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With ExoMars, Europe and Russia Aim to Kickstart Mars Exploration
By Elizabeth Howell 11 March 2016
Artist's illustration of Europe's ExoMarsTrace Gas Orbiter releasing the Schiaparelli landing demonstrator near Mars.
(Image: © ESA)
A new Mars mission launching Monday (March 14) aims to kick off a new European program of exploration — and reboot Russian dreams of working at the Red Planet.
Russia hasn't had any sort of Mars success since 1989, when the Soviet Union's Fobos 2 mission obtained orbital observations prior to a failed landing. The European Space Agency (ESA) has operated the Mars Express orbiter since 2003, but it hasn't mounted a successful surface mission on the Red Planet yet. (Mars Express carried a lander named Beagle 2, which never phoned home to its controllers after touching down.)
Monday's launch — which is scheduled to take place from Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan at 5:31 a.m. EDT (0931 GMT) — aims to change all of that. The liftoff will initiate the first part of ExoMars, a two-phase Red Planet exploration program led by ESA, with Russia's federal space agency, Roscosmos, serving as a partner. [Gallery: The ExoMars Missions]
On Monday, a Russian Proton rocket will blast the Trace Gas Orbiter (TGO) and a small lander named Schiaparelli on a seven-month journey to Mars. TGO will hunt for methane (a possible sign of life on Mars) from orbit, while Schiaparelli will head to the Red Planet's surface, to test out entry, descent and landing technologies for the second part of the ExoMars mission — a life-hunting rover that will lift off in 2018.
ExoMars 2016 spacecraft composite underwent encapsulation within the launcher fairing at the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan on March 2, 2016. (Image credit: B. Bethge/ESA)
"Establishing if life ever existed on Mars is one of the outstanding scientific questions of our time," ESA officials wrote in an ExoMars mission description.
"To address this important goal, ESA has established the ExoMars program to investigate the Martian environment and to demonstrate new technologies paving the way for a future Mars sample-return mission in the 2020s," they added.
The European Space Agency's ExoMars project involves an orbiter, lander and rover, launched on two separate Proton rockets (infographic) (Image credit: by Karl Tate, Infographics Artist)
Rocky road to Mars
Getting to Mars is hard, as the history of space exploration shows. For example, NASA suffered some high-profile failures in the 1990s, such as the Mars Climate Orbiter and the Mars Polar Lander, which launched in 1998 and 1999, respectively. (NASA's 2016 InSight mission was also just delayed by two years because of an instrument problem; the new launch date is May 5, 2018.)
ESA had its issues with Beagle 2, and also delayed the launch of the first part of ExoMars by a few months due to issues with the Schiaparelli lander.
But the Soviet Union/Russia have had the rockiest road to Mars. The vast majority of Soviet Red Planet missions failed; the nation achieved just a few successes in the 1970s and 1980s.
And neither of the two Mars missions mounted by Russia (which was born out of the Soviet Union's 1991 collapse) even got out of Earth orbit. Mars 96 failed in 1996, and Phobos-Grunt bit the dust shortly after lifting off in November 2011.
"The Russian program has had its heart broken over the past 30 years, essentially again and again," journalist Jim Oberg, an expert on Russian space activities, told Space.com. "That, plus their own budgetary constraints continuing to squeeze their own science budget year after year, gives a whole lot of serious problems over there."
Stepping stone?
High-profile failures make it difficult to attract and retain young Russian talent for Mars programs, Oberg said. Plus, research-and-development budgets are suffering due to money constraints and an emphasis on building something operational. This leaves an aging workforce that has difficulty building anything beyond 1980s technology, he said.
Oberg praised the reliability of Russian rockets, long a source of pride for the nation. But spacecraft provide a different type of prestige. ExoMars, Oberg said, could serve as a stepping stone, helping Russia build up excitement about, and expertise for, interplanetary probes again.
"This is not just to rebuild their confidence, but to actually earn new confidence in that kind of challenge," Oberg said. "They've had nothing [successful] in this century, and that's a burden they have to go out from under."
Follow Elizabeth Howell @howellspace, or Space.com @Spacedotcom. We're also on Facebook and Google+. Originally published on Space.com.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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EIVIND OPSVIK: Overseas IV (Loyal Label)
themilkman on Apr 12th 2012 01:23 am
EIVIND OPSVIK
Overseas IV
LLCD011
Loyal Label 2012
Amazon UK: CD | DLD US: CD | DLD iTunes: DLD
Norwegian-born bass player Eivind Opsvik has spent the last decade living and working in New York where he has been a near-permanent fixture on the local jazz circuit. During that time, he has recorded three albums with guitarist Aaron Jennings, published on NCM, Rune Grammofon and Opsvik's own Loyal Label imprint, and has regularly played with various formations, but it is with Overseas, the ensemble he set up ten years ago and with whom he has released three albums so far, that he is perhaps best know. Overseas comprises Opsvik (double bass), Jacob Sacks (piano, organ), Tony Malaby (saxophone), Kenny Wollesen (drums, percussions), with the recent addition of guitarist Brandon Seabrook.
For their first outing as a quintet, Overseas are in resolutely inquisitive mood. Continue Reading »
OPSVIK & JENNINGS: A Dream I Used To Remember (Loyal Label)
themilkman on Jul 13th 2009 10:11 pm
OPSVIK & JENNINGS
A Dream I Used To Remember
Buy: MP3 | iTunes
It is the third time that New York-based Norwegian multi-instrumentist Eivind Opsvik and Tulsa, OK, born guitarist Aaron Jennings get together to collaborate on an album. Both renowned musicians in their own right, the pair got together in the late nineties when they both moved to New York. Their first album together, Fløyel Files, was published in 2005 on NCM East, was a pretty electronic affair, built around extremely delicate treated acoustic brushes and feeding on both Opsvik's jazz and Jennings's pop influences. Since, their sound has progressively moved to incorporate fuller acoustic textures. Their 2007 Commuter Anthems, published on Rune Grammofon, gave Jennings's guitar playing a much more prominent space, while Opsvik's warm bass also came through much more clearly.
Released on Opsvik's relatively new Loyal Label, A Dream I Used To Dream continues where Commuter Anthems left off, and brings in richer soundscapes and more ambitious melodies. Continue Reading »
EIVIND OPSVIK: Overseas III (Loyal Label)
Overseas III
With his first two albums as leader, Overseas, published on Fresh Sound New Talent in 2003, and its follow-up, Overseas II (FSNT, 2005), Norwegian-born jazz bassist Eivind Opsvik created a unique sonic universe which, although firmly set within contemporary jazz grounds, freely fed on rock, pop to ambient. Since, Opsvik has been involved in a variety of projects, of which perhaps the most prominent is his collaboration with guitarist Aaron Jennings, with whom he has released two albums to date.
Now returning with the full Overseas formation for a third slice of fine contemporary jazz like only Scandinavians musician can create. But, having lived in New York for ten years, Opsvik's work is tainted with unique flavours. Continue Reading »


Enjoy unparalleled performance thanks to Dri-FIT moisture management technology. Design features include a flat knit collar, three-button placket and open hem sleeves.
Pearlized buttons are selected to complement the shirt color. The contrast Swoosh design trademark is embroidered on the left sleeve. Made of 5.3-ounce, 100% polyester Dri-FIT fabric.


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package org.apache.skywalking.apm.meter.micrometer;

import io.micrometer.core.instrument.AbstractDistributionSummary;
import io.micrometer.core.instrument.Clock;
import io.micrometer.core.instrument.distribution.DistributionStatisticConfig;
import org.apache.skywalking.apm.toolkit.meter.Counter;
import org.apache.skywalking.apm.toolkit.meter.Gauge;
import org.apache.skywalking.apm.toolkit.meter.Histogram;
import org.apache.skywalking.apm.toolkit.meter.MeterFactory;
import org.apache.skywalking.apm.toolkit.meter.MeterId;

import java.util.Optional;
import java.util.concurrent.atomic.DoubleAccumulator;

/**
 * Combine the meters to {@link io.micrometer.core.instrument.DistributionSummary}
 */
public class SkywalkingDistributionSummary extends AbstractDistributionSummary {

    /**
     * Summary record count
     */
    private final Counter counter;

    /**
     * Total summary count
     */
    private final Counter sum;

    /**
     * Max amount in this summary
     */
    private final Gauge max;
    private final DoubleAccumulator maxAdder;

    /**
     * Histogram of summary
     */
    private final Optional<Histogram> histogram;

    protected SkywalkingDistributionSummary(Id id, MeterId meterId, SkywalkingConfig config, Clock clock,
                                            DistributionStatisticConfig distributionStatisticConfig, double scale,
                                            boolean supportsAggregablePercentiles) {
        super(id, clock, distributionStatisticConfig, scale, supportsAggregablePercentiles);

        // meter base name
        String baseName = meterId.getName();

        this.counter = MeterBuilder.buildCounter(meterId.copyTo(baseName + "_count", MeterId.MeterType.COUNTER), config);
        this.sum = MeterBuilder.buildCounter(meterId.copyTo(baseName + "_sum", MeterId.MeterType.COUNTER), config);
        this.maxAdder = new DoubleAccumulator((a, b) -> a > b ? a : b, 0.000);
        this.max = MeterFactory.gauge(meterId.copyTo(baseName + "_max", MeterId.MeterType.GAUGE),
            () -> maxAdder.doubleValue()).build();

        this.histogram = MeterBuilder.buildHistogram(meterId, supportsAggregablePercentiles, distributionStatisticConfig, false);
    }

    @Override
    protected void recordNonNegative(double amount) {
        counter.increment(1d);
        this.sum.increment(amount);
        maxAdder.accumulate(amount);

        histogram.ifPresent(h -> h.addValue(amount));
    }

    @Override
    public long count() {
        return (long) counter.get();
    }

    @Override
    public double totalAmount() {
        return sum.get();
    }

    @Override
    public double max() {
        return max.get();
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Mehring Books is pleased to announce the reissue of the pamphlet Socialism, Historical Truth and the Crisis of Political Thought in the United States by WSWS International Editorial Board Chairman David North.
This pamphlet, first published in 1996, contains the text of a lecture given by North at Michigan State University. The lecture was a response to a review published in the New York Times by Harvard professor Richard Pipes of a biography of Trotsky by the late Russian historian Dmitri Volkogonov.
In particular North takes issue with Pipes' attempt to rehabilitate the Moscow trials, the frame-up that inaugurated Stalin's Great Terror. In the course of his lecture North reviews the work of the Dewey Commission, the tribunal headed by American philosopher John Dewey, which investigated the charges leveled against Leon Trotsky at the Moscow Trials.
North goes on to discuss the relationship of the Moscow Trials to the present political crisis in the United States. In particular he examines the causes for the lurch to the right by American liberalism in the aftermath of World War II, showing its theoretical roots in liberalism's inability to understand the political and theoretical origins of the Stalinist regime in the Soviet Union. This was bound up with the uncritical and false identification of Stalinism with genuine Marxism.
In conclusion North insists on the need for an understanding of the rise, decline and fall of the October Revolution, which can only be carried out through a careful study of the writings of Leon Trotsky.
Click here to order print. Click here to order pdf.


text:
Workers and Socialist Party
Join WASP
New members: welcome to WASP
Member resource: printable membership form
Political Education Programme
Topic 1 – Introduction to Marxism
Topic 2 – Marxism's Dialectical and Historical Materialism
Topic 3 – Introduction to Marxist Economics
Topic 4 – the Marxist Theory of the State
Topic 5 – Trotsky's Transitional Programme
Topic 6 – The Lessons of the Russian Revolution
Topic 7 – The Rise and Fall of Stalinism
Topic 8 – The Socialist Revolution in the Neo-Colonial World
Topic 9 – Lenin's Theory of Imperialism
Topic 10 – Apartheid and the Liberation Struggle
Topic 11 – Marxism vs. Africanism
Topic 12 – the Revolutionary Party and Democratic Centralism
Our Organising Principles
No to poverty pay!
No more train crashes & rail deaths!
Workplace & trade union
Revolutionary Trade Unionism
After Marikana
Struggle Against Womens Oppression
Programme & theory
Izwi LaBasebenzi
Marxist Workers Tendency
Brief History of the MWT
South Africa's Impending Socialist Revolution
The Armed Struggle
Sanctions and Disinvestment
Lessons of the 1950s
The Legacy of Leon Trotsky
Crisis in the Middle East
Marxist.net
Sobukwe
Posted by: admins | on May 25, 2017
Coloured townships explode
by Weizmann Hamilton, Eldorado Park WASP
On 08 May, 2017, simmering resentment at increasingly unbearable social conditions exploded into burning anger in the biggest service delivery protests in Eldorado Park, Gauteng's largest coloured township, to the south of Johannesburg, since the end of apartheid. Although the looting and violent destruction of property that followed for two days thereafter threatened to overshadow the legitimate grievances that fueled the protests, the overwhelming majority of residents supported them and opposed these actions.
Since then protests have spread across other Gauteng coloured townships including Ennerdale, Lawley, in the south, Westbury and Newclare in the north, Eden Park in the east and Toekomsrus in the west. The social conditions such as those in Eldorado Park – the lack of housing and overcrowding, crime, drugs, domestic violence, abuse of women and children, joblessness and poverty – are common to all of them.
The explosion in coloured townships has attracted attention not so much because service delivery protests are a new phenomenon. Such protests have been taking place in black African townships since 2004. They continue with increasing frequency today – one every second day according to Municipal IQ – with greater intensity and political determination as shown by the uncompromising defiance of Vuwani, Limpopo residents over municipal demarcation. Protests in coloured townships have been met with violent repression as in black African townships which have claimed the lives of several protestors across the country most notoriously teenager Teboho Mkhonza in Intabazwe in north eastern Free State in 2004 and Andries Tatane in Ficksburg in the same province five years later, shot at point blank range by police.
The significance of the coloured township protests lies in the fact that they signal the entry of a section of working class communities for the first time into what at times has acquired the characteristics of a low intensity civil war between the ANC government and working class residents across the country.
In the same way, the #FeesMustFall 2015/16 protests were not the first such actions. Protests against financial and academic exclusion, unaffordable accommodation and for free education had been occurring with such regularity at historically black universities (HBU) and the new predominantly black working class tertiary education institutions that they had virtually become part of the academic calendar. What distinguished the #FeesMustFall protests was their location in historically white universities. The waves of the sea of social deprivation against which HBU students had been swimming for years were now sweeping over the walls of their HWU counterparts.
The difference is that the gap between HBUs and HWUs is far greater than the comparative social conditions of the coloured and African working class. According to all social indices on poverty, unemployment etc., the coloured working class follows their black African counterparts a close second.
Having been made the false promise by the apartheid regime that their status as 'yard slaves' was the gateway to a better future on a par with whites, the coloured working class' experience of democracy and black majority rule seems like a renewed form of discrimination and marginalization with the false promises of government of equality and prosperity for all dashed.
The Mail &Guardian (26/07/2016) reports that "Back in the day, the 47-year-old Hillbrow Flats – the first to be built in Extension 8 in Eldorado Park – were the envy of all. The building was fenced with steel palisades. The colourful walls were attractive and kept freshly painted. The green grass was manicured, trees were planted strategically to create a tranquil environment for residents and everyone looked forward to their brighter future."
"Today, multiple generations of the same family live in overcrowded Eldorado Park homes and others squat in backyards. Residents say there has been little visible development in the area, even though there is plenty of vacant land."
"Unemployed mother of three Wendeline Manuel (30) attests to the harsh realities of an uncertain future. "I don't work and we are living in my mother's two-bedroom flat. We are 18 people living in this house and my mother is the sole breadwinner." "
In public sector employment practice in particular, the ANC government has inverted the apartheid pyramid of apartheid racial discrimination. The Employment Equity Act, for example, was enacted with the promise of breaking down institutional racism to ensure equal employment opportunities for all. However, the ANC government has ignored the Black Consciousness Movement definition of "black" in the legislation as encompassing African, Indian and coloured. A common anecdote is that coloureds who fill in "black" in job application forms are told they are not "black black" in interviews.
Whereas the BCM consciously adopted the definition to resist the apartheid regime's divide-and-rule policy by pointing out that we were all slaves who must unite against our common enemy, the apartheid slave masters, in government in particular, coloured and Indian job applicants are in effect being told that they were privileged under apartheid and must take their place in the jobs and promotion queue accordingly.
The retention, intact, of racial ownership patterns in the commanding heights of the economy – the banks, the mines, factories and big commercial farms – have been replicated in unchanged residential settlement patterns leaving townships and suburbs with the same racial colouration inherited from spatial planning under apartheid more than two decades since its end. Unsurprisingly there is a widespread feeling amongst coloureds that whereas under white minority rule they were not white enough, under black majority rule they are not black enough. Separated from their black African working class brothers and sisters against the background of the emergence of a sizeable black middle class, this feeling amongst sections of coloureds that the ANC government cares only for black Africans, has been reinforced.
As a captive in of the Tripartite Alliance, Cosatu has subordinated its duty to defend the principle of non-racial working class unity to the ANC's dictates. Thus a principle so vital in uniting the working class across racial lines in their common struggle against the apartheid regime, in the defeat of which Cosatu was the decisive force, has been sacrificed.
The entry of the coloured working class into the service delivery struggle must be welcomed. However it is vital that coloured communities join forces with their black African brothers and sisters in the more than decade long service delivery struggle. Poor service delivery is not a coloured, Indian or African problem. It is a problem for the working class as a whole. We have all been marginalised by a neo-liberal capitalist ANC government serving the interests of the elite of all races. The fastest growing gap in the distribution of wealth is within the coloured, African and Indian communities between the elite and the working classes.
The Eldorado Park protest was preceded by joint action between the residents of adjoining Pimville and Kliptown. Freedom Park residents protested at the same time as Eldorado Park. All the coloured township protests occurred against the background of the ongoing wave of protests in black African townships across the country.
Equally vital is the need for Eldorado Park and other township residents to unite their communities on a democratic basis. Eldorado Park residents have already taken an important step forward in forging both the unity of the township itself by electing representative in each extension on an interim committee to prepare for a mass meeting of Eldorado Park and surrounding townships on 28 May 2017. This meeting will elect a representative body, develop a common platform of demands and programme of action.
At the same time a number of communities from the whole of the south of Johannesburg have agreed to join forces on a similar basis. These protests come against the background of a political crisis in the main political parties representing the rich – especially the ANC and DA. The coloured working class has suffered the same decline in service delivery, corruption and deterioration in social conditions under DA rule as their black African working class under ANC rule. The outcome of the 2016 local government elections represented not only a resounding rejection of the ANC by the black African working class, but also of the DA by their coloured brothers and sisters. The DA is in power in Johannesburg and Tshwane only because the EFF wishes to be part of a pro-capitalist coalition after 2019.
This will simply mean a different combination of the same corrupt capitalist parties who will continue exploiting and marginalize the working class. It is time we as the working class take our destiny into our own hands and join forces with the new federation, Saftu and students to form a mass workers party on a socialist programme.
Posted in Articles | Comments Off on Coloured townships explode
TUT betrays workers
Insourcing agreement torn-up by management
Mass meeting of TUT workers
HOSTS: #OutsourcingMustFall
DATE: Saturday 20 May 2017
VENUE: Burgers Park, Lilian Ngoyi & Jeff Masemola, Pretoria CBD
TUT management has broken the agreement that they signed with representatives of outsourced cleaners, landscapers, security guards and caterers on 11 February 2016.
It is clear that management never had any intention of honoring the agreement. The clearest sign over the past 15 months of management's bad faith has been their refusal to convene the "Insourcing Task Team" which would have seen representatives of outsourced workers involved in decision making around the ending of outsourcing. Attempts by workers to co-operate with management to create this forum have hit a brick wall.
Management is determined to deny a voice to low-paid, hard-working and essential workers.
In the past weeks workers became aware that management was prepared to go back on the most fundamental agreement: to end outsourcing and raise wages to at least R5,000 p/m.
New tenders have been issued for security services. The 700+ security workers, currently under contract with Smada and Mafoko, were expecting to be insourced at the end of June 2017. They now face uncertainty about even keeping their jobs if new contractors bring new workforces.
The landscapers that were insourced last month have been employed on a wage of R3,800 rather than the agreed R5,000. A number of older landscaping workers have simply not been employed so that TUT can avoid pension liabilities, throwing vulnerable elderly workers into poverty in their twilight years.
The catering workers currently employed by Capitol Caterers and the cleaners currently employed by Selahle have been left in a precarious position, with their employment rolling over month by month on contracts that long expired, but with no date for insourcing agreed. Workers complain that with such precarious conditions they are unable to obtain credit or plan for their futures.
All of this has been done behind the backs of workers. At no time did TUT ever consult workers about any of this. Outsourced workers remain second class citizens at TUT. Workers remain exploited slaves!
Workers must organise! We must unite! We must prepare to go to the streets! We need to be ready to shut-down TUT!
'Affordability & sustainability'?
This is TUT's big lie! They say they can't afford to insource. But everyone knows that outsourcing costs more than employing workers directly, even on higher wages and full benefits. This is because outsourcing means involving parasitic middle-men who want to make profits from exploiting workers.
Our answer to TUT's argument is this: we don't believe you! If you want us to believe you then invite representatives of the workers, with their own advisors and specialists, to make a forensic audit of TUT's accounts. Workers must see where the money is going. Until TUT takes that step they cannot be believed.
TUT management will try and divide workers and students. They will claim that decent wages for workers must mean higher fees for students. This is another lie! Students have been fighting for free education. Workers must support this struggle. National government must be forced to introduce free education.
Posted in Articles | Comments Off on TUT betrays workers
Posted by: admins | on May 3, 2017
Which way forward for the students?
by Mametlwe Sebei, Executive Committee
This article appears in the current issue of Izwi Labasebenzi (Feb-July 2017).
The #FeesMustFall (#FMF) movement swept universities and the entire country with a protest wave against the unaffordable fees that exclude poor students from higher education. Alongside this, the outsourcing of university cleaning, security and other key services, that plunged workers into precarious employment for poverty wages, led to a general questioning of the neo-liberal 'transformation programme' of the past 23 years of post-apartheid black majority rule. The movement represented another eruption of the volcanic lava of working class discontent that broke first in Marikana and continues to move through every layer of society.
The movement shattered the wall of media lies about the "apathy of the youth", which the ruling elite carefully constructed in the preceding decade to create the illusion of a carefree generation of 'born-frees' that, they argued, did not know the deprivations of the past, happily enjoying the sweet fruits of 'freedom'. Sweeping one end of the country to another like a wildfire, in the space of a few days, #FMF politically awakened a whole generation of students and transformed tens of thousands of youth into a radicalised mass that inflicted an unprecedented defeat on the ANC government. They shook not only the political confidence of the ruling elite but also shifted the tectonic plates of the entire political architecture on which the capitalist system rests by laying bare the 'invincibility' of the ANC government as nothing more than an illusion. The ANC's political weakness and vulnerability in the face of a united mass movement was exposed.
Breath-taking images of mass student power were broadcast daily in the news, showing campus assemblies and mass demonstrations to the main seats of political power in the major cities across the country. The scale of the political defeat inflicted on the government in 2015 was huge. They were forced to freeze fees (the zero-percent 'increase'), allocate more funding to poor students, and even make verbal concessions to the demand for free education. This greatly raised the confidence of the whole working class and inspired outsourced and low-paid workers in universities, as well as other sectors, to rise on their feet and struggle against their ruthless exploitation.
Wrong ideas
However, today the #FMF movement lays paralysed in the face of state repression and an ideological onslaught against the demand for free education. The incapacity of the movement to defend itself has focused the minds of the activists and the working class on the question of what ideas, strategy and programme are needed to rebuild the movement and take it forward to victory – winning free socialist education.
If the 'spontaneous' and 'horizontal' character of #FMF was its strength in October 2015, today these features have become its major weaknesses. Attempts to elevate these ideas to theoretically justified organisational principles are not only politically childish but a danger that demands uncompromising opposition from every genuine #FMF activist.
For the masses of the students, the rejection of 'politics', 'organisation', and 'centralised political leadership' mainly meant rejection of the treacherous, collaborationist politics of the ANC-aligned Progressive Youth Alliance (PYA) leadership and the SRCs they control. These structures have long ceased to be accountable and democratic, dominated instead by a conservative and bureaucratic leadership unresponsive to the plight of poor students and insulated from the burning desire to fight back against unaffordable fees, academic exclusions, inadequate accommodation and poor infrastructure on campuses.
This degeneration flowed logically from the policy of remaining in alliance with the ruling party, whose capitalist government and neo-liberal policies are responsible for the crisis of public funding in higher education. It is not possible to bark with the hounds and run with the hare. By this policy the PYA became 'managers' of student anger and instead of leading them consciously disorganised them.
It is perfectly understandable that after many years of such conservative leadership and treacherous betrayals, the masses of students would be suspicious of 'political organisation' and reject any form of centralised leadership. In this sense, the anti-leadership sentiment represented a blind but correct desire for a break with the politics of class collaboration and a recognition of the need to build political independence from enemy class 'influences' – a progressive step toward independent revolutionary class politics.
Campus class contradictions
The tendency to theorise, and make a fetish of the 'flat', 'horizontal', in effect, unorganised movement has however, a different social and class basis. It is predominantly middle-class and reflects prejudices against working class organisation. This layer wants #FMF to continue with its current lack of organisation and co-ordination long after the majority of students successfully broke from the clutches of the political collaborators in the PYA. To finish them off and win free education we need an organised mass student movement. To build such a movement and co-ordinate effective programmes of rolling mass action, we need alternative centres of co-ordination at regional and national level to unify #FMF activists across all institutions of higher learning, which must include developing a movement of TVET college students.
Whereas the concerns about the 'authoritarianism' of official structures are legitimate in the light of the political experience of the student movement in the post-apartheid era, to argue that any form of organisation inevitably leads to 'bureaucratic authoritarianism' and 'unaccountable leadership' would be sweet if it was only a childish naiveté.
Unfortunately, the prejudices of some middle class students against any form of #FMF organisation reflects their deep-seated class prejudices against the political organisation of the mass of poor working class students and resentment at the democratic traditions of revolutionary student movements. The binding political discipline and organisational subordination of leadership to the mass of poor working class students by democratic majority rule would immediately see the self-proclaimed 'leaders' of 'Fallism' losing any and all influence. But in the absence of a mass democratic organisation, #FMF has been dominated by a self-appointed and unaccountable 'leadership' at each campus and social media celebrities who, owing to their privileged education, networks, and superior resources, enjoy disproportional influence in social media and personal access to public media.
For the working class youth, organisation is the only way to mobilise, co-ordinate and actively participate in struggle. It is only by building mass organisations that working class youths are able to voice their interests and assert their collective power. Above all, it is only through organisation that they are able to openly debate and test the various ideas, programmes and leaders that can take their struggles forward.
Disunity & identity politics
In the same vein, these layers have played a divisive role with their crude anti-white identity politics. They have effectively excluded significant numbers of the student population from the #FMF movement, and in so doing, undermined the unity shown at the start of the movement. In a situation where these ideas are dominant, especially in the formerly white-only institutions, where white students are still a significant part of the student population, if no longer a majority, they have led to a complete paralysis and isolation of #FMF activists from the majority of the students, including the black students in whose name they often speak.
The majority of students are repulsed by these divisive politics and alienated by the tactics flowing from them. These include the preposterous attempts to impose boycotts of classes on the same students that have been chased away from #FMF meetings. For these wrong ideas, and the alienation of the student majority they bring, it is ultimately working class students who pay the price as financial and academic exclusions continue and victimisation arising from state repression on poorly organised and ill-disciplined protests is left unanswered.
Now more than ever before there is a burning necessity for a united student front of all grassroots #FMF structures and activists to cut across all the racial and political party barriers to build a broad working class front for free education involving college and school students, organised labour and communities. As a first step #FMF should convene an inclusive National Conference for Free Education to work-out a programme that can broaden the base of political support beyond university students and unify the entire movement around common plan of action including campus shutdowns, class boycotts, mass demonstrations, occupations and national days of actions.
The defeats of 2016 and the current paralysis clearly reveals the limits of student power and sharply points to the need to bring to bear the organised power of the working class. It was not for lack of heroic determination and self-sacrifice that the movement has not been able to win its main demand of free education but the fact that the government can afford to 'ignore' students whereas the same cannot be said about the workers, whose power derives from their ability to bring the country to a standstill.
Posted in Articles | Comments Off on Which way forward for the students?
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text:
MOUNTAIRE ANNOUNCES SCHOLARSHIP FUNDS AVAILABLE
$80,000 Available to Children and Grandchildren of Employees, Growers, Grain Producers
MILLSBORO, Del. – April 7, 2021 – Mountaire Farms, the country's fourth largest chicken processer, has dozens of $2,500 scholarships available for the children and grandchildren of employees, poultry growers, and grain producers. The deadline to apply is June 7, 2021.
"This is another great benefit of working for or with Mountaire Farms," said Phillip Plylar, President of Mountaire Farms. "It's an honor to meet these families and see the commitment these students have to their education. We are blessed to be able to help them succeed."
To be eligible, a student's parent or grandparent must be employed by Mountaire Farms, or grow broilers, breeders, or grain (10,000-bushel minimum) for Mountaire. Applicants must enroll as a full-time college student carrying a minimum of 12 credits per semester in the current school year.
Successful applicants must be involved in extracurricular activities at school and in their community. Preference will be given to an industry-related course of study. A copy of the student's transcript must be attached to the application.
Students can apply online at our company website at www.mountaire.com/scholarships/annual-mountaire-scholarship-program.
The company will be announcing scholarship winners on July 15, 2021.
About Mountaire
Mountaire® is a registered trademark of Mountaire Corporation. Mountaire Corporation and its affiliates, Mountaire Farms Inc. and Mountaire Farms of Delaware, Inc. (collectively, "Mountaire"), are agricultural food production and processing companies providing work for almost 10,000 people at facilities in Arkansas, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina.
Mountaire
All Marylanders 16 and up can preregister for vaccine
Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan says all state residents 16 and over can now preregister for an appointment to get the COVID-19 vaccine at mass vaccination sites. Hogan said Thursday the state is opening up registration for appointments in Phase 3 due to the rising supply of vaccine Maryland is receiving from the federal government. The governor also announced that the mass vaccination site in Salisbury, Maryland, will open a walk-up […]


This year's Primary Winter School Extravaganza was a celebration of diversity at Keystone. The "Winter Variety Show" showcased students performing in a number of songs and dances, preparing the community to kick off the holiday season with a joyous and festive holiday spirit!
Primary school students and teachers worked very hard this semester, spending copious amounts of time perfecting their performances for the winter extravaganza. Hearts warmed and souls were made merry throughout the morning as parents, faculty, and staff enjoyed the enchanting performances on stage in the PAC.
At Keystone, each member of the community is dedicated to ensuring that all feel welcome in the school community. This was an especially important message this academic year, as we continue to collectively grow as a community, and embody the Five Values at the Academy. Diversity and inclusion are strengths in our community that each and every one of us embraces. Primary school students showcased a diverse range of acts from holiday traditions in China and around the world.
This special event would not have been possible without the dedicated teachers and staff at Keystone, and Teacher-Librarian Jennifer Fuentes who led the Winter Celebration Committee this academic year. Happy holidays to all!
Click here to view more photos from this year's Winter Celebration.


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Faculty Promotions and Tenure Announced
Posted on March 09, 2017 Updated July 27, 2021 By St. Thomas Newsroom
The Office of Academic Affairs is pleased to announce affirmative decisions on promotion and tenure following the conclusion of the Tenure and Promotion Committee meetings in December 2016 and February 2017.
The following tenured members of the faculty were promoted, effective Sept. 1, 2017:
Craig Eliason, Department of Art History, College of Arts and Sciences, promoted to professor
Mariana Hernandez Crespo Gonstead, School of Law, promoted to professor
Olga Herrera, Department of English, College of Arts and Sciences, promoted to associate professor
William Junker, Department of Catholic Studies, College of Arts and Sciences, promoted to associate professor
Robert Kahn, School of Law, promoted to professor
Avinash Malshe, Department of Marketing, Opus College of Business, promoted to professor
Lorina Quartarone, Department of Modern and Classical Languages, College of Arts and Sciences, promoted to professor
The following members of the faculty were granted tenure, effective Sept. 1, 2017:
Timothy Mead, Department of Health and Human Performance, College of Arts and Sciences
The following members of the faculty were granted tenure and were promoted simultaneously to associate professor, effective Sept. 1, 2017:
Scott Carl, Saint Paul Seminary School of Divinity
Bryana French, Graduate School of Professional Psychology, College of Education, Leadership and Counseling
Jerry Husak, Department of Biology, College of Arts and Sciences
Mark McInroy, Department of Theology, College of Arts and Sciences
Debra Monson, Department of Teacher Education, College of Education, Leadership and Counseling
Salina Renninger, Graduate School of Professional Psychology, College of Education, Leadership and Counseling
Hassan Salamy, Department of Electrical Engineering, School of Engineering
Joshua Stuchlik, Department of Philosophy, College of Arts and Sciences
Muer Yang, Department of Operations and Supply Chain Management, Opus College of Business
Please join us in congratulating them on their success.
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José Nicolás de Teresa y Miranda (23 de agosto de 1850, Puebla, México - 11 de enero de 1902, en  Viena, Austria,) fue un empresario y político  mexicano.

Biografía
Poblano de nacimiento, José Nicolás de Teresa y Miranda fue un destacado político porfirista y empresario. Sus padres fueron el comerciante de origen asturiano Nicolás de Teresa y Sánchez Tamés, miembro del grupo fundador del Banco Mercantil Mexicano, y Dolores Miranda Muñoz, hija del vicecónsul de España en México.   Fue el cuatro de los once hijos que tuvieron sus padres. La familia de José de Teresa apoyó financieramente a Benito Juárez durante las guerras civiles entre los partidos liberal y conservador en el México del siglo XIX.

José de Teresa Miranda se casó con María Luisa Romero Rubio Castelló el 2 de de 1886. Ella era hija del famoso político Manuel Romero Rubio y cuñada de Porfirio Díaz, presidente  de México de 1876 a 1911. Su hijo fue José Manuel de Teresa Romero Rubio.

En abril de 1887 encabezó la Compañía Agrícola Limitada de El Tlahualilo, luego Compañía Agrícola, Industrial, Colonizadora, Limitada de El Tlahualilo, dedicada a colonizar y establecer agroindustrias en el municipio de Tlahualilo en Durango. Junto con un buen número de mexicanos de origen asturiano , hicieron florecer la finca Zaragoza, al igual que las fincas llamadas Barcelona, Carolinas, Londres, Oquendo, Rosas, Providencia, Pamplona, Jalapa, Ceceada, Córdoba y Valencia.

Además, la Compañía Agrícola de El Tlahualilo, aprovechó entonces el lecho del antiguo paso del río Nazas, que 10 años antes se desvió definitivamente. La empresa "... cubrió todo un capítulo en la historia de la Comarca Lagunera. Su canal debería regar cierto número de hectáreas que aprovechaban preferentemente en su inicio, lo que provocó graves conflictos que duraron varios años.

"La concesión duró hasta fines de 1936, año en que el fraccionamiento ejidal entró en contradicción con la estructura latifundista de la compañía y se atomizó, permitiendo con ella la conformación de un municipio nuevo. Al siguiente año se segregaron tierras a los municipios de Mapimí y Gómez Palacio, surgiendo así el Municipio de Tlahualilo.

José de Teresa fue el primer presidente del Consejo del Centro Mercantil, tienda fundada por Sébastien Robert y un grupo de  barcelonnettes que llegaron de Francia para desarrollarse en el comercio y la banca. El Centro Mercantil fue la primera tienda que aceptó ventas a crédito en México. El edificio que Robert y de Teresa mandaron construir para el Centro Mercantil está ubicado en el Portal de Mercaderes y la calle Tlapaleros, hoy Zócalo y Av. 16 de Septiembre. Fue el primero de estilo Arte Nouveau en México. Ahora es sede del Gran Hotel de la Ciudad de México, uno de los más lujosos de la capital mexicana.

Como político, de Teresa Miranda fue regidor del Ayuntamiento de México y fue Senador por Yucatán.

José de Teresa fue el primer embajador de México en Austria cuando las relaciones diplomáticas entre los dos países fueron restablecidas, después de un periodo largo de tensiones a raíz de la ejecución de Maximiliano de México en 1867 por órdenes de Benito Juárez. José de Teresa murió en Viena. Hubo rumores de que fue la venganza austriaca por el asesinato de Maximiliano.

Referencias

El texto básico fue traducido del artículo de Wikipedia en inglés

Empresarios de México
Empresarios de Durango
Embajadores de México en Austria
Fallecidos en 1902
Nacidos en 1850
Porfiriato

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Édouard Nzambimana (* 20. Dezember 1945 in Mantana; † 2015) war ein Geschäftsmann und Politiker aus Burundi.

Biografie
Nzambimana, der dem Volk der Tutsi angehört, absolvierte nach dem Schulbesuch eine Ausbildung zum Offizier der Armee und stieg schließlich zum Major auf. Am 13. März 1974 wurde er von Präsident Michel Micombero durch Präsidialdekret Nr. 100/69 zum Minister für öffentliche Arbeiten, Transport und Ausrüstung (Ministre des Travaux Publics, des Transports et de l'Equipement) in die Regierung berufen.

Am 1. November 1976 beteiligte er sich an einem Militärputsch gegen Präsident Micombero und wurde nach dem Amtsantritt von Präsident Oberst Jean-Baptiste Bagaza als Vorsitzender eines Obersten Militärrates von diesem am 12. November 1976 zum Premierminister ernannt. Zugleich wurde er zum Oberstleutnant befördert und übernahm in seinem Kabinett das Amt des Planungsministers (Ministre du Plan). Im Rahmen einer Regierungsumbildung übernahm er am 31. Mai 1978 neben dem Amt des Premierministers auch die Ämter des Ministers für Landwirtschaft, Viehzucht und Ländliche Entwicklung (Ministre de l'Agriculture, de l'Elevage et du Développement Rural). Diese Positionen bekleidete er bis zur Abschaffung des Premierministeramtes am 13. Oktober 1978. Anschließend war er bis 1982 Außenminister in der Regierung von Präsident Bagaza.

1982 schied er aus der Regierung aus und war zunächst als Architekt in der Privatwirtschaft tätig, ehe er Gründer und Chief Executive Officer (CEO) von ERCOIL wurde, einem Unternehmen, das sich auf den Import von Erdölprodukten und den Verkauf dieser Produkte an den Tankstellen des Konzerns in Burundi spezialisierte. Darüber hinaus ist er auch Vorstandsvorsitzender des Versicherungskonzerns UCAR.

Weblinks
 Angaben in rulers.org
 DECRETS NOMMANT LES GOUVERNEMENTS DEPUIS L'INDEPENDANCE JUSQU'EN 1988
 Burundi auf einen Blick

Einzelnachweise

Premierminister (Burundi)
Landwirtschaftsminister (Burundi)
Außenminister (Burundi)
Politiker (20. Jahrhundert)
Burundier
Geboren 1945
Gestorben 2015
Mann


Experience authentic island life at Pemba! Situated at the tip of the Pemba Bay, the town forms a base for planes and boats traveling to the Quirimbas Archipelago. Visit the authentic local market or Souk for handicrafts and traditional silverware. The Muslim quarter, known as Paquitequette, has hundreds of traditional houses made from coral rock, mud and thatch. It slopes down a hill onto the beach where you can see lots of colourful fishing dhows on the sand and in the sea. The cobbled streets lined with dilapidated colonial buildings have their own special charm, and the Pemba Bay boasts idyllic beaches perfect for swimming!
Nestling amongst swaying palm trees on the shores of the tropical Indian Ocean, is the magnificent Pemba Beach Resort Hotel.


text:
Communications & Multimedia Department
About CMD
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CMD Radio
AUN Students' Projects Featured on New Facebook Counter speech Platform
Written by Seyi
By Zamiyat Abubakar
Facebook has featured projects by students of the American University of Nigeria, AUN as case studies on its newly launched counterspeech platform, www.counterspeech.fb.com.
The new platform, which is part of Facebook's contributions to the industry-led Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism (GIFCT), contains resources and tips for activists to learn how to counter hate speech, violence and extremism in their local communities.
The two featured campaigns were designed in the course, CMD 412 (Public Diplomacy & Strategic Media Intervention) in the Fall 2016 and Spring 2017 semesters and implemented with funding from the P2P Facebook Global Digital Challenge program.
The first campaign #IAmABeliever, designed in the Fall 2016 class, focused on bridging the divide between Christians and Muslims in Northern Nigeria by encouraging people to connect over the aspects of their lives beyond religious beliefs.
The campaign also included a web application, Beliepedia, that shows Islamic and Christian teachings on challenging questions of human existence, such as, "What is the meaning of life?". Beliepedia enables Christian and Muslim leaders and clerics to post answers to questions from readers and allows readers to comment and share posts on social media.
According to Facebook's analytics, the campaign reached over 3 million people worldwide. It would be recalled that the #IAmABeliever campaign won first place in the all Africa regional finals of the P2P Challenging Extremism competition.
The second featured campaign, designed in the Spring 2017 class, #IAmABeliever2 by Women Against Violent Extremism (WAVE), mobilized 10,000 women across Nigeria through the WAVE 100 Women initiative to challenge extremism in their local communities, using WhatsApp. Students in the course also created the hashtag #SchoolGirlsNotSuicideBombers to shine a light on the increasing number of young girls deployed by Boko Haram as suicide bombers in the Lake Chad Basin.
The Counterspeech platform notes that "the WAVE 100 Women initiative has expanded into a network of safe spaces for women to organize around issues and advocate for their rights". According to Facebook, the WAVE project has reached over 6.2 million people worldwide within five months.
The campaign won second place out of submissions from 160 universities across 70 countries in the recently concluded international finals of the P2P Facebook Global Digital Challenge held in Washington DC.
Interim Dean of SAS and faculty adviser on both campaign projects, Dr. Jacob Udo-Udo Jacob said AUN should feel enormous pride in being featured on the new global counterspeech platform. "I can't think of a more valid global platform to showcase our mandate as Africa's development university", he said.
"The creativity and innovation deployed in the design and implementation of these campaigns are world class. Even more profound is the impact these campaigns have had on targeted audiences", Dr. Jacob added.
The Facebook counterspeech platform is part of the social media giant's response to increasing international pressure on tech giants to do more to challenge violent extremism online.
The UN's Counter Terrorism Executive Directorate (CTED) in collaboration with Facebook, Microsoft, Twitter and YouTube are jointly supporting the GIFCT as part of a wider Tech Against Terrorism project pursuant to the UN Security Council resolution 2354 (2017) and the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee Comprehensive International Framework to Counter Terrorist Narratives (S/2017/375). Part of the mission of the project is to provide resources and guidance, encourage peer learning and develop links between tech organizations and academia to challenge violent extremism.
AUN Female Students Display Talent At Make-Over Competition
Education at AUN is holistic, development oriented - Dean Jacobs
Day AUN Students Partied with Tekno
New President: AUN Board Appoints Search Consultant
New SGA Executives Assume Office
For more information contact
Hot line: (+234) 805-200-0703
Email: cmd@aun.edu.ng
About American University of Nigeria
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"Lizzie Ball lit the place on fire with one of her solos...."
Lizzie returned home from Mexico just a few days ago , having completed another successful tour for PRISMA, Morgan Szymanski's project set up to help children and the vulnerable by hosting workshops and concerts across the arts. Lizzie visited extremely remote schools, where children have little access to anything at all let alone artistic fun and games so it was an extremely life affirming and special experience to be able to share music making with these special 'ninos'. Lizzie also visited the old peoples/learning difficulties home in Tepozlan , which brought home the power of music to uplift and help those who are mentally or physically challenged. GREAT fun was also had with the rest of the PRISMA TEAM including crazy brilliant Irish percussionist Peter Crann, who made an entire percussion orchestra out of garbage for the children so that every child had an instrument to play, for free! Experiences like these are special and few and far between.
Lizzie is delighted to have been signed to Barry Ball Artists (no relation!) a US based agency who have taken on her brand new Lizzie Ball Live Show for Headline Appearances on the luxury cruise liners of Seaborn and Holland America. 2018 sees Lizzie (in between her other performances on land !), bringing her virtuosic high impact show to international audiences in 1000-seater onboard theatres accompanied by a stunning 6 -piece band and expertly produced backing tracks for a 45 minute show that truly dazzles, from Vivaldi to Bluegrass!


text:
Magazine | July 20, 2015, Issue
By Arthur L. Herman
About Arthur L. Herman
Follow Arthur L. Herman on Twitter
Men of War: The American Soldier in Combat at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, and Iwo Jima, by Alexander Rose (Random House, 496 pp., $30)
This book poses the inevitable question of how someone who has never worn a uniform, let alone fired a shot in anger, dares to write about men's experience in battle. John Keegan's severe polio precluded any chance of military service, yet he managed to write one of the classics of military history, The Face of Battle (1976), which dissected the experience of Englishmen on the firing line from Agincourt to D-Day. Alexander Rose, author of American Rifle (2008), now attempts to do something similar with the experience of the typical American soldier in three historic campaigns: Bunker Hill in 1775, Gettysburg in 1863, and Iwo Jima in 1944.
It seems pointless to debate whether Rose does as good a job as Keegan did, or whether he chose the best battles to illustrate his overall point that, while the nature of combat has greatly changed, Americans' response to it remains (largely) the same. The fact is that Men of War moves and educates, with the reader finding something interesting and intriguing on virtually every page.
For example, Rose swiftly disposes of multiple myths surrounding the Battle of Bunker Hill. One is that the order "Don't shoot until you see the whites of their eyes" was coined by the American commander on the scene, General Isaac Putnam. In fact, given the relatively short range of the firearms of the period, it was a standard rule for winning an 18th-century firefight, going back at least to the General Orders for the Prussian army in 1757.
Another myth is that the American militiamen who fought the early battles of the Revolution were largely untrained civilians. Rose points out that, "unfortunately for the British, age, experience, cohesion, and perhaps even training were all on the American side." Nearly 40 percent of all Massachusetts males between 16 and 29 had some military training, including exercises with other militia units — and many more had long experience handling firearms. Large numbers of the militiamen from Connecticut and New Hampshire who faced the British that day had fought in the French and Indian War, which had ended just twelve years earlier; this was especially the case with the officers. New Hampshire captain Isaac Baldwin, for example, had served in no fewer than 22 engagements. The British commander, General Howe, by contrast, found himself surrounded by relatively raw recruits who had to advance against the withering fire of militiamen lined up on the rail-fence line at Breed's Hill, the threshold to Bunker Hill overlooking Boston Harbor.
The Americans' firepower advantage was based not on the accuracy of their Brown Bess muskets, which couldn't hit a target reliably beyond 100 yards, but on the density of fire they brought to bear, with militiamen at some points standing four ranks deep. At 55 yards, the advancing British "fell in heaps," one awed colonial militiaman noted, "actual heaps." "They kept falling" until, as another eyewitness said, the "dead lay as thick as sheep in a fold." The steady rain of fire (some militiamen remembered firing 40 to 60 rounds, as opposed to the usual 15 in a pitched battle) was also directed at General Howe. Every one of his twelve staff officers was killed or wounded, most at his elbow. Howe miraculously survived, but, Rose writes, "his uniform was soggy with his aides' splashed, spurting blood."
By the time the British reached the rail fence, 1,100 of them, or nearly one in two, were dead or wounded; after some short, sharp hand-to-hand fighting, the Americans melted away to safety. The surviving British were too exhausted to chase them. Bunker Hill, Rose concludes, was "perhaps the heaviest, fiercest combat of the 18th century." This slaughter not only confirmed the ability of American militiamen to hold their own in a set battle; it also dented the morale of the British army for the rest of the American Revolution.
Bunker Hill was not a single battle but many battles. Dense and persistent gunsmoke and a weak chain of command (the two American officers in charge, Putnam and Colonel John Stark, loathed and barely spoke to each other) meant that most soldiers and their officers were barely aware of what was happening a few hundred yards away. In this regard, Bunker Hill closely resembles the experience of Americans 170 years later on the island of Iwo Jima.
Despite the huge forces and firepower involved, with three full divisions of Marines, 500 warships, modern artillery, and bomb-dropping airplanes, the struggle between the Marines and the heavily entrenched Japanese defenders on Iwo Jima quickly became a battle of squads and individuals set against a nightmarish landscape of smoldering black volcanic ash and "blasted plains, pyres of ruins, and cave-pocked ridges." During the four-month battle, Iwo Jima resembled, according to one eyewitness, "hell with the fire out." Five days into the fighting, lack of sleep and the exertion of hand-to-hand combat day and night meant that most of the Americans had lost all sense of time and of the duration of the battle, which dissolved into a series of horrific vignettes. One Marine said it was as "when a smoothly moving film on the screen change[s] to a series of color slides; some of them painfully acute. Slide on. Slide off. Click. Click. Nothing in between."
The battle fatigue and mental collapse of Marines fighting on Iwo Jima was classic "shell shock." It wasn't unknown at Bunker Hill; at Gettysburg, it was euphemistically described as "sun stroke" (although, thanks to the widespread theory that the last thing one should do on a blazing-hot July day was drink water, many suffered from that as well). But on Iwo Jima, doctors and commanders recognized that there was only so much combat a man, even a Marine, could take. They became resigned to the fact that a growing percentage of their men would be out of action owing to combat fatigue and blast concussion. Many others were killed or wounded. Some Marine companies and battalions had a casualty rate of more than 100 percent, if replacements are included. For front-line troops, the average casualty rate in Iwo Jima was 80 percent, and for junior officers, sergeants, and corporals, life expectancy was 48 to 72 hours.
Yet even under these grueling conditions, the Marines adjusted and learned the brutal science of taking out bunkers one by one with hand grenades, satchel charges, and flamethrowers. While the Japanese were largely lost and confused after losing their officers, command of Marines passed seamlessly down the ranks until "it was common to see junior lieutenants or sergeants in charge of companies and privates overseeing platoons or squads." As with Bunker Hill, it was individual skill and initiative, not mass firepower, that won, despite the frightening cost. (Seventeen days into the battle, of the 200 men in one company who had landed on Day One, there were only three left.)
From this point of view, by Rose's account, Gettysburg and the Civil War are an outlier in the American experience of war. It was during that war, and particularly in those three July days in 1863, that Americans experienced what the British had experienced at Bunker Hill — being shot down in serried ranks advancing in close order, having cannonballs slice down six or seven men in a single row or grapeshot cut down swathes in an instant. When, on the second day at Gettysburg, the eight companies of the First Minnesota stormed down Cemetery Ridge to hold it against Confederate assault, 215 of the 262 Minnesotans were dead or wounded within five minutes — although the survivors, less than two out of ten, managed to hold the ridge.
Examining these conflicts, Rose finds it hard to escape the conclusion that, since 1775, Americans have brought something unusual to the waging of war, a virtue that, at least until recently, made us a potent democracy as well as a formidable fighting people: the power of self-discipline, as opposed to the formal discipline imposed from outside by military manuals and chains of command. Americans fight best, whether it's on Bunker Hill or in Iraq and Afghanistan, at the squad and platoon level, where they can practice bottom-up innovation in which skills and experience mesh and rugged individualism comes through.
As for the horrors of war, they might find themselves in the situation of the chaplain in a New Hampshire regiment at Bunker Hill, whose experiences that day left him "sickened with pain and anguish [that] seemed without end" — yet who retained his faith that "on our part it was necessary" to fight for liberty. This chaplain, Rose writes, "eventually emerged into the light and found peace."
– Mr. Herman, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, is the author of Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II.
Arthur L. Herman, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, is the author of 1917: Lenin, Wilson, and the Birth of the New World Disorder.	@ArthurLHerman
After Obergefell
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Take It Down
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For reasons that should be obvious (particularly if you've already read the rest of this issue of NR), this is not an ideal time to be assigned the task of ...


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automotivehistory
April 24, 1918 – First tank-to-tank combat
On this day in 1918 the Second Battle of Villers-Bretonneuz began near Amiens in northern France during World War One. This battle is notable because it is recorded as the first conflict in which a tank-versus-tank fight occurred during war. The fight occurred when a group of three German A7V tanks advanced on three British Mark IV tanks. Two of the British tanks were armed only with machine guns, while one had a 6 pound gun. The lead Mark IV fired on the lead German tank and hit it, disabling it. The British tank continued to fire on the remaining German tanks, which finally withdrew. The Brits continued to advance on the Germans with support of Whippet light tanks, but they were eventually disabled by German artillery fire. Eventually the British, with support of Australian and French troops, recaptured the town which was held by the Germans. The original front line was reestablished by April 27. British Mark IV tankGerman A7V tank


I did this week's comic on what I saw at Connecticon 2010. I picked four of the things that stood out to me for the strip. Most of which were new to me, even as an avid con-goer… Not the weirdos though, they happily are at every con. I have to thank my friends over at Elmwood Productions for the free pass in. If you went to CTcon 2010 and missed their demo on making short films than you missed out on seeing some cool puppets, hearing good stories, and seeing yours truly working the door for my friends. Thank you Elmwood!!


April 11, 2018, New Delhi: Talent demand in India grew by 8% in March 2018. This is the highest growth registered by the recruitment index in the last four months. Compared to last year (from March 2017- March 2018) this year has registered a 9% increase in overall talent demand.
"In March 2018, the hiring activities recorded a sharp rise of 8% in the Indian market. This is the highest mark in the last four months and definitely a reason to cheer. Fresh policies, new projects resulted in this increased talent demand. A bulk of talent demand came from construction, infrastructure and petrochemicals sectors. In construction, specifically, most companies started hiring in March. Going by the trends from RecruiteX editions from previous years, we expect hiring activity to sustain its momentum in the coming months too, said Ramathreya Krishnamurthi, Business Head, TimesJobs & TechGig.


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Anonymous asked in Entertainment & MusicTelevisionOther - Television · 2 months ago
Will Jeopardy be cancelled since Alex Trebek died?
I don't think so. They've said he's taped shows to run through Christmas. After that, they will probably have a new host. Trebek wasn't the only host the show has had, and I'm sure he won't be the last.
conley39
No, it will continue with a new host as it did when Art Fleming left the show.
NO. Ken Jennings has been chosen by Alex, himself. He is taping episodes right now, as we speak. Jeopardy is taped 6 months in advance. So, Ken will be seen in a couple of months. I think it is the perfect choice. Ken won over 4 million $ on the show.
doubtful, it's a popular show.
I think they will try different new hosts and see how the public reacts.
Julie S
Of course not. Alex was apparently not given the outright power to choose his own successor, but he did name a couple ladies he worked with that he'd like to see take over.
No. They will continue with a new host.
LadyMerton
no- Alex was the second person to host the show that originally started in 1964
The first three versions of the show were hosted by Art Fleming. Don Pardo served as announcer for the original NBC version and weekly syndicated version,[
Not sure, probably not.
T or F: you love the Muppets?
TV Section: IYO, what are the best 90s TV shows?
Why do brides wear false eyelashes to their wedding?
How old would Dick Clark be today?
What did Morgan Freeman dead from?
What is the most watched show on prime video?
UK do you remember Goodnight Sweetheart TV show?
Zooey deschanel look like 20 young to me she does not look 42 to me but does she looks 20 to u she looks good ?


The largest automotive recall in history centers on the defective Takata airbags found in millions of vehicles manufactured by Honda, BMW, Chrysler, Daimler, Ford, General Motors, Mazda, Mitsubishi, Nissan, Subaru, Toyota, and other popular car brands. The defect results in shrapnel-like metal shards and airbag components being propelled throughout the vehicle interior. This frequently results in lacerations, puncture wounds, and blunt force trauma that can cause injury, disfigurement, or death.
If you or one of your loved ones was injured by a defective Takata airbag, you may be entitled to compensation from the manufacturer, including compensation for your medical bills, lost wages, and other losses resulting from your injuries. In cases of wrongful death, compensation for burial and funeral expenses may also be recoverable.
To discuss your Takata injury claim in a free, confidential legal consultation with an experienced personal injury attorney serving Pennsylvania and New Jersey, call the Wieand Law Firm, LLC at (215) 666-7777.
What Cars Are Included in the Takata Airbag Recall?
The Takata airbag recall is unprecedented in scope and scale, affecting many of the best-selling models produced by foreign and domestic car companies. A wide array of automobiles is covered by the recall, ranging from everyday economy cars to niche luxury vehicles and high-performance sports cars. Even electric cars, like the Tesla Model S, have been recalled due to featuring potentially dangerous Takata airbags. Vehicles manufactured as early as 2000 and as recently as 2017 may be affected, depending on the brand, make, and model.
Below is a partial list of cars, trucks, SUVs, sedans, convertibles, and other vehicles that have been affected by the Takata airbag recall. The recall may continue to expand, and the following list is subject to change at any time pending further announcements from Takata Corporation. If your vehicle is included in the recall, you should contact an auto dealer right away for further assistance.
The National Highway Transportation Safety Administration (NHTSA) maintains a current Takata recall list on its website. Be sure to check the NHTSA list for the most complete and up-to-date information.
Takata airbags feature powerful chemical propellants that enable rapid airbag inflation in the event of a car accident. High humidity and improper storage conditions caused these propellants to degrade, resulting in defects which now allow the affected airbags to spontaneously and explosively deploy.
As of 2017, at least 12 fatalities and over 100 nonfatal injuries have been attributed to Takata airbags, beginning with the first recorded fatality in 2008. Approximately 70 million airbags have been recalled in the United States alone, including a recent wave of 2.7 million recalls issued July 2017. Worldwide, the recall figure is closer to 100 million, marking the largest recall in the automotive industry's global history.
The force of deployment is powerful enough to propel high-speed shards of shrapnel at drivers and their passengers, frequently leading to puncture wounds, lacerations, eye injuries, throat and neck injuries, facial scarring, organ damage, extensive bruising, and potentially wrongful death. Airbag explosions can also cause drivers to swerve into traffic or drive off the road, leading to serious or deadly auto accidents.
Deaths and injuries caused by defective Takata airbags can plunge the victims into financial hardship at a time when they need support most. Compensation can relieve the financial hardship caused by lost wages, reduced earning ability, surgery costs, physical therapy, funeral expenses, and other expenses. Multiple class actions, or lawsuits that consolidate numerous claims into one case against a common defendant, have already been initiated against Takata Corporation. The Wieand Law Firm, LLC can determine whether you are eligible to file a claim against Takata, and if so, assist you in the recovery process. We are highly experienced with claims against negligent automotive manufacturers, and will ensure that your claim is handled with care and efficiency.
If you or a family member was injured due to a Takata airbag defect, you should speak with a Takata lawsuit lawyer about getting compensated for the losses and expenses you have incurred. The Wieand Law Firm, LLC represents Takata injury victims throughout Pennsylvania and New Jersey, including drivers and passengers in Abington, Allentown, Bensalem, Bethlehem, Bristol, Camden, Cherry Hill, Gloucester Township, Hamilton Township, Haverford, Levittown, Lower Merion, Philadelphia, Reading, Trenton, Upper Darby, and other communities throughout both states. For a free legal consultation concerning a Takata accident claim, call the Wieand Law Firm, LLC at (215) 666-7777.


Miriam is the Chair of Inspiring Girls International and is responsible for leading the global strategy of the organisation.
She is also the Founder of the Inspiring Women Campaign in the UK that has got over 25,000 female volunteers and reached over a quarter of a million girls in the UK in just two and a half years.
Miriam is a partner of international law firm Dechert LLP where she co-chairs the firm's International Trade and Government Regulation practice.
She previously served at the UK Foreign Office as an adviser to the UK Presidency of the EU and prior to that she served seven years as a Senior Member of the Cabinet for EU External Relations Commissioners Chris Patten and Benita Ferrero-Waldner.
Miriam is a Board member and Chair of the audit Committee of UBS Bank in Spain. She is also the Honorary President of Canning House and a member of the International Advisory Board of the Instituto de Empresa in Spain.
In her spare time Miriam is the author of the blog Mumandsons (www.mumandsons.com).
She is married to Nick Clegg, former UK Deputy Prime Minister, and they have three sons.
As Director of Operations at Inspiring Girls International, Sara is responsible for the delivery and coordination of the global strategy to connect female role models and young girls around the world, working closely with all international partners.
In 2016 Sara was selected for the Civil Service High Potential Secondment programme. As a Senior Policy Advisor in the Government Inclusive Economy Unit (part of the Office for Civil Society), she coordinated the £80 million Life Chances Fund.
With over seven years of experience in the charity sector specialising in fundraising, Sara has worked at both small national charities and large international organisations. She spent four of those years managing grant-making partnerships at Voluntary Service Overseas (VSO), where she advised teams in 24 countries across Africa and Asia on funding strategies.
Prior to that, Sara was the Development Manager at The Sea Cadets, where she managed a varied portfolio of donors to increase funding from both existing and new partners.
Sara has a degree in Theology and Religious Studies from the University of Cambridge, and a Master of Science in Forced Migration from the University of Oxford. During her time at VSO she also gained a Certificate in Personal and Professional Development in Access International Development.
She lives in London with her partner.
Nimco Ali is a British Somali feminist, social activist and prolific social media commentator. She is co-founder and director of Daughters of Eve, a survivor-led organisation which has helped to transform the approach to ending female genital mutilation (FGM).
Nimco formally worked on The Girl Generation: Together to End FGM campaign, which celebrates the Africa-led movement to end FGM in one generation. In 2014, was awarded Red magazine's Woman of the Year award and also placed at No 6 on Woman's Hour's power list. Most recently she was named by The Sunday Times as one of Debrett's 500 most influential people in Britain. As well as The Evening Standard top ten modern feminist icons and featured in their 1000 most influential Londoners list.
She is a trustee for Women for Refugee Women, Emma Humphreys Memorial Prize and a Committee member of the Women's Equality Party.
Noreena Hertz is ITN's Economics Editor. She is a renowned thought leader and economist with an impressive track record in predicting global trends. She has advised some of the world's leading business and political figures on strategy, economic and geo-political risks, digital transformation, Generation K and millennials. From 2014-16 she served on the Board of Warner Music Group.
Noreena's best-selling books, The Silent Takeover, IOU: The Debt Threat and Eyes Wide Open, are published in 22 countries. She is a regular commentator on television and in print in the US and Europe and is frequently sought after as a Keynote Speaker. She has given Keynote speeches at TED, The World Economic Forum and Google Zeitgeist as well as for leading global corporations, sharing platforms with such luminaries as President Bill Clinton, James Wolfensohn and David Beckham amongst others.
Noreena has a PhD in Economics from Cambridge University and an MBA in Finance from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. She is an Honorary Professor at University College London.
Genevieve Muinzer is the Founder of Ad Astra Communications, a company that specializes in producing bespoke commissioned biographical films about individuals and organizations. As an independent consultant she has advised a number of local and national bodies about expanding their membership and enhancing their marketing and communications within their communities.
Since 1975 she has specialized in the field of communications and has worked broadly in the areas of journalism, academia and the charity sector. She is a published author, and has been a BBC radio broadcaster and a columnist and writer for the International Herald Tribune, the Wall Street Journal and the Guardian. She was Editor-in-Chief for The Prince's Foundation for the Built Environment's Membership Magazine, and a Trustee and Director of Historic Royal Palaces Inc., where she also contributed to the members' magazine.
Genevieve is a graduate of Princeton University ' 75 in the third class of women and of the University of Warwick. She has a long history of fundraising work with Princeton University's Alumni Association, serving as a member of the Alumni Council Executive and President of the Princeton Club of Great Britain, before becoming a Trustee of The Princeton Charitable Foundation in the UK.
She is the Deputy Chair of the UK Foundation for International Uniform Law and has been involved in development work for a number of UK charities and organizations. These include Oxford University, where she has been on the Law Department's Advisory Board. She has served as a member of the Board of Regents (Governors) at Marymount International School, and as a committee member for fundraising events for Action Research, Asthma UK, the Charterhouse and the English National Opera. She has also served as a Trustee for The Personal Support Unit, assisting litigants in person in the British Civil courts. Genevieve is currently a Trustee and non-executive Director of the award-winning theatre company Simple8.
Doug Wills is Managing Editor of the London Evening Standard and The Independent. His role involves working closely with editors and editorial executives. He also deals daily with circulation, advertising and production directors co-ordinating the complex operation of producing daily newspapers and their editorial digital channels.
Doug is a director of the Society of Editors (he was President of the Society in 2015) and is chairman of the London Press Club.
Doug began his career as a trainee reporter with Thomson Regional Newspapers. He held a number of positions in the provincial press, including deputy editor, before moving to London in 1986 at the time Robert Maxwell was launching the short-lived London Daily News and the London newspaper market was as competitive as it is today.
The Global Advisory Board consists of international advisors – women and men with worldwide recognition in their respective fields. In addition to providing strategic advice, the members of the Global Advisory Board are ambassadors of Inspiring Girls, using their experience and expertise to influence international decision makers to put the issue of girls' aspirations in the global agenda.


We've all heard of the tale of King Arthur and how he was gifted a magical sword from the lady in the lake. Well, there seems to be a new occurrence of a similar tale in our modern age with the story of Saga Vanecek and her 1500 year-old sword found at the bottom of a lake called Vidöstern.
I felt "boo" that it's gone away, but "yay" that other people will get to see it.
Although Saga may not have a sword now, she has made it known that she will raise some money for a replica to be made especially for her. Since her discovery, archaeologists have searched the lake for more ruins, finding an ancient brooch from a similar time as the sword as well as a coin from the 18th century.
Saga Vanecek's story is something straight out of myths and legends. It wouldn't surprise us if she really did end up becoming the queen of Sweden in the future; it clearly is her destiny. And if she chooses to not rule, perhaps this experience will make Saga an author one day. If you want to read her full article, told in her own words, be sure to read the full piece at The Guardian. And don't forget to check out Bookstr for all your literary needs!
Bookstr's Three to Read- Halloween Edition!


Debuting September 26th with updates every Saturday, a serialized audio reading of Robert Louis Stevenson's Treasure Island as a free audio book.
Debuting September 1st and updating every Tuesday thereafter, serialized, recorded readings of Lewis Carroll's Alice's Adventures in Wonderland.
The Duelaria Project is an endeavor to bring professional, free audio book readings of classic stories to the public.