lebanon and in Syria, mainly served the traffic on the great commercial route Petra-Damascus-Mesopotamia (Pliny, Nat. Hist., vi, 142; Strabo, xvi, 749, 755, 756), as nomad Arabs (῎Αραβες Σκηνῖται) were also settled by Tigranes with this end in view (Plutarch, Lucullus, 21; Pliny, Nat. Hist., vi, 142). In the Mithridatian war Arabs fought along side the Romans, but in the Syrian war they harassed the Roman army under Pompey and were defeated by him. Arabs served with Cassius (53 B.C.) and Crassus against the Parthians. The Roman policy of winning over Arabs as confederates and auxiliaries against their own kindred in the Arabian-Syrian desert and against the Parthians was continued and extended by the Eastern Roman Emperors. The Arabian-Syrian border-land was under the rule of the G̲h̲assānids [q.v.] as phylarchs, as was the border-land of the Euphrates in Southern Babylonia ( al-Ḥīra ) which remained under the rule of the Lak̲h̲mids [q.v.] until 602 A.D.
In the meantime Arabs had even infiltrated in the 4th century A.D. into Southern Arabia apparently in connection with camel-breeding and traffic on the "incense" road. They are mentioned in the Sabaean inscriptions as Aʿrāb and form a notable part of the population, along with the ancestral sedentary population. Their importance is emphasised by the mention of these Aʿrāb in the title and style of the Sabaean ruler. But this political position did not prevent their kindred in North-West Arabia from entering into warlike disputes with the South Arabian kings. King Amr al-Kays b. ʿAmr besieged Nad̲j̲rān , which belonged to the king S̲h̲ammar Yurʿis̲h̲, and it may have been this Amr al-Kays who put an end to the prevailing influence of South Arabia in the region of ʿAṣīr and Southern Ḥid̲j̲āz .
At the beginning of the fourth century, the aforementioned Amr Ḳays b . ʿAmr, who succeeded in gaining power over the tribes of Asad and Nizār and called himself "king of all the Arabs", put a detachment of Arab cavalry at the disposal of the Romans. This fact is clearly stated in the Nabataean inscription of al-Namāra dated 328 A.D.
From the end of the fourth century A.D. for about a hundred years the princes of the family of Dad̲j̲āʿima, the leaders of the tribe of Banū Ṣāliḥ , were vassals of the Byzantine Empire on the Syrian border, and held territories there which were gradually yielded to the G̲h̲assānids in the second half of the fifth century A.D. Unfortunately we do not learn very much about them from Arabic sources. ¶
About the middle of the 4th century A.D., the tribe of Kinda [q.v.], which after a long struggle with Ḥaḍramūt, to which it was inferior, had to leave the Yaman , and migrated to the country of Maʿadd , where it settled at G̲h̲amr Ḏh̲ī Kinda in the south-western corner of Nad̲j̲d , two days journey from Makka . Although the leaders of Kinda , as kings of the tribes of Rabīʿa and Muḍar , may have possessed a certain influence on the Bedouin tribes in Nad̲j̲d from the time when they settled there, the real kingdom of Kinda , governing a coalition of Arabian tribes in close connection with the Ḥimyarite Power in the Yaman , actually begins with Ḥud̲j̲r Ākil al-Murār. Yamanī tradition says that he was made king of Maʿadd , when Tubbaʿibn Karib invaded al-ʿIrāḳ , but possibly the attacks, directed against Persia or its vassals in al-Ḥīra , were made by the Kindites supported by the Ḥimyarites. It is further said that Ḥud̲j̲r made military expeditions with the tribes of Rabīʿa to Baḥrayn and at the head of the Banū Bakr attacked the frontiers of the Lak̲h̲mids , depriving them of their possessions in the country of Bakr, so that Ḥud̲j̲r is called "King of the Arabs in Nad̲j̲d and of the border-lands of al-ʿIrāḳ". His dominion probably comprised most of Central Arabia including al-Yamāma , and he died after a long and successful reign; he was buried in Baṭn ʿĀḳil on the road between Makka and Baṣra south of the Wādī al-Rumma. After his death about 478 A.D., the tribe of Rabīʿa denied ʿAmr al-Maḳṣūr, son of Ḥud̲j̲r , the dominions of his father; we find the tribe of Rabīʿa now under the guidance of Kulayb Wāʾil , leader of the Banū Tag̲h̲lib , and at war with the Ḥimyarites, who supported ʿAmr b. Ḥud̲j̲r . Kulayb as well as ʿAmr were killed in these struggles about the last decade of the fifth century (c. 490 A.D.). With Ḥārit̲h̲ ibn ʿAmr the dynasty of Kinda attained its greatest power. He is known to the Byzantine historians as Arethas, chief of the Saracens , and concluded an alliance with the Romans, directed against Persia and the Lak̲h̲mids of al-Ḥīra . In the struggles and expeditions against the latter, the tribes of Bakr and Tag̲h̲lib played the most important rôle (about 503 A.D.).
At any rate Ḥārit̲h̲ succeeded in uniting the tribes of the Nad̲j̲d into a great kingdom and made invasions into Roman as well as Persian territory. The statement that Ḥārit̲h̲ subjugated Syria and the G̲h̲assānid kings may be an exaggeration. The peace of 502 A.D. put an end to the war against the Romans, and in the following year (503 A.D.) al-Ḥārit̲h̲'s troops attacked al-Ḥīra , doubtless with the consent and help of the Romans. Ḥārit̲h̲ became master of all the Arabs in al-ʿIrāḳ (503-506 A.D.), and the Lak̲h̲mid Mund̲h̲ir , who got no assistance at all from his suzerain, the Persian king Ḳubād̲h̲, submitted to Ḥārit̲h̲ and married his daughter Hind . However, the domination of the Lak̲h̲mid country was not complete; according to a South Arabian tradition, by an agreement between Ḳubād̲h̲ and Ḥārit̲h̲ , the Euphrates or the canal al-Ṣarā near the Tigris not far from Bag̲h̲dād was fixed as the northern boundary of al-Ḥārith's territory, and it is said, that, after King Anūs̲h̲irwān had restored Mund̲h̲ir to power in al-Ḥīra , Ḥārit̲h̲ kept what was on the other side of "the river of al-Sawād" until 527-28 A.D. So the Kindite interregnum in al-Ḥīra may have lasted some time between the years 525 to 528 A.D., when the Persian Empire was weakened by the Mazdakite movement . It seems, that Ḥārit̲h̲ for some period even ruled¶ over al-ʿIrāḳ as far as ʿUmān , possibly as a feofee of the Persian king Ḳubād̲h̲. After the fall of the Mazdakites Ḥārit̲h̲ had to flee; he lost all his property and 48 members of his family were put to death by Mund̲h̲ir . He nevertheless could again approach the Romans and was even appointed as a phylarch of the Arabs, on the side of East-Roman Empire. In 528 A.D., the date of his death, he is mentioned in this position by Byzantine sources. With his death the second climax of the Kindite power in Arabia came to an end. Ḥārit̲h̲ had divided his dominion, comprising all Nad̲j̲d , great parts of al-Ḥid̲j̲āz , Baḥrayn and al-Yamāma , between his sons, who had been placed as chiefs over the tribes of Maʿadd . His eldest son Ḥud̲j̲r , who had a certain supremacy over the whole kingdom of Kinda , was killed in a rebellion of the tribe of Asad . Between S̲h̲uraḥbīl and Salama, ruling the tribes of Rabīʿa and Tamīm and possessing the eastern half of the kingdom of Kinda , a discord arose concerning the division of power after their father's death, and S̲h̲uraḥbīl was killed in the battle of al-Kulāb (a well between al-Kūfa and Baṣra ) a few years after 530 A.D.; it is highly probable that this dissension was caused or nourished by the intrigues of Mund̲h̲ir , whom the Banū Tag̲h̲lib as well as the Bakr joined after the expulsion of the victorious Salama. Maʿdikarib, the chief of the Ḳays-ʿAylān, went mad, or fell in the battle of Uwāra, and the fifth son of Ḥud̲j̲r , ʿAbdallāh, who ruled over the Rabīʿa tribe of ʿAbd al-Ḳays , in Baḥrayn , in not mentioned further. So the kingdom of the family of Ḥud̲j̲r Ākil al-Murār broke down, and the Kinda , or considerable parts of them, migrated to Ḥaḍramūt, where they settled about 543 A.D. according to a Sabaean inscription at the dam of Mārib . Ḥud̲j̲r's son, the famous poet Imraʾ al-Ḳays , tried in vain to regain the power of his father with the help of the Byzantine Emperor, and died in Anḳara perhaps before the year 554 A.D. A cousin of Imraʾ al-Ḳays , Ḳays ibn Salama, chief of the Kinda and Maʿadd , is possibly identical with Kaisos (Κσος), who received from the Emperor the governorship of Palestine and defeated the Lak̲h̲mid Mund̲h̲ir b . al-Nuʿmān, who died in 554 A.D.
The disputes and struggles between the nomad tribes in Arabia are listed under the well known "Ayyām al-ʿArab", and an expedition to Ḵh̲aybar in 567 A.D. is referred to in the Arabic inscription of Ḥarrān (dated 568 A.D.). That there existed "kings" of individual tribes along with those mentioned here is proved by a Nabataean inscription found in Umm al-Ḏj̲imāl and dating from about 250 A.D., in which a king of Tanūk̲h̲ is mentioned.
(A. Grohmann*)
(ii) the expansion of the arabs: general, and the "fertile crescent"
If the expansion of the Arabs is regarded as a continuous process certain permanent features can be detected: the expansion consists usually in the emigration of large or small nomadic groups, rarely in that of groups with permanent habitations; it may be military, by means of service in foreign armies or in their own army which has set out for conquest; or through the founding of trading colonies. Apart from this last case, the extent of emigration depends partly on particular coincidences, partly on a recurrent, but incalculable, factor, the increase in the pressure of population in Arabia. This is brought about by the decline of cultivation (in South Arabia also of industry ) and of the caravan trade (in Islamic times also of the pilgrim traffic); there is a corresponding increase in the nomadic population. The expansion was preceded by the immigration into the central parts of the peninsula, which had been sparsely occupied by an earlier population. It was facilitated by the taming of the camel in the second (?) half of the second millennium B.C. Nor is it likely that the occupation of South Arabia took place earlier, to judge from the philological, ethnological and archeological evidence . The forerunners of these immigrants into South Arabia were presumably traders who followed the ancient trade routes into the land of incense and myrrh. A little later the Arabs begun to expand in the North, at first in the direction of Sinai and Transjordan . The evidence of the inscriptions shows that in 853 they were present in the north of the Syrian desert, shortly afterwards on both edges of the Fertile Crescent; they were camel-breeders, oasis-dwellers, traders. This formed the chief objective of the Arab expansion. It did not, however, remain the only one, as the emigration of the Sabaeans into Ethiopia (about 400?) shows. It depended on the strength of the various states of the Fertile Crescent whether this immigration could be canalised in the form of colonisation, and, on the borders, of semi-nomadic life, or whether it led to the flooding of the cultivated land by nomads. In the 1st century B.C. the nomads (Scenites) on the near side of the Euphrates crossed the border of the arable land as far as the line Apamaea-Thapsacus, while in the Ḏj̲azīra they roved as far as the border of the arable¶ land to the south of the Ḵh̲ābūr and the Sind̲j̲ār . We cannot here examine exceptional developments, like that of the trading state of the Nabataeans which expanded in the same century, in the north to the Ḥawrān , in the south to N.-W. Arabia.
The incorporation of the Syrian part of the Nabataean kingdom in 105 A.D., and the abandonment of the Roman sphere of interest in N.-W. Arabia some sixty years later, shook the security of these countries. It is, however, impossible to discern what were the consequences of the incursions of the "Saracens" in the west and of the Ṭayyiʾ settled in the central mountain ridges of North Arabia ( Ḏj̲abal ). Different is the case of the entry of two tribes into the steppe lying between the Lower Euphrates and the sandy desert, which was perhaps originated by Ardas̲h̲īr I, the first Sāsānid (d. 241). They were the Tanūk̲h̲ and Asad (2), who came from East Arabia; and they were followed by Nizār from Middle and Western Arabia. The Nizār , with the exception of Iyād , were absorbed by the population of the Euphrates frontiers; the Tanūk̲h̲ and the Asad , on the other hand, continued their wanderings, the Tanūk̲h̲ , for the most part, to Northern Syria and the Asad to the south of the Ḥawrān . Since the 4th century these countries saw also the arrival of tribes from West Arabia. In the meantime, the recession in the incense trade (from the 3rd century?) and its extinction (at the latest in the 5th century) had led to the bedouinisation of part of the population of South Arabia . Groups of such tribes, taking part in military expeditions of the Ḥimyārite kings, reached the district of Nad̲j̲rān and also Central Arabia (e.g. Kinda ). All through the 6th century we can observe an advance into the north, sped forward initially by the campaigns of the kings of Kinda; its path lay along the northerly ʿĀriḍ = Ṭuwayḳ to the steppe on the lower Euphrates (Bakr, Tamīm), from Bīs̲h̲a to the Wādī al-Ruma ( ʿĀmir ), from the country north of Medina in the direction of Palmyra ( Bahrāʾ , Kalb ). The Tag̲h̲lib , dwelling formerly on the lower Euphrates , moved upstream and settled at the beginning of Islam in the Ḏj̲azīra to the north of the Sind̲j̲ār .
The expansion at the beginning of the Islam came about in the first place through enlistment in the armies and auxiliary troops which were sent by Medina to the Euphrates , to Transjordania and to Southern Palestine and after that conquered al-ʿIrāḳ , Syria and al-Ḏj̲azīra; later through participation in the campaigns which led, across the Persian Gulf or from the garrison cities of Kūfa and Baṣra , to Iran , from Damascus to Egypt , North Africa and Spain. It occurred further through the displacement of tribes from Transjordania to Palestine (in the north ʿĀmila and Ḏj̲ud̲h̲ām , in the south Lak̲h̲m ); the emigration of parts of Balī and Ḏj̲uhayna from the Ḥid̲j̲āz to Egypt; through continuous infiltration of families and groups into the garrison towns and the Ḏj̲azīra; and through resettlement of the people of Kūfa and Baṣra in Ḵh̲urāsān . With the enrolment of 400 families of the Sulaym and other West Arabian Ḳaysites as colonists for Lower Egypt , followed spontaneously by three times their number, the first period of expansion in Islamic times ends. The curtain between the Fertile Crescent and Arabia falls again.
It took a considerable time before the loss which the population of Arabia incurred by the emigration during and after the campaigns of conquests was made good again. The first new movement led from¶ the Ḏj̲abal towards the north-east: before the middle of the 9th century the Asad (1) began to advance along the pilgrims' road of Kūfa , and Ṭayyiʾ followed close on their heels. In the second half of the 10th century, quarrels under the Buwayhids allowed the Asad to penetrate into the cultivated land; a part of them wandered on to Ḵh̲ūzistān , where already before Islam a small Arab island (Tamīm) had been formed. In the meanwhile the campaigns of the Ḳarmaṭians of East Arabia into ʿIrāḳ (311-25/923-37), Syria and Egypt (353-68/964-78/9), had driven new waves of migration to the north: Ḵh̲afād̲j̲a ( ʿUḳayl ) moved out of East Arabia into the steppe on the lower Euphrates , followed in the 11th century by Muntafiḳ (also of ʿUḳayl ). Their place in East Arabia was filled by tribes which immigrated from ʿUmān; part of these too later moved to ʿIrāḳ . Some Ṭayyiʾ settled in southern Transjordania, and subsequently acquired the overlordship over the older immigrants of the same tribe in Palestine. The stream of tribes from South Palestine to Egypt , which began in early Islamic times, began again in the middle of the 11th century (originated by orders of the government ), until in the late Middle Ages it was brought to a halt by a movement in the opposite direction. Since the end of the 12th century there is a trickle of Ḏj̲ud̲h̲ām from Northern Ḥid̲j̲āz over Sinai to Egypt and particularly to Transjordania, until in the 17th century this source dries up. They are followed by Balī. Finally since the end of the 15 century groups of the pariah tribe of Hutaym penetrate into the same districts from the territory east of Ḵh̲aybar . Meanwhile a new expansion had begun in the Ḏj̲abal . Around 1200 the G̲h̲aziyya ( Ṭayyiʾ ) appeared in the north between Transjordania and ʿIrāḳ , the Banu Lām (also of Ṭayyiʾ ) in the south between Medina and the Ḳasīm. Since the 15th century G̲h̲aziyya camped on the Euphrates , but did not cross it for good till around 1800. The Banū Lām penetrated at the end of the 15th century to the northern frontier of the Ḥid̲j̲āz , but were repelled by the Ottomans, and following their ancient route turned in the middle of the 16th century to the east, and on to the lower Tigris and Ḵh̲ūzistān .
The last great emigration , that of S̲h̲ammar and ʿAnaza , commenced in the same district. At the end of the 17th century the S̲h̲ammar came from the Ḏj̲abal to the frontier of ʿIrāḳ . ʿAnaza (whose territory had been till that time from Madāʾin Ṣāliḥ to the Ḳasīm) penetrated at the same time, accompanied by the Banū Ṣak̲h̲r , as far as Transjordania. In the 18th century ʿAnaza , coming from S.-W. and S.-E., occupied the Syrian desert. Into the midst of this movement burst the campaigns of the Wahhābīs. In the nineties the S̲h̲ammar-Ḏj̲arbā left their homeland occupied by the Wahhābīs and went to the Euphrates . At the beginning of 1802 they crossed it with the agreement of the government and soon pushed on into the Ḏj̲azīra up to the edge of the mountains of Asia Minor. Other parts of ʿAnaza reached the Syrian Desert together with the troops of the Wahhābīs or in the course of flight from their tax-collectors.
As the result of the progress of agriculture in North Arabia since 1911 and the exploitation of the oil resources in the last two decades, the expansion of the Arabs has ended for the moment.
Some features of the expansion must still be mentioned, which it was not possible to fit into this article: the settlement on the Iranian coast of the¶ Persian Gulf (which had pre-Islamic antecedents); the foundation of trading colonies on the coasts and the islands of the Indian Ocean from the early to the late Middle Ages: Malabar , Madagascar , East Africa (Peta-Kilwa, with antecedents in the ancient South Arabian period); the more recent colonial policy of ʿUmān; the continuous emigration from Ḥaḍramawt , which in the 19th century was principally, but not exclusively, directed towards Indonesia (mercenaries in Ḥaydarābād ); and infiltration into Upper Egypt across the Red Sea.
(W. Caskel)
(iii) the expansion of the arabs: iran in early islamic times
The Arab conquest of Iran brought a part of the Arab people to that country. There appear to be two separate developments in settlement. (1) The immigration from the opposite Arab coast to the south coast of Iran along the Persian Gulf. The Arabs also spread in a south-easterly direction along the coast from the mouth of the Euphrates and Tigris . Apparently Arab settlements could be found here already in pre-Islamic times (see A. Christensen: L'Iran sous les Sassanides 2, 87, 128). The number of Arabs increased considerably here in early Islamic times; there is, for example, explicit mention as settlers of the ʿAbd al-Ḳays from the coast of ʿUmān ( al-Balād̲h̲urī , 386, 392; al-Iṣṭak̲h̲rī , 142; Ibn al-At̲h̲īr ( Būlāḳ ), iii, 49). From then on Arab settlements remained along the coast and at some places inland (e.g. Māhān, in the district of Bardsīr, 985 A.D.: al-Maḳdisī, iii, 462) until at least the times of the Mongols (B. Spuler: Die Mongolen in Iran , 2Leipzig 1955, 142, 149 f., 164). It seems reasonable to suppose that there is a connection between those settlements and the ones of today, in view of the continued migration of Arabs across the Persian Gulf and from Baṣra . (2) There was a second influx of Arab settlers into Iran from Mesopotamia . In the 7th century Arab colonies were formed in several towns such as Kās̲h̲ān , Hamadān and Iṣfahān; Ḳumm became a predominantly Arab (and S̲h̲īʿite) town, and remained so for a considerable time ( al-Balād̲h̲urī , 314, 403, 410, 426; Nars̲h̲ak̲h̲ī (Schefer), 52; Ibn al-At̲h̲ir ( Būlāḳ ), v, 15; E. G. Browne, Account of a rare ms. hist. of Iṣfahān , Hertford 1901, 27 [offprint from JRAS , 1901]; B. Spuler: Iran [see Bibl.] 179). The number of Arab settlers in Ād̲h̲arbayd̲j̲ān ( al-Balād̲h̲urī , 328, 331; al-Ṭabarī, i, 2805 f.; Ibn Ḥawḳal 2, 353; al-Yaʿḳūbī , Taʾrīk̲h̲ , ii, 446; Aghānī 1, xi, 59) was apparently much smaller.
Ḵh̲urāsān , however, remained the main goal throughout all these migrations. The actual settlement was partly made by large groups: there are reports of 25,000 from Baṣra and an equal number from Kūfa , who arrived in 52/672; a further batch reached the country in 683. On the basis of this number of men capable of bearing arms (50,000) and in view of the strictness of recruiting, J. Wellhausen (cf. Bibl.) estimates the number of Arab settlers in the begining of the 8th century at 200,000. They did not live only in the towns—where in some cases quarters were put at their disposal after the conquest—but were scattered all over the country, as for example in the oasis of Marw, where they acquired possessions and adapted themselves to the dihḳānsʾ way of living. The geographical contours of Ḵh̲urāsān suited the Arabs very well: they could easily travel across the large plains and the steppes, although they were somewhat more awkward than the natives both at crossing rivers and in the mountains (cf. Barthold, Turkestan, 182). ¶
The main body of Arabs in Ḵh̲urāsān had come from Baṣra . Of the tribes settled there, the Ḳays (especially in the 8th century: al-Ṭabarī, ii 1929) were in the majority in the west, while the Tamīm and Bakr were mixed together in the east and in Sīstān; thus the outcome of inter-tribal feuds was varied. Ibn al-At̲h̲īr ( Būlāḳ v, 6) states their numbers for 715 as follows: Baṣrans 9,000, Bakr 7,000, Tamīm 10,000, ʿAbd al-Ḳays 4,000, Azd 10,000, Kūfans 7,000 (= 47,000 which tallies almost exactly with the above mentioned number for Kūfans and Baṣrans); in addition altogether 7,000 mawālī of these tribes. (In this list the people from Baṣra and from Kūfa must stand for elements from the two towns which could not be reckoned among the tribes mentioned). The tribal divisions valid in Baṣra were taken over into Ḵh̲urāsān . On the one side were the Rabīʿ (= Bakr and ʿAbd al-Ḳays ) and the Yamanite Azd (who had arrived later), and on the other the Tamīm and Ḳays (collectively known as "Muḍar"), who were very pround of their descent [cf. articles on these]. The bloody battle between these began in connexion with the great civil war for the Caliphate in 683; a static war raged outside Harāt for one year, 64-5/684-5 between Bakr and Tamīm (al-Ṭabarī, ii, 490-6), which eventually came to an end because of internal dissensions among the Tamīm. Inspite of the fact that a neutral Ḳurays̲h̲ite became governor in 74/693-4, fighting continued until 81/700 (al-Ṭabarī, ii, 859-62). The attitude of the governor often made the difference between victory and defeat, and his attitude, in turn, depended to a great extent on the party divisions in the west (Syria and Mesopotamia ). In 85-6/704-5, the ascendancy of the Azd and Rabīʿa was temporarily checked by a change of governors. Ḳutayba b. Muslim, the conqueror of Transoxania, who was not linked to either of the powerful groups by descent, tried to remain neutral. It was thanks to him that the Arabs had the chance of spreading to Samarḳand , Buk̲h̲ārʾā and Ḵh̲wārizm, often moving into specially cleared quarters ( al-Balād̲h̲urī , 410, 421 f.; al-Ṭabarī, ii, 156; Ibn al-At̲h̲īr ( Būlāḳ ), iii, 194; Nars̲h̲ak̲h̲ī , 52). After his death the Azd resumed power under Yazīd II , until the Tamīm took over in 720. The misrule of the latter and of the Ḳays brought Umayyad rule in Ḵh̲urāsān into such disrepute that even the open-minded governor Naṣr b. Sayyār could not find a way to settle the disputes of the opposing groups after 744. The ʿAbbāsid revolution, caused largely by the behaviour of the Arabs, passed them by. Its victory in 748-50 brought about new conditions for the Arabs in the east.
A few of the Arabs had, of course, entered into friendly relations with the Iranians soon after the conquest of Ḵh̲urāsān . Some of the marzbāns and dihḳāns had come quickly to terms with the Arab rule and the Arabs frequently took part in the cultural life of the Iranians (especially the celebrations of the nawrūz and the mihragān , as, similarly, they had also done in Egypt on the occasion of Coptic festivities). There were mixed marriages (mentioned expressly only where more prominent persons were concerned, yet even more likely to have taken place among the ordinary people) and the descendants of such unions in Iran were undoubtedly inclined to attach themselves to, and disappear among, the islamicised Iranians. In addition, there were cases of Arabs (as, for instance, Mūsā b. ʿAbd Allāh b . Ḵh̲āzim in Tirmid̲h̲ ) who quarrelled with the government and joined forces politically with the natives. Furthermore, since the time of ʿUmar II¶ 717-20, there was a growing religious consciousness among some Arabs (such as Ḥārit̲h̲ b. Surayd̲j̲ ) which demanded—with increasing insistance—equal treatment for the Iranian Muslims (cf. Wellhausen, Das arab. Reich, 280). Hence the many attempts to come to a reasonable solution of the question of the personal and land taxes where converted Iranians were concerned. In any case, one has the impression that the tribal feeling was more and more superseded by a new, predominantly religious, grouping from round about 720 onwards, when a new process of assimilation began which became important for the general feeling of pan-Arab unity. From this time onwards, political events can no longer be explained as deriving their main spring from tribal feuds.
Because of this, Umayyad politics, which had been built up on the tribal structure, were doomed, and the future belonged to the ʿAbbāsid movement (and also to that of the ʿAlids connected with the former in the beginning) which worked on a different basis. The collaboration between the Arabs, who often took a leading part in the ʿAbbāsid movement , on the hand, and the Iranians on the other, went smoothly—at least until the fall of the Umayyads (nor was there much friction on a national basis subsequently). Hence the victory of the years 746-50: at that time, however, the greater part of Arabs in Abū Muslim's army spoke Persian (al-Ṭabarī, iii, 51, 64 f.).
There were, however, Arabs, who took no part in this process of assimilation. The greater part of these were pushed out of Ḵh̲urāsān in the course of the ʿAbbāsid campaign. The remaining settlers, towards whom the Iranians showed no more animosity, were politically (i.e. as Arabs) of little importance. Tribal warfare now ceased completely, although some tribes are still mentioned in the 10th century (cf. the authorities quoted below). Assimilation continued, however, without interruption so that many Arabs eventually merged completely with the Iranians: more quickly, certainly, where they lived in isolation on their estates (as for instance in the oasis of Marw). One must also take into account a further distribution of the Arab element all over the country during the ʿAbbasid period, and further immigration from the west. Consequently there were places which had a partly Arab population as late as the 11th and 12th century, though the gradual decrease in their numbers is already recognisable in the 10th century. Detailed statements regarding this are rather rare: compare for Iṣfahān : al-Yaʿḳūbī , Buldān, 274, for various places in Ḵh̲urāsān , ibid., 294; al-Iṣṭak̲h̲rī 322/323, Ibn Ḥawḳal 2, 499; al-Maḳdisī, 292, 303; for Kās̲h̲ān : Ḥudūd al-ʿĀlam , 133, and ibid. 104, 108, 216 ( Ḏj̲ūzd̲j̲ān ); al-Ḏj̲āḥiẓ , Tria opuscula, ( van Vloten), 40; Ag̲h̲ānī 1, xiv, 102, xvii, 69; Ḏj̲uwaynī , ii, 46, (read manzilgāh-i ʿArab); S. A. Volin, K istorii sredneaziatskikh arabov, (in the Trudy vtoroy sessii assotsiatsii arabistov, (Moscow and Leningrad 1941), 124; B. Spuler, Iran , 250. The family histories in Ibn al-Balk̲h̲ī, Fars-nāma, xix f. = 116 f., and Ḳummī, Taʾrīk̲h̲-i Ḳumm (Tihrānī), 266-305 ( family of As̲h̲ʿarī ) are most illuminating for the gradual assimilation of Arab families of civil servants into the Persian people.
(B. Spuler)
appendix: arabs in central asia at the present day
The origin of the Arabs living at the present day in Central Asia, and apparently also in Afg̲h̲ān Turkistān (where they speak Persian: The Imperial Gazeteer of India , V, Oxford 1908, 68; without definite mention of places) can not (or not yet) be fixed with certainty. According to their own tradition, they were brought there by Tīmūr , and they mention the Andk̲h̲uy [q.v.] district in Afg̲h̲ānistān and the nearby Aḳča (in the province of Mazār-i S̲h̲arīf ) as the site of their original settlement, and Ḳars̲h̲ī, Buk̲h̲ārā and Ḥiṣār as places through which they had passed. There is, however, no mention of Tīmūr re-settling Arabs, in the sources concerning his life, nor can his son-in-law, Mīr Ḥaydar , who is frequently mentioned in the oral tradition, be identified. On the other hand there is proof that inhabitants of Marw were transplanted to Buk̲h̲ārā , and those of Balk̲h̲ , S̲h̲aburg̲h̲ān and Andk̲h̲uy into the Zarafs̲h̲ān valley in the year 1513 ( ʿUbayd Allāh , Zubdat al-Āt̲h̲ār , in the Zap. Vostočnago Otděleniya, XV, 202 f.). We know, furthermore, that migration of "Arabs" was still possible in the first half of the 16th century between (Persian) ʿIrāk on the one side, and the areas of Buk̲h̲ārā , Samarḳand and the valley of the Kas̲h̲ka Daryā on the other ( ʿAbd Allāh b . Muḥammad al-Marwarīd: Tarassul, quoted by Volin 121-3; cf. also H. R. Roemer, Staatsschreiben der Timuridenzeit, Wiesbaden 1952, 94 f., 177, with facsimile 38b-39a [without the factual part of the document]).
Thus it appears that the Arabs living in Central Asia today are not the immediate descendants of the immigrants of early Islamic times [see above iii], although one must allow for the possibility of an association with these settlers, who had already been Iranised in the 11th and 12th centuries. In the 16th century, the Central Asian Arabs were under a mīr hazār who collected taxes for the government; they were generally known as nomads (aʿrāb) (in addition to the above mentioned document cf. also an ins̲h̲ā-collection of Samarḳand of ca. 1530, published by Volin 117-20). In the 17th and 18th centuries there is no information concerning these Arabs, but there is mention of them in the beginning of the 19th century, especially in various travel reports (quoted by Volin). Here we must distinguish two concepts:
(1) A close group marked by strict endogamy, who are, however, in their physical appearance hardly different from their Iranian neighbours; they call themselves "Arabs" but accepted the language of the country they live in. There is a group of Tād̲j̲īk and a group of Uzbek-speaking "Arabs' in the Samarḳand area. Travellers mention similar groups of "Arabs" in Turkmenistān, Ḵh̲īwa , Farg̲h̲āna and mountain Tād̲j̲īkistān . In the 19th century their number was assessed at between 50 and 60,000; Vinnikov (see Bibl.), 9, sticks to these numbers (in spite of the result of the census) in 1926. In the 19th century these "Arabs" were still under a mīr hazār, but by this time he no longer exercised any fiscal function. The figure mentioned in a Soviet census of 1926 is 28,978, that of 1939, 21,793. According to this it would appear that these groups of "Arabs" who already spoke the language of their area, were absorbed more and more into their Uzbek or Tād̲j̲īk surroundings. Their economic situation is also like that of their neighbours. As¶ survivals of the matriarchal system, however, we still find the institution of the "avunculate" (a special connection between the nephew and his maternal uncle and the marriage of first cousins), in which at least one third of these "Arabs" lived before the revolution. (Compare M. O. Kosven, Avunkulat in Sovetskaya Etnografiya, 1948, no. i).
(2) From these self-styled "Arabs" (obviously in a historical sense), we must distinguish groups which still speak Arabic . According to the above mentioned documents, it appears that this distinction goes back as far as the 16th century. This would mean that the settlement of these Arabs must have taken place some generations earlier, otherwise there could have been (in the case of nomads) no possibility of a partial linguistic assimilation. The Soviet census of 1926 gives the figure 4,655 for these Arabs, who can be divided into the dialectally different tribes of Saʿnōnī and Saʿbōnī. They live largely in Uzbekistān (2,170) and in Tād̲j̲īkistān (2,274). In 1939, Arab speaking inhabitants of Uzbekistan numbered about 1,750. It would appear that the Russian census of 1897, mentioning 1696 Arabs, had only the Arab speaking ones in mind; yet some doubt about this figure must remain, in view of the numbers mentioned in later years. Apparently this group, too, is in the process of being assimilated by its surroundings.
The language of these Arabs has developed from a Mesopotamian dialect but has (like Maltese) developed into an independent branch of Arabic , and has split in two. The Central Asian Arabic language developed p and č even in pure Arabic words, on the other hand it lost the th, dh and partly the hamza . F often disappeared, and ḳ often became g; the ā usually became å, the u in the personal suffix uh (u): ü. Stress vacillates; assimilation, inversion, and elision are frequent. The 2nd and 3rd person fem. pl. retain their endings (as in the bedouin dialects). One of the two dialects developed the prefix mi- in the imperfect tense (would this correspond to Iranian, or to Syrian and Egyptian Arabic?). A durativus praesentis developed under the influence of Turkish. As in the Caucasian languages (e.g. Old Georgian), the direct object is taken up again by a personal suffix in the verb (cf. also the Syrian development). "Kāna" is often used as an auxiliary verb (originally with a plu-perfect meaning). The infinitive ends regularly in either -aḥān or -ān. The nūnation of the nouns is almost completely absent; plurals end in īn/-āt (this also frequently in the case of masculine nouns), while broken plurals are rare. Arabic numerals have been replaced by Tād̲j̲īk ones almost completely. Status Constructus is retained, but word combinations of the Indo-Germanic type are frequent (Ḥaṭab mibīh, "wood-seller"). Usual word order: subject, object, predicate. Vocabulary largely Semitic, leaning to ʿIrāḳī and occasionally to peninsular Arabic .
(iv) expansion of the arabs in egypt
At the end of the year 18/639, an Arab army appeared on the Syro-Egyptian frontier and commenced the conquest of Egypt . On 20 Rabīʿ II 20/9 April 641, a treaty was signed which wrested Egyptian territory or, more precisely the autochthonous population, from Byzantine domination. Alexandria still held out, and only surrendered eighteen months later. Viewed as a whole, the operations give the impression of an advance carried out no doubt with enthusiasm, but also of a carefully planned offensive. Certain papyri of this period assume particular importance. We possess requisition orders for the billeting and provisioning of Arab troops, and we learn that the expenses incurred by the villages were remitted from the taxes for the following year. From information supplied by the same documents, we see advancing into the country a well-equipped army : armoured cavalry and infantry, accompanied by a flotilla for operations in Upper Egypt . Teams of blacksmiths and armourers were formed for the repair of weapons. This information is based on Greek texts, some of which are indeed accompanied by an Arabic translation, but if the initiation of similar measures was the duty of the Coptic civil administrators, it is a fact that the Arab military leaders were fully aware of them. All this indicates training and discipline, and we may suppose that Bedouin elements did not form the major part of the Arab army . ʿAmr b. ʿĀṣ relied in the main on a first contingent of Yemenite origin, nearly all from the ʿAkk tribe, and it is apparent from the names of the districts of Fusṭāṭ that the majority of the groups were Yemenite. On the other hand, contingents of the Ḏj̲ud̲h̲ām and Lak̲h̲m tribes, who had formed part of the population of the G̲h̲assānid Kingdom and had remained neutral at the battle of the Yarmūk , had joined the army of Egypt . The largest figure recorded of the numbers of the Arab warriors is 15,000 men; this seems to be a maximum figure, but not an impossible one.
After the conquest the Arabs remained in their tribal groups: in this connexion, the names of the districts of Fuṣṭāṭ are again revealing. It may be questioned whether, in the beginning, the Arabs thought of anything but exploitation of the country by the military, who formed a de facto aristocracy which did not admit to its ranks any native of the country or mix with the inhabitants since it was forbidden to acquire land. The army of occupation was distributed between Fuṣṭāṭ, Alexandria , and various posts scattered along the Mediterranean coast, on the desert frontiers of the Delta, and on the Nubian borders. We lack any critical basis on which to form an estimate of the numbers of these garrisons, which were heavily reinforced, since in 43/663 12,000 men were needed in Alexandria alone. With a view to increasing their cohesion, these elements were organised in tribes. The members of each tribe were divided into sections of seven or ten,¶ under the control of a syndic, who received their pay, and also administered orphans' pensions under the supervision of the ḳāḍī . Every morning an official visited the tribes and registered new births.
In 109/727, the Comptroller of Finance in Egypt installed an important part of the Ḳays tribe in the region of Bilbais: the figure 3,000, which we are given, seems to include women and children. These Ḳaysites who, as camel-drivers, participated in the traffic on the Fuṣṭāṭ-Ḳulzum route, were probably liable to military service, since they were registered on the pay-rolls. These reinforcements had been to some extent necessitated by the first revolt of the Copts , which occurred in 107-725. When the Christian historian of the Alexandrian patriarchate is describing this, he writes "One tribe was situated in the eastern desert of Egypt , between Bilbais and Ḳulzum on the coast; these were Muslims, who were known as Arabs". This mode of expression seems to postulate that the indigenous Muslims, doubtless a minority of the whole population, were at that time more numerous than the Arabs.
These Arabs preserved for more than two centuries the memory of their tribe of origin, and in the majority of the funeral steles, in the cemeteries at Aswān and Fuṣṭāṭ, the name of the deceased is habitually followed by the ethnic appellation indicating the tribe. It was the Arab title of nobility, and Coptic converts were, in the beginning, second-class Muslims. Some of the latter aspired further, and a judicial scandal which took place in 194-5/810-2 proves that the Arab tribes were still strong enough to appeal to Bag̲h̲dād against the judgement of a ḳāḍī of dubious integrity which conferred on Copts the status of pure-bred Arabs. We observe that in the course of the 3rd/9th century surnames relating to tribes give way gradually to surnames of geographical significance; here, too the funeral steles are documents of the greatest value, and furnish us with toponymic surnames.
The Muslims of Fusṭāṭ , at the beginning of the 3rd/9th century, must have been mainly autochthonous elements, installed in all types of sedentary employment, in government service or in trade; the Arabs, occupied in suppressing revolts in the Delta in the course of the preceding century, were then struck off the military rolls as a result of the influx of Ḵh̲urāsānīs, and later of Turks , and had probably resumed in the country side the principal occupation of their ancestors, the raising of live-stock. At all events, from then on they are not mentioned in the towns. Descendants of former soldiers, moreover, acquired land: we find the proof of this in the fact that the government claimed from them the k̲h̲arād̲j̲ , or land tax. They thus became mingled with the indigenous population, which, at the beginning of the 3rd/9th century, was mainly Muslim; on the other hand, the Arabic language was used to an increasing extent by the Copts . The majority of the army , of Turkish stock, could not have made any distinction between the truly autochthonous elements and the descendants of Arab immigrants.
Finally, in 219/834, groups of the Lak̲h̲m and Ḏj̲ud̲h̲ām tribes rebelled in the Delta: they were easily dispersed, and no further mention is made of their rights. The Arabs re-appear, even frequently, in the history of Egypt : they remained organised in tribes, some of which retained their nomad habits. They were mobilised as reserve troops in times of crisis, for example at the time of the landing by the Crusaders at Damietta . Later governments were obliged periodically to exercise their authority against¶ them, either to collect taxes, or to suppress banditry. In general, these interventions were bloody affairs, and were virtually punitive expeditions.
The most significant events were set in train by the temporary migration, in the 5th/11th century, of the Banū Hilāl and the Banū Sulaym before their destructive onslaught on North Africa. It should not be forgotten that a group of Bedouin from the Arabian Peninsula tried to resist the advance of French troops in Upper Egypt in 1799.
Recent censuses have been vague in the extreme: it is estimated that the Bedouin scattered among the deserts of Egypt number about 50,000.
(G. Wiet)
(v) expansion of the arabs in north africa
It is extremely difficult to enumerate the Arab elements which, from the year 27/647 onwards, entered North Africa. We can only accept with the usual reservations the first number of 20,000, representing the fighting men from the Ḥid̲j̲āz , furnished by the tribes and grouped round their chiefs, reinforced by contingents taken from the army of Egypt . The first expeditions were nothing more than long-distance raids, without any intention of settling in the country. This ambition appears with ʿUḳba b. Nāfiʿ , who founded al-Ḳayrawān [q.v.] in 50/670. The death of this chief and the occupation of al-Ḳayrawān by the Berbers led to the despatch of fresh contingents. From then on, every serious failure on the part of the invaders, every Berber rising, every new phase in the arduous task of conquest occasioned the arrival of reinforcements. Under the Umayyads , elements derived from the d̲j̲und , detached from the Syrian garrisons, and constituting regiments which already had an individual character, took the place of the fighting men recruited in Arabia. Under the ʿAbbāsids , the Ḵh̲urāsān militia joined forces with the Syrians, or relieved them. All these elements, living in groups as in the East, were distributed among the towns of the conquered territory. As is well known, their haughtiness as conquerors, their demands and their lack of discipline were a source of the gravest embarrassment to the governors of Ifrīḳiya , and the Ag̲h̲labid amirs, obliged to subdue them with great bloodshed, found them employment in Sicily.
Along with the fighting men intended to effect the first occupation of the country, the Arab world sent civilian elements. Apart from the governors and their entourage, kinsmen and clients, there were men of a religious character, who, from the time of the caliphate of ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (99-101/717-20), undertook the methodical conversion of the Berbers . There were also merchants hoping to prosper in fresh territory reputedly rich in resources.
These Arab immigrants constituted exclusively urban elements. The towns, where they formed a considerable proportion of the population, were centres of arabisation. By virtue of the prestige enjoyed by the conquerors, through the education given in the Ḳurʾānic schools and the mosques, and through economic relations and mutual contact in¶ the markets, the Arabic language spread simultaneously with Islam in the cities and their environs. Al-Ḳayrawān played an important part in this process, but the other garrisons of Ifrīḳiya and its western marches were also able to spread their influence over a limited area.
The Arab immigration of which the Hilāli invasion was the first phase was very different from the Muslim conquest and its consequences, both as regards those who took part in it and their role in the history of Barbary. The initial cause of this disaster was as follows:—in the middle of the 5th/11th century, the amir al-Muʿizz of the Banū Zīrī [see zīrids ] branch of the Ṣanhād̲j̲a , which governed Ifrīḳiya in the name of the Fātimid caliph al-Mustanṣir, broke with his suzerain in Cairo , and the latter, on the advice of his minister al-Yāzūrī, despatched against the rebel kingdom the Arab nomads then encamped east of the Nile, recognising in advance their title to any towns and rural districts which they could conquer.
The Banū Hilāl [see hilāl ], who formed the first wave of this "westward movement" (tag̲h̲rīb), and also the Banū Sulaym , who came on the scene later, were connected through their common ancestor Manṣūr b . Ḳays with the powerful line of Muḍar . Both had previously dwelt in Nad̲j̲d , and groups of the two families continued to live there. Brought late within the pale of Islam , they had migrated in considerable numbers to Upper Mesopotamia and the Syrian desert. Their independent nature revealed itself immediately after the death of the Prophet. The Umayyads , and the ʿAbbāsids even more, had to punish their plundering activities conducted in particular at the expense of Meccan pilgrims. In the 4th/10th century they took part in the Carmathian revolt. The Fāṭimid caliph al-ʿAzīz crushed the movement (368/978) and forced the Arabs who had supported it to transfer themselves to Upper Egypt . It was from there that they set out to conquer Ifrīḳiya .
At the moment when their first bands, which could have numbered barely a million, reached the Zīrid kingdom of al-Ḳayrawān and caused its downfall, the most powerful of the Banū Hilāl were the Riyāḥ , who occupied the plains of Tunisia . Further east, the kingdom of the Ḥammādids [q.v.] and the Zāb [q.v.] received the At̲h̲bed̲j̲. This Arab expansion, whose limits in the 6th/12th century are described by Idrīsī, caused the exodus of Ḥammādids from the Ḳalʿa to al-Bijāya and drove the Zanāta nomads towards the plains of Oran .
The arrival of fresh bands led subsequently to an extension of the territory and to alterations in the distribution of the Arabs. The most important of these waves of immigrants was, starting from the end of the 12th century, that of the Banū Sulaym , who came from Tripolitania. At first allied to the Armenian adventurer Ḳaraḳūs̲h̲, then to the Banū G̲h̲āniya who attempted to revive Almoravid power, they placed themselves at the service of the Ḥafṣids , the Almohad governors of Ifrīḳiya , who assured the fortunes of this great tribe. Thus Ifrīḳiya , the first domain of the Banū Hilāl , remained with the Sulaym , the region where the Arabs were the most numerous and most powerful. But no part of North Africa escaped what was considered by Ibn Ḵh̲aldūn to be an irreparable disaster. The quest by new arrivals for lands as yet unoccupied and for sedentary populations to exploit, the repulse of the weak by the strong, the advance of certain tribes, such as the Maʿḳil of Southern Morocco, from the western boundaries of the desert, were the quasi-normal causes of their "westward movement". To these must¶ be added the mass transfers effected by the Mag̲h̲ribī rulers within their own
Mark my comment as a response to Contrasting your claims with the Encyclopedia of Islam by zzazzeefrazzee


text:
Q: The horse PAWED at the sky. Is pawed appropriate here?
"The horse PAWED at the sky."

Now, I don't think pawed is used appropriately here.
What word can go in its place?
I'm looking for something that can help the reader visualize a horse rearing onto its back legs with its two front legs in the air.
Any ideas for what word I can use in this instance?

A: Consider the slightly metaphorical struck at the sky.
We seem to hesitate at reared, perhaps because it focuses on the wrong legs.  Pawed troubles some because horses don't have paws, but hooves.  Hoofed the sky sounds silly, because it's a verb only in a colloquial sense, meaning something else entirely.
When a horse gets up on its hind legs and takes a whack at you, you're being struck by the horse.  If you fall to the ground, you may be trampled, but that's another bale of hay entirely.
In defense of strike / struck here's a passage of immortal Wikipedia prose on the subject of "Rearing_horse"

A horse that rears when being handled by a human who is on the ground also presents a hazard, as it is able to strike out with its front feet and can also fall even without the weight of a rider to unbalance the animal. A rearing horse can also break away and escape from a human handler.
However, rearing also has survival value in the wild. It is a tactic that can be used to dislodge a predator that has landed on the animal's back, it is used when equids fight one another, and a horse can rear slightly to add force when striking out with its front feet. For these reasons, horses, particularly young ones, are sometimes seen rearing when loose in a pasture, particularly when playing or mock-fighting with pasturemates.

Rather more than you wanted to know, eh?

A: Rear is defined as "(of a horse or other animal) raise itself up on its hind legs" (here).

*

*The horse reared at the sky

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Read More About it: the Olympics, naked or clothed
I ate up the Olympic Games when I was a child, Winter and Summer. I was glued to ABC, entranced by genial host Jim ("the thrill of victory and the agony of defeat") McKay, who also hosted "Wide World of Sports" ("spanning the globe to bring you the constant variety of sport"). I was fascinated by the foreign locales and host cities. I was thrilled by the displays of grace and strength in exotic sports of which I could only dream. In fact, I remember a writing assignment in 2nd grade in which I kept a journal, complete with illustrations, written under the persona of an Olympic downhill skier. Nevermind that I had never skied in my short life, (and still haven't) flatlander Chicagoan that I was, bred and born! I was enthralled by the dashing French skier Jean-Claude Killy and his trio of medals in the Alpine events in the 1968 Winter Olympics held at Grenoble, France. (I confess that I think I still have that relic of my childhood education tucked away in a trunk in the basement.)
Of course, back in the day, both the winter and summer games were held in the same year and thus came around only once every four years, so it seemed like even more of an event. Now, with the staggered schedule, there is less of an Olympic drought in between. Perhaps that is why I am a little more blasé about them as an adult, although yes, I still watch my fill.
The 2012 London Summer Olympics begin in one week, so there's still plenty of time to do a little preliminary reading and research on this mega-event which celebrates the heights of athleticism throughout the world.
How about starting with a little historical perspective?
The Naked Olympics: the true story of the ancient games (Random House: 2004)
Tony Perrottet
A history of the original Olympic games depicts the events of the first competitions more than 2000 years ago, during which tens of thousands of sweltering-hot spectators watched nude athletes participate in such events as hoplitodromia, a full-armor sprint, and the pankration, a no-holds-barred lethal brawl. Travel writer Perrottet treats readers not only to a thorough picture of the games' proceedings but also to glimpses of the shameless bacchanalia, numerous (and often lascivious) entertainments and even corruption that accompanied them. Hmm, sounds like not a whole lot has changed...except the sporting goods companies like Nike and Reebok would never let their endorser-athletes complete sans apparel. How would they show off the swoosh? Perhaps a well-placed tattoo?
History of a more recent vintage...
Igniting the Flame: America's First Olympic Team (Lyons Press, 2012)
Jim Reisler
The author tells the little-known story of the first modern Olympics, the 1896 Summer Olympics, highlighting the difficulties faced by a fourteen-member American team which had virtually no support heading into the games, held in Athens, Greece. Here's one remarkable anecdote among many: an American Olympian shows up for the discus event, having never really tried it before; some accommodating Greek athletes offer to demonstrate, he practice a bit and winds up winning. Reisler skillfully weaves his story from several narrative threads: the resurrection of the Olympic Games, and the men behind their revival; the primitive means of travel and lodging (no fancy Olympic Village here with 24/7 food courts); and the stories of individual athletes and events.
Hitler's Olympics: the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games (Sutton: 2006)
Christopher Hilton
The Berlin Olympic Games, which remain the most controversial ever held, will have their 80th anniversary in August 2016. Using newspapers, diaries and interviews to recreate the atmosphere during the XIth Olympiad, the author presents an account of the disputes, the personalities and the events which made these Games so memorable. Hitler, of course, used the Games as one of the largest propaganda exercises in history. African-American Jesse Owens won four gold medals in a shining moment for America.
A suitable companion or alternative to the above might be...
Triumph: the untold story of Jesse Owens and Hitler's Olympics (Houghton Mifflin: 2007)
Jeremy Schaap
Schaap (an ESPN host) touches briefly on Owens's life before and after 1936, including his Alabama childhood and his later work for the State of Illinois, focusing most of the book on Owens's track and field heroics. Blessed with amazing speed, he set NCAA records in numerous events. With the help of high-school mentor Charles Riley and college coach Larry Snyder, Owens qualified for the Olympics. After a debate about whether participation in the Nazi Games was ethical—a discussion that had special meaning for African-Americans, whose circumstances were indeed similar to those faced by German Jews—the U.S. elected to compete, setting the stage for Owens to show the world a true superman not descended from Aryan stock.
Rome 1960: the Olympics that changed the world (Simon & Schuster: 2008)
David Maraniss
Whether you prefer sports, politics, or history, the author has you covered in this engaging study of the first commercially televised Summer Games. There were several other firsts in Rome: the first doping scandal, the first athlete paid to wear a certain brand, the first African-American to carry the U.S. flag in the opening ceremonies. The games fed Cold War propaganda as the Soviet Union surpassed the U.S. in the medal tally. Maraniss loads his narrative with human interest stories (the barefoot Ethiopian Abebe Bikila), personal rivalries, judging squabbles, come-from-behind victories and inspirational stories of obstacles overcome (American track star Wilma Rudolph). It might not be true that these Olympics changed the world, but they definitely showcased the changing world of that era.
A gold medal to anyone who finishes all five before the Summer Games begin!
Gold, silver and bronze medals for the London 2012 Olympics (Guardian UK)


Heid E. Erdrich, Natalie Diaz and Jennifer Elise Foerster present "New Poets of Native Nations" at the 2018 Library of Congress National Book Festival in Washington, D.C.
Speaker Biography: Natalie Diaz is an enrolled member of the Gila River Indian community and was born in the Fort Mojave Indian Village in Needles, California. Her poetry collection "When My Brother Was an Aztec" was praised by The New York Times as a "beautiful book." She is a contributor to the anthology "New Poets of Native Nations" (Graywolf). Diaz has played professional basketball and received a full athletic scholarship to Old Dominion University, where she earned a B.A. and an M.F.A. Among her honors is the Louis Untermeyer Scholarship in Poetry from the Bread Loaf Foundation.
Speaker Biography: Poet Jennifer Elise Foerster is a member of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation of Oklahoma and one of the contributors to the anthology "New Poets of Native Nations" (Graywolf). She has a B.F.A. from the Institute of American Indian Arts, an M.F.A. from Vermont College of Fine Arts and a Ph.D. from the University of Denver. Her poetry collections are "Leaving Tulsa" and "Bright Raft in the Afterweather." She is a recipient of a National Endowment for the Arts Creative Writing Fellowship and a Wallace Stegner Fellow in Poetry at Bread Loaf.
"Why do you have a grudge against America, Mr. Dorfman?"
Homeland Security Ate My Speech: Messages from the End of the World is an emotionally raw yet measured assessment of the United States after the election of Donald Trump from literary legend and political dissident Ariel Dorfman.
Novelists Emily Ruskovich (IDAHO), Lisa Wingate (BEFORE WE WERE YOURS), and Elizabeth Berg (THE STORY OF ARTHUR TRULUV) discuss their latest books and literary lives. Moderated by Refinery29's Elizabeth Kiefer. Filmed at Random House Off the Page in New York City, 11/9/17.
VR pioneer and techno-philosopher Jaron Lanier discusses his new book with the New York Times' Maureen Dowd.
Through a fascinating look back over his life in technology, Jaron Lanier, an interdisciplinary scientist and father of the term "virtual reality," exposes VR's ability to illuminate and amplify our understanding of our species, and gives readers a new perspective on how the brain and body connect to the world. An inventive blend of autobiography, science writing, philosophy and advice, this book tells the wild story of his personal and professional life as a scientist, from his childhood in the UFO territory of New Mexico, to the loss of his mother, the founding of the first start-up, and finally becoming a world-renowned technological guru.
Understanding virtual reality as being both a scientific and cultural adventure, Lanier demonstrates it to be a humanistic setting for technology. While his previous books offered a more critical view of social media and other manifestations of technology, in this book he argues that virtual reality can actually make our lives richer and fuller.
Humanity has reached a critical moment. Our world is unsettled and rapidly changing, and we face existential risks over the next century. Various prospects for the future—good and bad—are possible. Yet our approach to the future is characterized by short-term thinking, polarizing debates, alarmist rhetoric, and pessimism. In this short, exhilarating book, renowned scientist and bestselling author Martin Rees argues that humanity's future depends on our taking a very different approach to thinking about and planning for tomorrow.