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[Orin Kerr, January 22, 2008 at 11:14pm] Trackbacks
"Catch and Release" Tactics and Virginia v. Moore:
I've been thinking more about Virginia v. Moore, the Fourth Amendment case I have blogged a lot about in the last few weeks. Here's a question for those readers following the case: Am I right that under Virginia's theory of the case, federal agents could make arrests for violations of state law? Sure, the agents couldn't actually bring charges themselves: They would have to arrest the target, search him, and then let him go. But unless I'm missing something, it seems plausible to me that the state's theory would allow the federal agents to use this "catch and release" tactic. After all, the arrest would be based on probable cause to believe a crime has occurred. If probable cause is enough, then the arrest and subsequent search should be fully constitutional.
Why does this matter, you wonder? Well, there are two reasons. First, I would think agents would have an incentive to use this catch and release tactic in some settings if it is permitted. For example, imagine an FBI agent is investigating a suspect for narcotics smuggling. He can just stop the suspect for driving 36 in a 35, arrest him for speeding under state law, and search him for evidence or drugs. If no evidence is discovered in the search, then the officers will just let the suspect go and plan on getting him next time. Under the state's theory, as I understand it, this is perfectly okay: The arrest is based on probable cause, and the search is incident to a valid arrest because the arrest is based on probable cause. On the other hand, if the FBI agent uncovers evidence of a federal offense during the search incident to arrest, he can either bring in the target into federal court on the basis of the new evidence or let him go and keep the evidence for later.
The second reason is that the "catch and release" tactic would seem to be relevant under Justice Souter's reasoning in Atwater v. Lago Vista. Justice Souter invoked the notion that arrest powers would be subject to political checks by the sovereign that enacted the relevant law:
So far as [arrests for minor offenses] might be thought to pose a threat to the probable-cause requirement, anyone arrested for a crime without formal process, whether for felony or misdemeanor, is entitled to a magistrate's review of probable cause within 48 hours, County of Riverside v. McLaughlin, 500 U.S., at 55—58, and there is no reason to think the procedure in this case atypical in giving the suspect a prompt opportunity to request release, see Tex. Tran. Code Ann. §543.002 (1999) (persons arrested for traffic offenses to be taken "immediately" before a magistrate). Many jurisdictions, moreover, have chosen to impose more restrictive safeguards through statutes limiting warrantless arrests for minor offenses. . . . It is, in fact, only natural that States should resort to this sort of legislative regulation, for, as Atwater's own amici emphasize, it is in the interest of the police to limit petty-offense arrests, which carry costs that are simply too great to incur without good reason. See Brief for Institute on Criminal Justice at the University of Minnesota Law School and Eleven Leading Experts on Law Enforcement and Corrections Administration and Policy as Amici Curiae 11 (the use of custodial arrests for minor offenses "[a]ctually [c]ontradicts [l]aw [e]nforcement [i]nterests"). . . .
The upshot of all these influences, combined with the good sense (and, failing that, the political accountability) of most local lawmakers and law-enforcement officials, is a dearth of horribles demanding redress.
If agents are permitted to use a catch-and-release tactic, using state criminal law and not being limited by any state law restrictions, then these checks would seem to go away. First, there would be no check by a magistrate, because the federal agents would never bring in the target. Second, the state law restrictions wouldn't apply to the federal officers. Third, there would be no great costs of the arrests, as there would be no cases processed in court and the suspect would be set free. And fourth, there would be little political check, as the agent isn't even an official of the state that enacted the crime (and good luck complaining to the FBI about your fully-constitutional-but-really-annoying temporary arrest).
Off the top of my head, I gather that this would be okay under the state's theory of the case. After all, the agent would have probable cause to believe a crime had been committed, and that's enough. Am I wrong about this implication of the state's theory? Or perhaps Virginia (or the United States) would say that probable cause is enough only if the arresting officer is an agent of the sovereign that has prohibited the conduct?
UPDATE: I substantially amended the post shortly after posting it. In ligt of that, I have deleted a few comments that addressed a part of the post that was only up for a few minutes. My apologies for the lost effort on the part of those commenters.
Related Posts (on one page):
Virginia v. Moore and the Changing Role of the Fourth Amendment:
Supreme Court Hands Down Virginia v. Moore:
Oral Argument in Virginia v. Moore:
Why United States v. Di Re Clearly Was Not A Case on the Federal Supervisory Power:
Why the Defendant Should Win in Virginia v. Moore:
traffic law (mail):
I don't know the answer, but a version of the issue seems likely to arise. See, e.g., United States v. Martinez at 7n.1 (10th Cir. 2008) http://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/opinions/07/07-4040.pdf.
Note that the court assumed that it was a question of Utah law whether a Utah trooper can arrest a car for displaying its plates in violation of California law (but in a manner that would have been legal if they were Utah plates).
On the other hand, I guess even under Orin's view, so long as Virginia has a statute allowing its troopers to enforce foreign criminal statutes (or simply making it a state crime to violate a foreign statute of extraterritorial effect), then there's no problem with such arrests.
1.23.2008 12:45am
Laura S.:
When you read stuff like this, it really makes you appreciate why 'victimless crimes' have no place in the old common law.
1.23.2008 1:12am
Mike& (mail):
I think that's an absolutely brilliant observation, and I think you are right.
Relatedly: How is Virginia's theory consistent with the dual sovereignty exception to the Double Jeopardy Clause?
As you know, the state and federal government may each prosecute a defendant for the same underlying conduct consistent with the Double Jeopardy Clause. The Court has said that each sovereign may prosecute a defendant for the same conduct because each suffers a separate injury.
What injury does the federal government suffer when a defendant violates state law? If the state and federal governments truly are separate sovereigns, then the federal government suffers no injury when a person violates state law. After all, each sovereign is separate. It is, quite frankly, none of the federal government's business.
If the Supreme Court wants to treat the state and government as truly separate entities, then such seizures are not authorized since, most emphatically, the federal government has not suffered an injury and therefore is not authorized to seize a defendant.
Bill Poser (mail) (www):
Does anything prevent the same individual from being a law enforcement officer in two jurisdictions? Supposing that a state wants to make it easier for federal agents to enforce the drug laws, couldn't it as a matter of course deputize FBI and DEA agents stationed there?
Dave Hardy (mail) (www):
My contribution: many, many years ago I had to research this for US Fish and Wildlife Service. I didn't take my results with me when I left 15 yrs ago, but as I remember the caselaw was:
1. Federal agents have no general power to arrest under state law. They CAN, the same as anyone else, but it's a citizen's arrest and subject to rules governing the same.
2. No idea what rules are for search incident to arrest in a citizen's arrest, but would guess they are not very broad.
3. In fact, most federal agents can only arrest for a narrow category of offenses, their agency's specialty. The statutes only say X agents can arrest for violations of X. Exceptions were FBI and Marshal's Service, which had broad powers covering any Federal offence.
4. Agencies can cure this by cross-deputization agreements. These tend to be narrow (feds can cite for state game law violations, federal for state game law violations) because each worries about tort liability. In my time they tended toward agency wide memos of understanding to do this, to avoid human tendencies to award it as special favors to your buddies.
Oren:
After all, the arrest would be based on probable cause to believe a crime has occurred. If probable cause is enough, then the arrest and subsequent search should be fully constitutional.
To be fair to Virginia (although their argument here is particularly appalling to me personally), I think it is assumed that "crime" here refers to a crime that the arresting officer is empowered to enforce. Thus, a Federal agent cannot 'arrest' someone for violation of a local ordinance because he is not empowered in the first instance to enforce local ordinances.
This is somewhat similar to your resolution "probable cause is enough only if the arresting officer is an agent of the sovereign that has prohibited the conduct" although in many states there are subtleties about which LEOs can enforce which laws.
OrinKerr:
You mean like buggery?
George Weiss (mail):
heh. replace "victimless" with 'strict liability' and i appreciate the irrelevant but somewhat interesting tangential sentiment.
You mean like being found in the fellowship of Egyptians within the realm of the King, an offense punishable by death? See Edward Coke, Institutes of the Laws of Engliand (Third) at 102 (1794 Ed.)
wow no clergy either..damn.
...i guess your implying knowing who was an Egyptian was was sometimes difficult (like they didn't all hang out together or what not)
otherwise its hard to say the person didn't know he was in the "fellowship" of someone (it doesn't say presence..it says fellowship)
in any case strict liability was almost entirely absent prior to modern statutory law...wacky exceptions notwithstanding.
in contrast...victim less crimes such as blasphemy and gambling etc..have been around for a while in large numbers
markm (mail):
"Egyptian" in that context means "Gypsy", not someone from Egypt.
Temp Guest (mail):
Given the feudal obligations of Englishmen at the time the King wrote the statute on being found in the fellowship of Gypsies, the law is reasonable. Gypsies were independent of feudal obligations. Englishmen enjoying their company were most likely trying to escape their own legal obligations (by decamping with the Gypsies or conspiring with them in other nefarious activities such as poaching). We may find the feudal system repugnant today, but within the logic of that system this particular law made eminent sense.
Lugo:
If a federal law enforcement officer sees a "state crime" in progress, I want them to arrest the perpetrator. If state law enforcement officers see a "federal crime" in progress, I want them to arrest the perpetrator. As Joe Citizen, I don't give a damn whether crimes are federal or state, I want the criminal apprehended and brought to justice, regardless of who catches him.
For example, imagine an FBI agent is investigating a suspect for narcotics smuggling. He can just stop the suspect for driving 36 in a 35, arrest him for speeding under state law, and search him for evidence or drugs.
So what's the problem here? If the net result is a drug smuggler off the street, I call it a win. They didn't stop him for nothing, he was committing a crime, and even if the immediate cause for the arrest was relatively "trivial" in some people's view, the arrest was fully justified.
good luck complaining to the FBI about your fully-constitutional-but-really-annoying temporary arrest
In my view, there is no basis for complaint! If you don't want to be arrested for a "state" crime, don't commit that crime! If you are violating both federal and state law, don't bellyache to me just because you were first arrested for one rather than the other. In a sane world, if a federal officer arrested someone for a "state" crime, the arrest would not be "temporary" - the perpetrator would be appropriately punished.
ruralcounsel (mail) (www):
For example, imagine an FBI agent is investigating a suspect for narcotics smuggling. He can just stop the suspect for driving 36 in a 35, arrest him for speeding under state law, and search him for evidence or drugs. If no evidence is discovered in the search, then the officers will just let the suspect go and plan on getting him next time. Under the state's theory, as I understand it, this is perfectly okay:
But where is the probable cause for the drug search? This wouldn't meet 4th Amendment criteria, generally speaking. Speeding is hardly enough to give probable cause for a drug search. Usually the trooper has to at least lie and say they saw a suspicious bulge in a pocket or a furtive gesture by the arrestee that made them fear a weapon. A decent state constitution would prevent that. E.g. The Vermont state constitution has been found to uphold a motorist refusing to be asked to exit their vehicle without more than a mere traffic violation. A traffic stop can't be used as a fishing expedition. Some state constitutions are interpreted to a higher (more protective) standard than the US one.
Lugo,
The problem is that you commit about 50 state crimes every day, especially if you happen to drive a car. Perhaps you think you need to be locked up and put away, and you are frustrated that no one has arrested you recently?
rural counsel,
That certainly isn't federal law, and federal officers aren't bound by state constitutions whether they are decent constitutions or indecent ones.
Rock Chocklett:
Let's remember that our analysis is several layers removed from the actual text of the Constitution. The exclusionary rule is a judicially-created and judicially-enforced remedy intended to deter officers from violating citizens' constitutional rights. Moore would have us go a step further and employ the rule as a remedy for non-constitutional violations. Maybe we don't like the idea of federal or state officers making unauthorized arrests, but not every injustice (and I question whether there is one here) is unconstitutional. Let the States or Congress mandate the exclusionary rule in those instances.
I also think you underestimate the political opposition that would be generated by federal officers' encroachment on state officers' "turf."
glangston (mail):
Does the Federal officer have a calibrated speedometer or any training in speed limit enforcement that he can make a judgement of 36 in a 35, or indeed does he know where the zone starts and ends etc etc. If not then I think a judge would rightly see through this as bogus.
I gather in your view there is no Fourth Amendment violation because the Fourth Amendment does not apply to the states, and the "incorporation" of the Fourth Amendment through the Due Process clause was a judicially created doctrine several layers removed from the text of the Constitution? Or is that judicially created doctrine acceptable to you -- and if so, why?
As for Moore's argument, it's just what the Supreme Court of 1948 found obvious in Di Re -- no modern innovations going on here.
Waldensian (mail):
I was watching one of those "catch the fugitive" shows on TV and was surprised to learn that the U.S. Marshals in Las Vegas engaged in this form of "catch and release." Specifically, they tailed a guy they suspected of harboring a fugitive, and when he failed to signal a turn (or somesuch) they stopped him and questioned him into giving up his cousin. I can't recall if they handcuffed him, searched his vehicle, etc. I'm assuming they did this under some kind of agreement with Nevada law enforcement, but who knows. The announcer noted that they did not in fact have the authority to do anything other than pull the guy over.
I haven't given it much thought, but if all this is done under some sort of cross-deputization agreement, I think I'm not worried about it.
cjwynes (mail):
In my personal experience, I have found that narcotics officers would not behave in the way you suggest. If they have targeted a drug smuggler, they are not going to move against him until they are sure that he actually has the drugs on him. A drug smuggler is going to know what's really going on when a federal agent pulls him over for speeding. If the feds tried this, they are in all likelihood exposing the CI (whose identity will seem more obvious to the smuggler now that he knows he's a target), and chasing the smuggler away from the deal about which the gov't had received information. So what's the point of this "catch and release" maneuver?
In reality, the federal narcotics officers will only want to actually move against the target when they are fairly certain that he presently possesses the drugs. The fact that the constitution may permit them to act on mere probable cause of any crime having been committed doesn't eliminate their other incentives to wait for more certainty.
Bad (mail) (www):
You forget: all these questions are irrelevant according to Scalia, because we can count on the "new professionalism" of police officers to protect us instead of outdated things like "rights."
whit:
i have a REAL problem with feds enforcing state law. we are one of the few nations without a national police force, and we need to keep it that way. i don't know if there are statutory or agency restrictions, but one way feds COULD do this (and do) is when they work in task forces.
officers in my agency work task forces with feds and are sworn in with limited special agent (special special agent, i guess) powers when they do so. similarly, feds on the task force may not be sworn in as local/state/county (as far as i know), but can target their guys when working with us, for local crimes.
however, WA as a state prohibits pretextual stops fwiw, whereas federal law doesn't. that would presumably be an issue for infraction stops if they were just using it as pretext.
"But where is the probable cause for the drug search? This wouldn't meet 4th Amendment criteria, generally speaking. Speeding is hardly enough to give probable cause for a drug search."
in most jurisdictions, speeding is a civil infraction, and thus you can't arrest or search incident to arrest.
" Usually the trooper has to at least lie and say they saw a suspicious bulge in a pocket or a furtive gesture by the arrestee that made them fear a weapon."
no, usually the trooper tells the truth. fwiw, neither a bulge nor a furtive movement justifies a SEARCH , but it does sometimes justify a FRISK. the anti-cop bigotry never stops!!! i feel oppressed :)
Although I question the validity of the exclusionary rule as a constitutional mandate, my quarrel (for now) is not with the rule per se. My point is that whenever we deal with judicially-imposed doctrines intended to vindicate the text of the Constitution, we must be careful not to allow that judicial trajectory to take us too far afield.
I think whether incorporation is such a doctrine is a fair question. At any rate, incorporation does not itself create substantive rights or remedies; it simply dictates against whom those rights and remedies apply. I concede that the Fourth Amendment has been applied to state actors, but the incorporation makes sense only as it binds the state actors by the federal constitution. Otherwise, States can legislatively manipulate the countours of the federal constitution, at least within their own jurisdictions. While this thinking may not be innovative, it is still too attenuated.
Realist Liberal:
ruralcounsel said:
A decent state constitution would prevent that. E.g. The Vermont state constitution has been found to uphold a motorist refusing to be asked to exit their vehicle without more than a mere traffic violation. A traffic stop can't be used as a fishing expedition. Some state constitutions are interpreted to a higher (more protective) standard than the US one.
In addition to Prof. Kerr's point about that not being federal law, there are other state constitutions that go the exact opposite way of what you term "a decent state constitution." California for example has the "Truth in Evidence" provision which limits the exclusionary rule to only what is mandated by the U.S. Constitution. So Prof. Kerr's example is a very real possibility in the biggest state in the country (that is if SCOTUS sides with Virginia). I'm not saying whether or not that is a good thing but it is something to consider.
"A decent state constitution would prevent that. E.g. The Vermont state constitution has been found to uphold a motorist refusing to be asked to exit their vehicle without more than a mere traffic violation. A traffic stop can't be used as a fishing expedition. Some state constitutions are interpreted to a higher (more protective) standard than the US one."
i like penn vs. mimms
"Here, it is clear that the officers had reasonable suspicion to stop the vehicle: its tags were expired. And, the Court held, it is always reasonable during a valid vehicle stop for an officer to order the driver of a vehicle to get out of said vehicle for a face-to-face confrontation WITHOUT REASONABLE SUSPICION THAT THE DRIVER IS A THREAT TO THE OFFICER. This is so because the Supreme Court is, in a way, officer-survival oriented: "...it would be unreasonable to require that police officers take unnecessary risks in the performance of their duties""
http://www.jus.state.nc.us/NCJA/legmar94.htm
fwiw, asking (or ordering) a driver out of a car is not just for fishing action. in many cases, it's superior officer safety, even in a mere traffic stop. when i do t. stops with multiple occupants, have to watch ONE person vs. 4.
penn. vs mimms is good law imo.
Scalia says no such thing, of course, although it is a surprisingly common misrepresentation of Justice Scalia's Hudson opinion to try to make Scalia look silly. His point was that under the "balancing approach" of the suppression remedy, there was no need for a new constitutional suppression remedy for knock and announce violations. I'm not sure how that is relevant to Moore.
1.23.2008 12:04pm
K Parker (mail):
If you find our federal system, with multiple levels of independent government, to be too bothersome, may I recommend a move to France? They have a nice unitary system of government. So, these days, does the UK, de facto if not exactly always de jure.
Further issue: as I noted, federal agents have LEO arrest powers only within their agency's jurisdiction (unless cross-deputized, which usually is only done with the state agency that parallels theirs). Outside of that, any arrest they make is a citizen's arrest under state law.
1) That's generally limited to felonies or breaches of the peace.
2) At least in my state, most traffic violations are civil matters. Sorta hard to envision a citizen's arrest on a civil matter. Even if we can, how does the federal agent write the ticket?
3) Which also leads me to wonder where an LEO's power to stop for a civil matter comes from? I suppose it might be considered something less than an "arrest," and hence permissible as a step in processing a civil penalty, but it does require re-thinking.
Whit, do you have a problem when a suspect (driving alone) takes his keys and locks the car doors behind him?
"Whit, do you have a problem when a suspect (driving alone) takes his keys and locks the car doors behind him?"
if you mean, during a traffic stop, as he exits the car, assuming he is alone?
no. doesn't bother nme
"3) Which also leads me to wonder where an LEO's power to stop for a civil matter comes from? I suppose it might be considered something less than an "arrest," and hence permissible as a step in processing a civil penalty, but it does require re-thinking."
we've already gone over this. :)
it is a seizure, not an "arrest" (in the sense of formal or custodial arrest). arrest is often used as a synonym for any DETENTION, vs. the other meaning. arrests, in the sense of formal/custodial require probable cause of a crime. seizures do not
the 4th says all SEIZURES must be, however, reasonable.
traffic stops (or pedestrian stops) for civil infractions are reasonable.
also, there are NUMEROUS cases where seizures are reasonable even w/o infraction OR crime reasonable suspicion - community caretaking, freezing a scene upon arrival, etc. etc. etc.
1.23.2008 1:00pm
David M (www):
The Thunder Run has linked to this post in the - Web Reconnaissance for 01/23/2008 A short recon of what's out there that might draw your attention, updated throughout the day...so check back often.
Student:
Not nitpicking here (I really don't know the answer), but can an officer really arrest someone for going 36 in a 35 and then search them? I recall seeing a MD case where an officer suspected a kid for smoking, stopped and searched him (probable cause to believe he was underage and in possession of tobacco products) and the court suppressed the results of the search because underage smoking is not a misdemeanor or felony, but merely a violation of an ordinance. Wouldn't the crime have to be much more serious than going 36 in a 35 to give the officer grounds to arrest someone and search them?
Also, in my Virginia Practice course I believe we were taught that in Virginia a host of federal officers are empowered by statute to make arrests (Coast Guard etc) for state offenses. Would that mean that the "nightmare scenario" already exists (at least in Virginia and other states with similar statutes)? I don't know of federal law enforcement running rampant on minor violations of state ordinances, but perhaps I simply haven't noticed.
Wow, that was astonishingly non sequitur. I thought the "problem" in this thread was that federal agents could make arrests for violations of state law. Now apparently the real problem is that there are too many state laws. But why aren't you crusading against the real and pervasive evil of ordinary people being pulled over every day for arbitrary state crimes? Why are you focusing on a scenario that can only occur in a negligibly small number of cases (federal criminals being stopped for state reasons)?
If I am guilty of a federal crime, and get pulled over for a state traffic offense, am I any less a federal or state criminal for all that there are a large number of state traffic offenses? No. I am guilty of both and should be punished for both. It is logically absurd to put a firewall between federal and state law enforcement, and it is equally absurd not to prosecute a guy for a federal crime just because he was picked up (accidentally or intentionally) for a state crime. This only creates a loophole that criminals will try to exploit.
I don't get pulled over very often, but I can assure you that I have never been pulled over for a state crime that I did not know existed and that I did not know I was violating. Yes, I speed, on purpose, usually because that's how fast everyone's going, and very rarely I get busted. I don't feel sorry for myself when I do (them's the breaks), and I don't feel sorry for anyone guilty of other crimes who gets apprehended because they were pulled over for a traffic offense.
i have a REAL problem with feds enforcing state law.
Why? As Joe Citizen, I want bad guys put away, I don't care who does it or who gets the credit.
People guilty of state felonies get caught all the time due to traffic stops. This is a good thing! It is also a good thing if traffic stops lead to those guilty of federal crimes being caught.
If the practical effect of this approach is to put more criminals in prison where they belong, I'm all for it. I've never said we can't learn anything from the Europeans!
"Not nitpicking here (I really don't know the answer), but can an officer really arrest someone for going 36 in a 35 and then search them? I recall seeing a MD case where an officer suspected a kid for smoking, stopped and searched him (probable cause to believe he was underage and in possession of tobacco products) and the court suppressed the results of the search because underage smoking is not a misdemeanor or felony, but merely a violation of an ordinance. Wouldn't the crime have to be much more serious than going 36 in a 35 to give the officer grounds to arrest someone and search them? "
officers can arrest for CRIMES, not civil infractions. as said before, in most jurisdictions, speeding is a infraction, not a crime.
if there is a crime, they can arrest *(with some exceptions like in some states, many misdemeanors can only be arrestable if committed in officers presence, etc.)
i find that this is one of the most common misperceptions here (and elsewhere) - not understandign the difference between crimes and infractions. both can result in officer seizures. only the former are arrestable.
Fub:
whit wrote at 1.23.2008 11:27am:
I'm not sure I understand that safety rationale. What about a "designated driver for gangsters" situation, ie: the driver is the only vehicle occupant who isn't armed and triggerhappy?
" have a REAL problem with feds enforcing state law. "
"Why? As Joe Citizen, I want bad guys put away, I don't care who does it or who gets the credit. "
and as joe cop, so do i. but our system specifically does not have a federal police force. it is part of our unique federal republic. most countries do. we don't. and i want to keep it that way.
most crimes are not federal. federal power is already too extended, and we don't need to extend it more
Chris B. (mail):
This is a valid observation and I'll think about it some more. I will just note that I think this is what Scalia was driving at at oral argument when he kept asking about whether janitors can arrest people under Virginia's theory. I gathered that Scalia's point was that the constitution, at least on some level, does look at "arrestability" of offenses in the sense that janitors can't arrest people because there was probable cause to believe a crime has occurred. It's a fair point, though my intuition is that there are distinguishing limits that cuts off both janitors and federal agents from being able to arrest for state law.
This seems far more important to the idea of whether the arrest itself is constitutional rather than the Di Re/search incident to a lawful arrest exception portion. In any event though if Va v. Moore comes out and allows both federal agents and janitors to arrest people for state offenses, we'll have more problems than just the humorous offshoot of some Charles Bronson-esque janitors arresting folks.
in many states, janitors (and anybody else) can arrest for crimes committed in their presence (in fact committed standard vs. probable cause).
it doesn;'t create a problem. citizens don't enjoy the immunity that cops do for claims arising from those arrests, and most people don't use it very often.
i used to work
and of course once the cops arrive, they are not going to 'take' the arrest unless it's rock solid.
i used to work as a cop where this was how it went. WE couldn't arrest for a theft (misdemeanor) not in our presence, but citizens could. so, every misdemeanor shoplift WAS a citizen;s arrest.
hattio1:
Whit says;
i have a REAL problem with feds enforcing state law. we are one of the few nations without a national police force, and we need to keep it that way.
Once again, I find myself agreeing with you and I dont' like it.
He also says;
Once again, if everybody seems to think cops lie, isn't it possible that you are the exception rather than the rule?
As to the search or frisk, you are correct. You ever train other LEO? Cops here seem to think a frisk allows them to open envelopes, wallets, Copenhagen cans etc.
"Once again, if everybody seems to think cops lie, isn't it possible that you are the exception rather than the rule? "
everybody doesn't think that check the stats. nationwide, cops are among the more respected of professions, WAY above lawyers fwiw. not slagging, them's just the facts.
AMONG the present company that is not so much the case. don't extrapolate from a niche population to the population at large.
most people think cops are more honest than lawyers. again, that's the reality. just not in here.
" You ever train other LEO?"
not in constitutional law stuff.
" Cops here seem to think a frisk allows them to open envelopes, wallets, Copenhagen cans etc."
hmm. um... not
Whit, you're one in a million. God bless ya for it
hattio1,
I don't think everyone thinks all cops lie, they think some cops do.
Linus (mail):
It is logically absurd to put a firewall between federal and state law enforcement
I know! What is WITH that federalism crap?
KParker;
I don't think everyone thinks all cops lie
Of course, they're wrong...just kidding whit.
A surprisingly thin defense. Here's what he actually argued:
Another development over the past half-century that deters civil-rights violations is the increasing professionalism of police forces, including a new emphasis on internal police discipline. Even as long ago as 1989, we felt it proper to "assume" that unlawful police behavior "would be dealt with appropriately" by the authorities, but we now have increasing evidence that police forces across the United States take the constitutional rights of citizens seriously. There have been "wide ranging reforms in the education, training, and supervision" of police officers (cite omitted).
Moreover, modern police forces are staffed with professionals; it is not credible to assert that internal discipline, which can limit successful careers, will not have a deterrent effect. There is also evidence that the increasing use of various forms of citizen review can enhance police accountability.
So, you tell me how this isn't essentially a judge concluding that his (misinformed as it happened, at least based on his own citation) opinion of police professionalism is relevant to whether or not a rule to deter illegal activity by the police is necessary or not.
As Randy Balko has shown Scalia's reasoning has been repeated in other court cases. Ironically, including one in which the very officers in question were not disciplined at all: one was even honored with a "Cop of the Year" award. In fact, the real career killer in many police forces isn't abusing someone's rights, it's reporting on the misconduct of fellow officers.
If a federal law enforcement officer sees a "state crime" in progress, I want them to arrest the perpetrator.
In California it's a "crime" to have an air freshener hanging from your rear view mirror. Would it be good for society for federal agents to arrest people, impound their cars (it'll cost you at least $250 to get your car back), and put people into jail for a few hours for such offenses?
The problem with Virgina's position is that it takes pretextual searches too far. It is bad enough that the Court has allowed pretextual searched. Extending Whren still further is especially troubling.
Incidentally, you will likely never be stopped for having an air freshener hanging from your rear view mirror. Those sort of stops are reserved for minorities. Because, as we all know, if you have three black of Hispanics in a car, there is surely something illegal going on in there.
"It is logically absurd to put a firewall between federal and state law enforcement "
in terms of INFORMATION sharing, i readily agree. information sharing between agencies IN GENERAL is terrible. it is even worse between state (locals, county, etc.) and the feds.
that's common knowledge and is even reflected in most cop shows (uh oh... here come the prima donna feds).
i have no problem with more information sharing between feds and locals. that could GREATLY improve public safety, criminal apprehension, etc.
the issue of ACTUAL policing should almost always be left to locals. the FBI etc. are not "police agencies".
but intelligence and information sharing even among locals is terrible. i routinely drive in different agency's jurisdiction, and i dont even have their RADIO frequency in my car (they are not programmed into our radios). i could have a robbery in progress 50 ft from my location, with the nearest officer from that city 10 minutes away, and i would not even know. this is bad for officer safety as well as protecting the citizens.
a lot has to do with political posturing, selfishness, protecting assets (information is power) etc.
when bad guys do crimes in multiple jurisdictions, the lack of information sharing ESPECIALLY real time is horrible.
like in so many other areas, private industry is WAY ahead of public ones. look at how, for instance, private casinos routinely share information with each other. they realize its in all their best interests to share info. law enforcement - no way
also note that a big problem in 911 was the (clinton era lawyer imposed) intelligence firewall between CIA and FBI.
"Incidentally, you will likely never be stopped for having an air freshener hanging from your rear view mirror. Those sort of stops are reserved for minorities. Because, as we all know, if you have three black of Hispanics in a car, there is surely something illegal oing on in there"
nice to see the racial profiling myth continues.
repeat a lie often enough...
The problem is that you commit about 50 state crimes every day, especially if you happen to drive a car.
Precisely. I cite for instance a recent stop sign installed back home. The stop sign replaces a yield sign that used to be present for the right turn-lane. The surprising result of which is that even when 'your light' is green, you have to execute a full-stop to turn-right. Many people do not expect this.
In fact, the real career killer in many police forces isn't abusing someone's rights, it's reporting on the misconduct of fellow officers.
Whit, I'm sure you are swell guy that doesn't do anything wrong, ever, while on the job but you can't seriously claim that there isn't any profiling anywhere. At the very minimum, you have to deal with Barry Cooper saying otherwise.


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Policy & Projects
Cultural Diversity Week
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Walter Lippmann Memorial Oration
Blog: ECCV Annual General Meeting 2018
The ECCV Annual General Meeting was held on Thursday 6 December 2018 at the Queen Victoria Women's Centre in Melbourne City. There were approximately 80 people in attendance. The annual meeting was held in accordance with the ECCV Constitution which can be found here.
The evening showcased ECCV's year in review including presentations from the Chairperson, Executive Officer, Treasurer and members of the ECCV Intergenerational Young Advocate Leaders (IYAL) group.
The special guest speaker was the newly appointed Minister for Multicultural Affairs, Richard Wynne MP. The ECCV AGM marked the Minister's first public engagement as the newly appointed Minister for Multicultural Affairs. Richard Wynne MP spoke about his longstanding commitment to Multiculturalism and acknowledged ECCV as an integral ethnic organisation within the policy sector.
The Minister has been the Member for Richmond for many years and was previously the Minister for Housing, as a result he has an in-depth understanding of diverse communities and the important role housing plays for refugees being able to establish a new life. The ECCV Chairperson, on behalf of the ECCV board and staff shared the team's enthusiasm about his appointment and reinforced ECCV's commitment to continuing a close working relationship with the Andrews Government.
The ECCV Intergenerational Young Advocate Leaders (IYAL) group members Sav and Mohammed delivered a presentation about the group's outputs and aspirations. The Hon. Jenny Mikakos MP, Minister for Youth officially launched the ECCV IYAL program on 23rd of May at Parliament House.
IYAL Member, Mohammed shared with the audience some of his experiences as a refugee, and that in currently doing his PhD in cancer research he hopes to break down stereotypes about people with refugee backgrounds.
The ECCV Chair presented an award to community leader, John Zika, acknowledging John's long and ongoing service to ECCV and the multicultural community.
The ECCV Chairperson, Cr Kris Pavlidis presented the annual report, thanked the previous Executive Officer, Dr Irene Bouzo for her outstanding contribution and also thanked the acting Executive Officers Jill Morgan AM and Con Pagonis for their support in addition to thanking the staff and volunteers for their contributions to ECCV's ongoing success.
Photos taken by Domas Rukas.
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Caterpillar 777 Off-HighwayTrucks - United Kingdom - Private treaty of 18 lots accepting offers until Mar-31.
Telkom Real Estate Portfolio Disposal Online Auction Throughout South Africa - Various locations in South Africa - Online auction of 9 lots closing from Mar-31.
Renault Trucks - Schuler 1200 Ton Hydraulic Blanking Line (Installed new 2004) - Vénissieux, France - Sealed-bid auction accepting offers until Mar-31.
Perkins 4008 & 4016 Gas Engines Unused and Remanufactured with Generators (Gas Tunable) - South Wales, United Kingdom - Private treaty accepting offers until Mar-31.
Assmang Iron Ore Beeshoek Mine And Black Rock Mine Operations Online Auction - South Africa - Sale 10 - Beeshoek, Northern Cape & Kuruman District, 17 km North of Hotazel, South Africa - Online auction of 79 lots closing from Apr-01.
Santa Ana Springs Equipment Sale - San Miguel Tecpan, Mexico - Private treaty accepting offers until Apr-01.
110+ CNC Vertical Turret Lathes & Machining Centers, Presses, Balancing & Assembly Equipment from a World Class Automotive Manufacturer - Qingdao, China - Private treaty of 66 lots accepting offers until Apr-02.
Berliner Wasserbetriebe - Cars, Commercial Trucks, Tractors, Trailers And Public Utility Vehicles - Berlin, Germany - Online auction of 19 lots closing from Apr-02.
Live Auction of Real Estate - Touws River - South Africa - Corner Boy Muller & Stofberg Street, Touws River - Live auction starts Apr-03.
Biopharma And Laboratory Related Equipment - Cheshire UK - Online auction of 479 lots closing from Apr-03.
Hanwha QCELLS GmbH - Production Equipment - Bitterfeld-Wolfen, Germany - Online auction closing from Apr-04.


Symphony Orchestra - An outstanding group at Bayside. Students from 7th and 8th grade are in this group. They perform five times a year at concerts and at UIL contest. Students also perform at Solo, Ensemble and Region.


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World-class research. Ultimate impact.
Frontiers in Sociology
Gender, Sex and Sexualities
The Invisibility of Women's Organizations in Decision Making Processes in Africa and Its Implications View all 6 Articles
Tolulope J. Adeogun
University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
Magdalena Zadkowska
University of Gdansk, Poland
Omololu M. Fagbadebo
Durban University of Technology, South Africa
The Women's Movement in Nigeria, the Journey so Far
Discussion of Findings on the role of Women's group in Women Political Participation in Osun State
Front. Sociol., 12 July 2019 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2019.00052
An Assessment of the Role of Women Group in Women Political Participation, and Economic Development in Nigeria
Monica Adele Orisadare*
Department of Economics, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife, Nigeria
The exclusion of women in politics has been identified in recent times as one of the major setbacks for economic development. Women's groups are a strong pillar for grassroots politics; and a drive for more women participating in politics at the grassroots still faces a lot of challenges, making it difficult for them to harness available opportunities for economic development. Thus, the opportunity therein for more women's participation in politics and women empowerment is yet to be exploited by the women's groups in Nigeria. This present study assesses the role of women's groups in politics, identifies their challenges and also explores its implication for economic development in Osun state, Nigeria. The study was carried out using primary data from forums and dialogues within women's groups, consisting of an average of thirty (30) members from ten (10) local government areas (LGAs) in Osun state, Nigeria. In addition, explorative methods using existing literature were also employed. Findings from the study indicate that women's groups do not have political agenda; mostly, their goals do not align with any political agenda, although their members accept appointments, and also enjoy government patronage. There was also an indication that there exists a high illiteracy rate among the members of the women's groups and most of them are not aware of existing National or International gender equality laws or affirmative action. Thus, it is difficult to participate in politics and contribute their voices to political issues. The study concludes that the present role played by women's groups at the grassroots level may not be adequate in encouraging more women's participation in politics and in influencing economic development. Thus, there is need to step up their activities and embrace political issues if they are to help more women participate and be relevant in politics. The study therefore suggests that more empowerment programs, especially in the area of decision making and participation in politics, should be targeted at women's groups at the grassroots levels by the governments and all stakeholders as a matter of priority.
The exclusion of women in politics has been identified in recent times as one of the major setbacks for economic development. The poor presentation of women in elective positions has been a major social development issue since the beginning of the current democratization process in Nigeria. Politics as a real-world phenomenon is gendered. The world over, core conditions of people's lives—including their health, education, security, as well as access to markets, public space, freedom of expression, and their work—are fundamentally shaped by their identification as being of a particular sex or gender group (Waylen et al., 2013). Evidence around the globe indicates the path for women to hold elected office was achieved not only through the efforts of individuals but with collective work through organizations. As identified by Mazur et al. (2016), participants in the women's movement, including individuals and groups, both informal and formal, are those who identify with women as a group, and are framed as women representing women whose ideas are expressed as overtly gendered. Beckwith (2000) viewed women's movements as a subset of sociopolitical movements focusing on women's gendered experiences. The author went on give women's sewing clubs as an example. Social clubs for women existed in the nineteenth century, but toward the end of the century an increasing number of women's groups began to form with political leanings. According to Mazur et al. (2016), it was not until the early 2000s that scholars started having a consensus on the meaning of women's movements for comparative purposes (Molyneux, 1985; Beckwith, 2000). Although, women's movements were treated by many early feminist scholars, such as Dahlerup (1986), Katzenstein and Mueller (1987), Ferree and Martin (1995), as a major analytical focus or variable; they tried to understand how changes in the nature of women's movements have influenced policy outcomes and in turn how these activities have affected the movements. In the earlier years, equal rights, may not have been the cause championed by women's movements but rather, in traditional African societies, they sought to protect a women's role of mothering and care-giving, a situation (Gouws, 2015) pointed out might not always be empowering. In recent times, however, the failure of the patriarchal dominated state to incorporated women's issues into governance has seen women's movement springing up around the globe and especially in Africa since the 1990s. Thus, women's movements have evolved overtime as a result of modernizing forces and processes of redefining the public (politics) and private sphere (household). There exists a long history of Women's movements in Western democracies, yet only a few conclusions can be drawn with confidence about their trajectories over the decades (Mazur et al., 2016). There are different variations of women's movements in existence in different regions of Africa, in terms of their timing, character, influence, and effectiveness.
Various organizations have helped educate voters, raise awareness about women's rights issues, lobby legislative bodies, and support women running for office. Even though some groups dissolved after their particular causes were no longer relevant, while other groups have been longer lasting, political groups for women nevertheless continue to play a role in politics today. Women's organizations, as observed by Gouws (2015), are spreading and networking across Africa on an unprecedented scale and creating gender-friendly laws and constitutions. Thus, in recent times, Women's movements which were hitherto dominated by organizations engaged in "developmental" activities including income-generation, welfare concerns, and home making skills, have evolved to become organizations lobbying for women in decision making position in politics: pressing for legislative and constitutional changes, and conducting civic education. In fact, women on their own went further to form political parties. From an account from Holm (1992), the reason was partly because women's concerns have not been adequately addressed by existing parties in the multiparty system. This is because in many instances women's political visions are different and do not align with existing parties structures and, thus, are not accommodated; in some cases, the women wanted to build more broad multiethnic and multi-religious constituencies than was possible with existing parties. Examples include: the National Party in Zambia in 1991 started by Dr. Inonge Mbikusita-Lewanika; the Zimbabwe Union of Democrats in 1999 by Margaret Dongo; and Kopanang Basotho in Lesotho formed by Limakatso Ntakatsane. Likewise, in Kenya, parties were headed by Charity Ngilu and Dr. Wangari Maathai; in Central African Republic, Ruth Rolland-Jeanne-Marie led a party; similarly in Angola, Amália de Vitoria Pereira led a party (Tripp, 1999). Women-led parties with broad male and female constituencies had sprang up in Zambia, Kenya and several other countries due to the reluctance of political parties to take steps to increase women's representation (Holm, 1992). In Nigeria however, although political parties are not yet led by women, women have been organizing themselves to redefine their position in the society since the pre-colonial period. In the last two decades women's organizations have witnessed a significant increase and a greatly diversified set of issues are being addressed. There are associations, cooperatives, trade groups, faith based organizations at local, state and national levels, and some with regional and international connections (Centre for Human Development, 2012). Despite the enormous achievements of the Nigerian women's movement so far, there remains a plethora of issues to be addressed urgently; a major one is the greater involvement of women in political and decision-making processes. The social and economic pressures which have become pronounced in the last two decades and the emergence of the male dominated democratic system are having a negative effect on the gains of the past. There is, therefore, a clear need to re-think the approach to women's empowerment and gender equality, especially in the area of increasing women's political participation.
This study lies on the premise that promoting women's participation through the role of women's groups in political dispensation is desirable based on equity, equality, and economic development. This premise is supported by Feminist empowerment approach which combines both Feminist theory and empowerment approach and Modernization theory. According to feminist theory, inferior status delegated to women is due to societal inequality, which is shaped by political, economic and social power relations, and women should have equal access to all forms of power (Turner and Maschi, 2014). Similar to the concept of empowerment, feminist analysis helps women to understand how they are oppressed and dominated and often inspires them to engage in efforts to bring about broader social change. Empowerment theories have appeared based upon feminist publications and theories. "Women's empowerment approach," according to Razmi et al. (2018), is one of the most important theories proposed in recent years among both those theoretical and empirical. According to this approach, the women's share of parliamentary seats is one of the most important indicators for measuring Women's Empowerment (Razmi et al., 2018). It has been argued by scholars that an increase in the average level of human capital is preceded by an increase in inclusive incentives and policies for women in the labor force and enrolment in higher education (Stolt, 2013). Essentially, therefore, the ultimate goal of women's empowerment, which is a political process, is not just to change hierarchical gender relations but also to change all hierarchical relations in the society (Cook, 1997).
The modernization theory reckons that economic growth inevitably leads to social development and gender equality; authors dealing with conflict and with institutional design suggest that economic growth by itself does not follow an exclusive path. According to this view there is a bi-directional relationship between economic development and women's empowerment, defined as improving the ability of women to access the constituents of development, in particular health, education, earning opportunities, rights, and political participation (Duflo, 2016).
This study assesses the role of women's groups in Nigeria, with the hope of contributing to existing literature on the effectiveness and coordination of women's groups toward addressing the issue of low political participation by women. Osun state in South-West Nigeria is used as the case study. Presently, Osun state has the highest percentage of women in elected positions in Nigeria. The study made efforts to evaluate the role of women's groups in women's political participation in Osun state and examine problems that have made the women's groups (in) effective and (un) coordinated.
The women's movement in Nigeria has come a long way, since the pre-colonial period to the present, in which Nigerian women have been organizing themselves to redefine their position in the society.
The umbrella body of all women-based organizations in Nigeria, the National Council of Women's Societies (NCWS), comprising a network of independent women's organizations was founded in 1959. The goals of the NCWS include, among others: the improvement of welfare; progress and the standard of living of women; and increasing the role of women in political life for more access to decision making (Olojede, 2000). Having been in existence for almost five decades, with membership spanning all regions of Nigeria, it has successfully given recognition to an unprecedented number of women in various spheres and from all walks of life.
Nigerian women have participated actively in all stages of the country's development beginning from the pre-colonial, through colonial to the post-colonial era. From records, women's struggles to correct acts of discrimination and violence dates back to the nineteenth century and they have actively participated in activities aimed to better their lot, in spite of the fact that such movements were not identified or labeled with any specific name at the earlier stage.
The significant role played by women in anti-colonial struggles, the struggles during the National Independence and social modernization, resulted in the formation of women's movements (Nigerian Group, 2011).
Women's interest was recognized in the pre-colonial era because of their importance in the distributive sector. Women were involved in trading activities in agriculture which was produced grown by men, and in craft and services. During this period women had a group consciousness and solidarity based on mutual interest and needs; they held important rights in the society, notably the right to discuss public policy, the right to representation on decision making bodies, and the right to property and inheritance. While women were not equal with men socially and politically they did, however, wield influence in policy making and processed institutional mechanisms for making the influence felt (Johnson, 1982). Colonialism, however, became a break which altered the existing position of women in African societies, including Nigeria. As observed by Ettienne and Lealock (1980) women's economic roles and their ability to participate in local government, in particular, were altered during this period. Within these changed circumstances of the colonial situation and the perceived threat to women's interests, women re-strategized by regrouping their forces to preserve and protect their interests. Strategies employed included organizing market women along new lines, using traditional skills and concepts of leadership, as well as western protest actions. Notable in this were the Southwestern Nigerian women, and in roughly the same period the Egba board of management in Abeokuta also came on board. This effort of women to protect their interest continued to mount even after the colonial period through regrouping in small clusters, mostly for their economic welfare. The four World Conferences on Women in 1975, 1980, 1985, and 1995, however, helped women in Nigeria to gain from the opportunities provided therein (Aluko, 2009). Notably, the experience of the Beijing Conference is worth mentioning here. Before the Beijing Conference in 1995, many women issues where left unaddressed, but soon afterwards a lot of women came into the limelight and it was time to start action for change. From this, a modest gain was achieved, for instance through the passage of the child right bill, violence against women, and so on. The participation of Nigeria in the Beijing Conference was an eye opener that gave birth to the National Commission for Women, which later translated into the Ministry of Women Affairs both at federal and State levels, the implication of which was that there are now 36 Commissioners in 36 states for the Ministry. Since the Beijing Conference in 1995 there has been gradual progress in the location of women in power decision making, which has also given rise to people's sensitivity to gender issues; duly, the National Gender Policy is reviewed every 5 years in Nigeria to assess the progress of the Beijing conference outcome. Women have also explored other UN accords for their benefits, especially the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The gender equality and women empowerment goal of the millennium development goal is not left out; efforts being made in the achievement of the millennium development Goal 3 has enlightened more men and enabled them to be part of the achievement including, more recently, Goal 5 regarding Sustainable development. In fact, the awareness about women's rights is now growing among men. All the above have been bases for demanding change in the lives of women in Nigeria.
There has been a successful setting of the women's agenda both in the public and private sectors due to the various efforts and activities of the women's movement. The evolution in the women's movement articulating women's rights is having implications for national policies, and advocacy work for women has made it possible for the decree on violence against women to be passed in six states in Nigeria. Also, building the capacity of women in the form of entrepreneurial training and the provision of micro credit facilities have empowered them to stand on their own, equipped with the capacity to contribute to the development of their various community, improving coalition among grassroots women. The economic empowerment of women has also resulted in social and political empowerment. The growing female participation in politics has increased the number of female Deputy Governors from one to three, and more women are now being given the opportunity to be part of decision making. Presently, statistics available from the Independent National Electoral Commission for the period 2015–2018 show that there are six deputy governors in six (6) states in Nigeria including: Osun (Mrs. Titilayo Laoye-Tomori); Ogun (Mrs.Yetunde Abosede Onanuga); Lagos (Dr Idiat Oluranti Adebule); Rivers (Ipalibo Gogo Banigo); Enugu (Mrs. Cecilia Ezeilo); and AkwaIbom (Mrs. Valerie Ebe).
Constraints of the Women's Movement in Nigeria
Despite the enormous achievement of the women's movement in Nigeria, at the same time there exists constraints limiting its effectiveness. The lack of priority setting among activists in women's organizations, which has given rise to a segregated women's movement with different interests, is a major impetus for this study. Corruption in the country has also encouraged nepotism, mediocrity, and has led to conflict of interest within the movement. Although, even with little or no coordination, continuity, or sustainability, as well as no clear objectives, mission, or vision for some of the women's organizations, Madunagu (2008) observed that their existence have been characterized nevertheless as ad hoc bodies, and are useful when the need arises.
Financial support from international donors, which was a major source of funding for most women-based organizations in Nigeria has, in recent times since the 2008 global economic downturn, been suspended, posing a major threat to funding of their activities. These irregularities of getting grants, and sometimes the absence or shortage of funds, has been a major problem in carrying out programs contributing to the advancement of women's causes in Nigeria. The lack of education and enlightenment toward a significant political orientation among women and a lack of understanding concerning the interpretation of interventions have led to problems in getting constitutions regarding women adopted and putting women's issues on the agenda. It has not been easy getting people to accept the sermon of the women's movement; most times people lack interest and there is difficulty in getting women commitment to forming a strong union or alliance. Even those women's associations that have been formed are difficult in handling, as most times there is no confidence or trust in relating with each other in the movement. The lack of proper coordination among women's groups and associations has been a threat to the effectiveness of the women's movement in setting national gender policies in Nigeria. There are coalitions and networks among organizations in the movement but they do not function properly. Irregular meetings have been a major obstacle and this has also led to lack of documentation of NGOs activities within the movement.
The study was carried out using primary data from forums and dialogues with 6 women's groups consisting of an average of 30 members from 10 LGAs in Osun state, Nigeria. Both purposive and random sampling technique was employed, respectively, for the selection of the target population. The sample consisted of six women groups [National Council of Women Society (NCWS), Market Women Association, Widows Associations, Federation of Muslim Women Association of Nigeria (FOMWAN), Women Wing of Christian Association of Nigeria (WOWICAN) and the women's wing of the National Union of Teachers (NUT)] from ten (10) local governments, namely: Odo-Otin, Boripe/Boluwaduro, Ifedayo, Olorunda, Ede South, Ede North, Irewole, Ilesa West, Ife-Central, and Osogbo local governments. Permission was sought from all the women's group in the ten (10) LGAs to participate in their meetings. The women's groups were engaged in dialogue to elicit information on their awareness about existing National Gender Policy and Gender equality laws and policies, their perception about women's political participation, and their role in politics. Also, problems facing the women's groups were examined. Data collected were analyzed using descriptive method and content analysis. Also, explorative methods using existing literature were also employed (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Map of Local Government Areas in Osun State, Nigeria.
Ethics approval was not required for this study as per applicable institutional guidelines and regulations. Oral informed consent was obtained from all participants. The leaders of the different women groups were informed of the study and their permission was sought and this was duly communicated to the members. Except for the name of the women groups; no direct or indirect identifiers of members were used. The rights and integrity of the respondents were respected in the course of the study. Participants were informed that participation in the study was voluntary and they were not compelled to provide information. Participants were free to withdraw from the study at any point they felt like. They were also made to understand that there were no risks associated with participating in the study.
Having sought the permission of the leaders of the women groups to engage them in dialogue on the day of their meetings, it was duly communicated to the members. All the participants in the study participated voluntary. Attendance at the meetings comprised an average of 30 members each from the six (6) women groups in the ten (10) LGAs. Membership of all the women's groups cut across generations, ranging from young mothers in their early 20s to women in their 60s and over. The goals and objectives of most of the women's groups were mainly to cater for their members needs in their private sphere (household), especially their welfare, women empowerment, and poverty alleviation.
Awareness of Existing National Gender Policy and Gender Equality Laws and Policies in Nigeria
From the investigation carried out, the evidence indicates that the awareness of the women groups on National Gender Policy, CEDAW, and other Gender Equality Laws are very low. Only a few of the women (5%) were aware of the 35% affirmative Action and most of the women, about 95%, were not aware of any existing gender policy, whether locally in Nigeria or International. Most of the women's groups lack political agenda, and their goals do not in any way align with any political agenda. Some of their goals include women empowerment, welfare promotion, poverty alleviation, career development, spiritual development, and so on (see Table 1).
Table 1. Table showing a Summary of Goals and Objectives of the Women Groups.
Perception on Women Political Participation and Their Role in Politics
Although most of the members were registered as voters, but not as constituents of any existing political party, only a very few are registered as party members. Also, members of women's groups accept political appointments, and also enjoy government's patronage when the opportunity arises.
A majority of the women revealed that they are not participating in politics due to a number of reasons which include among others, party meetings time, violence, unfavorable laws for Civil servants participation in politics, illiteracy, and a lack of support from men.
Political Parties Meetings Time
According to the women, political party meetings are held mostly in the night and, to them, it is difficult for responsible women to attend such meetings. As a result, most of them shy away from being involved in politics. They, however, pointed out that a few women defy this norm; they are registered as party members and attend meetings but eventually they are stigmatized and labeled wayward and irresponsible by the society.
The women's groups identified violence as a limiting factor for the women in participating in politics; they pointed to the manner in which politician use various violence means to scare women from participating in politics which the women described as fearful. As a result of the threats, most of the women lack the courage to go into politics.
High Level of Illiteracy
A high level of illiteracy was a common trait among the majority of the women in the groups [Market Women Association, Widows Associations, Federation of Muslim Women Association of Nigeria (FOMWAN) and Women Wing of Christian Association of Nigeria (WOWICAN)], except for the women's wing of the NUT, where the lowest qualification amongst the women was a National Certificate of Education (NCE) and a National Council of Women Society (NCWS). Over 90% of the women in groups are not literate.
Existing Laws and Civil Servants Participation in Politics
According to the women; existing laws are not favorable for civil servants in general, and women in particular, to participate in politics. Following the British tradition, the civil service in Nigeria continues to be characterized more or less by permanence, anonymity, and neutrality as contained in the 1999 Constitution (Iheme, 2003). As explained further by Iheme, permanence means that civil servants are career officers and ordinarily are expected to remain in the service for their entire working lives with different governments regimes. Thus, permanence ensures continuity. Anonymity means that civil servants are expected to work behind the scenes placing their skills and energies at the disposal of their political masters, who make the final decisions and receive applause for good work and jeers for bad work. While neutrality means that civil servants are prohibited from having political affiliations; they are expected to be faithful and impartially serve any government in power (Padfield, 1977; Adamolekun, 1986; Udoji, 1995; Iheme, 2003). This particular clause in Section 45 (1) (a) of the 1999 constitution has been a subject of controversy yet to be resolved.
Other Constraints
The lack of support from men and the loss of values amongst female politicians, as well as a lack of funding for the groups, were also marked as common constraints challenging for all the women's groups.
The above constraints were major factors limiting the participation of all the women's groups in politics in the selected LGAs. The present low level of most women's groups' engagement in political matters in the LGAs Osun state makes it difficult for them to be involved in politics and contribute meaningfully to political issues at the local, state, and National levels. In 2019, which has already seen elections, a drastic measure is required.
The study assessed the role of women's groups in women's political participation and economic development in Nigeria. Using Osun state as a case study, primary data was collected from forum and dialogues with 6 women's groups consisting of an average of 30 members from 10 LGAs. Findings indicate that the goals and objectives of the women's groups in the selected LGAs in Osun state are not politically inclined and the majority of their members only serve as voters during elections due to a number of constraints which include the women's lack of political right and awareness, late night political parties' meetings, violence, illiteracy, unfavorable laws on the participation of civil servants in politics, and so on. The knowledge within the women's groups on existing gender equality laws, both at the national and international levels, are limited. The study concludes that the present role played by women's groups at the grassroots level in Nigeria may not be adequate in encouraging more women's participation in politics, achieving its gender equality goals, and influencing economic development. It therefore becomes imperative to step up the activities of the women's groups to embrace political agenda and incorporate the same into their groups' goals and objectives if more women are to participate and be relevant in politics in elected positions in view of the 2019 elections. The study therefore suggests that more empowerment programs for women's groups, especially at the grassroots levels, by governments and all stakeholders should be a matter of priority and urgency in creating awareness among women's groups on the importance of participating in politics at the decision making level.
Ethics approval was not required for this study as per applicable institutional and national guidelines and regulations. Oral informed consent was obtained from all participants.
The author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and has approved it for publication.
The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
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Iheme, E. (2003). The prohibition of Nigerian Civil Servants from political activities: a necessary derogation from freedom of association. Int. J. Not Profit Law 6. Available online at: http://www.icnl.org/research/journal/vol6iss1/art_2.htm
Johnson, C. (1982). Grass roots organizing: women in anti colonial activity in Southwestern Nigeria. Afr. Stud. Rev. 25, 137–157. doi: 10.2307/524214
Katzenstein, M. F., and Mueller, C. M. (1987). The Women's Movements of the United States and Western Europe. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
Madunagu, B. E. (2008). The Nigerian feminist movement: lessons from women in Nigeria, WIN. Rev. Afr. Politic. Econ. 35, 666–672. doi: 10.1080/03056240802574136
Mazur, A. G., Mcbride, D. E., and Hoard, S. (2016). Comparative strength of women's movements over time: conceptual, empirical, and theoretical innovations. Politics Groups Identities. 4, 652–676. doi: 10.1080/21565503.2015.1102153
Molyneux, M. (1985). Mobilization without emancipation? Women's interests, the state, and revolution. Feminist Stud. 11, 227–254. doi: 10.2307/3177922
Nigerian Group (2011). Analysis of the History, Organisations and Challenges of Feminism in Nigeria. Work done in the Master on Empowerment and Leadership in Development Projects, within the project 10-cap1-0863 Young Women, Empowerment and Development in Subsaharan Africa cofinanced by the Spanish Agency of International Cooperation for Develoment and executed by Fundación Mujeres.
Olojede, I. (2000). Women's Interest Organisations: Encounters With the State on Issues of Good Governance (Report). Civil Society and Governance Programme, IDS
Padfield, C. (1977). British Constitution Made Simple. London: W. H. Allen, 145–147.
Razmi, M. J., Abbasian, E., and Broghani, M. (2018). The relationship between Women's empowerment and HDI in Islamic countries. Int. J. Innov. Bus. 7.
Stolt, D. (2013). Does the Level of Gender Equality in National Parliament have an Impact on Economic Growth? Bachelor Thesis 15 ECTS, Autumn 2013 Program of Development and International Cooperation, Södertörns University, Institution of Social Science Economics.
Tripp, A. (1999). New Trends in Women's Political Participation in Africa. Madison: University of Wiscons.
Turner, S. G., and Maschi, T. M. (2014). Feminist and empowerment theory and social work practice. J. Soc. Work Pract. 29, 151–162. doi: 10.1080/02650533.2014.941282
Udoji, J. (1995). Under Three Masters: Memoirs of an African Administrator. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited.
Waylen, G., Celis, K., Kantola, J., and Weldon, G. (2013). "Gender and politics: a gendered world and a gendered discipline," in Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics, eds G. Waylen, K. Celis, J. Kantola, and S. Laurel Weldon (New York: Oxford University Press).
Keywords: women's group, women political participation, economic development, Nigeria, Osun state
Citation: Orisadare MA (2019) An Assessment of the Role of Women Group in Women Political Participation, and Economic Development in Nigeria. Front. Sociol. 4:52. doi: 10.3389/fsoc.2019.00052
Received: 22 June 2018; Accepted: 05 June 2019;
Published: 12 July 2019.
Tolulope Jolaade Adeogun, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
Magdalena Zadkowska, University of Gdansk, Poland
Omololu Michael Fagbadebo, Durban University of Technology, South Africa
Copyright © 2019 Orisadare. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
*Correspondence: Monica Adele Orisadare, m_alagbile@yahoo.com


Gelli Plate Monoprinting with Acrylics.
Come learn about the newest printmaking craze!
This abstract form of printmaking is a creative wonderland of surprises.
the newest rage in the at home printmaking world.
This class is immensely fun, and you will make a prolific number of prints.
$35, All supplies are included.


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South-america Chile Santiago & Central Valley
Palacio Astoreca
See our selecton of sample itineraries which feature Palacio Astoreca
Location: Santiago & Central Valley
Sitting pretty on the crest of Monte Alegre, one of the many hills which make up the coastal town of Valparaiso, Palacio Astoreca is a beautifully restored Victorian mansion which is one of the best hotels in the region.
The brightly coloured building is home to 23 charming rooms, with views over the bay or the hills. The decor throughout the hotel is an intriguing mix of old and modern, where you'll find contemporary pieces of furniture and fun wallpaper alongside traditionally tiled bathrooms floors and a grand piano in the aptly named Piano Bar.
The excellent restaurant, Alegre, has a Chilean/Mediterranean fusion menu with the odd touch of molecular gastronomy, and has people flocking from far and wide to sample the delicious treats on the tasting menu.
With its unbeatable location in the heart of Cerro Alegre, there is lots to do nearby here. The famous Yugoslavo pedestrian walk, the Fine Arts Museum at Barburizza Palace and El Pedral funicular are all within easy walking distance. And after all that walking up and down hills you'll almost certainly need a little R&R, which is where Astoreca's spa comes in to its own, for a massage or simply to relax by the heated swimming pool or at the hammam.
The bartender at the Piano Bar makes a mean Pisco Sour (if you ask nicely he might share his secret recipe) and having travelled the length and breadth of the country, we also think Palacio Astoreca as having Chile's most comfortable beds.
Will, Original Traveller
Itineraries that feature Palacio Astoreca
Best for: Couples, Honeymoons, Families, Groups and Solo Travellers
Highlights of Chile: Top to Toe
Chile might be thin, but it packs a punch within that narrow strip of land which stretches for over 2,500 miles. On this trip, you'll see some...
From $10,050pp
Highlights of Northern Chile and Easter Island
This tour of Chile encompasses some of its most spectacular scenery. Beginning in the capital Santiago, you'll visit colourful Valparaiso before...
Museums, Moai and Mountains: The Best of Chile
We're not exaggerating when we say that Chile's landscapes are breathtaking. This long thin country packs a punch when it comes to diversity,...
Santiago, Valparaiso and the Chilean Lake District
Chile's Lake District has scenery to rival anywhere in the world. This 11-day luxury vacation combines the region with the central cities of...
Other Places to Stay in Santiago & Central Valley
South-america > Chile > Santiago & Central Valley
The Aubrey
Situated in the boho barrio of Bellavista, the Aubrey (dating from 1927), is Santiago's first real boutique hotel.
Casa Higueras
Housed in a converted 1920's mansion, Casa Higueras is a stylish yet comfortable boutique hotel, and the first boutique hotel to open in the...
Lapostolle Residence
Nestled into the forested hills of the Colchagua Valley, the exclusive Lapostolle Residence Winery & Lodge, run by the Marnier-Lapostolle family,...
La Casona at Matetic Vineyard
Just over a hundred kilometers from Santiago, La Casona at Matetic Vineyard is a seven room, century-old guesthouse which is the perfect base...
Casa Bueras Boutique Hotel
The central location in trendy Barrio Lastarria means guests are never far from the action, and just a stone's throw from many of the city's...
The Ritz-Carlton Santiago is located in the El Golf neighbourhood of the Chilean capital.
Vina Vik
Vina Vik is an avant-garde retreat and wine spa designed by the ever successful Alexander and Carrie Vik. This cutting edge contemporary cabin...
Hotel Portillo
Portillo is unique because there is no actual town and only one hotel of note - Hotel Portillo.
The Singular Santiago
The Singular hotel in Santiago is set to provide a trendy stay for Chile's visitors. The hotel is located in the city's centre of arts and...
Ollie and Kate B are our 'Palacio Astoreca' experts and as seasoned travellers they have the inside track on the most memorable adventures.


Izydaisy helps consumers to buy toys, collars, beds, crates, and food for their pets online and allow sellers to advertise their food products and allows to sell toys, and all products of pets without paying any charges!!
Interested in selling pet products online? If yes, then Izydaisy gives you an opportunity to expand your business nationwide!! Izydaisy has millions of buyers who are coming here to buy products so, you can get an advantage from this by selling products of pets.
What you can sell here?
Well, there is no boundary on selling items. In this section, you can sell Fish Food, Dog Food, Bird Food, and Cat Food in Hyderabad. In addition to that, people are also looking for toys so, you can trade Puppy Toys, Dog Toys, and Cat Toys in Hyderabad. Now, showcase your products to the millions of customers!!
All pets love to play, but did you know adult pets also found playtime interesting? This is a vital activity of all pets. Suppose, you have a dog in your home then shop dog toys in Hyderabad from Izydaisy and help it to play well with the toys. Similarly, find toys for your feline friend and all other pets as well.
From here, you can purchase food also at a reasonable price. So get ready to gift your pet toys and nourish them with tasty food!!


Founder and Curator Elizabeth Kwant said: Zellij Arts exists to promote the work of early career artists from across the Middle East and diaspora, including work which touches on this region thematically (such as Lesley Halliwells intricate geometric studies on paper inspired by Islamic pattern making). Zellij also exists to build relationships with the local community in Rusholme, a very multi cultural area. Our audience ranges from doctors, students, to refugees who attend classes at the library. It's very diverse, and this is something which I love as a curator. The library acts as a bridge between cultures and also a meeting place, where people feel welcomed. This in turn provides a fruitful place for dialogue surrounding the exhibitions. It brings the art alive. As a curator I much prefer this kind of engagement with the context of the work. We hope this partnership between Zellij and the library will be mutually beneficial, and engage people who wouldn't normally enter a gallery space.
BeesBlogs wishes Elizabeth and The Alexandria Library every success in their new venture.


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Kenny Churchill (born 10 May 1975) is a British athlete who competes in the javelin throw and shot put in the F37 category of Paralympic events. He is a member of Durham AC.

He has competed in five Summer Paralympics, winning a bronze in 1992 in Barcelona and gold in 1996 in Atlanta, 2000 in Sydney a 2004 in Athens setting a new world record with a throw of 48.09 in the javelin.  He won bronze in shot put in 1996 and finished in 6th place in javelin at the 2008 Paralympics. He also won gold at the International Paralympic Committee Athletics World Championships of 2002, and silver at the 2006 edition of the same Games.

References

Living people
1975 births
British male javelin throwers
Track and field athletes with cerebral palsy
Athletes (track and field) at the 1992 Summer Paralympics
Athletes (track and field) at the 1996 Summer Paralympics
Athletes (track and field) at the 2000 Summer Paralympics
Athletes (track and field) at the 2004 Summer Paralympics
Athletes (track and field) at the 2008 Summer Paralympics
Paralympic athletes of Great Britain
Paralympic gold medalists for Great Britain
Paralympic bronze medalists for Great Britain
Medalists at the 1992 Summer Paralympics
Medalists at the 1996 Summer Paralympics
Medalists at the 2000 Summer Paralympics
Medalists at the 2004 Summer Paralympics
Paralympic medalists in athletics (track and field)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


This carabiner works perfectly with other Sierra Madre products. Matter of fact, because of the design, it will help keep the rain off of your Hammock without tearing The material that is keeping you dry and warm.
Thanks to Sierra Madre for taking care of even the little details that make a difference.


Continuing with the theme of making money via your blog, let's touch upon selling e-books as a potential way. Given The Boss has three, with a fourth coming out soon, I thought this might be worth discussing.
There are two options re selling e-books on your blog. #1: look for ones to sell. #2: write your own and sell. Let's opt for the latter and touch upon the other another time. As JJ might [like to] say: easy-peasey. In theory, it is. Create your e-book. Proofread/edit. Format it. Create an appealing cover. Convert it. Add the e-book to your blog. Promote it.
Writing an e-book is super easy. Writing a great e-book is not. Depending on what you've been writing/blogging, your e-book could serve as a diary or journal, how-to guide, the chapters of a book or work of fiction, or a "package" of your posts, among other things.
Determine what you're going to write. Maybe a popular genre or about a popular topic? If you don't know much about either, be aware: you're going to have to commit a lot of time and effort, and research. If you've got all three to give, have at it. If you don't, consider writing about something you know or are comfortable with.
A how-to guide or instructional manual can certainly prove profitable—if it's of value to your readers/viewers. Fiction, unless you have a name and/or large following, could prove more difficult, but again, as JJ often asserts: never say never.
If you have a reasonable number of followers, you may want to ask what they'd be interested in. Get a feel for what direction to take and take it. Do an outline. Follow it. Finish it.
Once completed, consider hiring an editor or proofreader; some are very reasonably priced. You can also hire someone to design your cover, but give thought to creating your own; there are good, easy-to-use tools out there and many are free!
The world of e-books is different from that of traditional publishing. There won't be an agent or a publisher to provide insight or advice, but with some due diligence, you can learn all that's necessary to carve out an e-book niche—like marketing and promotion, two vital components.
Think about sales: how are you going to make them happen? The Boss would likely say this in itself is a full-time endeavor. Maybe yes, maybe no. But definitely, you will have to dedicate a substantial amount of time, so determine a set schedule (this will enable you to remain committed and focused).
An e-book launch is part of the equation, so contemplate how you'd like to handle that. (I'll let The Boss post more on this.) Price? Yes, it will make a difference. Take a look at what other e-book sellers/writers are asking.
If I've tweaked your interest re e-book selling on your blog, I've accomplished my mission. Truly, an e-book could be written solely on e-book selling, there's just so much information to share. It's really about determining what you want to do and then assembling the "building blocks" to make it happen. Nothing comes easily . . . for most of us. The success of any endeavor is a result of trial and error, learning what works and what doesn't.
Look at Rey, JJ and I—we're still fairly new to the private-eye game. Our methods can be clumsy, brash or rash, and sometimes quite ineffective. Ultimately, though, we accomplish what we set out to do. Blogging and making money at it—through whatever forum you ultimately choose—is no different. It's all about gaining knowledge and acquiring experience. Nobody need be a newbie forever.


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Q: Gstreamer doesn't recognize "ffdec_h264" (windows) I am running this pipeline on Ubuntu and it works fine.
But when I try to run it on windows, I get this error:
no element "ffdec_h264"

This is the pipeline:
gst-launch udpsrc uri=udp://172.0.0.1:5000 ! "application/x-rtp, media=(string)video,
clock-rate=(int)90000, encoding-name=(string)H264, payload=(int)96" ! gstrtpjitterbuffer
latency=1000 , do-lost=true ! rtph264depay ! queue ! ffdec_h264 ! autovideosink

I also tried to change from ffdec_h264 to avdec_h264 but windows doesn't recognizes it ether.
If someone know how to fix it, it will be great!
Thanks!

A: It is not that gstreamer does not recognize it. It is simply so that you don't have it installed. You can run gst-inspect to list the elements you have installed. If you would have told which version you installed and from which source, it would be easier to help.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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The final session of the Junior County Premiership held at Wood Green Academy in Walsall, Birmingham on the weekend of 29/30 March presented a tough round of matches for the girls. They could not upset the top class opposition but a great experience at this U18 event, against some very strong county players.
GOLD FOR BAYLEY IN ITALY Paralympic and European silver medalist Will Bayley took gold in the men's class 7 singles at the Lignano Master Open in Italy, successfully retaining the title he won in 2013. There was further success for the GB Para Table Tennis Team with silver for David Wetherill in the men's class 6 singles and bronze for Sue Gilroy in the women's class 4 singles.
Sheffield-based Bayley, 26, originally from Byng Hall TTC Tunbridge Wells, avenged his 2013 European Championship final defeat by the Ukrainian Mykhaylo Popov, beating the world number three comfortably in the semi-finals 3-0.
Following that comfortable performance he went on to face world number four Jordi Morales in the final after the Spaniard beat world number one Maxym Nikolenko in the other semi-final. Despite the threat of an in-form Morales, the GB star was always in control and took the gold with a fine 3-0 victory.
Will in action at the National BTTAD Championships over the weekend on the 15th-16th March at Grantham Meres leisure centre Will also won silver in the Doubles with Karabardak.
Brilliant performance throughout the event, our "A" team consisting of Chumika Weerasinghe (100%) George Sainsbury (83%) Luke Marsden (85%) and finally Ruth Marsden who valiantly filled Chumika's shoes in the number one spot at the last session to ensure the title race. Byng Hall "A" remained unbeaten, this from a side with an aggregate age of just 11,in this National event of under 15's. To my knowledge the youngest team to ever win it. The "B" team with an aggregate age of just 9, not to be out done by the success of their "A" side, made an incredible jump off the bottom of the division in this last session, finally winning their first match against Rother academy B. The team Isabel Webb won 4 matches overall, Ben Gentry in his first outing for the club won 2, Oscar Csillag won 6 and finally the man of the match for this weekend must go to Noah Csillag for his last day performance of 3 wins giving him a grand total of 8 wins overall.
The A and B Teams - Just Byng!


Come and get a taste of what's happening in the minds of the city's creatives, as we bring artists, designers, makers and creatives of all fields to talk about their practice, projects or sources of inspiration in five minutes flat.
Rebecca Rae-Evans (@rebeccawho) is an activist, cat enthusiast and pro-social digital strategist. She'll be talking about how she co-founded Tech For Good Live, a series of events and podcasts that explore – you guessed it – all the ways technology can be used to have a positive impact on the world.
Multi media artist and composer Michael-Jon Mirza, who will talk about his collaboration with designer Yinka Danmole on Sound of a People, a piece that explores the use of language and how it influences perceptions in society.
Artist and Creative Producer Bren O'Callaghan who explores collaboration, play and creative compulsion with project ranging from the popular Sketch-O-Matic, Scratch 'n Sniff Cinema, Robot Body-Pop to producing Peaches Christ Productions' immersive cinema presentations in the UK. Bren will be talking about why he is folding 1,000 crisp packets and his early research into a full-size, functioning carousel of 1970s mantelpiece ornaments.
Artist Jonathon Beaver who works with embroidery, exploring queer and genealogical themes. He will discuss working with the archives Department at The University of Liverpool and what came out of this residency.
Chris Fisher – aka the blind woodturner – who will talk about how a vampire stake was pivotal to the journey he took learning how to woodturn after contracting Toxoplasmosis and losing his sight.