text:
Jan Olszewski
Polish lawyer and political figure
Prime Minister of Poland
6 December 1991 –5 June 1992
Jan Krzysztof Bielecki
Waldemar Pawlak
Member of the Sejm
18 June 1991 –31 March 1993
Warsaw I
20 October 1997 –18 October 2005
Jan Ferdynand Olszewski
(1930-08-20)20 August 1930
Solidarity Citizens' Committee
Centre Agreement
Movement for the Republic
Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland (1995–2012)
Marta Olszewska
Jan Ferdynand Olszewski ( ['jan ɔlˈʂɛfskʲi] ( listen ); 20 August 1930 – 7 February 2019) was a Polish conservative lawyer and politician who served as the Prime Minister of Poland for five months between December 1991 and early June 1992 and later became a leading figure of the national conservative Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland. Olszewski's premiership was the second shortest in the history of the Third Republic.
Poland, officially the Republic of Poland, is a country located in Central Europe. It is divided into 16 administrative subdivisions, covering an area of 312,696 square kilometres (120,733 sq mi), and has a largely temperate seasonal climate. With a population of approximately 38.5 million people, Poland is the sixth most populous member state of the European Union. Poland's capital and largest metropolis is Warsaw. Other major cities include Kraków, Łódź, Wrocław, Poznań, Gdańsk, and Szczecin.
A politician is a person active in party politics, or a person holding or seeking office in government. Politicians propose, support and create laws or policies that govern the land and, by extension, its people. Broadly speaking, a "politician" can be anyone who seeks to achieve political power in any bureaucratic institution.
The President of the Council of Ministers, colloquially referred to as the Prime Minister, is the leader of the cabinet and the head of government of Poland. The current responsibilities and traditions of the office stem from the creation of the contemporary Polish state, and the office is defined in the Constitution of 1997. According to the Constitution, the President of Poland nominates and appoints the prime minister, who will then propose the composition of the cabinet. Fourteen days following his or her appointment, the prime minister must submit a programme outlining the government's agenda to the Sejm, requiring a vote of confidence. Conflicts stemming from both interest and powers have arisen between the offices of President and Prime Minister in the past.
Early life and World War II
During the People's Republic of Poland
Foreign and domestic policy
De-communization and the Parys affair
Clashes with Wałęsa
Parliamentary career
Post-parliamentary career
Personal life and death
Born in Warsaw on 20 August 1930, [1] Olszewski originated from a working-class family employed in the railway industry who were strongly connected to the Polish Socialist Party. [2] Olszewski was related to Stefan Aleksander Okrzeja, a Polish socialist nationalist from the turn of the 20th century who was executed by Russian authorities in 1905 for leading insurgent activities. [3] Despite Olszewski's active preference to right-wing politics later in life, he considered himself sympathetic to socialist causes during his early formative years. [4]
Warsaw is the capital and largest city of Poland. The metropolis stands on the Vistula River in east-central Poland and its population is officially estimated at 1.780 million residents within a greater metropolitan area of 3.1 million residents, which makes Warsaw the 8th most-populous capital city in the European Union. The city limits cover 516.9 square kilometres (199.6 sq mi), while the metropolitan area covers 6,100.43 square kilometres (2,355.39 sq mi). Warsaw is an alpha global city, a major international tourist destination, and a significant cultural, political and economic hub. Its historical Old Town was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
The Polish Socialist Party was a left-wing Polish political party. It was one of the most important parties in Poland from its inception in 1892 until its dissolution in 1948. A party with the same name was established in 1987 but has remained at the margins of Polish politics.
Stefan Aleksander Okrzeja was a Polish worker, socialist and activist for Poland's independence.
During World War II, Olszewski was active in the Szare Szeregi (Grey Ranks), an underground part of the Polish Scouting Association. According to biographical information published at footnote five, Olszewski participated in the Warsaw Uprising in 1944. [5] [6] However, according to Olszewski's godson, Olszewski turned 14 years old 30 days after the Uprising began, lived in the Targówek district of the Praga section of Warsaw, on the East side of the Vistula River, and did not participate in the Uprising. [7] The Uprising occurred on the West side of the Vistula River. [8]
World War II, also known as the Second World War, was a global war that lasted from 1939 to 1945. The vast majority of the world's countries—including all the great powers—eventually formed two opposing military alliances: the Allies and the Axis. A state of total war emerged, directly involving more than 100 million people from over 30 countries. The major participants threw their entire economic, industrial, and scientific capabilities behind the war effort, blurring the distinction between civilian and military resources. World War II was the deadliest conflict in human history, marked by 50 to 85 million fatalities, most of whom were civilians in the Soviet Union and China. It included massacres, the genocide of the Holocaust, strategic bombing, premeditated death from starvation and disease, and the only use of nuclear weapons in war.
The Warsaw Uprising was a major World War II operation, in the summer of 1944, by the Polish underground resistance, led by the Home Army, to liberate Warsaw from German occupation. The uprising was timed to coincide with the retreat of the German forces from Poland ahead of the Soviet advance. While approaching the eastern suburbs of the city, the Red Army temporarily halted combat operations, enabling the Germans to regroup and defeat the Polish resistance and to raze the city in reprisal. The Uprising was fought for 63 days with little outside support. It was the single largest military effort taken by any European resistance movement during World War II.
In the immediate post-war years, Olszewski graduated from secondary school in 1949, later going on to study law at the University of Warsaw, where he graduated in 1953. Afterward, he became an employee of the Ministry of Justice and later worked at the Polish Academy of Sciences. [5] In 1956, Olszewski joined the writing staff of the weekly Po prostu (Plain Speaking) magazine. [5] As a journalist during the relatively open Polish October, Olszewski came into contact with PZPR First Secretary and de facto head of state Władysław Gomułka, whom he spent many hours interviewing and described having a trustful relationship with after many frank discussions regarding the state of affairs of Poland and the Eastern Bloc. [4] In an article titled "Na spotkanie ludziom z AK" ("Reaching out to the Men of the Home Army") published in March 1956, Olszewski, along with journalists Jerzy Ambroziewicz and Walery Namiotkiewicz, called for the rehabilitation of former Armia Krajowa soldiers who faced persecution from communist authorities for anti-state activities. [9] One of the first openly published articles of its kind to break the official silence on the Armia Krajowa, Olszewski argued that its veterans deserved a positive historical assessment in the struggle against Nazi Germany, describing all subsequent prosecutions of its ranks as being politically motivated. [10] Despite the government's initial toleration of Po prostu's critiques, authorities moved in to forcibly close down the publication's offices in October 1956, citing it of presenting a false view of political and economic realities, spreading "disbeliefs" about socialism and proclaiming "bourgeois concepts". [11] For his part, Olszewksi faced a publication ban beginning in 1957. [5] The forcible closure and censoring of Po prostu led Olszewski to become quickly disillusioned with the communist order. As a response, from 1956 to 1962, Olszewski was a member of the Klub Krzywego Koła (Club of the Crooked Circle), a Warsaw-based underground discussion group composed of intellectuals critical of the regime. [12]
The University of Warsaw, established in 1816, is the largest university in Poland. It employs over 6,000 staff including over 3,100 academic educators. It provides graduate courses for 53,000 students. The University offers some 37 different fields of study, 18 faculties and over 100 specializations in Humanities, technical as well as Natural Sciences.
The Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Poland is one of the ministries of Poland.
The Polish Academy of Sciences is a Polish state-sponsored institution of higher learning. Headquartered in Warsaw, it is responsible for spearheading the development of science across the country by a society of distinguished scholars and a network of research institutes. It was established in 1951, during the early period of the Polish People's Republic following World War II.
As a journalist, Olszewski developed a working relationship with Communist Party First Secretary Władysław Gomułka in the mid-1950s
During the 1960s, Olszewski became a leading defense attorney in political trials. Among others, he defended writer and journalist Melchior Wańkowicz, activist Jacek Kuroń, historian Karol Modzelewski and poet Janusz Szpotański. [13] His professional activity was banned again in 1968 after the March student protests. [5] However, Olszewski returned to practice law in 1970 as Edward Gierek assumed power. Grateful for Olszewski's legal defense at his trial, the writer Melchior Wańkowicz kept a close relationship with Olszewski for the rest of his life, bequeathing funds to the lawyer and fellow dissident Jan Józef Lipski to help future defendants of political crimes shortly before his death in 1974. [14]
Melchior Wańkowicz was a Polish army officer, popular writer, political journalist and publisher. He is most famous for his reporting for the Polish Armed Forces in the West during World War II and writing a book about the battle of Monte Cassino.
Jacek Jan Kuroń was one of the democratic leaders of opposition in the People's Republic of Poland. He was widely known as the "godfather of the Polish opposition," not unlike Václav Havel in Czechoslovakia. Kuroń was a prominent Polish social and political figure largely responsible for theorizing the movement that broke the back of communism, an ideology he initially tried to reform. As an educator and historian, he first postulated the concept of a de-centered movement that would question the totalitarian system and its personality cult. Kuroń started out as an activist of the Polish Scouting Association trying to educate young people that would take charge of the future; he later co-founded with Antoni Macierewicz the Workers' Defence Committee or KOR, a major dissident organization that was superseded by Solidarity in August 1980. After the changes in independent Poland, he ran for president supported by the likes of Jan Karski and served twice as Minister of Labour and Social Policy. Kuroń was the father of chef Maciej Kuroń.
Karol Cyryl Modzelewski was a Polish historian, writer, politician and academic.
Olszewski later became a signatory of the Letter of 59 in 1975, an open protest to changes to the republic's communist constitution. [15] In 1984, Olszewski served as an auxiliary prosecutor representing the family of murdered pro-Solidarity priest Jerzy Popiełuszko, whose statements during the trial of laying blame for the priest's murder on outside influences created international headlines. [16] Joining the Solidarity movement in the early 1980s, Olszewski quickly rose to become a major figure in the opposition movement, playing a key role in drafting its founding charter. [17] He would go on to become one of Solidarity's most active lawyers and legal experts. [18] Olszewski, along with Solidarity leader Lech Wałęsa and other anti-government dissidents, participated in the Round Table Talks in early 1989 with the ruling PZPR, where he served as the opposition's legal expert. [5] The talks successfully paved the way towards the partially free 1989 parliamentary elections.
The Letter of 59 was an open letter signed by 66 Polish intellectuals who protested against the changes of the Constitution of the People's Republic of Poland that were made by the communist party of Poland in 1975. Additional people signed the letter in January 1976.
Solidarity is a Polish labour union that was founded on 17 September 1980 at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk under the leadership of Lech Wałęsa. It was the first trade union in a Warsaw Pact country that was not controlled by a communist party. Its membership peaked at 10 million members at its September 1981 Congress, which constituted one third of the total working-age population of Poland.
Blessed Jerzy Popiełuszko was a Polish Roman Catholic priest who became associated with the opposition Solidarity trade union in communist Poland. He was murdered in 1984 by three agents of Służba Bezpieczeństwa, who were shortly thereafter tried and convicted of the murder.
With the fall of the communist regime in 1989, Olszewski was appointed as a member of the State Tribunal that year, a position he would hold until 1991. In 1990, Olszewski joined the conservative Centre Agreement, whose party membership composed primarily of Wałęsa supporters in that year's presidential election. [17]
Following the resignation of Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki in November 1990 after his first round defeat in the presidential election, newly elected President Wałęsa sought a new prime minister. [19] Initially, the president turned to Olszewski to take the position, though Olszewski quickly refused the post after numerous disagreements with Wałęsa over conditions the president placed on the prime minister's cabinet. [19] Instead, Wałęsa turned to Jan Krzysztof Bielecki of the Liberal Democratic Congress to form a government. [20] Bielecki's government lasted for the rest of 1991, collapsing in the aftermath of the inconclusive 1991 parliamentary elections. While Wałęsa appointed Bronisław Geremek as prime minister, an accord was signed by five centrist and rightist parties in the Sejm, including the Liberal Democratic Congress, the Christian National Union, the Peasants' Agreement, the Confederation for an Independent Poland and the Center Civic Alliance list (whose Olszewski's Centre Agreement belonged to) to select the next premier. [21] The parties supported Olszewski, a parliamentary outsider and respected lawyer from the Solidarity movement, to unite the various clubs. [22] Grudgingly, Wałęsa, who no longer had a stable working relationship with Olszewski, honored the coalition agreement and appointed the lawyer as premier on 6 December. Three weeks of selecting the cabinet followed. [23] In the meantime, the original accord behind Olszewski's appointment immediately began to fall apart, as both the Liberal Democratic Congress and the Confederation for an Independent Poland withdrew their support from Olszewski over economic and cabinet disagreements. [22] Similarly, the Democratic Union refused to support an administration not committed to rapid economic reform, a concern shared with the Liberal Democrats. [24] Despite the weakened alliance, Olszewski's minority government was accepted by parliament on 23 December 1991. [23]
Olszewski speaking in 2007
Following the oath of office, Olszewski's government faced difficulties on many fronts. Previously, Olszewski had placed deep criticism on Finance Minister Leszek Balcerowicz from the previous two administrations and his controversial Balcerowicz plan, vigorously opposing the minister's shock therapy program. Removing Balcerowicz from the cabinet, Olszewski selected Karol Lutowski, a known critic of shock therapy, as his replacement. [23] With unemployment rising to 11.4 percent and the nation's gross domestic product declining by ten percent over the course of one year, the Olszewski government faced pressure to amend the unpopular economic plan. [23] Despite his professed monetarist beliefs, Olszewski pushed for a package of reforms to loosen credit, ease earlier anti-inflation policies, reintroduce price supports for a number of agricultural products, and release more subsidies to the state sector of the Polish economy. [23] Included in his industrial interventionist policy, the premier also proposed the unification of the nation's economic ministries to coordinate ongoing privatizations, as well as for all industrial and trade policies. [25] When put to a vote, however, the deeply fragmented Sejm rejected Olszewski's reform packages, due to objections that the proposals were overly domineering or were too weak. [23] Over the course of his government, the Sejm proved to be a barrier to any strong reforms. [23] Olszewski explained his views on economic reforms in an interview with Anthony Murawski in the summer of 1992, published in September 1992 in Multinational Monitor magazine (founded by Ralph Nader). [26]
In particular, the prime minister's plans to reverse the Balcerowicz plan proved impossible due to his fragile minority government. [24] Without majority support, Olszewski relied on the conditional support of Mazowiecki's Democratic Union and Bielecki's Liberal Democrats, yet both men and their respective parties insisted on prioritizing economic reforms. [27] Within the government itself, the relationship between the seven parties composing the coalition was fragile at best, teetering on collapse by March 1992. [28] Under pressure from the president to expand the coalition, Olszewski turned to the Democratic Union and the Confederation for an Independent Poland, though the Union insisted on a conservative budget before it could join the cabinet. [28]
As with the two previous administrations, the Olszewski government's foreign policy continued to steer towards the West, with the stated desire of joining NATO. [29] The prime minister's selection of Jan Parys as defense minister indicated a policy hostile to Russia while Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski, a veteran of the previous Mazowiecki and Bielecki governments, pursued efforts of moderation and compromise, balancing relations between the West and Moscow. [30] President Wałęsa, however, sharply disagreed with the prime minister, arguing that foreign policy efforts instead should drive towards building an alternative military alliance with fellow ex-Warsaw Pact states. [31] Wałęsa's proposals coincided with his own security uncertainties over the recent violent collapse of Yugoslavia, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and from a fear that joining NATO would put Poland in an opposing position to Russia. [31] In response, Olszewski accused Skubiszewski, and by extension Wałęsa, who both advocated cooperation with Russia in regards to troop withdrawals, of "Finlandizing" foreign policy. [31] Individuals close to the Olszewski government, like Jarosław Kaczyński, referred to Wałęsa's Belweder residence as a den of Russian interests, which was determined to "maintain and protect the communist set-up" and control Russian influence in Polish internal affairs. [32] Additionally, both men stood at odds over Polish-Ukrainian relations, with Olszewski arguing that the relationship with Kiev needed equal footing with Polish-Russian relations. [31]
At the same time, relations with the West financially soured under Olszewski's tenureship. In the face of the premier's attempts to stimulate the economy by proposing to raise the budget deficit, the International Monetary Fund demanded instead a restrictive budget in order to resume lending. [28] Particularly, Western donor states pressured Olszewski to replace Lutowski as finance minister. When Olszewski reshuffled ministers, placing Andrzej Olechowski at the Ministry of Finance, observers believed that the premier had reverted to a hard-line economic reform posture. [28] Yet when the Sejm passed a bill authorizing salary and pension increases, raising the budget deficit by fifty percent, Olechowski fiercely objected and resigned from the cabinet, claiming he did not have "the slightest idea" of how to explain the government's economic reasoning to the IMF. [33]
President Lech Wałęsa's (seen in 2002) strained relationship with Olszewski led both men to accuse the other of possible coup plots
The conflict between Olszewski and Wałęsa continued to escalate throughout 1992, culminating in a major political crisis by that summer. As premier, Olszewski portrayed himself and his government as staunchly anti-communist, arguing that in the year 1992, Poland continued to remain a communist country. [17] Claiming that communist agents remained in all corridors of economic and political power, Olszewski argued for a purge, particularly of those in the economic sector, whom Olszewski believed were holding back Poland's new capitalist free market and kept workers bound. [17] "The invisible hand [of the market]", Olszewski said, was "simply the hand of the swindler plundering funds from the state treasury". [17] As such, Olszewski argued for increased democratization and de-communinization at all levels of Polish society.
Olszewski's drive towards de-communization was also reflected in his cabinet. Jan Parys, Olszewski's defense minister, actively pursued efforts to de-communize the Polish Armed Forces and establish civilian ministerial control. [34] These plans ran in conjunction with Wałęsa's efforts to stake executive control over the defense establishment. [34] Parys and Wałęsa repeatedly clashed over plans to reorganize national security commands, with Parys effectively challenging Wałęsa's role as commander in chief by claiming ministerial rights over the armed forces. [35] The clash between both men came to a head in April 1992, when, upon learning of a meeting between National Security Bureau Director Jerzy Milewski, a close Wałęsa ally, with Polish Army General Tadeusz Wilecki, promising the general's promotion to the high command, Parys accused the presidency of interfering with the defense ministry's portfolio. [36] Parys stated that "certain politicians" promised promotions to army officers in exchange "for a kind of army support for political maneuvers". [37] Parys further elaborated that "politicians who undertake such moves behind my back are simply involved in intrigue", believing that "they are working to the detriment of the army and Poland; they simply are political schemers. To put it briefly: the Polish Army will help no one striving to abolish democracy in Poland". [37] Parys's implication of a possible coup d'etat on the behalf of Wałęsa and his allies with bribed high-ranking military officials rocked the entire Polish political establishment. To quiet the political storm, Olszewski responded by placing Parys on administrative leave. [38] In response, a parliamentary commission was quickly created in the Sejm to investigate Parys's claims. [39] The commission's findings cleared Wałęsa of wrongdoing and declared Parys's claims as baseless and "unfounded", forcing the defense minister to resign. [39] In the aftermath of the Parys affair, Wałęsa bitterly complained of the Olszewski government's handling of the controversy, declaring the government's civilian leaders of endangering both national security and the professionalism of the military. The relationship between Olszewski and Wałęsa further soured with Olszewski's appointment of Radosław Sikorski as deputy defense minister without presidential consultation, a move interpreted as the premier vying for influence within the armed forces. [40]
Olszewski (right) defending his government's actions on Andrzej Tadeusz Kijowski's talk show in July 1993
The deepening chasm between both men began to interrupt foreign policy. As both men sought to assert control over the economy, the military, and international relations, particularly over sensitive negotiations to withdraw Russian Army units from the country, Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski admitted that by May 1992, "[i]t was difficult to conduct foreign policy of an internally unstable country". [41] The overlying reason for the clash between both men emanated from the fact that both the prime minister and the president believed their respective offices carried the prerogative to direct government policy, particularly in the defense, interior, and foreign ministries. [42] As premier, Olszewski believed that his position, along with the collective Council of Ministers, held precedence in conducting the affairs of state. On the other side, President Wałęsa believed that as the chief executive and head of state he was ultimately responsible for the direction of the republic's affairs. The clash between both offices created a highly charged and disruptive political environment.
Despite this instability, Skubiszewski continued to negotiate with his Russian counterparts on financial and business settlements in regards to the pullout of Russian Army units from the country. [43] Skubiszewski's diplomatic efforts to reach a compromise with his Russian colleagues were met with vehement criticism from Olszewski, with many close to the premier believing that any monetary or trade settlements constituted a renewed occupation. [44] Despite the premier's strong objections to the Foreign Ministry's negotiations with their Russian counterparts, President Wałęsa strongly supported such moves for a final agreement. Meetings between Olszewski and Wałęsa in May 1992 displayed the divide between both men, with the premier insisting on removing any article on joint Polish-Russian financial and business deals from the treaty while Wałęsa responded that he intended to visit Russia not "to negotiate any agreement, but to sign it". [45]
By late May, Olszewki's fragile coalition faced collapse. Shortly after returning from Moscow from signing the cooperation treaty on 26 May 1992, Wałęsa formally asked the Sejm to withdraw its support from Olszewski's premiership, stating he had no faith in the government. [46] The president cited the government's "irresponsible steps in foreign affairs" as part of his decision. [47] Two days later on 28 May, with half of parliament's members absent, Sejm member Janusz Korwin-Mikke of the small conservative libertarian Real Politics Union successfully pressed for and passed a motion requiring the Ministry of Interior to identify all of the republic's leading politicians who collaborated previously in the communist secret services. [35] Despite the resolution, opposition parties, including the Democratic Union, the Liberal Democratic Congress and the Polish Economic Program (a split faction of the Polish Beer-Lovers' Party), moved to file a vote of no confidence. Responding to the lustration resolution six days later on 4 June, Interior Minister Antoni Macierewicz released to all parliamentary faction heads a secret list of 64 names of communist-era collaborators drawn from his ministry's archives. [35] Known as the Macierewicz List, which was quickly leaked to the public, the roster included Wiesław Chrzanowski, the Marshal of the Sejm and a member of Olszewski's coalition as well as Leszek Moczulski, the head of the opposition Confederation for an Independent Poland. [35] A second list published shortly afterwards included President Wałęsa himself. [35] In response, Wałęsa immediately demanded for the government's dismissal, yet in private, the president confessed to opposition legislators his worries that Olszewski was orchestrating a last minute coup against him. [48]
Late on the night of 4 June, on the eve of his vote of confidence, Olszewski made an unplanned televised address on public broadcasters TVP1 and 2, defending his administration's lustration list and appealing for the public to rally behind the government: [49]
My government was the first to want to reveal old, secret relationships of individuals who recently volunteered to enter into the state's new administration. I believe that the Polish people should know those who govern them, including those who helped the UB and SB to keep Poles enslaved. I believe the collaborators of the former communist political police constitute a threat to the security of the free Polish people. The people should know that, not coincidentally, just at the moment when we can finally break away from communist ties, there is a sudden motion for the government's dismissal. [49]
The lustration list published by Interior Minister Antoni Macierewicz (seen in 2009) was the final undoing of the Olszewski government
In the early hours after midnight on 5 June, in an event known as the nocna zmiana ("the nightshift"), the Sejm convened for a vote of no confidence. Despite Olszewski's public appeals both on television and within the debating chamber, parliament's majority opinion became readily apparent of supporting his dismissal. Aside from the opposition post-communist Democratic Left Alliance, members of the Mazowiecki-oriented Democratic Union, the Liberal Democrats, and other centrist and liberal parties remained unfazed with their loss of confidence with the prime minister. The opposition was joined from the right by the Confederation for an Independent Poland, whose members derided the Olszewski government's attempt at radical lustration just before a vote of confidence as outright blackmail. [50] Facing certain defeat, an emotional Olszewski addressed the Sejm, stating:
I would like to get out of this place with just one achievement. And as of this moment, I have the belief that I will go out with it. I would like to say, when this period finishes, when time runs out for me—I admit—a terribly painful time, when in my hometown's streets, I can only move about by car or in the company of guards protecting me from human contact—when my time does finally finish—I can take to the streets of my city freely again, to move about and look people in the eye. And that for you, honorable members, is what I wish for after this vote. [51]
The vote of no confidence was approved, with 273 in favor and 119 against. [38] Olszewski was immediately replaced by Wałęsa ally Waldemar Pawlak of the Polish People's Party. [38]
Two weeks following the government's no confidence vote, the Constitutional Tribunal ruled 11–1 the Sejm's 28 May lustration resolution singling out alleged communist collaborators as illegal due to it not being a statutory enactment, as well as violating both the dignity of citizens and democratic values. [52] The list produced by former Interior Minister Macierewicz was similarly found to be filled with inaccuracies, forcing the ministry to later apologize to several of those falsely implicated. [52]
Olszewski as head of the Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland
Following his dismissal, Olszewski resumed his career as a member of the Sejm. Olszewski departed from the Centre Agreement in the summer of 1992 with a number of other rebel MPs, creating the Movement for the Republic. [53] The new party was joined by other anti-Wałęsa and former Solidarity supporters, carrying a quasi-nationalist and ultra-Catholic platform. [53] [54] As a parliamentarian, Olszewski led his club's opposition to the Small Constitution, believing it did not offer a clear break from the Stalinist constitution of 1956. [55] Olszewski led his party to support the vote of no confidence against Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka in 1993, believing her economic policies had harmed the state. [56] In the subsequent elections that year, Olszewski lost his seat as the electorate swung to the left, despite a failed attempt to reunite rightist forces with the Centre Agreement, now headed by Jarosław Kaczyński. [57]
In 1995, Olszewski launched a bid for the presidency in that year's election in order replace his rival Wałęsa. Campaigning on an anti-communist and patriotic platform, Olszewski garnered 1,225,453 votes, with nearly seven percent of the vote and earned fourth place. [58] However, both he and Wałęsa lost to winning left-wing candidate Aleksander Kwaśniewski. [59] Later in the same year, in an attempt to consolidate the former premier's relatively strong performance in the presidential ballot, Olszewski and his supporters established the Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland. [60] Under the new party banner, poll numbers initially gave Olszewski's block a sixteen percent approval rating by the middle of 1996, yet this period was cut short with the creation of Solidarity Electoral Action, a rival conservative alliance. [61] The results of the 1997 parliamentary election garnered Olszewski's party with 5.6 percent of the vote, returning the former premier to the Sejm. [62] During this period, Olszewski supported Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek's 1997 concordant with the Holy See, reasoning that the Catholic Church was "one of the most important, if not the most important, and certainly the most durable, longest running and most rooted institution in Polish national life and culture". [63] At the same time, Olszewski also generally supported European integration and the government's efforts for Poland's accession into the European Union, though stressed reservations on the economic conditions of integration, particularly insisting that the national banking sector must remain within domestic hands. [64] However, the Movement became increasingly marginalized due to numerous party splits. [65]
During the 2000 presidential election, Olszewski stood again as a candidate, but withdrew from the race shortly before the vote [66] and later supported AWS candidate Marian Krzaklewski. [67] Olszewski was reelected to the Sejm in 2001, with his party allied with the populist far-right League of Polish Families. [68] However, Olszewski broke with the League shortly after his reelection over policy differences. [69] Prior to Poland's admission into the EU in 2004, Olszewski expressed worry that Poland's EU accession would pave the way for Germans to make property claims regarding land seized during the population expulsions at the end of World War II. [70] The former premier also expressed in 2005 his support for strong security and political relations with the United States within a transatlantic framework, though expressed reservations to stronger ties with Germany until property claims were dealt with. [71]
In 2005, Olszewski, along with his former cabinet ministers Antoni Macierewicz and Gabriel Janowski, created the Patriotic Movement, a right-wing nationalist political block combining the forces of his own party with those of the National-Catholic Movement and the Polish Alliance, where he became the head of the new organization. [72] In that year's parliamentary election, Olszewski ran for a Senate seat in the Warsaw constituency, but was defeated, coming sixth. [73]
Following his exit from parliament after his failed Senat bid, Olszewski was appointed as deputy chairman of the State Tribunal between 2005 and 2006. [74] President Lech Kaczyński later appointed Olszewski as a presidential adviser in April 2006, a position he held until Kaczyński's death in the 2010 Smolensk air disaster. [5]
Olszewski (right) with President Lech Kaczyński following his appointment as a special presidential adviser on political matters
Olszewski was married to Marta Olszewska, a former activist, editor and journalist of Tygodnik Solidarność . [75]
On the night of 16 August 2000, Olszewski was involved in a deadly car crash on national road 8 near the village of Marków-Towarzystwo in Masovian Voivodeship, when the car Olszewski was a passenger in collided with a truck. The driver of the car (Olszewski's party treasurer) was killed in the crash, while Olszewski escaped with only minor injuries. [76]
In July 2014, Olszewski was made an honorary citizen of Warsaw by Mayor Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz for his participation in the Warsaw Uprising as well as citing his moral and social authority in service of the city. [2]
Olszewski died after a long illness on 7 February 2019 in a Warsaw hospital. [77]
Olszewski remains a controversial figure within Polish politics. Members of the right-wing, particularly Law and Justice leader Jarosław Kaczyński, have praised the former premier for his anti-communist stances and legal principles. On the twentieth anniversary of the Olszewski government's vote of no confidence in 2012, Kaczyński praised Olszewski for attempting to stop the rapid privatizations of the early 1990s, and having helped steer Poland towards its eventual integration into NATO. [78] Former Interior Minister Antoni Macierewicz also affirmed his personal belief in 2012 that had the Olszewski government not fallen, "the Smolensk disaster would never have transpired". [79]
Politicians on the center-right have viewed Olszewski more critically. Christian National Union politician Stefan Niesiołowski strongly defended Olszewski during his vote of no confidence in 1992, declaring to the premier's detractors that "you're making a political mistake and Poland won't forget this error". [80] In an interview in 2007, Niesiołowski (now a Civic Platform parliamentarian) regretted his defense of the former prime minister in hindsight, describing Olszewski as "being a poor man who supported a moral lie" with the Macierewicz List, "and was still silent". [81] Prime Minister Donald Tusk similarly accused Olszewski of misleading information in 2008 during a non-governmental investigation into communist era archives conducted by the former premier, declaring: "I know that in Poland there are politicians who have genuinely strange archives and cannot get used to the idea that they're no longer prime ministers or heads of committees anymore, spending instead a lifetime in these archives, poisoning our public space with their own interpretations of what they have found". [82]
In an opinion poll conducted by CBOS in 2014, asking respondents to evaluate who was the best prime minister of the Third Republic, Olszewski was placed at seventh place. [83] A similar poll conducted by Millward Brown later that year positioned Olszewski at sixth place. [84]
The President of the Republic of Poland is the head of state of Poland. Their rights and obligations are determined in the Constitution of Poland. The president heads the executive branch. In addition the president has a right to dissolve parliament in certain cases, veto legislation and represents Poland in the international arena.
In 1989–1991, Poland engaged in a democratic transition which put an end to the Polish People's Republic and led to the foundation of a democratic government, known as the Third Polish Republic. After ten years of democratic consolidation, Poland joined NATO in 1999 and the European Union in 2004.
Law and Justice is a national-conservative, Christian democratic, populist political party in Poland. With 237 seats in the Sejm and 66 in the Senate, it is currently the largest party in the Polish parliament.
The Polish Round Table Talks took place in Warsaw, Poland from 6 February to 5 April 1989. The government initiated the discussion with the banned trade union Solidarność and other opposition groups in an attempt to defuse growing social unrest.
Lech Aleksander Kaczyński was a Polish lawyer and politician who served as the Mayor of Warsaw from 2002 until 2005 and as the President of Poland from 2005 until his death in 2010.
Jarosław Aleksander Kaczyński is a Polish politician and lawyer, and the current leader of the Law and Justice party, which he co-founded in 2001 with his identical twin brother, the late Polish President Lech Kaczyński. Running for PiS, he served as Prime Minister of Poland from July 2006 to November 2007, while his brother was President of Poland. After PiS's electoral defeat in 2007, Kaczyński was the main leader of the opposition to Civic Platform's governments.
Waldemar Pawlak(listen) is a Polish politician. He twice served as Prime Minister of Poland, briefly in 1992 and again from 1993 to 1995. From November 2007 to November 2012 he served as Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister of Economy. Pawlak is the only person who held the office of Prime Minister twice during the Third Republic, and he remains Poland's youngest Prime Minister to date.
Tadeusz Mazowiecki(listen); was a Polish author, journalist, philanthropist and Christian-democratic politician, formerly one of the leaders of the Solidarity movement, and the first non-communist Polish prime minister since 1946.
Parliamentary elections were held in Poland on 25 September 2005. Thirty million voters were eligible to vote for all 460 members of the lower house, the Sejm and all 100 members of the upper house, the Senate.
Jan Krzysztof Bielecki(listen) is a Polish liberal politician and economist. A leading figure of the Gdańsk-based Liberal Democratic Congress in the early 1990s, Bielecki served as Prime Minister of Poland for most of 1991. In his post-political career, Bielecki served as president of Bank Pekao between 2003 and 2010, and served as the president of the Polish Institute of International Affairs between 2009 to 2015. Since the early 2000s, Bielecki has been a member of the Civic Platform party. In 2010, the Warsaw Business Journal described Bielecki as one of the most respected economists in Poland.
Antoni Macierewicz is the former Minister of National Defence for Poland. He previously served as the Minister of Internal Affairs, Head of the Military Counterintelligence Service, and Minister of State in the Ministry of National Defence. An academic, historian, and human rights activist, Macierewicz was one of the leaders of the anti-communist resistance in Poland.
Military Information Services was a common name for the Polish military intelligence and counter-intelligence agency. The agency was created in 1990 after the Revolutions of 1989 ended the Communist regime as a merger between the former Communist agencies Internal Military Service and the Second Directorate of General Staff of the Polish Army. The combined agency was originally known as the Second Directorate for Intelligence and Counter-intelligence ; it was renamed to WSI in 1991. At first, all commanding and upper-level officers—and most of the employees—had direct personal and career links with the former Communist regimes of Poland and the Soviet Union.
The history of Solidarity, a Polish non-governmental trade union, began on August 14, 1980, at the Lenin Shipyards at its founding by Lech Wałęsa and others. In the early 1980s, it became the first independent labor union in a Soviet-bloc country. Solidarity gave rise to a broad, non-violent, anti-communist social movement that, at its height, claimed some 9.4 million members. It is considered to have contributed greatly to the fall of communism.
The Center Civic Alliance, abbreviated as POC, was a center-right electoral alliance of several political parties that participated in the 1991 Polish parliamentary election. The Center Civic Alliance was chiefly organized by the Centre Agreement, drawing in remnants of the Solidarity Citizens' Committees, independents, and Christian right parties, including the Polish People's Christian Forum "Homeland". The alliance was created after its main component, the Centre Agreement, attempted to form a broad alliance supporting President Lech Wałęsa. However, the alliance quickly fell out favor of the president, failing to gain Wałęsa's approval. In its aftermath, Centre Agreement leader Jarosław Kaczyński was subsequently fired from his position as Chief of the Presidential Chancellery.
UOP Instruction nr 0015/92 was an internal instruction of Urząd Ochrony Państwa issued on October 1992, which allowed the illegal surveillance and, allegedly, the fomenting of the dissolution of those Polish political parties that were in opposition to the Cabinet of the then Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka or to President Lech Wałęsa.
Waldemar Pawlak is the only person to serve twice as Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland during the Third Republic period (1989–present).
Lech Wałęsa is a Polish retired politician and labour activist. He co-founded and headed Solidarity (Solidarność), the Soviet bloc's first independent trade union, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1983, and served as President of Poland from 1990 to 1995.
Parliamentary elections to both the Sejm and Senate were held in Poland on 25 October 2015.
The Cabinet of Jan Olszewski was the government of Poland from December 23, 1991 to June 5, 1992, sitting in the Council of Ministers during the 1st legislature of the Sejm. Led by lawyer Jan Olszewski, it was supported by the coalition of the Centre Agreement and the Christian National Union as well as the Christian People's Party in the beginning and the Peasants' Agreement at the end.
↑ Lentz, Harris M. (4 February 2014). "Heads of States and Governments Since 1945". Routledge – via Google Books.
1 2 "Olszewski, Owsiak i Szostek honorowymi obywatelami Warszawy". TVN Warszawa. 31 July 2014. Retrieved 20 January 2015.
↑ Michalska, Magdalena (2013). "Premier niezłomny". Nowe Państwo. 94 (12).
1 2 "PRL według Jana Olszewskiego". Świadkowie historii. Polskie Radio. 11 May 2011.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 "Jan Olszewski - Doradca Prezydenta RP ds. politycznych". President of Poland. Archived from the original on 21 January 2015. Retrieved 19 November 2015.
↑ Laba, p. 209
↑ Direct edit by Jan Olszewski's godson, Anthony Murawski (born Antoni Władysław Murawski in Warsaw on 10 March 1965). Also see my prior edit, inserting the last sentence of the first paragraph under "Foreign and domestic policy."
↑ Rosinski, Jan, "Warsaw Underground : A Memoir of Resistance, 1939-1945.", Warsaw Underground : A Memoir of Resistance, 1939-1945., McFarland & Company, Inc., p. 105, ISBN 978-0-7864-7693-0
↑ Ambroziewicz, Jerzy; Namiotkiewicz, Walery; Olszewski, Jan (11 March 1956). "Na spotkanie ludziom z AK". Po prostu (11).
↑ Rafalska, Dominika (2008). "Reaching Out to Members of the Home Army (Po prostu in 1956)". Dzieje Najnowsze (3): 95–107.
↑ ""Po prostu" zamknięte za niewiarę w socjalizm". PolskieRadio.pl. Polskie Radio . Retrieved 2 October 2013.
↑ Preuße, p. 107
↑ "Jan Olszewski Honorary Citizen of Warsaw". City of Warsaw . Retrieved 21 January 2015.
↑ Ziolkowska-Boehm, pp. 105–109
↑ Lipski, p. 27
↑ Kaufman, Michael T. (31 January 1985). "Polish seemingly implies a Soviet link to slaying of priest". New York Times . Retrieved 20 January 2015.
1 2 3 4 5 Ost, p. 71
↑ Tismaneanu, p. 129
1 2 Weiner, p. 80
↑ Wróbel, p. 280
↑ Wróbel, pp. 283-284
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Wróbel, p. 284
1 2 Stone, p. 104
↑ Cannon, p. 151
↑ Murawski, Anthony (September 1993). Robert Weissman (ed.). "Market Myths and Polish Realities: An Interview With Jan Olszewski". Multinational Monitor . Washington, DC. Retrieved 11 August 2016.
↑ Stone, p. 104–105
1 2 3 4 Stone, p. 105
↑ Spero, p. 80-81
↑ Spero, p. 81
1 2 3 4 Spero, p. 82
↑ Wilcz-Grzędzińska, Ewa (24 April 1992). "Nie Głosowałbym na Wałęsę". Tygodnik Solidarność.
1 2 Epstein, p. 113
1 2 3 4 5 Millard, p. 58
↑ Betz, pp. 79-80
1 2 Engelberg, Stephen (8 April 1992). "Poland Buzzes With Party Strife and Talk of Coup". New York Times . Retrieved 18 February 2014.
1 2 3 Simon, p. 82
1 2 Betz, p. 80
↑ Goldman, p. 233
↑ "Trudno prowadzić politykę zagraniczną niestabilnego wewnętrznie kraju". Gazeta Wyborcza . 9 May 1992.
↑ Gorska, pp. 53-55
↑ Gorska, p. 55
↑ Jeffries, p. 504
↑ Millard, p. 59
1 2 Margraf, Monika. ""Noc teczek": jak do niej doszło i co robili główni gracze?". Gazeta.pl . Retrieved 4 June 2012.
↑ Adam Słomka (4 June 1992). "9. Wniosek prezesa Rady Ministrów o odwołanie Andrzeja Olechowskiego ze stanowiska ministra finansów. 10. Poselski wniosek o odwołanie Rady Ministrów (druk nr 310). 11. Wniosek prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej o natychmiastowe odwołanie Jana Olszewskiego ze stanowiska prezesa Rady Ministrów". Sejm . Retrieved 14 November 2013.
↑ Olszewski, Jan. "Premier J. Olszewski – marzenie (1992) 'wotum nieufności'". YouTube. Piotr K. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
1 2 Schwartz, p. 68
1 2 Millard, p. 60
↑ Bugajski, pp. 375-376
↑ Jan Olszewski (31 July 1992). "Sprawozdanie Komisji Nadzwyczajnej o poselskim projekcie ustawy konstytucyjnej o wzajemnych stosunkach między władzą ustawodawczą i wykonawczą Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (druki nr 126, 403 i 403-A)". Sejm . Retrieved 16 June 2014.
↑ Jan Olszewski (27 May 1993). "Projekt uchwały o wyrażenie wotum nieufności Radzie Ministrów (druk nr 940)". Sejm . Retrieved 16 June 2014.
↑ Millard, pp. 63–71
↑ Szczerbiak, p. 80
↑ Brown, p. 46
↑ Jan Olszewski (12 December 1997). "Pierwsze czytanie rządowego projektu ustawy o ratyfikacji konkordatu między Stolicą Apostolską i Rzecząpospolitą Polską (druk nr 30)". Sejm . Retrieved 10 November 2013.
↑ Jan Olszewski (19 March 1998). "8. Informacja rządu o stanie przygotowań Polski do integracji z Unią Europejską. 9. Pierwsze czytanie komisyjnego projektu uchwały Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w sprawie członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej (druk nr 223)". Sejm . Retrieved 10 November 2013.
↑ Szczerbiak, pp. 95–96
↑ Pankowski, p. 112
↑ Millard, p. 123
↑ Olszewski, Jan. "4 kadencja, 72 posiedzenie, 4 dzień - Poseł Jan Olszewski". orka2.sejm.gov.pl.
↑ Jan Olszewski (21 January 2005). "Informacja Ministra Spraw Zagranicznych o zadaniach polskiej polityki zagranicznej w 2005 roku". Sejm . Retrieved 10 November 2013.
↑ "Patriotyczny Olszewski". ''Wprost''. 1 June 2005. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
↑ "Jan Olszewski". Money.pl. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
↑ "Poprzednie kadencje Trybunału Stanu". State Tribunal . Retrieved 17 June 2014.
↑ "Nowi członkowie Kapituły Orderu Odrodzenia Polski". Wiadomości.wp.pl. Retrieved 6 November 2007.
↑ "Jan Olszewski miał wypadek samochodowy". Inertia.pl. 17 August 2000. Retrieved 15 November 2013.
↑ "Nie żyje Jan Olszewski, były premier [WIDEO]". www.se.pl.
↑ "Kaczyński: rząd Olszewskiego likwidował sieci oplatające Polskę". Polskie Radio. 4 June 2012. Retrieved 15 November 2013.
↑ "Macierewicz: Gdyby nie obalono Olszewskiego, nie byłoby Smoleńska". Gazeta Wyborcza . 4 June 2012. Retrieved 15 November 2013.
↑ Monika Margraf (4 June 2012). "Stefan Niesiołowski - obrońca rządu i Macierewicza". Gazeta.pl . Retrieved 17 June 2014.
↑ "Macierewicz i Kaczyńscy to grabarze lustracji". Wirtualna Polska. 4 June 2007. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
↑ "Olszewski: Gangsterskie i bezprawne wywiezienie akt". TVN24. 8 July 2008. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
↑ "Najlepszy premier od upadku komunizmu? Wygrywa Mazowiecki, Kaczyński przed Tuskiem". wyborcza.pl. Gazeta Wyborcza . Retrieved 27 May 2014.
↑ Kalukin, Rafał. "Kto był najlepszym premierem III RP?". polska.newsweek.pl. Newsweek Polska . Retrieved 8 September 2014.
Betz, David (2004). Civil-Military Relations in Russia and Eastern Europe. London: RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN 0415648866.
Brown, J. F., ed. (1996). The Omri Annual Survey of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union, 1996: Forging Ahead, Falling Behind. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 1563249251.
Bugajski, Janusz (1994). Ethnic Politics in Eastern Europe: A Guide to Nationality Policies, Organizations and Parties. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 1563242826.
Cannon, Lucja Swiatkowski (1997). "Polish Transition Strategy.". In Jane Shapiro Zacek; Ilpyong J. Kim (eds.). Legacy of the Soviet Bloc. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida. ISBN 0813014751.
Epstein, Rachel (2008). In Pursuit of Liberalism: International Institutions in Postcommunist Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 9780801889776.
Goldman, Minton F. (1997). Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe: Political, Economic, and Social Challenges. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 1563247585.
Gorska, Joanna A. (2000). Dealing with a Juggernaut: Analyzing Poland's Policy toward Russia, 1989–2009. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. ISBN 0739145320.
Jeffries, Ian (1993). Socialist Economies and the Transition to the Market: A Guide. London: Routledge. ISBN 0415075807.
Laba, Roman (1991). The Roots of Solidarity: A Political Sociology of Poland's Working-Class Democratization. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691078629.
Lipski, Jan Józef (1985). KOR: A History of the Workers' Defense Committee in Poland, 1976–1981. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-05243-9.
Millard, Frances (1996). "Poland's 'return to Europe,' 1989-94.". In Robert Bideleux; Richard Taylor (eds.). European Integration and Disintegration: East and West. New York City: Routledge. ISBN 9780415137416.
Millard, Frances (2009). Democratic Elections in Poland, 1991–2007. London: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 020387272X.
Ost, David (2005). The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0801473438.
Pankowski, Rafal (2010). The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots (Extremism and Democracy). London: Routledge. ISBN 0415473535.
Preuße, Detlev (2014). Umbruch von unten: Die Selbstbefreiung Mittel- und Osteuropas und das Ende der Sowjetjunion. Wiesbaden: Springer VS Press. ISBN 3658049715.
Schwartz, Herman (2000). The Struggle for Constitutional Justice in Post-Communist Europe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226741966.
Simon, Jeffrey (1996). "The Code and Civil-Military Relations: The Polish Case.". In Gert C. de Nooy (ed.). Cooperative Security, the Osce, and Its Code of Conduct. The Hague: Kluwer Law International. ISBN 9041103163.
Spero, Joshua B. (2004). Bridging the European Divide: Middle Power Politics and Regional Security Dilemmas. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0742535533.
Stone, Randall W. (2002). Lending Credibility: The International Monetary Fund and the Post-Communist Transition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691095299.
Szczerbiak, Aleks (2001). Poles Together?: The Emergence and Development of Political Parties in Post-communist Poland. Budapest: Central European University Press. ISBN 9639241237.
Tismaneanu, Vladimir (1998). Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Europe. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691048266.
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Jan Krzysztof Bielecki Prime Minister of Poland
Duchy of Warsaw (1807–1813)
Stanisław Małachowski
Ludwik Szymon Gutakowski
Józef Poniatowski (acting)
Stanisław Kostka Potocki
Kingdom of Poland (1917–1918)
Kucharzewski
Ponikowski
Kanty Steczkowski
Świeżyński
Wróblewski
Second Polish Republic
Daszyński
Moraczewski
Skulski
Grabski
Witos
Śliwiński
Skrzyński
Świtalski
Prystor
Jędrzejewicz
Zyndram-Kościałkowski
Składkowski
Polish government-in-exile
Mikołajczyk
Arciszewski
Bór-Komorowski
Tomaszewski
Odzierzyński
Hryniewski
Mackiewicz
Zawisza
Muchniewski
Urbański
Szczepanik
Polish People's Republic
Osóbka-Morawski
Cyrankiewicz
Bierut
Jaroszewicz
Babiuch
Pińkowski
Jaruzelski
Rakowski
Kiszczak
Third Polish Republic
Bielecki
Olszewski
Pawlak
Suchocka
Cimoszewicz
Buzek
Kaczyński
Kopacz
Szydło
Morawiecki
The Cabinet of Jan Olszewski
Original members
Artur Balasz
Andrzej Diakonow
Zbigniew Dyka
Jerzy Eysymontt
Adam Glapiński
Tomasz Gruszecki
Gabriel Janowski
Witold Karczewski
Stefan Kozłowski
Jerzy Kropiwnicki
Andrzej Lipko
Karol Lutkowski
Marian Miśkiewicz
Jan Parys
Marek Rusin
Andrzej Siciński
Krzysztof Skubiszewski
Andrzej Stelmachowski
Ewaryst Waligórski
Wojciech Włodarczyk
Joined later
Andrzej Olechowski
Romuald Szeremietiew
previous ← Candidates in the 1995 Polish presidential election → following
Aleksander Kwaśniewski
Lost in runoff
Lech Wałęsa (incumbent)
Other candidates
Leszek Bubel
Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz
Janusz Korwin-Mikke
Tadeusz Koźluk
Andrzej Lepper
Jan Pietrzak
Kazimierz Piotrowicz
Tadeusz Zieliński
Withdrew
Lech Kaczyński
Marek Markiewicz
Leszek Moczulski
Bogdan Pawłowski
Dariusz Grabowski
Piotr Ikonowicz
Jarosław Kalinowski
Marian Krzaklewski
Tadeusz Wilecki
NKC: jo2018997162


Approximately 15% of all coal mines in America contain dangerous levels of asbestos.
Experts believe their invention could be a good replacement for asbestos.
Following the shift in provincial policy after the Quebec provincial election, the Harper government said on Friday that it will no longer oppose international efforts to put asbestos on a list of hazardous substances.
Weeks after Quebec's ruling Liberal party re-launched the province's asbestos industry with a $58-million loan to the Jeffrey mine, opposition leaders are calling the federal government to end what they call a "morally and scientifically indefensible" product.
LAB Chrysotile Inc., one of the two remaining Quebec's asbestos miners, has filed for bankruptcy because of high fixed costs and sharply declining revenues.
Tendai Biti, Zimbabwe Finance Ministers said on Friday the re-opening of the Shabani Mine is a critical imperative for the economy calling it is a tragedy that nearby town of Zvishavane is increasingly becoming a ghost town, with upstream and downstream industries which depend on asbestos mining having collapsed. Biti was presenting his mid-term fiscal review where he predicted the country's mining sector as a whole growing by 34%, buoyed by firming international mineral prices, improved power supply arrangements and output growth.


I'm a bit disappointed that we finally get the appearance of the real Owl, only for nothing to come of it.
The Cochlea raid has come to an end, and everyone is back to planning their next move. In that down time though, we finally get some focus on the CCG squad. They had been introduced as "villains", to an extent, and had very little development over the first season. Now that we have a recurring cast of CCG members (more than just Amon and Mado), it's only fitting that we learn a bit more about them.
Juuzou was a victim of the gourmet restaurant. Big Madam kept him as a pet, and forced him to fight for his survival, while torturing for her own amusement. Being taken away at such a young age, he was never exposed to proper social interactions, and has no sense of morality because of it. He doesn't seem too fond of human or ghoul life, but he still has a soft spot for the innocence of animals.
When Shinohara rescued him, no other investigators were willing to put up with his erratic behavior. Never having experienced love or a family, Juuzou was in his own little world. Shinohara is a man with a big heart, and reached out to him. He sees Juuzou as if he were his own child, and continues to watch him grow.
News of Kaneki continues to spread around Tokyo. He started off as a nobody, and now here he is, one of the most feared ghouls in the city. As a human, he was a quiet kid, who never really attracted much attention. Since being thrown into this world, he tried to continue living as he did, but he's hit a point where he's taken a proactive approach.
After awakening his Kakuja, he has trouble controlling his body. All of the torturing and emotional stress caused him to have split personalities. There's the quiet Kaneki who just wants to protect everyone, and the sadistic one that seeks power.
Akira gets a bit of redemption for her hard attitude. She had a no BS approach to everything, but it all stemmed from her upbringing. She's lost everything in her life. Both of her parents were taken away from her. They fought to protect the world, and their daughter, yet they lost their lives for it. The world isn't fair, and she holds a grudge against Amon. In retrospect, her father would be alive if he hadn't been alone, and she can't forgive Amon for that.
She's still a young girl, who was forced to grow up quickly. Deep down, she's incredibly lonely as seen in her apartment. Given her super serious personality, it's weird for her to own a cat, something that requires time and effort to care for. Since she has no personal relationships, and no family, this cat keeps her company, and helps her deal with her loneliness.
Amon, in a sense, is similar to Kaneki. He's still eaten up by the fact he couldn't save Mado. Had he been stronger, he could have protected those he cared about.
The majority of characters in this world just want to protect their daily lives. Kaneki, Ayato, Akira, Amon, all of them just want to protect the people they care about. They push themselves so hard to achieve power, all for the sake of others.
Overall, it was a much slower paced episode, but some much needed character development was had. It probably would have been less confusing had we gotten some more info on the characters before they all clashed. Had the series been 24 episodes, they definitely would have had the time to properly build the characters, and lead into the events.
The story telling feels a bit strange to me this season. From the source material, the story primarily focused on Kaneki, and his suffering. Root A takes a different approach, and puts a larger emphasis on CCG, and all the other characters. We basically have to infer changes in Kaneki's character, or read the source material to get a clearer picture of his character progression. For being the main character, he's had very little dialogue this entire season (unless you count screaming).
Now that we're half way into the season, I'm extremely interested in how they'll adapt the rest of the series. The end of this episode seems to confirm that we'll be building towards the raid on Owl. They still have yet to show a crucial arc, as well as get into the back story of several important characters.
I really like the story telling from multiple perspectives (like why I love Fate/Zero), it builds a larger world rather than forcing everything to be related to explained to Kaneki. I really am interested to read the manga now because its not the same and how I'll be learning new information. I normal don't to hate/dislike characters, but Juuzou was close and redeemed in someway. I really hope Amon -with- Shinohara becomes to understand the reality that ghouls aren't evil at heart.
On the subject of seasons, like Aldnoah.Zero and F/SN UBW, Tokyo Ghoul is effective one season. I believe the animation companies and networks by spreading out risk, if a show does poorly, they can drop the second season easily, along reacting to fan feedback to improve quality of the production. The separate season should be looked as break rather than any thing more, production never stopped.
I agree that it's nice that CCG and the other characters are getting more of the spotlight this season. The manga does touch on both sides as well, but with more room to tell the story, they manage to focus on both Kaneki's development and the other characters.
I know when I first saw Juuzou I hated him in the manga, but by the end of the series he really does develop thanks to Shinohara's big heart.
I feel like the second season and the manga really don't differ too much in terms of events. I'd say there were a few minor shifts in the story, but the characters and events are pretty similar.
I know a lot of people give the anime flak since it doesn't follow the manga completely, but I still think as a standalone it's a decent series. The part I dislike about the adaptation is how they handled the characters though.
A lot of minor characters, like Uta, Yomo, Yoshimura, and Itori had a lot more focus and interactions within the series. There's still time for them to get to it, but with only 6 episodes left and 2 major arcs to cover, I wouldn't be surprised if they don't fit it all in.
They could make a completely anime original ending, but from what they've done so far, it seems like its staying consistent with the manga.
I definitely suggest you check out the manga, probably after the series is finished! Having read the manga first, there are a lot of small hints and foreshadowing throughout the anime which I probably wouldn't have picked up on otherwise.
I think the second series and manga compliment each other. With the minor details changed, we get a bit more details regarding the Cochlea raid (off screened in the manga) and more info on Ayato and other Aogiri members.
I know what you mean about how a series can have so much between the written content and other media. If you have an Interest in Halo, I own all 15 novels, but are behind by 2 books in reading them. Halo: The Fall Of Reach and Halo: Contact Harvest are amazing books.
Just wondering What two major arcs are you speaking of? Just wondering because only the ending arc comes to mind as the last major arc of the series.
Well, I mentioned 2 but they kind of combined bits of it with this Cochlea arc (relating to Kuro and Shiro), they might just skip it all together, but it was a pretty important part of the story. Seeing how they kept most of the details the same, I'm wondering if they would be bold enough to skip it completely.
I thought it was a pretty major revelation at the end along with important information regarding Uta and Yomo's past. Then there's the last major arc which you mentioned. Then again, they really did condense a lot of the other events, so maybe they're just setting up for the last arc now and not dealing with that part of the series.
Sorry if I'm talking about it in a roundabout way, but hopefully I was clear enough (trying to avoid spoiling for non-manga readers).


text:
West hockey taking its share of shots
WAUSAU-The Wausau West boys hockey team fired shot after shot at Zach Bednar Thursday.
The Warriors peppered the Mosinee junior goalie with 48 shots on net in the 8-2 win, 39 of which came over the first and second periods combined during the Marathon Cup semifinal matchup at Greenheck Field House.
The offensive output was nothing new for West this season, and Bednar was not the first goalie to face it.
West, which faces D.C. Everest in the Cup title game at 7:30 p.m. Saturday, has totaled 244 shots on net in six games, an average of 40.6 shots per game. The Warriors had a season high 67 shots in a 6-1 win over Marshfield earlier this month.
West, Everest advance to Marathon Cup final
"(Bednar) was playing pretty good in that first period, and we knew we just had to keep getting pucks on net," West senior Cale Bowman said of the Warriors offensive attack. "Everyone is human and they are going to make a mistake and we have to be there to capitalize on it.
West and Mosinee ended the first period tied 2-2, but the Warriors took the control of the game with five goals in a second period in which they held a 23-6 shot advantage.
"We were a little bit discombobulated a little bit in the first period. We were making some plays, but we weren't all on the same page," West coach Brian Brandt Jr. said. "It was nice to see our guys come back in the second period, collect themselves and find each other on the ice. I thought we did a nice job of working the puck down low at times and it was really nice to see our guys look and have what we call 'head checks', just looking to find teammates. That allowed us to sustain pressure.
"We were able to get pucks to the net, We were able to do that also in the first period, but we weren't disciplined in staying in front of the net for rebounds In the second period we were able to get some rebounds."
Evergreens gaining momentum
D.C. Everest shut out Wausau East 6-0 in a Marathon Cup semifinal Thursday, the Evergreens third straight win to even their record at 3-3.
Everest was held to give goals in the first three games of the season, which included a pair of one-goal losses. Everest had outscored its opponents 16-3 in the current winning streak that began with a 4-2 win over Marquette last Saturday in Milwaukee.
"We had a tough start to the year and we play a pretty difficult schedule, which is only going to help us," Everest coach Dan VanSlyke said. "But I like the way we are playing now. We have built some momentum over the last four games. We're gaining confidence every day.We don't have a lot of veterans back that played for us last year, so to get (the younger players) some shifts and experience early will only help us down the road."
The next challenge for the Evergreens is slowing down West.
"We just have to do the little things right- just get pucks in deep, get on their defensemen, crash the net and hopefully turn over some pucks," VanSlyke said. "Then defensively we have to do the little things right to try and limit their scoring opportunities
Mosinee defenseman learning on the job
The Mosinee hockey team is relatively young on the back end with only three of the nine defensemen on the roster being seniors.
Thursday's loss to West provided a test as the group's overall varsity inexperience showed up at times against the Warriors attack.
"I think it did a little bit. We don't have a ton of experience back there," Mosinee first-year coach Troy Michalski said. "But its early in the year and they are going to get mroe playing time and more experience. I think we will get better throughout the year.
"(West) has a lot of forwards who can move the puck and obviously they work well together," Michalski said. "The (defensemen) get the puck up to them quick and is soon as they get it, they are going. They move with the puck well and make good passes and obviously they can score."
Tim Johnson can be reached at 715-845-0731 or attimothy.johnson@gannettwisconsin.com. Find him on Twitter @timmyjo11.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Last week, I purchased an Acer Aspire v5-473g Windows 8.1 pre-installed laptop. The first thing I did is to partitioning the hard drive with EaseUS Partition Master. After that, I want to create a USB recovery drive but I found out that I was unable to do so.
When I launch the recovery drive program build in in Windows, I found out that the "Copy the recovery partition from the PC to the recovery drive" option has been grey out. If I continue the program, it would shows "We can't create a recovery drive on this PC. Some required files are missing".
In addition, I also found out that I was unable to reset nor refresh Windows 8.1.
One thing I am sure is that I did not mess up with the all those system reserved OEM partitions( including the one push reset partition) when I partition the drive. Those partitions should be present and intact.
After doing some research on the internet, some say that I need to mount the system recovery image (the "Push Button Reset\ RecoveryImage\ install.wim") using the "reagentc.exe". But I notice that I was not able to use reagentc.exe.
When I input reagentc.exe /info, reagentc.exe /disable, or reagentc.exe /enable, or all other commands using "reagentc.exe", it gives error: operation failed 3.
So how can I now create a USB recovery drive, or how can i perform reset now?
I believe that I have some serious problems in my laptop. I will list some of them, and I hope that maybe someone can help me out because I'm getting crazy with these issues!
1. I cannot use recover options in Windows 8.1 because it says "Could not find recovery environment".
2. When I go to Advanced Start up, under Recovery menu, it does not show Troubleshoot option.
3. When I try to Create a Recovery drive, it says "We can't create a recovery drive on this PC".
4. When I try to enable/disable "reagentc" in CMD, it says "Operation Failed:3".
5. I cannot access in Bios, since I bought the laptop, and therefore I cannot re install a fresh copy of windows with my flash drive.
I would recommend you making the OEM manufacturer's Recovery DVD's or USB drive.
You can order the Microsoft official OEM Recovery disks from the OEM manufacturer's website.
Did you upgrade from Windows 8 to Windows 8.1?
I am using Acer v3-571G, been 3 years now and I had decided to restore my laptop to factory settings as my laptop is getting kinda slow and stuff, but I'm facing problems. I did upgrade from Windows 8 to 8.1.
2. I cannot use acer recovery management because it says "Could not find recovery environment".
but I just wanted to make a new thread because the other one is marked as resolved. (Mods feel free to merge the two).
Last week, I purchased an Acer Aspire Windows 8.1 pre-installed laptop. The first thing I did is to partitioning the hard drive with EaseUS Partition Master. After that, I want to create a USB recovery drive but I found out that I was unable to do so.
I get to step "3. select partition 1" fine but at step "4. assign letter=R", I get: "There is is no volume selected". Which volume do I need to select?
If you used EaseUS to partiton your system, you may have caused problems for yourself. That utility seems to mess up Recovery partitions by turning them into OEM partitions.
Open diskpart, select the drive and do a list partition command and attach the results. If the type shows as OEM, you may have the problem. But note, there are some systems which set up possibly one OEM partition as a result of their process.
There are also quite a few threads dealing with resolving problems caused by EaseUS.
Q: Could not find the recovery environment.
I see this message when I try to reset my PC is there a solution?
Hello after reading the whole topic about this i still need some help.
I used easeUS Partition Master, and that broke the link to the recovery. I fixed it but somehow it snapped again.
On the screenshot you see that Windows RE location is empty, somehow i can't seem to fix this.
As i can see the recovery image location is right.
ps. Just found out that i posted this in the wrong part, can someone change this?
- Post a screenshot of "list partition" and "reagentc /info".
- Open a command prompt as administrator and type (or copy and paste) the following commands.
- Alt-PrtScr copies the active window to the clipboard.
I looked through this post Windows 8.1 Recovery - Could not find recovery environment and while I tried some things there to get my recovery environment to work, I am still having issues. I have included an image of what my partitions look like. I don't have physical recovery media but believe if I can get the Recovery Environment to work I can move on with reset.
Hello, I have been trying to do a factory reinstall from the system restore menu. Every time I try it I get this incredibly annoying "could not find the recovery environment" message. I have reinstalled the OS dozens of time with no problem. For whatever reason now it refuses to cooperate. I'm getting desperate. Thank you. P.S. This is on an HP stream so I have no disk drive.
Disks: HDD and my SD card.
Hello and I hope everyone had a nice new year.
First off, my computer has been getting a face (AKA: BSOD) for 3 days. I called HP and told them about the situation and sent a flash drive but its not here.
Then, when I try to restore my computer, It doesn't like the way I set it up (See attachments). I don't know what to do next but to return it back to Walmart. Anyway, I got this for Christmas.
Oh and by the way, heres my information since this is brand new!
I'm running Windows 10 Home on a Dell Venue 8 Pro. It originally ran Windows 8.1, when I bought it, but I made the free upgrade. It's mostly worked fine, with a few Windows 10-related quirks here and there. However, more recently, I've decided to give it away to a close friend of mine, as I've got a new tablet, and I want to factory reset it...So that they can have a fresh tablet, you know? Anyways, it's not worked, no matter what I've tried, and I've looked on the internet, but no one has my specific problem. I can't use external hardware on it. No recovery flash drive, no recovery CD, nothing. I can only use the tablet itself, a pair of headphones, or the tablet's charger. Also, for the record, I can't plug the charger up to my computer, because the tablet considers itself a computer. The charger won't even work if I plug it's USB portion into my PC. It just doesn't charge, then. You see, the charger is phone charger-esque on one end, and the other end is a USB that plugs into a wall-adapter (the cord and the adapter came with the tablet). Also, I've no money for purchasing new versions of windows or special recovery options. So, does this mean the tablet is useless, and I can only give it away as is? Any help is greatly appreciated.
Q: Error: Could not find recovery environment!!! Help please!
Then I tried to reset my laptop by pressing the "Reset" option (with the usb connected) but surprisingly it is throwing an error.
"Could not find the recovery media"
"Please insert widows installation or recovery media and restart"
Please people I need your expert advice on this as it is very much in emergency to reset my laptop.
A:Error: Could not find recovery environment!!! Help please!
Try booting from the USB drive without pressing the recovery key on the laptop. let it run the recovery from the thumb drive not the hard drive.
This is my first ever post on this Forum after trying to follow a solved solution which I couldn't complete.
As the title mentions I am unable to restore my HP Elitepad - I seem to get " Could not find recovery environment". I have followed a previous thread but I just cant to seem to resolve this issue.
I have followed this and item 6 is where I think things go wrong? Where should I write/insert item 6? is this carried out in diskpart? I tried this and a screen shows some detailed information. I then reboot, and try a recovery and it comes up with the same error.
Any ideas or advice for a computer novice would be greatly appreciated. I haven't provided any screen shots as I am unsure what information is relevant although happy to provide.
I cant get a recovery disk because my warranty expired 4 months ago, and there is no product key on the side of my computer so I used a product key finder and the key it gives me doesnt work. Could someone please help me?
May I ask what brand and model your computer is? There might be some instructions on using the recovery partition that I could find for you. Unless, you built the computer yourself, then you'd need your installation disc and key, unless its changed since I last installed windows 8 on my computer.
I'm trying to reset my PC in hopes that it will fix some issues i'm having with games, however whenever I try to reset my PC it says "Could not find the recovery environment". It says to insert my windows installation or recovery media, but I got windows 10 from the free upgrade (I upgraded from windows 7) so I don't have anything to install it. I could really use any help that anyone could offer. Thanks!
Q: "Could not find recovery environment"
I'm trying to do a factory reset, but I am unable to because I am apparently missing a recovery environment.
I think it may have occurred when I deleted one of my recovery partitions to make room for a new partition that I installed Linux onto.
I was unable to create a recovery drive. "Cannot create a recovery drive on this PC".
A:"Could not find recovery environment"
Contact the computer manufacturer to possibly obtain Recovery Disks.
I'm trying to restore my laptop (Acer Aspire e5 551), but every time I try to, it says "Could not find recovery environment."
I also tried to just refresh my laptop, but that some thing prompts me.
I looked on here prior to posting this thread, and tried something from a forum, but I was utterly confused because I didn't understand.
Q: Recovery Environment Missing -System Recovery Partition Deleted.
I'm stuck in a pretty bad situation right now and I have no idea about how to help myself..So recently I've been wanting to 'reset' my Windows 8.1 laptop, & I just cannot because my recovery environment is missing..
But this one doesn't look like an easy fix or I'm not even sure If there is a fix. So the big mistake I did was, I deleted my "System Recovery Partition".
I have searched everywhere possible and I'm not getting a fix.. I would really appreciate IF YOU GUYS HELP ME!
and another problem is that I don't live in the USA or Canada.I've got a Dell Inspiron 15R 5521, 8GB RAM, intel i5 3317u.
and Dell provides Backup Media to only the people who live in the US and Canada. Please guys, I need a solution.
A:Recovery Environment Missing -System Recovery Partition Deleted.
Please private message us the system service tag and region you are located so that I can check the available options and assist you further. To send a private message, click on my name and send private message.
Hello, I am trying to completely factory reset my pc but when I select Windows Recovery Environment in HP recovery manager, it just brings me to the login screen after it restarts my computer. I have tried factory resetting using windows but I get the message 'Could not find the recovery environment.'Is it possible for me to factory reset without having to spend any money, or will I have to order a disk from HP?
I am trying to add a new database connection to my VB file in VB 6.0 Enterprise Edition. The directions says to go to the Project menu and click Add Data Environment. That is not on my menu, so I went to Components, clicked the Designer tab, and still don't see Data Environment as an option. Does anyone else have any ideas of where this could be? Thank you.
I moved your question into the Development area.
I keep getting this error when trying to install and exe I have tried safe mode and system restore but can get no joy I get this error message when I try system restore.
Can you please give us a little more detail about the problem? I know you have a problem with system restore, but in what aspect? Can't you bring up the System restore window at all? Or can't you restore your system?
Instead of a System restore, you might be able to do a Repair install. Or just talk us through the problem that makes you need to do a system restore.
Hi there. I am trying to restore a Windows 7 PC; I do have a recovery file, containing boot.sdi and an eMachines wim archive (it's got Program files, RYTools, Windows, Setup, etc...). If I copy those to a CD (they aren't over 700MB), is this a sufficient setup to boot and reinstall my system? In different forums they talk about all sorts of files necessary, like for instance wim.boot... Thanks in advance for your help.
Q: Do I Need The Recovery Environment?
If my setup consists of a single system partition and NO recovery partition, can I remove the recovery environment/folder with the winre.wim file in it?
If I do repairs, I use a combination of system restore with installation/boot DVD-ROM disc.
Mod Edit: Split from http://www.bleepingcomputer.com/forums/t/496711/microsoft-essentials-virus-and-spyware-definitionsupdating-will-not-complete/ - Hamluis.
Hi evryone! I have a problem wheever I try to upgrade or install, run, program I'm getting massage " the system could not find environment option that was entered"
@ivanjica. I think your system has been messed up by either malware, or the use of a registry cleaner. What is your operating system? Also what tools did you run last?
Last week I installed an optional windows update. I restarted, and after getting through the BIOS screens, it wouldn't do anything. I checked my monitors, but nothing was showing up. After a few minutes I rebooted, but this time it took to the Windows Recovery Environment. When I'm in the first screen of the recovery environment, my keyboard stops working, so I can't select "start windows normally". I have to wait for the count down to select "Launch startup repair". In startup repair, no operating system shows up in the window. If I choose the "restore with a system image" option, I get an error that says "the system cannot find the specified file". When I click ok, it takes me to a list of recovery tools, none of which work. I ran "list disk" in command prompt, and it lists three drives, their statuses are listed as "no media" and sizes are "0 B". I have a two raid 0s in my computer, one is two 240 GB SSDs and the other is two 3 TB HDs. I have backups of both. I also booted from the installation disk and had same results. From what I've read on various forums, it seems like I have to load drivers to get windows to recognize my OS. Any help would be greatly appreciated.
How do you launch this ???
1) My windows 8 imploded on me, it went from an automatic repair loop to constantly asking for repair and restarting itself. Sadly, none of the tools they provide have any effect, and this laptop is only a few weeks old. I booted ubuntu to try to get a file (literally one note document that I forgot to backup, and my exams are in a few days! Great timing ^ ^), the problem is I can only see some of the files under "Windows 8 OS", I already have hidden items being shown, and tried CTRL+H. Other posts have said to CTRL+L host or /media/user, but neither of these work.
2) After getting my file back, I am going to "reset" (which should wipe all data and reboot windows 8) windows 8, hopefully that will actually do something. If anyone has any ideas as to how I can fix windows 8 from Ubuntu or any way you can think of, please share!
It means that the system couldn't find a file by that name.
It's seems to me that you've done all the necessary steps to copy the file(s) - so you should have been able to get them.
If that's the case, then it's likely that the files are destroyed/missing/overwritten.
STOP messing with the disk if the files MUST be recovered! Any operations (to include booting up) can make recovery of the files much more difficult/expensive - or even make them unrecoverable.
The first step is to decide how desperate you are to recovery these files.
Here are some recovery utilities - they are Windows based, so you'd have to use a Windows based boot disk to access the hard drive (read the documentation with each program to see how they work from a Windows based boot disk.
There are pay for utilities (I like GetDataBack from Data Recovery - Data Recovery Software - RAID Recovery - NAS Data Recovery). It'll tell you what files that it can recover - but you'll have to pay $80 US in order to recovery them.
Q: RECOVERY ENVIRONMENT IS NOT WORKING..
i want to run system recovery but unable to do so.i have tried to run the recovery manager but it does not start... plz tell me what to do..
Can I recover from a complete drive backup located on an EXTERNAL hard drive using Vista Ultimate (Once I insert the manufacturer recovery DVD)? My present understanding is that once I get to 'System Recovery Options' dialogue box that the complete computer restore is only only available from spanned DVDs and partitions located on INTERNAL hard disc(s) of the computer iteselfThank you in advance.
I don't think you can. When the recovery CD is inserted it will get all the info from it and when accesing the recovery partition this partition will get all the info from it.
I built a desktop computer & upgraded from Vista Ultimate 32 bit to W7 Pro 32 bit, early 2009, using the academic option offer from Microsoft.
When I try to boot to the W7 RE, I am informed that the media is not present.
How do I boot to the W7 RE?
give this a read and post back with any questions.
Q: Stuck at recovery environment.
Ok I need your help.
My roommate has decided to install iatkos on my computer and messed up windows. I could handle fixing it if that was all, but then he decided to fix it himself and in the process deleted neccessary stuff.
Now, when I start up the computer, it opens windows recovery environment and says that config files are missing or invalid.
And it fails to see install USB when I plug it in. It can't boot from USB. So, what do I do? If I managed to boot from USB I could install Windows over iatkos partition, if it's possible to fix boot files of original. I can't install new over opd ones. That's not an option.
Q: The system could not find the environment option that was entered.
My laptop is a toshiba with window vista and it continues to show that "the system could not find the environment option that was entered" in almost every function I want to perform on the laptop. Please help.
A:The system could not find the environment option that was entered.
I know this has been covered here a billion times as I have combed through the forum for the last few days.Like a lot of other people I can't open anything on my system, I can't do a system restore, I have tried an SFC/scannow, that doesn't work, and I have long since lost the installation CD so I can't repair it that way.I don't care about losing everything, I just want to set my computer to factory settings and be done with it. Please Help.
Hello and welcome, can you list your computer make and model please ?
My laptop is a hp pavillion g6 with window 8 and it continues to show that "the system could not find the environment option that was entered" in almost every function I want to perform on the laptop. Please help.
Q: The system could not find the environment option that was entered!!!!
This is my first time posting on the forums. I am having this issue with my vista 32x acer desktop. I have run sfc /scannow and it could not repair all damaged files. I cannot read the cbs.log b/c I do not know what I am looking at. everytime I try and run a application, i get this error, "The system could not find the environment option that was entered". I have backed up all my pictures and videos on dvd's and am now contiplating re-installing windows. I have gotten a copy of windows vista and my oem windows key. My desktop came with windows pre-installed but with no disks.
Can someone please provide me with some aid!! I need either a fix for this problem or a step by step tutorial on how to re-install vista on a machine that currently has a pre-installed version on it.
PLEASE HELP!!! I HAVE A SLOW AND LAGGY PC!!!!
A:The system could not find the environment option that was entered!!!!
I have a suspicion this is related to a bustted Java application.
Try opening add/remove programs and uninstalling Java.
when i try to install anything i receive an error message that tells me system could not find the environment option that was entered help please. I'm using Vista on a Gateway.
My laptop is a toshiba with window 7 and it continues to show that "the system could not find the environment option that was entered" please help!!.
I think i have some kind of malware. I am unable to use many functions on my computer, I always get the same error message "C:\windows\system32\rstrui.exe The system could not find the environment option that was entered." I can't open system restore, because I get that same error message. I think its any .exe operations that I cannot use. My malware program won't open normally but when I tried it in safe mode, it didnt find any problems. I also tried system restore in safe mode and from the boot screen, and it told me system protection was turned off, so I tried to turn it back on and the security tab that was needed to do this was missing. I don't have the windows 7 install disc because it was a factory install. I can't install any new programs and now I keep getting error messages saying I may have counterfeit software. In the bottom right corner of the desktop it says "Windows 7 Build 7600 This copy of Windows is not genuine"
Hello kdaughtridge and welcome to Seven Forums.
It sounds like you have several issues going all at once. It will help us help you if you list your system specs. At the top of every Seven Forums page you'll see User CP. Click on that and in the left column you'll see Edit System Spec. From there you can provide details about your computer.
You didn't say what anti-malware you're using. Try to download and install the free Malwarebytes from here. (You may have to use safe mode or install to a thumb drive if you aren't able to instlal any new programs.) Update the data base and run the full scan. You can either post the Malwarebytes log here for review or let it delete whatever malware it might find.
Please post back with your results so we can determine the next best course of action.
Q: The system can not find the environment option that was entered. Help!
So I have been having this couponarific crud popping up so my dad got me ESET NOD32 ANTIVIRUS for my computer. I try to install it today and it says something like you do not have the permission to install this or something. I decide to delete Microsoft Essentials and a bunch of other Mircosoft stuff that doesn't look like they should be on my computer and now I keep on getting the same message.
This stuff pops up right when I log on to my account and it doesn't go away! What is going on? I currently cannot play games, install, uninstall or do anything else. I also do not have anything currently on my computer to protect me from viruses and malware. So what can I do to fix this? Also the game I have been trying to play as well as uninstall is Star Wars the Old Republic.
A:The system can not find the environment option that was entered. Help!
First of all, MSE and ESET generally won't detect adware which is what couponarific is.
Once in Safe Mode, download and run Microsoft Security Essentials again.
Attach the logs created by the programs you just ran to your next post.
If you wish to continue to use ESET, lets clean up the PC first and then we will remove MSE correctly to allow you to install ESET.
Q: Forgot PW to "Windows Recovery Environment"
my toshiba t230d laptop has given me a "black screen of death" with moveable cursor. Even with safe mode, I cannot get to my desktop.
So I want to reformat the computer (hopefully my hardrive isnt dead or something), I got into "Windows Recovery Environment" by F8ing, but have forgotten my password. The username, unchangeable, is my real name and is different from my user account login which uses my nickname. I don't remember putting in a password for "Windows Recovery Environment." In any case I have tried inputting as many variations of passwords I have used in this past, all to no avail.
My question is can I reset this Windows Recovery Environment password? If not how to I reformat my laptop without Windows Recovery Environment?
Note: my laptop has no cd drive and I cannot install anything as I cannot get to my desktop, so I'm not sure how useful those recovery programs outhere are. Maybe with a USB stick? i dunno.
Disk (and this drive is empty).


Order of the day: Closet clean-up! ~ Mommy Meowmeow!
It must have been a year ago when I last wore my pre-baby jeans. Who knows whether dwarves actually adjusted my clothes to make them smaller?! Hahaha! I may not have birth-giving hips but I gained a lot too..so much that from a usual X-Small or Small shirt size, I'm now mostly Medium or even (gulp!) Large based from the size chart of most online stores I frequent. Besides, I think I'm already spending a lot on nursing/breastfeeding tops that it's not anymore justifiable to spend on new bottoms. Especially when di naman malaki ang diperensya. If I were my hubby, and for good measure, I'd tell myself to lose weight and tone up na lang so I can still use most of my old clothes :) healthy and fit mommy, healthy wallets..I say it's a win-win proposition!
I'm also actually surprised to find some flirty skirts and dresses tucked in that drawer! Well just my luck as we have back-to-back parties to attend this June! And I'm already composing outfits in my mind. I just wish hubby would approve of me in them! Teehee!


text:
La Batalla de Bassianae fue una batalla entre los ostrogodos y los hunos en 468. Recuperándose de la derrota en la Nedao en 454, el líder huno Dengizich lanzó una invasión a través del Danubio con una gran fuerza huna, pero fue derrotado por el rey Ostrogodo Valamir. Jordanes escribe que a su vez los hunos dejaron a los godos en paz «para siempre».

Referencias

Batallas del siglo V

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


FLUFFY PITA BREAD FILLED WITH THE flavours OF GREECE.
Chicken thigh, slaw, roasted red peppers, parsley, spicy feta dip & garlic aioli.
200G OF MEAT RUBBED WITH PAPOU'S SPICE MIX COOKED ON THE SPIT OVER HOT COALS. SERVED WITH TZATZIKI & PITA BREAD.
Our succulent chicken thigh is RSPCA Approved.
Our juicy pork neck is sow stall free & from the best Aussie farmers.
Our tender grass fed lamb shoulder has been free to roam in open pastures.
a meat from the spit, a sharing plate & a salad with pilaf, tzatziki & pita bread.
CREATE YOUR OWN GREEK FEAST WITH A SELECTION OF SHARING PLATES.
ALL MINI-MEALS SERVED WITH CHIPS & KIDS JUICE. RECOMMENDED FOR KIDS UNDER 7.
ENDINGS CAN BE JUST AS GOOD AS BEGINNINGS.
GREEK STREET DESSERTS TO KEEP THE CONVERSATION GOING.
We do offer a Gluten Free friendly menu. Just ask us in store.
Our gluten-free products are suitable for people with a non-coeliac gluten sensitivity. Please note we can not guarantee items are 100% allergen free as they may be prepared in the same kitchen. Please ask us if you have any concerns or severe allergies.


Men's Shorts - Discover online a large selection of Shorts - Free delivery with Spartoo UK !
We have a wide selection of men's shorts that you can wear on weekends and on holiday. Spartoo proposes cotton or denim clothing; and shorts are one of the most comfortable things to wear. To get a trendy look and optimal comfort, we recommend wearing your shorts with trainers.
Do you want to show off your casual sportswear style? Try shorts/strong>; they are perfect for a relaxed wardrobe. Have a look at our selection of T-shirts and polo shirts, and we bet you'll find something you love that will go great with your new shorts.
Have a look at our sales and choose a model of shorts that you love. Reduced prices apply to numerous brands including DC Shoes, Levis, Nike and Vans.