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Joint Statement by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Department of Justice, and Department of Labor Commemorating the 30th Anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act and its Impact on the American Workforce
Posted on July 31, 2020 by Sam News
July 26, 2020, marked the 30th anniversary of the enactment of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). This landmark civil rights law protects access and opportunity for people with disabilities across community life, including employment.
By ensuring that everyone has an equal opportunity to work, free from discrimination based on disability, the ADA is an affirmation of our nation's founding ideals and a cornerstone of our efforts to ensure a fully inclusive American workforce and economy.
As we recognize this important milestone, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), Department of Justice (DOJ), and Department of Labor (DOL) pay tribute to the ADA's indelible impact and how it has promoted economic self-sufficiency for individuals with disabilities.
The ADA is about equal opportunity. By safeguarding equal rights for qualified job applicants and employees with disabilities, the ADA ensures that more Americans have equal opportunity to thrive in fulfilling jobs that grow our economy.
To help employers and individuals with disabilities achieve these goals, the EEOC has an extensive program of ADA outreach, and also proactively works to resolve ADA complaints. EEOC's mediation program is instrumental to this effort. It helps parties reach mutually agreed upon, enforceable resolutions to charges of disability discrimination. Examples of such resolutions include an employer who, after initially rejecting a deaf applicant, hired him and provided an American Sign Language interpreter for trainings, meetings, and performance evaluations; a business that agreed to accommodate an employee with an eating disorder by allowing her to take a longer lunch break; and a public school that reassigned a bus driver to a new position as a teacher's aide when she could no longer drive due to epilepsy.
Conciliation is another way the EEOC advances the ADA's goals. Parties who participate in conciliation's voluntary process can resolve charges efficiently. In many cases, these agreements help spur broader changes that benefit many individuals for years to come. For instance, last year, a nationwide business voluntarily agreed to alter its online application process so that questions actually pertained to the job at hand. This business also agreed to highlight the company's commitment to providing accommodations to both applicants and employees.
The ADA is about freedom from discrimination. DOJ's Civil Rights Division collaborates closely with the EEOC to enforce the ADA's prohibitions on discrimination in employment by state and local governments. By ensuring that people with disabilities have an equal opportunity to become and remain employed, DOJ helps individuals with disabilities to obtain economic self-sufficiency, their own piece of the American dream, and much more. In so doing, DOJ helps make the ADA's promise of equal employment opportunity a reality for Americans with disabilities across the country.
Through its enforcement efforts, DOJ works to ensure that people with disabilities are judged for their skills and what they are able to contribute, rather than having their employment opportunities limited by stereotypes and assumptions about their disability. For example, DOJ recently settled a case involving a Georgia paramedic, who also worked part-time as an emergency medical technician teaching assistant at a technical college, after the college unlawfully terminated her because she had multiple sclerosis. Similarly, DOJ obtained relief for an applicant for an elevator/escalator parts supervisor position whose job offer was withdrawn after the employer learned the applicant had epilepsy. And DOJ successfully resolved a claim for an individual with dwarfism who was unlawfully screened out from applying for a job as a purchasing manager because of his disability, even though he was qualified for the position.
Through its efforts to prevent and redress discrimination against people with disabilities in the workplace, DOJ helps ensure that Americans with disabilities have equal access to the sense of dignity, pride, purpose, independence, self-worth, belonging, and community that can come with work.
The ADA is about full participation. Through its Office of Disability Employment Policy (ODEP), DOL delivers on the spirit of the ADA, and goes beyond enforcement to help ensure people with disabilities can effectively prepare for, find, and succeed in meaningful careers. ODEP does this by developing and influencing policies and practices that increase both the number and quality of employment opportunities for people with disabilities.
In support of this mission, each year ODEP provides technical assistance to tens of thousands of individuals and employers on the ADA's employment provisions. For instance, its Job Accommodation Network provides free, confidential guidance on reasonable accommodations in the workplace, a right guaranteed to qualified individuals with disabilities under the law.
A reasonable accommodation is any modification or adjustment to a job or work environment that enables a qualified person with a disability to apply for or perform a job. When requested, employers covered by the ADA are required to provide such accommodations for qualified employees with disabilities, unless doing so would impose an undue hardship.
Accommodations are essentially about flexibility in how, when, and where people work, and this year's challenges of working during a pandemic demonstrate their basic premise. For instance, for some workers with disabilities, telework may be a reasonable accommodation that enables them to obtain or maintain employment, and in recent months it has helped many people, whether they have a disability or not, to continue working in the face of COVID-19.
Individuals with disabilities have the talents and skills to contribute to America's workforce, and, often, their experience with disability offers fresh perspectives on how to solve problems and achieve success. In fact, data indicates that companies that increase disability inclusion over time outperform those that do not.[1]
Harnessing the talent and potential of all segments of the population, including people with disabilities, is essential for our economic growth going forward, and increasing access and opportunity is key. The ADA provides the foundation for this, and the EEOC, DOJ, and DOL are committed to continuing to make progress toward its vital goals — for the next 30 years and beyond.
[1] https://www.accenture.com/t20181108t081959z__w__/us-en/_acnmedia/pdf-89/accenture-disability-inclusion-research-report.pdf
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text:
Odeon Bradford
Prince's Way,
Bradford, BD1 2BS
3,318 seats
5 people favorited this theater
View larger map →
Previously operated by: Gaumont-British-Picture Corp., Ltd., Odeon Theatres Ltd., Provincial Cinematograph Theatres Ltd., Rank Organisation
Architects: William Illingworth
Styles: Italian Renaissance
Previous Names: New Victoria Cinema, Gaumont
Nearby Theaters
Prince's Theatre
Pictureville Cinema
Astra Cinema
Alhambra Studio Theatre
News About This Theater
Oct 28, 2012 — Dilapidated Odeon Bradford on the market
Oct 11, 2004 — Bradford Odeon To Be Demolished
The New Victoria Cinema opened on 22nd September 1930 with Tom Walls in "Rookery Nook" on the screen, plus on the stage "Follies of 1930" which was specially produced for the New Victoria Cinema, 'this sparkling novelty presentation included speciality dancers, catchy songs and dazzling dresses'. It was built for and operated by Provincial Cinematograph Theatres(PCT) and Gaumont British Theatres chain. An enormous and very elaborate cine-variety house, the New Victoria Cinema had a stage 70 feet wide and 45 feet deep, ten dressing rooms. It was equipped with a Wurlitzer 3Manual/10Ranks theatre organ, which was opened by organist Leslie James. There was also a café, a 200-seat restaurant, and above the restaurant was a large ballroom.
The style was done in Italian Renaissance and the total seating capacity of 3,317 was split between 2,065 seats in the stalls, 509 in the mezzanine circle and 732 seats in the balcony, the latter two were entirely different levels but the balcony did not overhang the circle. There were two boxes on each side of the mezzanine circle containing 5 movable seats in each box. An enormous dome dominated the ceiling with a frieze running around three sides of the auditorium just below the ceiling. The projection suite was located between the two upper tiers.
The architect of this 'super cinema' was William Illingworth, and when it opened it was one of the largest cinemas in the UK. It remained in the top 10 of the biggest cinemas until sub-division in 1968.
The stage was well used by companies such as the major touring Ice Spectaculars, the Royal Festival Ballet and pop stars from The Beatles to Buddy Holly.
It was renamed Gaumont in 1950 but closed for alterations 30 November 1968. The circles were amalgamated into one level and split front to back to form two new cinemas seating 467 in Odeon 1 and 1,207 in Odeon 2. The stalls became a separate 2,000 seat bingo hall. The stage remained intact but was never used again. The new complex re-opened 21 August 1969 and the name changed to Odeon after the closure of the original Odeon (closed and demolished immediately after closure).
Later in 1987 the former ballroom was converted into the 244 seat Odeon 3. The magnificent original decoration was no longer visible in the auditorium areas and the resulting cinemas were comfortable but extremely bland.
A new entrance was formed for the cinema in the centre of the façade whilst the bingo hall retained the original grand entrance in one of the two domed towers.
The bingo operation was the first to close and the ground floor was boarded up. In 2000, a new 13-screen Odeon multiplex was constructed out of the town centre on the edge of Bradford and Pudsey, and the 3-screen Odeon closed on 2nd July 2000. The building is now deteriorating rapidly. Even if it were to reopen as a live concert or performance venue (unlikely) the sumptuous interior is irreplaceable.
Had it survived intact for just a few years more it would undoubtedly been listed and gained some redevelopment protection. The building has been under threat of demolition and redevelopment for several years, but many local citizens have opposed this and are trying to save the building.
In October 2012, the property development owners of the building offered to sell it to Bradford Council for £1.00 (one Pound). The Council accepted this generous offer. In March 2015 work began on restoring and renovating the building to become a performing arts centre.
Contributed by Ian Grundy
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Recent comments (view all 39 comments)
scoombs on April 15, 2015 at 12:48 pm
My father was the chief projectionist until 1964. I would like to follow the progress in restoration
MarkFromBORG on May 5, 2016 at 1:58 pm
Message to scoombs… was your father Harry Hines?
madorganplayer on December 6, 2018 at 12:52 pm
Ive just seen a programme with Michael Portillo about the Odeon.Apart from the Ballroom,the auditorium looks as if theres nothing left to conserve.
mike2001 on February 1, 2019 at 10:43 am
The building is now being restored as a live music venue at a cost of £22 million.
CF100 on June 18, 2019 at 3:34 pm
Architects' Journal — 10/12/2018 — "Aedas reveals £20m plans for Bradford Odeon rebirth".
The article includes renderings of the proposals, proposed ground floor plan, and photos inside the cinema building (partially stripped to the state required for the redevelopment.)
The planning application for the venue (approved):
Main planning application for the "Refurbishment and extension of former cinema to create an entertainment and event venue with supporting ancillary spaces including bars, ballroom and cabaret bar/restaurant and three-storey extension."
A previous "CONSERVATION STATEMENT" (for a Lottery Funding application) notably informed by the Theatre's Trust, 20th Century Society, Cinema Theatre Association, Cinema Theatre Organ Society, as well as the local authority and organisations has been used as a source for the document marked as "HERITAGE STATEMENT," which in turn seems to have been largely incorporated into the document marked "DESIGN."
The latter is therefore the most convenient "all-in-one" file to download; it includes extensive background information, alongside numerous photos of the cinema, including under construction, the original plans, the 1960's conversion plans, and, of course, also covers the proposed scheme.
Telegraph and Argus — May 2019 — "Inside Bradford's Odeon as work continues ahead of Bradford Live music venue conversion".
According to the article, further strip out works are underway, with the 1960s conversion floors/walls/added structural elements being removed.
At the time of publication, in particular:
Ceiling removed in Auditorium 1, partially removed in Auditorium 2.
Removal of dividing wall between auditoria underway.
Front section of Auditorium 2 floor removed to allow for a "rubble drop" down.
"A large opening has also been made in the back of the building to allow larger machinery inside the building."
1960's conversion steelwork to be cut up and removed, leaving the building ready for the redevelopment.
Strip out due to be completed by end of June 2019.
The article also states that the licensing application has been approved.
madorganplayer:
the auditorium looks as if theres nothing left to conserve.
The only decorative aspect I know of that remained in the auditorium is the plasterwork at the front of the lower circle, in the void between the bingo hall ceiling and the 1960's auditoria.
It (and the original steppings behind!) can be seen in a video uploaded with the title "Bradford Odeon Stripping Out ~ Autumn 2014"
According to the planning application "Design and Access Statement" (referenced as "DESIGN" in the previous post):
"Although much of the plaster decoration of the auditorium was lost in 1968, the steel structure that supported that decoration survives, as do important fragments of the decoration itself, such as the roof lantern."
Overlaying Rank's 1960's drawings over the original, one sidewall of each of the two auditoria being in approximately the same location as the original. It's not quite clear, but it appears that the rear wall position is partially in the same location, and its central section may suggest that alterations made could not have allowed for the original decoration to have survived.
However, the "Engineering Heritage" section of the "Design and Access Statement" (PDF p14) suggests that the structural aspects are of interest:
"With main roof trusses nearly 3m deep, spanning over 40m across a vast auditorium nearly 20m high, and a rear corner cantilevered out over the Bradford Beck, the ambition and skill of the engineers involved is impressive even by modern standards.
"The basic building has a robust structure of loadbearing brick, steel framing, an interesting and rare early precast plank flooring system, and timber roofs."
CF100 on July 2, 2019 at 12:38 pm
The Michael Portillo programme to which madorganplayer referred was broadcast today on Channel 5.
(Portillo's Hidden History of Britain—Season 2, Episode 4: "The Palace of Dreams.")
It is currently available to stream on demand until the 30th November 2019.
Obviously, it is aimed at a "general interest" audience—however, I did watch part of it and from what I could tell the plasterwork to the edge of the auditorium's dome was (at the time of shooting) still intact.
Channel 5's programme description, "The New Victoria in Bradford was Britain's first cinema," is, ahem, puzzling.
dizzydevil on March 2, 2021 at 6:21 am
Restoration is coming along well given the corona virus pandemic ect ..they have now actualy manage to remove all of the tripling of the cinema and got it back to one big auditourium! …you can follow the progress on their you tube channel Bradford live!and also their titter feed and web site! here is the YT vid of restoring the auditorium in 2019! https://youtu.be/xJpOiUpbZQs
haem that should have been twitter feed not titter lol https://twitter.com/Bradford_Live?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1363539582801870848%7Ctwgr%5E%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.bradfordlive.co.uk%2Fhome
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text:
'The Man They Wanted Me To Be' Probes The Pitfalls Of Toxic Masculinity
By Laura Pellicer & Frank Stasio • Jun 5, 2019
Jared Yates Sexton explores masculinity in the wake of the Trump election in his deeply personal book 'The Man They Wanted Me to Be.'
Credit Courtesy Jared Yates Sexton
Host Frank Stasio talks with author Jared Yates Sexton about his new book, 'The Man They Wanted Me to Be: Toxic Masculinity and a Crisis of Our Own Making.'
Jared Yates Sexton rose to prominence for his coverage of President Donald Trump's political rallies in the lead up to the 2016 election. His reporting culminated in the book "The People Are Going to Rise Like the Waters on Your Shore: A Story of American Rage," and his interest in the culture surrounding Trump only continued to grow.
Writer Jared Yates Sexton explores how his upbringing shaped his understanding of masculinity in his new book 'The Man They Wanted Me to Be.'
Credit Counterpoint
In his new book, he pivots from the political to the personal and intertwines his own story with an analysis of the problematic masculinity he attributes to President Trump and other men. In "The Man They Wanted Me to Be: Toxic Masculinity and a Crisis of Our Own Making" (Counterpoint/2019) Sexton explores his relationship with his father, a man who he says performed a particular type of hyper masculinity. Sexton contrasts his interactions with his father to his experiences with his grandfather, a purple heart veteran who allowed himself to be openly emotional.
Sexton talks about his latest book with host Frank Stasio in advance of a book talk in Asheville on Thursday, June 6 at 6 p.m. at Malaprop's Bookstore.
Jared Yates Sexton
The Journalist Who Revealed The Rage Behind American Politics
By Jennifer Brookland & Frank Stasio • Oct 5, 2017
Chuck Burton / AP Photo
Jared Yates Sexton's life changed completely in June 2016. He went to a Trump rally in Greensboro, and while he walked amongst people who reminded him of his own family back in Indiana, he also witnessed the kind of anger and rage that mainstream news outlets were missing from their designated press areas.
From Conservatism To Trumpism: The Ideas That Shape America
By Laura Pellicer & Frank Stasio • Feb 3, 2017
UNC Program in the Humanities
We define ourselves based on our beliefs like conservatism, liberalism, socialism, or capitalism. In the 2016 election, these differing ideologies came to the forefront but these ideas are not as timeless as many believe.
Frank Stasio speaks with UNC History Professor Lloyd Kramer about the historical emergence of the ideologies that shape day to day relationships and civic engagement. Kramer gives a seminar at the Friday Center on the influence of Western "Isms" on Thursday Feb. 9.


text:
Rayner Lysaght and Sean Matgamna debate "Socialism, Ireland, and permanent revolution"
Submitted by martin on 22 October, 2018 - 4:36
On 9 November 2018, 7:30 at the London Welsh Centre, 157-163 Grays Inn Rd WC1X 8UE, Rayner Lysaght, author of "The Republic of Ireland" and many other books, debated Sean Matgamna of Workers' Liberty on the perspectives of Irish politics.
Solidarity 485 carries interviews with Lysaght and Matgamna outlining the ideas they will debate.
Interviews by Martin Thomas: click here for Lysaght, and click here for Matgamna
Rayner Lysaght: Threading together struggles
T: How would you sum up the idea of permanent revolution in a few words?
L: The development of the proletarian revolution out of what starts as a democratic bourgeois revolution. Then the proletarian revolution has to be internationalised.
T: How does the experience of the last 50 years in Ireland, with the 20-odd years of the Provo war and the 20 years since, relate to that idea?
L: The failure was that there was no revolutionary socialist party to take the lead when it began in 1968-9. You had an agitation which was attacked by the state, and then that brought a response from the South which the Provisional movement believed could give support for an aggressive armed struggle. The aggressive armed struggle itself was seen as one that could be kept and should be kept within the Six County boundaries. It couldn't be won that way.
T: So are you saying that the decisive loss of the possibility of permanent revolution came back in 1968-9?
L: There were always potentialities, particularly in the strikes [in the South] after Bloody Sunday [January 1972]. The Irish government handed over the British Embassy [in Dublin] to be burned - that's what they did: I was there, I saw it - and then the British government prorogued Stormont [the old Northern Ireland parliament]. But the Republicans, the provisional Republicans didn't realise what was happening. They thought they only had to carry out a few more actions, and they would win.
T: What would it have looked like if the potentialities for permanent revolution had been realised?
L: It would have meant proletarian responses - strikes, occupations of British-owned factories - and then possibly a movement from that to the development of alternative governmental powers. It's difficult to say what would happen if you got that far. As Trotsky pointed out, you cannot assume that revolution in other countries would be a carbon copy of the Russian experience.
T: You say that the problem was the lack of a revolutionary socialist party, but in fact revolutionary socialists were more strongly-placed in Northern Ireland in 1968-9 than they have been at any time since.
L: The left was relatively strong in 1969? It depends what you mean by "the left". There were relatively small and underdeveloped nuclei in Belfast (Farrell, Toman) and in Derry (McCann), along with individuals, some of whom were more sophisticated, but who were active, if at all on an individualist basis. The rise of the People's Democracy gave the revolutionary left more credibility but the faultlines soon affected it.
Moreover much of its support was essentially cross-class nationalist. This is particularly true of, perhaps, its greatest success, putting in Bernadette Devlin to Westminster. Her victory was one of a cross-class nationalist unity campaign. It was repeated in 1970, but by 1974 its bourgeois elements and those they influenced had moved to the SDLP. Bernadette had failed to organize a socialist base and she came third in the first general election that year.
The same sort of confusion was true of the republic. The [Irish] Labour Party had a relatively large left then, but it wasn't going to play a role in a proletarian revolution.
Some of the left is much stronger than it was in 1969. There was no question then of groups like the Socialist Workers Network today [group linked to the SWP in Britain] getting seats in the Dail.
There were mass mobilisations in the North then. Those developed only after the invasion of the ghettoes in in 1969. There might have been a mobilisation in the South if there had been a revolutionary socialist party. But there wasn't.
Now in the Six Counties the Provisional movement has all but hegemonised the nationalist population. There was no such hegemony in 1969.
T: Anyway, what happened, happened. How do you see the idea of "permanent revolution" in Ireland now? Starting from now?
L: There's the neo-liberal problem. Peter Casey [a maverick right-wing candidate] got second place in the presidential election [on 26 October]. He represents a feeling that has been pushed around by the mainstream media, and in response by the alt-right,that the undoubted economic failures of neoliberalism are due to its social and political aspects, of liberalism, not to the economic side of privatisation and deregulation, which is pretty much accepted by those people.
The peace process is in danger. The peace process wasn't a great peace process. Its whole principle was very dubious. The collapse of the Stormont coalition [DUP - Sinn Fein] government was not the end of the world. But there is the danger that if the whole process collapses we're back to the bloody armed struggle, for which the dissident republicans are pushing.
Whether the Provisionals will revert to armed struggle, I don't know. They are pretty far gone into reformism. Without the rifle in hand, the Republican is a reformist.
We remember what happened to the Stickies [the Official IRA of the 1970s]. They kept up some sort of armed struggle until 1972, then they gave up because they thought they could get a democratic Northern Ireland, which I think is impossible.
Until the struggle is treated as an all-Ireland struggle, it won't be permanent revolution.
T: You talked of permanent revolution as proletarian revolution coming out of a democratic bourgeois revolution. What sort of democratic bourgeois revolution do you envisage, starting from now?
L: The potentialities of working-class revolution would be threaded together with the democratic struggle. The British government is not really interested in running Northern Ireland democratically (its wiser members may recognize it as an impossible task). This fact can stimulate actions by workers in the South. That can start the chain reaction. It will need a revolutionary organisation to do it. Whether there is one strong enough to do it is another question.
T: What would be the democratic bourgeois objectives of this democratic bourgeois revolution, the demands comparable to land for the peasants and a Constituent Assembly in Tsarist Russia?
L: The demands would be, in the North, what the Provisionals are maintaining, except that they're not doing much with them except using them as counters over the restoration of the coalition government. The liberal demands for the right of abortion and equal marriage - which we now have in the South, after all the years of the liberal Unionists saying that they couldn't have Irish unity because the South was too illiberal.
There's the language issue, the whole question of the symbolism of flags. And there are many other points. The Brits are in fact doling out money to the sectarians - to Sinn Fein, mind you, but also to people who are known Loyalist murderers.
The question is: can these problems become sufficiently extreme to move the South?
Also, if there is a hard Brexit there could well be a bigger crisis around the Border. That would be an extreme expression of the overall democratic deficit in the settlement of 1921.
T: The hold of the Catholic Church in the South has been shaken through a series of scandals. How do the old arguments about "Home Rule means Rome Rule" look in the light of this?
L: As to "Rome Rule", the republic is now considerably more liberal than Northern Ireland on day to day issues.[DUP leader] Arlene Foster raised a liberal critique of the southern state in 1991, including its ban on abortion. Now she's on the wrong side on that issue.
A more sophisticated Unionist would be justified in remarking, however, that there is still much work to be done. Too much of the education system and of health is under religious (mainly Catholic, of course) control. That has to be combatted.
T: Have the Irish Trotskyists, over the last 50 years, been adequate on the fight against clericalism?
L: I think we played a pretty principled role — demanding legal contraception, divorce, abortion and gay rights even when many on the left were putting their toes into the water on the special position of the Catholic Church. I do not think this is a field in which we made many mistakes. The one criticism of our role is that we were like the fabled horsefly on the coach wheel. Still, we propagandised and agitated.
T: What is your assessment of the political journey through which Gerry Adams and those around him took the Provisional Republicans?
L: It was done more intelligently than before. But it's not new. In the 1880s there was the New Departure which brought a lot of Fenians into the Home Rule party. Then the Treatyites fought a civil war to enforce a limited Dominion status.
Then there was De Valera and Fianna Fail, then Clann na Poblachta, then the Officials.
There is a consistent failure of analysis in the Republican movement. It has the idea that the movement is the Republic virtually established, so they can just send people out with guns and bombs and they will win the support of the majority.
They find those methods just kill off the support for an united Ireland, an independent Ireland. They abandon the armed struggle, which is probably a good thing, but then the alternative is just a step to reformism.
Now the Republicans are even talking of going into a coalition government [in Dublin] as a minority partner with one of the bourgeois parties.
T: What is your summing-up on the development of the revolutionary socialist currents in Ireland over the 50 years since 1968-9? And of Irish Trotskyism in particular?
L: At the moment the two dominant Trotskyist bodies are the Socialist Party, which now calls itself Solidarity, and the Socialist Workers Network. Both the SW and the SP see the struggle in Partitionist terms. The SP, which is even more determinedly Partitionist than the SWs, tries to do work with the Unionist workers in East Belfast, but it doesn't get very far. The SWs claim to be crossing the sectarian divide, but its vote is overwhelmingly from the nationalist population.
Both of them have done fairly good campaigns in the South. The SP ran a good campaign against water charges, but it is very agitationally confined. Its Marxism is not very developed. The SWs are maybe at a slightly higher level.
What went wrong over the 50 years? There wasn't a revolutionary organisation that could do what was necessary. The bad thing that [Sean] Matgamna did [in the Irish Workers Group [of the late 1960s] was not so much splitting the organisation, as instilling the idea that internationalism was simply anti-nationalism. It was almost going back 60 years, to William Walker [a Belfast socialist of the early 20th century].
The idea that any initiative by revolutionaries for what could be deemed nationalist aims is wrong affected the League for Workers' Republic [the main product of the IWG split] even after it broken with Matgamna.
You mustn't fight nationalist struggles as a nationalist, but you can't avoid them either. National struggles are usually a struggle between an oppressor nation and an oppressed nation, and the right side is with the oppressed nation.
Our comrades in the North [in 1968-9] were rather intoxicated by getting lots of people onto the streets. They called it People's Democracy. We founded the Irish section of the Fourth International in 1971, and by the time we united with PD in 1978 we in fact the larger group, which tells you something.
By then then the Provos' campaign was on in earnest. They had the blood of the martyrs, they were the people who were doing things.
T: Sean will debate what you say about him never supporting national struggles at the meeting on 9 November! Leave that for now. The LWR became the Irish Lambertists [linked to the "Lambert" group in France]. Why did they collapse?
L: The LWR increasingly became almost Stalinite in their attitude to discussions. Then Carol Coulter, who was probably their leading theorist, was given the boot. I don't know when they wound up. I still see Paddy Healy from time to time, but how far he could be called a Trotskyist now, I don't know.
T: There's been some attention recently to the Saor Eire group of the late 60s and early 70s. What's your assessment of that in hindsight?
L: They were urban guerrillas. It was rather disastrous. We had hopes of them, I admit. Perhaps we could have won some of them if we knew what we know now. We now know much more, for example, about what the Irish Trotskyists from the late 1930s to the early 1950s said.
T: Simultaneously with the political developments, we have seen the rise of the "revisionist" school in Irish historical writing. What is your assessment of that trend in historical writing?
L: Basically, it was going to happen anyway. The history departments in the National University of Ireland were dominated by opponents of republicanism.They were encouraged in the 1960s by the opening of the economy It raised exaggerated hopes of how much things would be better. The old Sinn Fein economic nationalist idea of "burn everything British except their coal" was discredited. The revisionists saw their chance of rationalising this mood.
They raised some important questions. But in fact they have tended to parrot the traditional Republicans on some issues. A lot of Republicans argue that Connolly abandoned socialism and simply became a Republican in the last 18 months of his life. The revisionists say the same. It's not true. So you get agreement between the revisionist and the traditionalist Republicans.
If you read Conor Cruise O'Brien's States of Ireland, he attacks Connolly's analysis on the base of three or four quotations. That wasn't a proper investigation. I would suggest that Cruise O'Brien should have read all of Connolly! But his whole approach there and in other works was dependant on subjective forces – perceptions. He was almost as hostile to considerations of economic factors as he was to the IRA.
The revisionists have become very opposed to any working-class mobilisation, for any idea. Another revisionist, David Fitzpatrick of Trinity College Dublin, came to speak to the Labour History Society, and his idea was that there is no such thing as labour history and we should look instead at the history of work.
Peter Hart produced a book proving to himself that the IRA was simply a Catholic sectarian organisation. He used the example of a number of murders of Protestants in south Co.Cork in April 1922, backed by long chunks of a document produced by British intelligence saying that very few Protestants helped the British forces, so that that was not a factor. He left out a passage saying that there were many Protestants helping the British forces in that one particular area.
I deal with a lot of this in my pamphlet The Great Irish Revolution.
Sean Matgamna: Building workers' unity
T: In 1968-9 there was a political explosion in Northern Ireland, focused around democratic issues. Do you think that explosion had within it the potential to develop into an all-Ireland socialist revolution?
M: No. The Irish working class was divided in the North, and between North and South. Everything that roused up the Northern Ireland Catholics antagonised a large and growing part of the Protestant population.
T: So are you saying that the Northern Ireland Catholics should not have rebelled?
M: No. The Catholic civil rights movement was a progressive upsurge of oppressed people. Its great political weakness - perhaps especially the weakness of the left within it - was that the civil rights demands were allowed to appeared to Protestants to be demands for them to lose some of what the Catholics were seeking to gain – houses, jobs etc. Then they came to be seen as the thin end of the wedge for an IRA attempt to force the Six Counties into a united Ireland.
The leftists who were prominent in the civil rights movement after the police batoning of a demonstration in Derry in October 1968 were destructively ultra-left. They saw their main enemy as the liberal Unionists then seeking reforms; they were even willing to make alliances with the worst die-hard Unionists against them.
Bernadette Devlin, one of them, would get elected to the Westminster Parliament as the Westminster Parliament in an April 1969 by-election for Mid-Ulster, but as the Unity (Catholic Unity) candidate. Ian Paisley would allege on US television that before the February 1969 Northern Ireland election the same Bernadette Devlin came to his house and proposed to him collaboration to bring down the liberal Unionist prime minister Terence O'Neill. I don't know that this was ever denied. It fits in with the logic of what PD said it was doing in that election.
I didn't say that at the time that because the struggle was divisive, they should have bided their time. I don't say it now.
T: How could those leftists have done better?
M: As AWL's predecessor said at the time, by including class demands for increasing the total number of houses and jobs at the same as they demanded equal rights.
T: If they'd done that, would it have created a dynamic of "permanent revolution" (merger of bourgeois-democratic revolution and working-class socialist revolution)?
M: It might have made the struggle less divisive, and helped a possibility of building a strong socialist organisation within it. No more, and certainly not "permanent revolution".
In fact the "constitutional question" - the relationship of the 6 Counties with independent Ireland and with Britain - came to dominate. The leftists made no attempt to relate to it. At the beginning all the prominent socialists said that the "constitutional question" should be avoided. Even the Republicans (then led by the Stalinists who would become the "Officials") said that. That left the "constitutional question" to be shaped by the Provisionals on one side and the Paisleyites on the other.
Lenin wrote in What Is To Be Done? that Marxists must be able to offer answers on all the big questions of political and social life, not just the "socialist issues". We must be like the "the tribune of the people, who is able to react to every manifestation of tyranny and oppression, no matter where it appears... to take advantage of every event, however small, in order to set forth before all his socialist convictions and his democratic demands".
The leftists did not have those answers on the "constitutional question". The only conceivable answer was and is a federal Ireland, with regional autonomy for the Protestant north-east. That should have been combined with confederal links with Britain. The 26 counties then had been fully independent for decades. Socialists could and should have proposed confederal links with Britain, to conciliate and reassure the Northern Unionists. The UK and Ireland in fact formed such a confederal link when both joined the EU at the start of 1973.
All that would have limited the communal polarisation, and increased the chances of building a strong socialist organisation. But there was never, in the events of 1968-9, and after, a possibility of "permanent revolution".
T: What is your assessment of the Provisionals' military campaign, which started from early 1971?
M: I'd said in the 1960s that there was no possibility of the Republicans launching a revolution. I was wrong on the question of whether they could launch a physical-force movement. They could and they did.
Unfortunately, I was not wrong that they were incapable of launching or leading a genuine Irish revolution. Sinn Fein today repeats for maybe the fifth time an old pattern: the physical-force revolutionaries of one period, once they have to recognise that their military campaign is a dead end, become the reformist constitutional nationalists of the next period.
T: Do you think the Provisionals should have bided their time?
M: A socialist would never have voted for the Provisional IRA war that started in March 1971. What would its objective be? The Northern Ireland Protestants could not have been, and should not have been, coerced into a united Ireland. The Provisionals should not have launched their war.
Once that war got underway, socialists had to respond to it as a fact. We responded by giving them critical support against the British army.
T: Why?
M: Because they were part of the revolt of an oppressed people, even if they were not doing what we wanted to have done. To an extent they were something not far from a militia of the Catholics held within an oppressive state structure.
We backed their right to fight, and rejected the idea, then very common on the British left, that they could be dismissed as "individual terrorists". We were the only British socialist group to have our headquarters raided by (armed) police (in September 1973) because of what we said on Ireland.
But we did not construct fanciful ideas that the Provos were other than what they were, as a lot of people who should have known better did. We criticised the Provisionals, over "Bloody Friday" in July 1972 for example.
T: And later?
M: Really there was not one Provo war. There were two Provo wars, at least. The first, in 1971-5, had the goal of driving Britain out of Ireland, and succeeded in ending Orange Home Rule in Northern Ireland.
The Provos won that objective within a year of the start of the bombing and shooting. The British abolished Belfast Home Rule in March 1972. There was then a ceasefire by the Provisional IRA for a couple of a weeks (June-July 1972) and a ceasefire by the Official IRA (from May 1972) which has lasted ever since. Their ceasefire came in response to a big demonstration by Catholic women in Derry against them, in protest at one of the most stupidly savage episodes of the war: they captured and then shot an 18 year old member of the British Army who had come to visit his family in Derry.
The aftermath to the abolition of Belfast Home Rule was a confused period. The Provisionals resumed their war after mid-1972, now without much of a clear effective objective. Instead of sectarian Protestant rule in Belfast, in the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement Britain offered the Catholics essentially everything they were going to win with the Good Friday Agreement 25 years of war later - namely, constitutionally-enshrined power-sharing, no government in which Catholics did not have a part. The Orangeists had had a veto over an all-Ireland state. Now the Northern Ireland Catholics got a veto over Protestant majority rule in the Six Counties.
It would have been better if the Provo war had stopped after that. It didn't. Britain proceeded to set up a power-sharing government in Belfast in January 1974. The Provo war's main effect now was to exasperate the Orange working class. The SDLP, the constitutional nationalists, were the main pillar in the power-sharing government, because the Unionist component in it did not have enough support among Protestants. That first attempt at a power-sharing government was brought down by a great Orange general strike in May 1974.
Britain then decided to call a Convention to work out an agreed constitution for the Six Counties. The Provisionals called another ceasefire for about a year, for most of the period during which the Convention met. Predictably the Convention resolved nothing.
Then what might be called the Provisionals' second war was launched. This was a war against Partition, but it had no coherent rationale.
In 1971 the Provisionals had adopted a new programme called Eire Nua, which advocated an Ireland of four federal units, one of them a nine-county Ulster. That contained what might have been the beginning of a negotiated settlement for Protestant autonomy.
Now there was talk of a long war, twenty years of war. Over the time the Provisionals dropped federalism and talked instead of getting Britain to act as a "persuader" to push the Protestants into a united Ireland. In fact, as the 1974 general strike had shown very powerfully, Britain had no such power of "persuasion" with the Protestants.
"Persuasion" here meant financial, political and military coercion. The Provisionals' war was now a war to compel Britain to force the Orangeists into a unitary Irish state, with an unmediated Catholic majority. It was a piece of absolute political nonsense.
With the hunger strikes of 1981, in which ten Republicans died, the Provos developed a new political dimension - "the Armalite and the ballot box".
In 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement gave Dublin a share of political power in Northern Ireland. Arguably the Provisionals won that, but in practice it meant little. Executive power remained exclusively British.
T: Couldn't you say the Provisionals' war won the Good Friday Agreement of 1998?
M: You might say it was a concession to the Provisionals. But in essentials the same thing had been won by 1974. And the Good Friday Agreement was possible only because the Provisionals had tacitly accepted that they had been defeated in their war.
Then Sinn Fein accepted the Good Friday Agreement - after fighting a war for the twenty years after Sunningdale for what? To put Sinn Fein and the Paisleyites into government in the Six Counties!
T: Has the Good Friday Agreement been a success?
M: On a certain level, yes. Overall, peace has lessened tensions. But there are still "peace walls" on the interfaces between working-class communities in Belfast.
I argued against voting for or endorsing the Good Friday Agreement at the time, but that was not because I thought it could do no good at all. I thought socialists should not take political responsibility for a system of bureaucratically-balanced institutionalised sectarianism.
T: How do you assess the impact of the European Union on Ireland? [Britain and Ireland joined the EU in January 1973].
M: The border had remained high for military reasons. One consequence of the end of the military struggle in Ireland, since the mid-1990s, has been a rush to catch up on 20 years of European economic integration.
Ireland has benefited greatly from membership in the EU. There have been tremendous economic and social advances.
The question of Irish unity might now conceivably get a Yes in a referendum in Northern Ireland. I would like a united Ireland. But such a referendum majority would not necessarily resolve the issue. History suggests that the Protestants would never accept it unless there were arrangements to meet their concerns.
T: The traditional Protestant-Unionist objections to a united Ireland cited the lower social and economic development of the South, and the clerical domination of its politics. The economic growth and liberalisation of the South over the last decades have changed things there.
M: Have you heard the new Irish joke? The Protestants of Northern Ireland now object to Irish unity because the South is too liberal and the people there have stopped listening to their old spiritual advisers!
The Northern Ireland Protestants' objection to a united Ireland was never just a negative thing, of complaints about the South. It was also their own positive identity as British-Irish.
Some scheme of local autonomy for the Protestant north-east is still a necessary part of any plan for a united Ireland. It is encouraging that even the Provisionals now say: "British identity can and must be accommodated in a united Ireland, and I believe nationalist Ireland is open to constitutional and political safeguards to ensure this" (Mary Lou McDonald).
For centuries the fear of a foreign military landing in Ireland to use Irish disaffection against Britain shaped British policy in Ireland. Now the whole of the EU is intervening! The whole of Europe is on the side of Ireland against Britain on the question of the Border within Ireland and Brexit.
The EU dimension also (as long as Brexit can be stopped) provides the confederal links between Britain and Ireland which could facilitate a united Ireland. In fact, in spite of and because of the long history of conflict, there were already special links between Britain and Ireland before 1973. Irish people had full citizen rights in Britain, including voting rights, as soon as we got off the boat.
T: As you say, the hold of the Catholic Church in the South has been shaken through a series of scandals. How do the old arguments about "Home Rule means Rome Rule" look in the light of this?
M: Indisputably, "Home Rule" did became "Rome Rule". Honest people have to acknowledge that. The sort of things once depicted in sensation-mongering anti-Catholic tracts such as The Awful Revelations of Maria Monk came to exist in independent Ireland. You had cases of women escaping from Magdalene Houses and, in effect, seeking political refuge in Northern Ireland or in England. The priests ruled Ireland in a regime which included predatory sex against children wrapped in impenetrable layers of hypocrisy and cant. Self torturing nuns beat and abused generations of Irish children.. Schools in the North were segregated at the insistence of the Catholic Church.
Ireland is now experiencing its third revolution. The first was the revolution in land ownership, the second was the political revolution 1916-22. The third is the end of what might ne called the revolt against Rome Rule.
In one of his articles on the Home Rule crisis of 1912-4, Lenin comments on the fear of "Rome Rule" that it wouldn't and couldn't happen because England, which under the then-projected Home Rule would still have overall control, wouldn't allow it.
In fact England allowed the Northerners to run an Orange sectarian state for 50 years. In fully independent Ireland we had a theocratic state, more so than in fascist Portugal or Spain in the mid 20th century.
If Ireland had remained united, the presence of the North might have made a different. But we can't know how things would have gone if a united Ireland had won Home Rule and then expanded it.
None of that justifies or excuses the partition that was imposed on Ireland, or the Orange sectarian Home Rule regime set up in Northern Ireland.
M: I don't think so. A background dispute on that question, about an anti-religion piece which I wrote, contributed to the split in the Irish Workers' Group in 1967-8.
T: What is your assessment of the "revisionism" of recent decades in Irish historical writing?
M: "Historical revisionism" began about the time of the 50th anniversary of the 1916 Rising. To a serious extent it is a healthy movement.
It debunks the Republican revolutionary tradition - but it cannot but be good to establish the facts. Much of the tradition is encrusted in mysticism and other sorts of nonsense. Serious Irish history-writing really begins with the revisionists. Up to 50 or so years ago Irish history-writing was little more than an ethnic-sectarian chronicle.
But it included the idea that things that had seemed immutable could be changed, and were changed, by revolutionaries overcoming great odds. Dressed up in talk of the upper classes as a mere British garrison "alien in race and creed", it held within itself an idea and a story of class struggle.
All of that passes down to the working-class revolutionaries. Historical fiction and confusion, cultivated or otherwise, never did anyone any good.
There is a historical parallel. There was a great agarian socialist tradition in Russia in the 19th century, the Narodniks. They killed the Tsar in 1881. The ideas of that movement dominated the intellectuals for a long time.
Then a sort of revolutionary debunking of that tradition developed, showing that Russia was heading for capitalism rather than agrarian socialism. Some of the debunkers came to use a Marxism reduced to economic determinism, which is not Marxism. As Trotsky put it, "the sharp knife of Marxism was the instrument by which the bourgeois intelligentsia cut the Populist umbilical cord".
The revolutionary Marxists claimed the heroic Narodnik tradition as its own, without the mystification and confusion.
The Irish revolutionary tradition - the plebeian revolutionary trsdition, the Fenians' - is ours, the socialists', the Marxists'.We can benefit from the work of the revisionists, even if often in conflict with them and in criticism of their conclusions.
T: Finally: there has been some attention recently to the Saor Eire group of the late 1960s and early 70s. What is your assessment?
M: Saor Eire was a strange hybrid, a mixture of people with revolutionary political motivation and gangsters. They robbed banks and killed a policeman. A brave Marxist, Peter Graham, got entangled in their affairs and died at the hands of certain members of Saor Eire.
What they did could never have made any sense. 26-Counties Ireland was a functioning bourgeois democracy. Even according to Guevarist theory, such as it was, guerrilla warfare in such conditions made no sense.
I had personal connections with some of them, but never thought what they did made sense, or was serious revolutionary politics, still less working-class politics.
In Irish history, the way things were going was often telegraphed by funeral marches. In 1861 the funeral of Terence Bellew MacManus was a tremendous demonstration of the Fenian revolutionaries.
In 1915 the funeral of Diarmaid Ó Donnabháin Rosa was a formidable nationalist affair, at which Patrick Pearse made his famous oration declaring that "Ireland unfree will never be at peace". It presaged the nationalist Rising in the offing.
In 1970 the funeral of an unarmed Garda, Richard Fallon, shot down by Saor Eire people robbing an Arran Quay bank, produced a great sponaneous popular demonstration against what Saor Eire stood for and did.
Some people of the Mandel Fourth International wove fantasies around Saor Eire. But what it did never made sense. What the Mandel Trotskyists did and said in relation to it made no sense either.
More background reading:
Sean Matgamna: Provos, Protestants, and permanent revolution: an imaginary dialogue
Interview with Rayner Lysaght
Sean Matgamna: A Workers' Guide to Ireland. An illustrated history of Ireland, from the Viking invasions to 1993. First published 1993; published as e-book, 2016.
Click here for pdf (from 1993 print edition)
Click here to get as Kindle e-book
Click here to get as ePub e-book
Click here to read online
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