text:
Consciousness and Society: A Review
by Ralph Dumain
Hughes, H. Stuart. Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890-1930. Originally published: New York: Knopf, 1958. Latest edition, with a new introduction by Stanley Hoffman: New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2002. My edition: New York: Vintage Books, 1961.
1. Some Preliminary Observations
2. The Decade of the 1890's: The Revolt against Positivism
3. The Critique of Marxism
I. Durkheim and Marxism as Moral Passion
II. Pareto and the Theory of the Elite
III. Croce and Historical Materialism as a Canon of Interpretation
IV. Sorel and Marxism as "Social Poetry"
Postscript: Gramsci and Marxist Humanism
4. The Recovery of the Unconscious
I. The Philosophical and Scientific Setting
II. Bergson and the Uses of Intuition
III. Sigmund Freud: Epistemology and Metaphysics
IV. Sigmund Freud: Social Philosophy
V. Jung and the "Collective Unconscious"
5. Georges Sorel's Search for Reality
6. Neo-Idealism In History
I. The German Idealist Tradition
II. Dilthey and the Definition of the "Cultural Sciences"
III. Benedetto Croce: From the "First Essays" to the "Historiography"
IV. Benedetto Croce: The Concept of Ethico-Political History
V. Troeltsch, Meinecke, and the Crisis in German Values I
7. The Heirs of Machiavelli: Pareto, Mosca, Michels
Postscript: Alain and the Restatement of Radicalism
8. Max Weber and the Transcending of Positivism and Idealism
Preamble: Durkheim and the Positivist Remainder
I. Intellectual Origins and Early Production
II. The Methodological Phase
III. The Studies of Religion
IV. Sociology and History
9. The European Imagination and the First World War
I. The Generation of 1905
II. Peguy and Alain-Fournier
III. The Novelist and the Bourgeois World: Gide and Mann
IV. The Moral Legacy of the War: Spengler and the "Elders"
V. The Literary Sensations of the Post-War Years: Hesse, Proust,
10. The Decade of the 1920's: The Intellectuals at the Point of Cleavage
I. The New Philosophical Interests
II. The Social Question
III. The Role of the Intellectuals: Mann, Benda, Mannheim
IV. A Generation in Retrospect
(Chapters 1-2)
Hughes discusses methodological questions and goes to great lengths to justify this approach to intellectual history and this collocation of individuals. His great preoccupation here is the legacy of Enlightenment and the fin de siècle turn against the 'positivism' that dominated the latter half of the 19th century. Raised with an Anglo-French intellectual orientation, Hughes counts himself a continental European thinker. This is remarkable given that he's writing in the barren 1950s. The 'real' Europe, according to Hughes, includes France, Germany, Austria, Italy (pp. 12-13).
While the intellectual turn he documents is often termed irrationalist or neo-romantic, Hughes sees it as more complex. (29, 34) He sees a rebellion not so much against the Enlightenment as against the positivist mindset, which allegedly viewed everything, including cultural phenomena, a sort of physical secretion. The turn to mysticism notwithstanding, the enlightening impulse was still strong. (Nietzsche is used as an example—34.)
Hughes sees the 1890s as the turning point in the new emphasis on subjectivity that gripped social theory. He also chooses his cohort with generational considerations in mind.
Hughes summarizes what was generally considered to be 'positivism'. (37ff) More precision would have been helpful, as 'positivism' is often generalized to embrace scientism or a natural-scientific philosophy, without adequate discrimination and delineation.
Still, the overall picture that Hughes wishes to create is effectively established. Hughes chooses representative, or I should say, outstanding figures of the trend he attempts to delineate. While this is more selective than an exhaustive empirical study of a time period, there is nonetheless substantial empirical material to work with here. What is much more difficult, as I will attempt to show later on, is the working up of a mass of specific material into adequate explanatory generalizations about it. Hughes is very good at pinpointing the tensions and contradictions within these individuals and highlighting specific strengths and weaknesses. But there is, in my view, something missing, further generalization missed. If I recall correctly, the thinker Hughes values most is Weber. I would have to agree, as I find just about everyone else he discusses highly disagreeable. Were Hughes still alive, he would understand my criticisms, since he knew this history so well. I'm sure he would acknowledge a link I see but not discussed in the first 200 pages of the book—the correlation between the trajectory of European thought and the rise of monopolistic capitalism in its high imperialist phase and its descent into the maw of fascism.
At the end of chapter 2 (63-66) Hughes summarizes what he takes to be the key themes of the new social thought of the 1890s:
(1) "Most basic, perhaps, and the key to all the others was the new interest in the problem of consciousness and the role of the unconscious." Bergson is the key figure cited, then Freud.
(2) ". . . the meaning of time and duration in psychology, philosophy, literature, and history." Bergson, Croce, and key novelists of the time are cited.
(3) ". . . problem of the nature of knowledge in in what William Dilthey had called the 'sciences of the mind'." Besides Dilthey, Croce and Weber are cited.
(4) "If the knowledge of human affairs, then, rested on such tentative foundations, the whole basis of political discussion had been radically altered. No longer could one remain content with the easy assurances of the rationalistic ideologies inherited from from the century and a half preceding—liberal, democratic, or socialist . . . The task was rather to penetrate behind the fictions of political action . . ." Sorel, Pareto, and Mosca are the key figures mentioned.
Following this summary of the generation that emerged intellectually in the 1890s and the positivistic temperament they rebelled against is an account of their encounter with Marxism. At this point a sophisticated treatment of Marx's thought is indicated, but here is where Hughes falls short. Hughes was sophisticated enough to do a bit better than the usual 1950s mainstream treatment of Marxism was generally capable of. After all, he knew about Labriola, Lukács, and Gramsci. But what he says here is too fuzzy. He recognizes that Marx's work is variegated and can be taken a number of different ways. Hughes recognizes a tension that others have seen, which he characterizes as a tension between Marx the social scientist and Marx the moral prophet. (70) He is aware of subsequent conflicts involving Kautsky, Bernstein, and Lenin. He is also aware that 2nd International Marxism is generally considered to be positivistic, with an emphasis on the 'laws of history', determinism, and an economistic approach to social evolution, and that this very approach rotted out within in relationship to the actual position and practice of the German Social Democratic Party. However, the specifics are lacking, and therefore Hughes' account of the tools the 1890s cohort had to 'remedy' the situation and the level of their methodological sophistication or lack of it in so doing is less than fully developed and convincing. In my view a lacuna can also be found in his account of the four key themes that interest him (see above). As I see it, the psychological factors— subjectivity—is very poorly integrated into the sociological (which for Marxism would be historical materialism), even with or especially with this new emphasis. In fact, I question whether anyone even had a sophisticated grasp of the problem before Lukács' History and Class Consciousness came out in 1923.
Now for some other points of reference. First, on the German problem, see J. P. Nettl's article in the Dictionary of the History of Ideas:
Social Democracy in Germany and Revisionism
Even before Lukács and Korsch initiate what was later labeled as 'Western Marxism' in 1923, there is a prehistory dating back to the late 19th century, which includes some figures Hughes mentions (esp. the Italians) and more. This history is laid out in:
Jacoby, Russell. Dialectic of Defeat: Contours of Western Marxism. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981.
But there's more. What else was going on intellectually among Marxists and other socialists during the period of Second International Marxism? A more recent book is most instructive:
Lloyd, Brian. Left Out: Pragmatism, Exceptionalism, and the Poverty of American Marxism, 1890-1922. Baltimore; London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997.
See my review: The Ins and Outs of Lloyd's Left Out.
Lloyd sets out to demonstrate that pragmatism ruined the American socialist intelligentsia, and a key aspect of this was a naive psychologism pervading sociological explanation, or in some cases 'hayseed empiricism'. More generally, he adduces a number of Marxist and other socialist thinkers in Europe as well as America to demonstrate that they all drowned in theoretical confusion up through and beyond the First World War.
What is the point of all this? Well, the problem is much larger than the picture Hughes gave us of it in the 1950s. The problem is two-fold: the prevailing intellectual currents of the time, and the intrinsic difficulty in combining objective sociological explanation with the analysis of subjectivity and psychology and cultural phenomena. Also, the recovery of the full range of Marx took some decades of the 20th century for those who were capable of doing it to accomplish. Lukács (1923) was the most prominent of the Marxist philosophers to first recover the Marxian conception of praxis from the narrow historical determinism of Second International Marxism, inherited by the Bolsheviks as well. (See my forthcoming review of A Defence of History and Class Consciousness: Tailism and the Dialectic, by Georg Lukács, translated by Esther Leslie, with an introduction by John Rees and a postface by Slavoj Žižek. (London; New York: Verso, 2000.)) And all this together is a mere drop in the bucket when it comes to synthesizing all the insights and research that all the various schools of Marxism have generated. With an expanded perspective, we can see beyond Hughes' purview: what he finds so fascinating about his cohort, though he is sensitive to their weaknesses, might be viewed otherwise, i.e. as a serious failure to advance social theory without lapsing into fundamental ideological regression. Indeed, the historical crossroads of the 1890s, viewed when we pan out from a myriad of empirical details to a broader schematic perspective, from which we can see a monumental failure to overcome the antinomies of bourgeois philosophy, vacillating between positivist and neo-romantic (irrationalist) tendencies.
Durkheim is inspired by Marxism, but is stymied in the effort to sort out its scientific content from its moral passion. Not being able to find a coherent methodology in Marx beyond an amassing of empirical data combined with prescriptive doctrine, Durkheim develops sociology in another direction while inspired by socialism's moral passion.
Pareto attacks Marx ferociously and becomes the theorist of elites.
Croce studies as much Marx as he needs to engage the problems that interest him, and then drops the subject. Croce collaborates with the Italian Marxist Labriola for awhile until their incompatibility becomes manifest.
Sorel begins as a syndicalist extremist and ends up with fascist tendencies, embracing a subjectivist, irrationalist psychological attitude to political action. Socialism is removed from the domain of science and re-cast as 'social poetry'.
In the 1950s Gramsci was barely known, esp. in the English-speaking world, while today he is one of academia's hotties. Hughes gives Lukács some credit in passing, but deems Gramsci the best of 20th century Marxist theorists. Hughes details Gramsci's relationship to Croce and compares him to other figures in his cohort, but in the end it is difficult to place Gramsci's actual accomplishments in Hughes's schema. Hughes is after all interested primarily in the place of consciousness in social theory, and this is why, in my opinion, he leaves us hanging.
(Chapter 4)
While Nietzsche is the natural progenitor of much of the thought of this era, Hughes finds no direct influence of Nietzsche on any of the people discussed in this chapter, except for Jung. (105-6) And this goes for other major intellectual influences of the time—Mach, Poincaré, Vaihinger (philosophy of 'as if'). The deepest long-term influence was Kant, and a neo-Kantianism was pervasive, influencing the influential. The idea of the conventional and the fictional was foregrounded by Mach, Poincaré, and Vaihinger, and became widely influential, but not on Hughes' subjects. (Why they could have provided another way out of positivism is not clear to me.) As it happens, William James had a much deeper impact on the Continent, with many major figures citing his influence. James and Bergson greatly admired one another. (It's one of many good reasons to condemn James, though Hughes might not agree.)
(Coincidentally, a few days ago I took a gander at Boltzmann's Atom: The Great Debate That Launched a Revolution in Physics by David Lindley. I've always thought poorly of Mach, but his fundamentally anti-theoretical, truncated view of science emerges forcefully in this book.)
I don't know if anyone pays attention to Bergson now, but in his time he was huge. He seems to be the ur-philosopher for every mystic, irrationalist, obfuscator, and reactionary of his time. Rejecting his own intellectual inheritance and the Enlightenment, Bergson became the apostle of intuition, arguing for 'creative evolution' on the basis of vague, shaky analogical reasoning. He was also deeply in love with the Catholic Church, which for a Jew, means a deep sympathy with authoritarian reaction. Hughes doesn't go this far, but the affinity is clear. Hughes criticizes Bergson's philosophy, but yet differentiates it from Romanticism, seeing a valorization of science in Bergson lacking in the Romantics of an earlier era.
Many have seen Bergson as a philosophical forerunner of fascism. A wikipedia article on fascism [disputed at the original time of writing] names Bergson as a source.
The French Marxist Georges Politzer summed up the meaning of Bergson upon Bergson's death during the German Occupation:
Politzer, Georges. After the Death of M. Bergson (1941).
Politzer highlights the anti-Enlightenment stance of fascism and explains why only Bergson's Jewish origin kept the Nazis from showering him with more explicit praise.
Another article of interest on the place of Bergson in French philosophy:
During, Elie. « 'A History of Problems' : Bergson and the French Epistemological Tradition ». Article publié dans le Journal of the British Society for Phenomenology, vol. 35, n° 1, janvier 2004.
I shall have more to say about the relation of Hughes' cohort to Marxism and fascism when I come to the chapter on Sorel.
Freud is so well known to us we need not review him in detail. Most interesting here is Hughes' portrait of the motivating impulses and conflicting forces within Freud. Of particular note is a duality in Freud as a hard-headed scientific man endeavoring to keep his deep Romantic impulses under control. But perhaps most revealing of Freud's limitations are his forays into social theory. Hughes notes how embarrassingly insupportable is Freud's fairy tale of the origins of civilization in Totem and Taboo. Hughes also points out how fundamentally politically conservative Freud must be if the only force for civilization is guilt and the control of man's inherently violent impulses.
Curiously, Hughes sees Jung as having a greater sensitivity to history, but he still sees Jung as the lesser theorist and excessively nebulous. Hughes finally pigeonholes Jung as a mystagogue and explicitly names him a reactionary. Bravo.
With Sorel my worries over the subject matter of this book come to a head. In the 1930s, Russian and Italian ambassadors paid tribute to Sorel. Sorel had praised both Lenin and Mussolini. Lenin thought him a blockhead. Sorel went through a number of phases, from provincial conservative to Dreyfusard to revolutionary syndicalist to proto-fascist. He was strongly influenced by Bergson and William James. Sorel had connections with Bergson, Croce, Pareto, and Peguy. Sorel seems to be at the center of everything, while remaining psychologically isolated. What is the meaning of all this?
According to Hughes, Sorel is represented in English only by Reflections on Violence, which contain his notions on the romance of violence, myth, and revolutionary leadership, but this book apparently does not do justice to the range of his thought. (So I shouldn't dismiss Sorel as a proto-fascist as I did decades ago?) Hughes' strength is to point up the contradictions motivating these people, and Sorel is chock full of them. Sorel was an engineer with the temperament of a moralist. He had a scientific bent with a strongly vitalist streak and an aversion to raw nature. His driving motivation was to create an 'artificial world of order'. He harbored a rigid, old-fashioned, puritanical morality, and was temperamentally illiberal. (170) While there is an intellectual affinity with Nietzsche, there is a paucity of evidence of direct influence. (171-2) In any case, Sorel sought a political outlet as Nietzsche had not.
Hughes attempts to explain Sorel's methodology, encapsulated in his notion of 'diremption', which had to do with symbolic abstractions. (171ff) For an engineer Sorel was remarkably unimpressed by precision, and did not seek precision in his ideas or their application. Hence the descent into Bergsonian fluidity and myth. "The result was a kind of sociological mysticism." (176) Sorel had an affinity not only to Bergson but to William James, with some reservations. (176-7) But Sorel, like James, disavowed any imputations of anti-intellectualism.
Finally, there is Sorel's relation to Mussolini. While Sorel praised Mussolini and Mussolini praised Sorel, there is no indication of a direct influence of Sorel on Mussolini's politics. (179)
Finally, Hughes attempts to rank Sorel as a thinker. (180-182) Hughes is very good at criticizing Sorel's shortcomings, and sees him most effective as a critical thinker, whatever that means. Hughes sees Croce and Weber as doing a better job at resolving Sorel's dilemmas.
This, however, is too nebulous a conclusion for my taste. What, after all, is the meaning of this turning from 'positivism' towards mystical intuitionism? So far, the picture I get is one of unmitigated intellectual bankruptcy. What is the ultimate sociological as well as ideological meaning of all this?
I came across an interesting article on the Internet:
The Mystery of Fascism by David Ramsay Steele.
Its perspective is fundamentally flawed, the author being an apologist of free market libertarianism, yet this essay is still interesting and deserves to be taken seriously. At the same time, it is possible to deepen the perspective offered by supplementing it with other explanatory considerations.
Steele claims that fascism has been fundamentally misrepresented, especially by the communists, who portrayed it as the creation of the imperialist bourgeoisie. Yet this belies fascism's history as a mass movement, esp. on the part of Mussolini, who took a very risky position as a revolutionary syndicalist. Steele sees fascism as the outgrowth of disaffected congeries of revolutionary socialists, who gravitated toward subjectivism—in the 1890s!—upon finding the working class disappointingly non-revolutionary. Steele also delves into the irrationalist philosophies that fed fascism, which is how I came upon this essay.
This is an interesting attempt at a unified explanation, which at least gets to something missing in Hughes so far, yet it doesn't go deep enough. First, there is a lack of historical explanation in Steele himself, as with all libertarians. Does history go wrong out of unaccountably mistaken philosophical and ideological orientations, or is there an inherent social process connecting one epoch with subsequent developments? In other words, can one really dissociate laissez-faire capitalism from the monopoly capitalism that followed, and with the subsequent developments of corporatism, syndicalism, social democracy, socialism, communism, and fascism, and turn the former into some betrayed ideal type? And how to explain the historical appearance of these disaffected intellectuals that go in one or more or all of the possible directions listed here?
Steele misses all the New Class theories and all of the intellectual currents of the anti-Stalinist left that account for this social type. Just to take one example, Alvin Gouldner, a left-wing sociologist, sees Marxism as the false consciousness of a flawed universal class (the revolutionary intelligentsia), and thus has a perspective on why revolutionary intellectuals go shopping around for suitable historical agents.
See my summary of Gouldner's ideas, with links:
Alvin Gouldner: Notes & Commentary.
Of course the Communists got fascism wrong. Their misguided policies had a hand in allowing Hitler to come to power. Subsequently, when forming their Popular Front policy, i.e. a coalition with liberals and eventually the capitalist democracies, they had to sharply differentiate the USSR from the fascist forces on the basis of a differential position on private property. They had to disavow any hint that the USSR, far from being an expression of socialism, was founded upon the rule of the New Class, and that this was also a source of attraction for intellectuals of varying tendencies (Fabians and liberals and assorted malcontents (e.g. Wittgenstein) as well as Marxists) disaffected with the arbitrary, irrational rule of private property.
Balancing the scales is right-wing Romantic anti-capitalism, the hatred of mechanical routine and the mediocrity of the bourgeoisie, as exemplified by Nietzsche and all the intellectuals inspired by him, the fascists and Nazis and irrationalist crackpots of all stripes.
So taking all these sources together (and let's not leave out Lloyd's Left Out), we need to transcend the framework of Hughes' history-of-ideas approach and try to clarify in terms of a social theory that accounts for intellectual trends as to why what gelled in the 1890s took the form it did. Hughes might have known enough to be able to answer this question for himself, but remember how primitive the understanding of these matters was in the 1950s, esp. in the philosophically underdeveloped Anglo-American world. Perhaps Hughes filled in some of the blanks in his subsequent books, I don't know. What should be clearly visible is a fundamental schizophrenia of bourgeois society that gives rise to the philosophical schizophrenia of positivism and irrationalism. The accumulating tensions of bourgeois society, and capitalism's morphing into its high monopolistic imperialist phase, must have had an impact on intellectuals, forcing a confrontation of subterranean psychological impulses with the reified world of mechanized routine, industry, and bureaucracy, ideologically personified in positivism. That the sought-after alternatives, let alone a satisfactory synthesis, should prove to be so egregiously lacking, should not be surprising. Hegel's Owl of Minerva mocks again, but with a worse time delay. Only around the time of the Frankfurt School did social theory mature to the point of being able to handle these tensions in a more sophisticated fashion, but there were failures here, too—the Romantic tendencies of Marcuse, the misbegotten framework of Horkheimer/Adorno's Dialectic of Enlightenment, and the failure of the whole tradition to adequately engage the natural sciences.
Hughes begins chapter 6 with a review of the predominance of neo-Kantian thinking (Rickert, etc.), (190) He summarizes Dilthey's watershed intervention: the distinction between the natural and cultural sciences. (194ff) Three further distinctions in the geisteswissenschaften are distinguished: (1) real history, (2) abstractions—social science, (3) value judgments, rules, practice. Dilthey rejected both existing positivistic and metaphysical conceptions of science. He seems to have been more inspired by economics and psychology than anything else. There are affinities with William James. As for history, the researcher has a vital relationship with the object of investigation, in contradistinction to the natural sciences; a goal is to re-experience the past. Hughes sees Dilthey's successors as more successful in effecting a synthesis.
Then the story of Croce begins. Croce by-passed Freud and disavowed Bergson. (201) He studied Marx before Hegel. (206ff) Vico was an influence. Croce incorporated philosophy into history (rather than vice versa) and prioritized it over the natural sciences. (210ff) But here is where his idealism kicked him: history involves "internal comprehension", re-experiencing, imaginative re-creation, yet the rational alone is the subject of history.
Hughes outlines Croce's political career, and his evolution towards liberalism. He wasn't exactly a progressive figure, but eventually opposed fascism. (214-222) But even in opposing fascism, his political prescriptions were vague, though he was a compelling stylist. (223)
Hughes finds weaknesses in his method, owing to his idealism, esp. the role of intuition in his method. (226ff)
Hughes follows the trajectories of Troeltsch and Meinecke. My attention started to flag here, but I noted Troeltsch's struggle over the values of cosmopolitanism and the national state. (234) Both he and Meinecke were compromised by German nationalism, the bane of the German intellectuals. (237-8) During the war, though, Troeltsch struggled with the issues of 'historismus' and relativism. (239-41) Nazism woke Meinecke up, and, after surviving the war, as a very old man questioned the entire tradition of German nationalism. (245)
Pareto, Mosca, and Michels all inherited the Machiavellian tradition; all were concerned with elites and the manipulation of the masses. But Pareto came up with a theory of "residues" and "derivations". (257) Hughes summarizes Pareto's background and interests. (259-65) His background was in engineering and classical studies, and he inherited a strongly positivist bent. He was a bookworm cloistered in the construction of a speculative sociology, and he held democratic, humanitarian values in contempt. Hughes nonetheless argues that Pareto is interesting (267-70), outlining Pareto's theory of residues and derivations, central to this theory of elites. I can't make much out of this mess, so you'll have to read it for yourself.
Was Pareto then responsible for fascism? (271-3) There is certainly a connection. Pareto supported the fascist regime, but apparently with some liberal reservations. (Liberalism and democracy were two separate affairs for the Italians, and one could be pro-liberal and anti-democratic at the same time.) Mussolini was an admirer of Pareto, but it's not clear how intensively he studied him.
Alain is thrown is as a postscript, apparently to show by contrast what a democrat, albeit a provincial, was like.
Borrrrrrring . . . On to Durkheim and Weber.
(Chapters 8-10)
We finally get a bit more information about Durkheim. He starts out a positivist and ends up an idealist. (278-9) He was a staunch representative of Enlightenment and an unflinching democrat, and respected by a diversity of people. (280) He was peripheral to the German-Italian nexus, and was not only anti-metaphysical but also non-historical. (281) Durkheim's ultimate problem was the fusion of the mechanical and psychological. (283) While non-religious, he seriously engaged religion as a social need. (284-5) But finally Durkheim went overboard to full-blown idealism, casting society as a mental phenomenon, nay a religious one. (285-6)
Hughes outlines differences between Durkheim and Weber. (287ff) But more importantly, Hughes paints an in-depth portrait of Weber, showing him as a man of intense personal, political, and intellectual contradictions, barely able to surmount the tensions within him, that originate with his very upbringing. One of his early tensions, leading to disillusionment with the ruling elite, was the tension between nationalism (which motivated him his whole life) and the labor question. His very concepts were antithetical, e.g. the opposition between bureaucracy and charisma as key forces of modern society. He plunged into Freud, but we don't know with what result. (298)
Hughes describes Weber's twofold battle against positivism and idealism (302), and his methodological goals (302-6). Part of Weber's scrupulousness was to eschew the abuse of one's academic position by lending it the authority to make moralistic pronouncements. This appears to be the origin of Weber's insistence on value neutrality in scientific work, though he certainly did not believe in value neutrality outside of it. (307) Hughes also delves into Weber's notions of science and method. (309-314) Weber had an interesting take on whether the natural and social sciences were differentiated by method or the object of investigation, taking the position that the two were aspects of the same thing. (309) One aspect of Weber's method was a continuation of the intuitive approach—verstehen (understanding). But this should also be combined with causal explanations. Weber also proffered the analytical construct of the 'ideal type'.
Of especially interest is Weber's approach to the study of religion. Here we also see how seriously he engaged Marx and was willing to incorporate the insights of historical materialism into his allegedly larger view. (315-8) Also, Weber allegedly generalized beyond 'capitalism' (and its alternative 'socialism') to analyze rationalization and bureaucratization in general. (317-8) Hughes's treatment of Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is most interesting. (319-23) He emphasizes that Weber never claimed that Protestantism caused the rise of capitalism. But he was trying to show the complexities of causality in linking together a certain mindset and practical exigencies. Weber denied he was attempting to refute a materialist explanation of history. But both sides of the causal chain should be treated; hence Weber wanted to run the causal sequence the other way to complement Marx. (Weber was also influenced by William James and the relation between religion and American business.)
Weber was a nationalist who had to deal with the consequences of the war he supported, and got involved in the new democratic government. He was more consumed with the unbearable contradictions of social existence and his own than ever. Hughes sees Weber's intellectual weaknesses in his psychology and in his failure to see the relativist implications of his ideas. In spite of his political faults he faced all the issues of his time squarely and with full recognition of the bleakness he saw in society's prospective. And thus he was respected from a diversity of ideological viewpoints (e.g. Lukács). He was a man of the Enlightenment.
Hughes concludes with a virtual rhapsody:
Alone of his contemporaries, Weber was able to bridge the chasm between positivism and idealism. In the taut formulas of his methodology, he united the residual positivism of Freud and Pareto and Durkheim with what he had found valid in the tradition of Dilthey and Croce. In so doing, he, like them, abandoned to the realm of the irrational—to the unconscious—a vast field that could never be more than partially comprehensible. But in return he had won for social thought a complete autonomy within the field in which it had chosen to operate. Self-limitation, he realized, was the prior condition to intellectual liberation: the recognition of the irrational and the insistence on rigorous scientific procedures were only superficially in contrast. As against the dogmatism of the positivist and Marxian traditions, as against the invertebrate "intuitionism" of the idealists, Weber had anchored social thought in a "fictional" theory that asked only to be judged by its results. (335)
While I am convinced that Weber is the most interesting of the lot, I'm not convinced by this glowing conclusion. Hughes shows no signs of understanding Marx at all, so he is hardly in a position to compare Weber to Marx, regardless of the shortcomings of 2nd International Marxism. In fact, his excessive praise of Weber shows how little he understands Marx, a much deeper thinker. However, Weber has been termed the "bourgeois Marx", and he has in fact been had a great influence on Marxist and Marxisant (e.g. Habermas) thinkers as well as on social theory generally. (There are also some more contemporary books comparing Weber to Marx.)
I am not familiar with Hughes' work since the 1950s, so I don't know what his final conclusions were. It's amazing, I suppose, that he got as far as he did given the barrenness (which he mentions at the end of the book) of American sociology in the '50s.
The rest of the book is for me a denouement, showing up the ultimate bankruptcy of the European bourgeois world. Hughes discusses nationalism and the First World War, but he has nothing to say about imperialism, and thus he misses the driving force behind Europe digging its own grave.
The generation of 1905 was very different from the generation of the 1890s. The younger generation was irrationalist and bellicose. Nietzscheanism and Bergsonism ran rampant. (339) A religious resurgence followed an earlier period of anti-clericalism.
Peguy and his relations with others—particularly Sorel—becomes a focal point for this chapter. Peguy, like Sorel, had gone through a radical period, but converted to Catholicism. He was loyal to Republicanism, though. Peguy quarreled with everyone except Benda (with whom he had nothing in common). (350) He was happy to go to war, and got himself killed. He was heavily influenced by Bergson. His plague-on-both-your-houses mentality garnered him a lot of popularity, and he was able to mediate conflicts, including addressing the problem of anti-Semitism. (355)
After the war, the lid was off, esp. in the works of novelists, and dissonance as well as forbidden psychological territory were open for exploration. (365ff)
Hughes reviews how nationalism had affected the various intellectuals during the war—most of them went along, more or less in tune with their general populations (and the divergent conditions affecting each). While the war changed things, it was only in Germany where the postwar intellectual scene became radically different from before. The cultural status quo collapsed. (371-2) The surviving elders dealt with the mess left by the war, trying to keep humane values alive in German politics. But the young conservatives were vicious.
Spengler was the younger philosophical reactionary of the day, with his potboiler The Decline of the West, with its cyclical view of history. (375-8)
The disillusionment affected the novelists who survived the war differently. There was Mann, and the pacifist Hesse, but on the other there was the vicious reactionary Junger (383). A new kind of novel became prominent after the war. Proust is compared to Bergson. (385-7) Pirandello, who became a big success after the war, scorned the rationalistic values of Croce. (389)
In the final chapter, Hughes sees the creative energy of his cohort winding down after 1923. The old battles were forgotten, and the younger generation had different interests: Lukács, Scheler, Husserl, Heidegger. (396) And the nature of philosophy changed with Russell, the Vienna Circle (Carnap), Wittgenstein. Philosophy, like the arts, was becoming less accessible to the broad public.
The question of commitment became more severe with the 1903s than it had been in the previous war. Exile, 'inner emigration', Popular Fronts became urgent options. Of the great intellectuals, only Heidegger and Jung compromised themselves by association with fascism, says Hughes. (402-3) The role of the intellectuals became an intellectual subject. Mann portrayed the struggle of Enlightenment with unreason in his novels. Benda and Mannheim were the major public voices on the social role of intellectuals.
Benda's Treason of the Intellectuals is well-known. (411-8) To be sure, Benda was an uncompromising partisan of the Enlightenment and democracy, but his provincial, traditional, classical education made a control freak out of him. In his rejection of recent developments—including developments in literature as well as irrationalist philosophy, he lacked the flexibility to engage contemporary trends with the necessary flexibility and concreteness.
Mannheim's Ideology and Utopia is also well-known. Mannheim flirted with the issues of relativism and psychologism without giving in completely. His debt to Marx is evident. Hughes thinks there's too much Marx in him. (421) But I have the impression that Marxists have rejected him. While underestimating the longevity of fascist movements, Mannheim issued a dire warning about a future without the utopian element, which would bring about the loss of a historical perspective. (423-4) Unlike Benda, who was worried about the dangers of engagement, Mannheim was worried by detachment and apathy. Mannheim outlined four possibilities for the relation of intellectuals to society—radicalism, skepticism, revival of the past, withdrawal. Critical skepticism, enabled by the free-floating independence of the intellectual class, seemed the best option. (425)
Summing up, Hughes finds the 1890s generation the last cohort of European intellectuals who knew social stability. (427ff) Reality could no longer be assumed to be orderly, though, and consciousness as the connecting link between man, society and history. The influence of this new attitude spread internationally in the 1920s, but it was fraught with tensions. The generation of the 1890s had delved into the irrational, but were not about to reject rationalism. Theirs was a delicate balancing act, and some of these intellectuals lost their balance and fell into mysticism. (430) Croce and Freud had trouble managing the line between intellectualism and fantasy, going in opposite directions. And Weber gets the last kudo:
Max Weber had been acutely aware of the danger. In his effort to transcend the positivist-idealist polemic he had striven for formulations that would keep together the sphere of logic and the sphere of value. In so doing, he alone invariably held to the central understanding of his whole generation. He alone never wavered in his insistence that both reason and illogic were essential to the comprehension of the human world. While reality, he implied, was dominated by unreason, it was only through rational treatment that it could be made comprehensible. Yet Weber's intellectual coherence had been acquired at the price of a psychic tension that was almost too much for the human mind to bear. For a brief decade or two he and his generation had striven to keep reason and emotional value in precarious balance: it was not surprising that the two should so soon have parted company. (431)
So ends this breathtaking intellectual narrative. As far as he goes, Hughes paints a vivid intellectual portrait of a period in history. But he's none too clear about what tore Europe apart, or for that matter, about the theoretical resolution of the countervailing tensions of positivism and idealism. The social forces that drove Europe to imperialist war and mass destruction are missing, and missing are also are the analysis of same and of the politics to address the depth of the problem. Because Hughes did not take the trouble to take Marx seriously into account, he could neither analyze this historical period adequately nor its intellectual reflections. Nor is he convincing that Weber represents the apex of theoretical endeavor, though Weber is obviously superior to the sorry competition presented here. There is a hole in this account, in terms of historical-political-economic forces, social theory, and philosophy. Hughes' very biographical accounts of this cohort betrays both the sickness of the individuals concerned and of bourgeois European society. How could it head toward anything other than disaster? It sickens me just to read about these people. But nevertheless here is one map of a complex territory to help us reconstruct the ideological trajectory of the late 19th and early 20th century, and thus of the course of modern philosophy, though, with coverage of this select cohort, it's still just an abstract.
The landscape has also altered beyond recognition since the '50s when Hughes wrote. Intellectual history has accelerated by leaps and bounds, but now we have this past half-century of ill-digested theory to work on, with a paucity of vision of the long view to make sense out of it. Prevailing trends of the past quarter century alone have obscured even what was going on in the '50s-'70s. But when we gain a longer view of this period, we will find some of the same issues resurfacing, albeit under a very different social and ideological configuration.
Written 24-27 November 2005
Edited & uploaded 8 October 2006
©2005, 2006 Ralph Dumain
Lukács' Lost Manuscript Tailism and the Dialectic Reviewed by R. Dumain
Simple and Higher Categories of the Dialectic by Georg Lukács
Badiou and the Bankruptcy of Fashionable French Philosophy by R. Dumain
Anti-Bergson: Bibliography & Links
Positivism vs Life Philosophy (Lebensphilosophie) Study Guide
Marx and Marxism Web Guide
Uploaded 8 October 2006
Link added 26 February 2018
Links updated 21 January 2012


text:
Kateřina Minařík Kudějová (nacida como Kateřina Kudějová, Praga, 17 de enero de 1990) es una deportista checa que compite en piragüismo en la modalidad de eslalon.

Ganó seis medallas en el Campeonato Mundial de Piragüismo en Eslalon entre los años 2011 y 2021, y nueve medallas en el Campeonato Europeo de Piragüismo en Eslalon entre los años 2011 y 2021.

Palmarés internacional

Referencias

Piragüistas en eslalon de la República Checa
Piragüistas en los Juegos Olímpicos de Río de Janeiro 2016
Piragüistas en los Juegos Olímpicos de Tokio 2020
Deportistas de la República Checa en los Juegos Olímpicos de Río de Janeiro 2016
Deportistas de la República Checa en los Juegos Olímpicos de Tokio 2020
Campeones mundiales de piragüismo en eslalon
Nacidos en Praga

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: A self-creator: What pattern is this? php I have several classes that are basically interfaces to database rows. Since the class assumes that a row already exists ( __construct expects a field value ), there is a public static function that allows creation of the row and returns an instance of the class.
Here's a pseudo-code ( so there are mistakes and missing improvements in this ) example :
class fruit {

        public $id;

        public function __construct( $id ) {

                if ( ! is_numeric($id) ) {
                    throw new Exception("Id is not numeric.");
                }
                $this->id = $id;
            $sql = "SELECT * FROM Fruits WHERE id = $id";
            ...
            $this->arrFieldValues[$field] = $row[$value];
        }

    public function __get( $var ) {
        return $this->arrFieldValues[$var];
    }

    public function __set( $var, $val ) {
        $sql = "UPDATE fruits SET $var = " .  mysql_real_escape_string($val) . " WHERE id = $this->id";
    }

        public static function create( $fruit ) {

        $sql = "INSERT INTO Fruits ( fruit_name ) VALUE ( '" mysql_real_escape_string($fruit) . "' )";
        $id = mysql_insert_id();
        $fruit = & new fruit($id);
            return $fruit;

        }
}

$obj1 = fruit::create( "apple" );
$obj2 = & new fruit( 12 );

What is this pattern called?

Edit: I changed the example to one that has more database-interface functionality. For most of the time, this kind of class would be instantiated normally, through __construct(). But sometimes when you need to create a new row first, you would call create().

A: I think it's the Factory method pattern.

The factory method pattern is an object-oriented design pattern to implement the concept of factories.
Like other creational patterns, it deals with the problem of creating objects (products) without specifying the exact class of object that will be created. The factory method design pattern handles this problem by defining a separate method for creating the objects, which subclasses can then override to specify the derived type of product that will be created.
Outside the scope of design patterns, the term factory method can also refer to a method of a factory whose main purpose is creation of objects.

A: As this is related to databases, I think this is close to something that may be called Data Mapper.
If you are looking for something like this in PHP, move to Propel ORM. Look at the first example : it's almost your code !

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Nobody really likes a free market, especially when it comes to sports teams.
The Washington Redskins may not have been the most threatening presence on the football field in recent years, but they are unquestionably fierce when it comes to government lobbying. Last week, after flirting with a move north to the District of Columbia or Maryland, the team announced that they would keep their headquarters and training facilities in Ashburn, Virginia, and relocate their summer training camp down to the city of Richmond. For this privilege, the commonwealth is kicking in $6 million dollars towards an overhaul of the franchise's home base, known as Redskins Park.
Compared to the outrageous sums cities and states regularly pay to keep sports teams in town, this deal is pretty tiny. It's nothing but an eye drop versus the $498 million the Minnesota Vikings extracted from their state's taxpayers in May to build a new stadium. But it does illustrate something about the way government constantly picks winners and losers in America's economy.
Earlier this year, the public policy world returned to the perennial debate about whether the U.S. should do anything to encourage more manufacturing here at home, or, as economists put it, "engage in industrial policy." Industrial policy boils down to the government choosing favorite sectors of the economy, then doing what it takes to support them. Even simpler: It's picking winners and losers. Mainstream U.S. economists generally aren't big fans of industrial policy, though a few outspoken voices are.
Here's the thing, though: we already have an industrial policy -- it's just involves 50 uncoordinated states fending for themselves. Governors, even Republicans like Virginia's Bob McDonnell, love using economic incentives to attract businesses they think might add jobs or burnish the image of their state. And so they compete ruthlessly with tax breaks, special bond financings and whatever other tools they can dream up to lure corporations.
The public sees this happening most vividly in the case of sports stadiums. But it extends to all different sorts of industries, especially manufacturing. Southern states perfected the art of using massive incentives to convince auto companies to set up shop, but traditional factory hubs in the North have followed suit. Georgia spent $400 million in 2006 to land Kia. In 2009, Michigan gave General Motors $779 million to build more cars there.
There's a reason those numbers are so eye-popping. As states hustle to attract industries, they end up competing against each other in a race to the bottom. The Vikings could demand hundreds of millions of dollars worth of subsidies because Minnesota's football fans were terrified the team might pick up and head west to Los Angeles. The Redskins could just hint that they might cross Potomac. And there are plenty of union-light Southern states waiting with open arms if Michigan doesn't sweeten the pot for GM.
It's the every-state-for-itself mentality when you see when Texas Governor Rick Perry tells people he's going "hunting" for companies in California.
Is there way to put the breaks on on this scramble? Probably not, even if it does enrich large, sophisticated corporations that can go shopping for freebies at the expense of taxpayers. There is a potential upside, in that it forces individual states to make themselves internationally competitive, rather than waiting for a federal initiative. Then again, many of the companies that benefit would likely be operating in the United States anyway. And ultimately, it should put the lie to the idea that anybody -- Republican or Democrat -- is content to sit back and let the free market do its will.
Otherwise, the Redskins wouldn't be getting millions for their practice fields.


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text:
Pablo Calvi
Pablo Calvi is an assistant professor at Stony Brook University School of Journalism.
Latin American Adventures in Literary Journalism
By Pablo Calvi
Latin American Adventures in Literary Journalism explores the central role of narrative journalism in the formation of national identities in Latin America, and the concomitant role the genre had in the consolidation of the idea of Latin America as a supra-national entity. This work discusses the impact that the form had in the creation of an original Latin American literature during six historical moments. Beginning in the 1840s and ending in the 1970s, Calvi connects the evolution of literary journalism with the consolidation of Latin America's literary sphere, the professional practice of journalism, the development of the modern mass media, and the establishment of nation-states in the region.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Engineering > Vol.2 No.5, May 2010
Microstructures and Properties of Recycled Composites – Particle Reinforced Iron Matrix Functionally Graded Materials Fabricated by Centrifugal Casting ()
Yanpei Song, Shuangxu Bi, Xiuqing Li
DOI: 10.4236/eng.2010.25047 PDF HTML 5,073 Downloads 9,051 Views Citations
Microstructures and properties of recycled composites ring parts containing cast tungsten carbide particles (CTCp) in a bainitic matrix fabricated from dead or waste composites roll rings by centrifugal casting after remelting treatment, have been tested using SEM, EDS and XRD analyses as well as mechanical property testers. The test results show that the CTCp surface were partially dissolved into the liquid iron at 1650 ºC during remelting. The undissolved CTCp in the Fe melt moved towards the outer region under the action of the centrifugal force during casting, which caused the formation of outer reinforced region and inner unreinforced region along the radial direction of the parts. SEM observation displays that the undissolved CTCp distribution in the outer region is even, and the volume fraction of them is increased with increasing rotational speed of the mold. Besides, mechanical tests of the parts show that the outer region exhibits superior hardness, and the inner region has sufficient impact toughness; the volume fraction of CTCP influences the mechanical properties. The dissolution-reprecipition of CTCP during centrifugal casting was also discussed.
Recycled Composites; Centrifugal Casting; Mechanical Properties; Microstructures
Y. Song, S. Bi and X. Li, "Microstructures and Properties of Recycled Composites – Particle Reinforced Iron Matrix Functionally Graded Materials Fabricated by Centrifugal Casting," Engineering, Vol. 2 No. 5, 2010, pp. 360-366. doi: 10.4236/eng.2010.25047.
[1] M. Pellizzari, D. Cescato and M. G. De Flora, "Hot Friction and Wear Behaviour of High Speed Steel and High Chromium Iron for Rolls," Wear, Vol. 267, 2009, pp. 467-475.
[2] R. K. Viswanadham and P. G. Lindquist, "Transformation- Toughening in Cemented Carbides: Part I. Binder Composition Control," Metallurgical and Materials Transactions A, Vol. 18A, 1987, pp. 2163-2173.
[3] B. Uhrenius, "Phase Diagrams as a Tool for Production and Development of Cemented Carbides and Steels," Powder Metallurgy, Vol. 35, No. 3, 1992, pp. 203-210.
[4] R. Cooper, S. A. Manktelow, F. Wong and L. E. Collins, "The Sintering Characteristics and Properties of Hard Metal with Ni-Cr Binders," Materials Science and Engineering A, Vol. A105-A106, 1988, pp. 269-273.
[5] Y. P. Song, H. Yu, J. G. He, "Elevated Temperature Sliding Wear Behavior of WCP-Reinforced Ferrous Matrix Composites," Journal of Matierals Science, Vol. 43, 2008, pp.7115-7120.
[6] Y. P. Song, H. Yu and X. M. Mao, "Wear Behavior of WCP/Fe-C Composites under High-Speed Dry Sliding," Journal of Materials Science, Vol. 43, No.8, 2008, pp. 2686-2692.
[7] "High-Speed Steel Sintered Hardmetals," Zhuzhou Hardmetal Works, Metallurgical Industry Press, 1982, pp. 86-92.
ENG Subscription


Sacyr announced yesterday that it will pay a scrip dividend, so that shareholders can choose between a cash payment of €0,052 per share or receive one new share for every 48 currently available. ACF analysts point out that this is the first ordinary dividend Sacyr has paid since 2011, when it made a one-off payment, and despite the fact it paid another extraordinary dividend in 2016 when it sold its Testa subsidiary.
The company has suspended dividend payments since 2009 and it has now gone back to paying an ordinary dividend via the scrip dividend system. This has been used by many other listed companies for years, amongst them other construction firms like ACS and Ferrovial.
The payment will be made on February 9, according to the calendar sent to the Stock Market Regulator (CNMV). Those who choose to be paid in shares will receive one new one for every 48 they already have. In order to meet this demand, Sacyr plans to issue a maximum of 11,10 million new shares which will start trading on the stock market on March 1.
Sacyr retoma ahora el pago de dividendos ordinarios sumándose al 'scrip dividend', el sistema que siguen otras muchas empresas cotizadas desde hace años, entre ellas las también constructoras ACS y Ferrovial.
The company has assured that this scrip dividend, along with the bonus issue it made last year, provides a 5% return for shareholders.
si bien en 2011 realizó un abono puntual y en 2016 repartió otro extraordinario con ocasión de la venta de Testa. Asimismo, la constructora retribuyó a los accionistas el pasado año a través de una ampliación de capital liberada.
For ACF, the payment of a dividend highlights the improvement in Sacyr's results due to the growth in the services and concessions areas. Also the reduction in the risk linked to its stake in Repsol.


text:
using Microsoft.VisualStudio.TestTools.UnitTesting;
using System;
using System.Collections.Generic;
using System.Linq;
using System.Text;
using System.Threading.Tasks;
using Sannel.HandBrakeRunner.Plugins;

using Sannel.HandBrakeRunner.Tests.Exposers;
using Sannel.Helpers;
namespace Sannel.HandBrakeRunner.Tests
{
	[TestClass]
	public class HandBrakeEncoderTests
	{
		[TestMethod]
		[TestCategory("HandBrakeEncoder")]
		public void GetFileExtTest()
		{
			HandBrakeEncoder encoder = new HandBrakeEncoder();
			TrackExposer track = new TrackExposer();

			AssertHelpers.ThrowsException<ArgumentNullException>(() => { encoder.GetFileExt(null); });

			var actual = encoder.GetFileExt(track);
			Assert.AreEqual(".mp4", actual, "HandBrakeEncoder did not return the correct default fileExtension");
			track.GetValues["FILENAME"] = "Test.m4v";
			actual = encoder.GetFileExt(track);
			Assert.AreEqual(".m4v", actual, "HandBrakeEncoder did not return the fileExtension of property FILENAME");
			track.GetValues["FILEEXT"] = ".mp3";
			actual = encoder.GetFileExt(track);
			Assert.AreEqual(".mp3", actual, "HandBrakeEncoder did not return the fileExtension of property FILEEXT");
			track.GetValues["HBFILEEXT"] = ".mkv";
			actual = encoder.GetFileExt(track);
			Assert.AreEqual(".mkv", actual, "HandBrakeEncoder did not return the fileExtension of property HBFILEEXT");

		}

		[TestMethod]
		[TestCategory("HandBrakeEncoder")]
		public void GenerateArguments()
		{
			HandBrakeEncoderExposer encoder = new HandBrakeEncoderExposer();
			TrackExposer track = new TrackExposer();
			String tmpFilePath = "/tmp/File01.mp4";

			AssertHelpers.ThrowsException<ArgumentNullException>(() => { encoder.GenerateArgumentsExposed(null, track); });
			AssertHelpers.ThrowsException<ArgumentNullException>(() => { encoder.GenerateArgumentsExposed(tmpFilePath, null); });

			var actual = encoder.GenerateArgumentsExposed(tmpFilePath, track);
			Assert.AreEqual("-o \"/tmp/File01.mp4\" ", actual);
			track.GetValues["HANDBRAKEOPTIONS"] = "-e x264 -q 20 -X 720 -a 1 -B 160 -R 48 -6 dpl2 -D 1.0 -2 -T -E faac --loose-anamorphic  -f mp4 --decomb -m -x b-adapt=2:rc-lookahead=50";

			actual = encoder.GenerateArgumentsExposed(tmpFilePath, track);
			Assert.AreEqual("-o \"/tmp/File01.mp4\" -e x264 -q 20 -X 720 -a 1 -B 160 -R 48 -6 dpl2 -D 1.0 -2 -T -E faac --loose-anamorphic  -f mp4 --decomb -m -x b-adapt=2:rc-lookahead=50", actual, "Unexpected arguments returned.");
			track.GetValues["TITLECHAPTER"] = "-t 1 -c 5-8";

			actual = encoder.GenerateArgumentsExposed(tmpFilePath, track);
			Assert.AreEqual("-t 1 -c 5-8 -o \"/tmp/File01.mp4\" -e x264 -q 20 -X 720 -a 1 -B 160 -R 48 -6 dpl2 -D 1.0 -2 -T -E faac --loose-anamorphic  -f mp4 --decomb -m -x b-adapt=2:rc-lookahead=50", actual);
			track.GetValues["INPUTPATH"] = "/dev/dvd";

			actual = encoder.GenerateArgumentsExposed(tmpFilePath, track);
			Assert.AreEqual("-i \"/dev/dvd\" -t 1 -c 5-8 -o \"/tmp/File01.mp4\" -e x264 -q 20 -X 720 -a 1 -B 160 -R 48 -6 dpl2 -D 1.0 -2 -T -E faac --loose-anamorphic  -f mp4 --decomb -m -x b-adapt=2:rc-lookahead=50", actual);
		}
	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
LifestyleTaste and See South Florida
5 fun things to do this weekend in the Palm Beaches and Treasure Coast (May 3 - May 6)
By: T.A. Walker
Taste and See reporter T.A. Walker has what's going on this weekend in South Florida.
The end of the season in South Florida culminates with one of the busiest weekends. From Cinco de Mayo to SunFest to the Kentucky Derby, there are plenty of activities to choose from.
1) SunFest - West Palm Beach
50 bands, four days, and three stages along the West Palm Beach Water Front. Featuring the best acts from rock, pop to rap and more such as Billy Idol, Pitbull, Nick Jonas, DNCE, 311, and more take the stage.
SunFest's Battle of the Band winner, Big Sounds Better (a local band), will be performing Sunday Night at 5 p.m. They stopped by our helipad last week to record one of their songs.
Thursday, May 3 from 5 p.m. - 10 p.m. - $49 at the gate.
Friday, May 4 from 5 p.m. - 11 p.m. - $49 at the gate.
Saturday, May 5 from noon - 11 p.m. - $54 at the gate.
Sunday, May 6 from Noon - 9 p.m. - $54 at the gate.
2) Something Rotten - West Palm Beach
Welcome to the '90s — the 1590s — long before the dawn of premium tickets, star casting and reminders to turn off your cell phones. Brothers Nick and Nigel Bottom are desperate to write a hit play but are stuck in the shadow of that Renaissance rock star known as "The Bard". When a local soothsayer foretells that the future of theatre involves singing, dancing and acting at the same time, Nick and Nigel set out to write the world's very first MUSICAL!
Why should you come see the show?
Becoming Nostradamus
Tickets start at $28 plus taxes and fees
Thursday, May 3 at 8 p.m.
Friday, May 4 at 8 p.m.
Saturday, May 5 at 2 p.m. and 8 p.m.
Sunday, May 6 at 2 p.m.
3) May The Fourth Deals (a.k.a. Star Wars Day)
Saturday, May 4 (like may the force be with you) is Star Wars day and a lot of businesses and restaurants have deals . Check them out from Legos to Denny's there is a deal for every Star Wars lover.
4) Cinco de Mayo
Lots of Mexican Independence Day celebrations around the Palm Beaches. Check out the best five places !
MORE FROM TASTE AND SEE: Two margarita recipes that will rock your world.
5) Kentucky Derby Watching Party - Palm Beach Gardens
All the TV's at The Cooper will be turned to WPTV NewsChannel 5 on Saturday as we air the Kentucky Derby (our coverage begins at 2:30 p.m.).
The Cooper is hosting a "Kentucky Derby Happy Hour" and has curated an appropriately themed menu including mint juleps, Derby Devil Eggs, and cornmeal fried green tomatoes.
Saturday, May 5 from 3 p.m. to 7 p.m.
The Cooper
4610 PGA Boulevard in PGA Commons.
Follow us: Facebook | Instagram | We're on Snapchat too!


text:
Q: Superposition of processes Considering the traffic on the road pictured in Figure 4.8.2, the following is known. The number of vehicles passing the point A in an hour follows the Poisson

distribution with mean 60; 20% of these vehicles are trucks. The number of vehicles passing B in an hour is also Poisson distributed with mean 80: 30% of these are trucks. In general, 10% of all vehicles stop at the restaurant. The number of persons in a truck is one; the number of passengers in a car is equal to 1, 2, 3, 4, or 5 with respective probabilities 0.30, 0.30, 0.20, 0.10, and 0.10.

Find the expected value E[Z] of the number of persons Z arriving at the restaurant within that one hour
Compute $E[\alpha^{Z}]$ for $\alpha \in [0, 1]$.

My attempt
Taking the superposition of the processes $N_T(t)$ and $N_c(t)$, then
$\delta_T = ((60)(0.2)+(0.8)(0.3))0.1 = 3.6$ trucks per hour
$\delta_c = ((60)(0.8)+(0.8)(0.7))0.1 = 10.4$ cars per hour
From here, we have $E(N_T(1))=3.6$ and
$E(paseengers\ \ cars) = 1(0.4)(0.3)+2(10.4)(0.3)+3(10.4)(0.2)+4(10.4)(0.1)+5(10.4)(0.1) = 24.96$
Then, $E(Z)=28.56$. Is it correct?
Coud someone can helo for $b)$, I really can understand how to compute $E(\alpha^Z)$ for $\alpha \in [0,1]$
Thanks for your time and help.

A: Question 1
Note: I admit that my way of resolving this question may not necessarily be standard. But it is just to check the validity of OP's results.
Well, first things first. Let's calculate the average number of people coming from a vehicle coming from each lane. We'll call $C$ the random variable containing the number of passengers coming out of a vehicle at the restaurant.

*

*When $k = 1$ we have both trucks and cars to consider. In that case, we have $P(C=1 \cap A) = 0.2 + 0.8 \times 0.3 = 0.44$ and $P(C=1 \cap B) = 0.3 + 0.7 \times 0.3 = 0.51$.

*When $k \geq 2$ we have only cars to consider. In that case, and only for $k = 2$ we have $P(C=2 \cap A) = 0.8 \times 0.3 = 0.24$ and $P(C=1 \cap B) = 0.7 \times 0.3 = 0.21$. I'll leave the rest of calculations to you.
So, we can now calculate $E[C\cap A]$ and $E[C\cap B]$. I'll leave the detail to you, but $E[C\cap A] = 2.12$ and $E[C\cap B] = 1.98$.
So, now that we've got that, we can say that the average number of people getting out of the vehicle when it comes from $A$ is 0.212 (Because of the 10% probability that the vehicle stops at the restaurant in the first place) and 0.198 for $B$.
But that's for one vehicle. In one hour, we've got on average 60 vehicles coming from $A$ and 80 from $B$. So, in that hour, that means that, on average, $60 \times 0.212 = 12.72 $ people will come from $A$ to the restaurant and $80 \times 0.198 = 15.84$ will come from $B$ to the restaurant.
Knowing vehicles can't come from another direction, it means that, on average, the restaurant will receive $12.72 + 15.84 = 28.56$ people.
My process is different, but it's still the same.
Question 2
The transfer theorem indicates that $ E[\alpha^Z] = \sum_{k = 0}^{\infty} \alpha^k P(Z=k)$. The most straightforward way to compute this sum would be to find a simple way to express $P(Z=k)$, and to bring ourselves to an expression that can be reduced.
I'll keep digging at this question.


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text:
Miyazawa Is Just Right
"I love Miyazawa because when you find 'the one' that is just right for you, you and everyone around you knows it! My Elite heavy-wall with platinum riser feels so great to play on. It has plenty of resistance, allowing me to achieve a wide variety of colors and dynamics. With such a wonderful sound in all three registers, the incredibly smooth and solid mechanism is a bonus, and I was really blown away. Every day, I am able to play and discover something new to love about this flute. I tried so many brands when looking for my new flute, and I'm such a fan of Miyazawa that this new flute happens to be the second Miyazawa I've purchased!"
ERIC MAUL | EMERGING ARTIST
Areon Flutes
We had the opportunity to ask Areon a few questions. Take a look at their thoughts on preparing for competitions, how to market yourself, as well as advice for upcoming flutists.
1. How did you all meet and how did Areon form?
The members of Areon met at different times in their flute careers. Jill and Kassey met at UC Santa Barbara in 2001 while Kassey was pursuing her graduate degree and Jill was pursuing her undergraduate degree. Kassey and Amelia were introduced to each other through Jill Felber during the summer of 2002. Soon afterwards, Kassey and Amelia began working together on numerous chamber music projects and decided to form their own group in 2005. Areon finally became a solid group when Jill joined in 2006.
2. Where did the unique ideas of the summer institute, chamber music institute and the chamber competitions come from? How did you learn how to market it and yourselves so well since those skills are rarely taught in college?
Areon began as a non-profit organization and several educational programs were developed to implement our mission statement. Part of Areon's mission is to make flute chamber music an equal voice in the chamber music world leaving a new, diversified chamber music legacy. The Areon Summer Flute Institute is an extension of the week-long summer masterclass sessions that various other artists do. However, we thought it would be more beneficial to include younger students for exposure to in-depth technique, ensemble playing skills, music theory and music history instead of the basic masterclass format. The Areon Chamber Music Institute is an idea that developed as a way for us to share our passion for chamber music with future generations of flutists. The Areon Chamber Music Competition has two divisions: Performance and Composition. Both of these competitions are a way for us to help create opportunities for flute chamber music to flourish now and for the next generation. The new compositions generated from our competition greatly enhance the small body of good literature that is currently available.
In terms of marketing we spent a lot of time on developing our image as a group, and all of our marketing materials reflect who we are. Everything else just falls into place.
3. Who or what has been your greatest influence?
We all love non-classical music and want to be as in touch as possible with today's audiences, so we're constantly looking for ways to satisfy our goals as a group while appealing to a wider audience. This is why we are always commissioning and continue to hold our annual composition competition–we take pride in staying fresh. Our last album (released May 2012) includes lots of electronic beats, as well as a pop remix, mixed in with extended technique atonal pieces. Our past teachers, particularly Jill Felber and Claudia Anderson (both Miyazawa artists), have been endlessly inspirational and supportive from our outset. Their careers and professionalism showed us that we could also pursue our dreams of being a successful, unique, boundary-pushing chamber music group.
4. What does a typical practice session look like for each of you?
For individual practice, we spend a lot of time with warmup and technique exercises, like Moyse Daily Exercises and Taffanel + Gaubert. We collectively feel that if you feel in shape in general, you can play almost anything with greater ease.
5. Do you have any projects/goals you are currently working on?
We have so many exciting events and performances coming up, including performances at the Switchboard Music Festival in San Francisco in March and at the Texas Summer Flute Symposium in June. Additionally, we'll be holding our annual Summer Institute this July, and we are looking forward to a world-premiere performance of last year's composition competition winner at the NFA Convention in New Orleans. We absolutely love recording, and will most likely start planning our next album very soon.
6. What keeps each of you busy outside of Areon?
Kassey has a baby daughter (9 months) and Amelia has two young ones, age 7 and 3, who keep them on their toes! Jill is in a nationally touring rock band. All three have full private studios in the San Jose area.
7. What is the most important thing for the students at your summer institute to walk away having learned and/or experienced?
We seek to offer students a very motivational experience: students' comments typically include how much they grew as a musician in a single week. We want students to understand, be exposed to, and come away inspired by the full capability of our awesome instrument. Additionally, our Institute emphasizes chamber music skills and each student performs with a chamber group at the end of the week. Often the Institute ends up being either students' first and/or only experience with chamber music and we want students to know how fun and gratifying it is!
8. You recently won the Bronze medal in the FISCHOFF National Chamber Music Competition, (the first flute group to even advance to the finals.) How did you prepare for this and how do you recommend preparing for competitions in general?
We don't all live in the same city, so we met in different locations for bi-monthly rehearsals. For every big concert and competition that we perform in, we always decide on a set warm-up schedule that we all do together and separately. Before our preliminary recording for the Fischoff Competition, we decided to perform the competition music in several different venues as a way to work out any final issues. We also wanted to "practice" the actual performance so that we knew how it would feel with the added energy, adrenaline and nerves that are only found in live performance. In addition to the music, we always decide our fashion and staging based upon our repertoire. We work together to plan out almost every detail of our daily regime including everything from the pre-performance foods that we eat, our daily time schedule, and our hair and make-up routines. We always have an emotional check-in so that we can be on the same wave-length for the performance.
9. How did you all come to choose Miyazawa as your flute of choice?
Collectively we have been playing on the Miyazawa flute for 50 years! We love our Miyazawa flutes because they allow us to portray every color and expression imaginable. As an ensemble we can match and blend our tones EFFORTLESSLY. The mechanical craftsmanship is amazingly consistent!
10. If you had one piece of advice to give an upcoming flutist, what would you tell them?
Follow your dreams with hard work and conviction! Perform as much and as often as you can.
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Spinal fusion, also called arthrodesis, is a procedure that joins two vertebrae in the neck or back, in order to permanently stop movement between them. A spinal fusion may be recommended to relieve pain and improve function in the back or neck.
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Why luxury retailers are tapping into streetwear
Streetwear was originally designed for doing stuff: skating, galavanting all day with friends or the last-minute decision to go surfing. But with "luxury" tweaks that streetwear retailers see in collaborations nowadays, it has led to something far beyond that. Retail Gazette takes a look.
Sahar Nazir
If you've only just heard of Supreme and Palace, you might think they're 20-something-year-old skate and surf retailers, but these brands are much more than that.
Streetwear is no contemporary movement. Rooted in skate, surf and hip-hop cultures since the late 20th century, it's paved the way to an underground market of logo-mania activewear, constituting the "sneakerhead" and "hypebeast" subcultures.
These personas are some of the few reasons streetwear retailers are experiencing high demand as it's no longer aimed at an economical fan base. In fact, its rise to popularity is accredited to its high prices and extravagant status.
In recent years, luxury retailers have partnered up with streetwear brands to tap into a younger consumer base and to experiment with different styles.
"Collaborations between luxury and street also create excitement," Conran Design Group chief executive Thom Newton told Retail Gazette.
"They are inherently creative and challenge both brands to consider their limits. Co-branding creates unique, rare and, therefore, highly desirable products that create demand and even hysteria in some devotees.
"Streetwear is deliberately 'hard-to-get' in order to create scarcity and exclusivity and this is where luxury also lives, so there's a natural fit."
Newton added that consumers, including millennials, are happy to trade up and down from mid-market price points, allowing them to buy "absolute" luxury items alongside cheaper ones.
Jade Tomlin, creative director of business consultancy Tribal Worldwide London, pointed to Louis Vuitton's partnership with Supreme in 2017 as an example of this.
"[The collaboration] saw over 2000 shoppers flock to the London store on launch day and so success came in two waves: not only was brand awareness increased, but its audience dramatically diversified," she told Retail Gazette.
"By broadening into the streetwear market, luxury brands are able to remain relevant to a growing, younger market of buyers."
Evidence of the huge global success of Louis Vuitton's collaboration with Supreme was seen in a 2017 trading update from the former's parent company LVMH, when it reported a 21 per cent year-on-year revenue growth for "fashion and leather goods".
In addition, pop culture icons such as Madonna, Lady Gaga and Justin Bieber were all spotted wearing Louis Vuitton and Supreme's pieces, which inevitably drove further sales for the collaboration.
Since then, various other high-profile collaborations between luxury and streetwear brands have emerged, such as Ralph Lauren's partnership with Palace, and Fendi with Fila. But what else are these luxury retailers achieving from the collaborations besides a growing number of young fans?
According to Megan Rowlands from retail design agency Sheridan & Co, it allows them to reflect diversity within the industry as it is now "essential to all brands in keeping relevant".
"Furthermore, unexpected collaborations create attention and short term, limited availability helps to increase market demand," she told Retail Gazette.
One totally unexpected collaboration was Ralph Lauren and Palace, mainly because the latter as a streetwear brand has only ever done one partnership previously – with Adidas.
One can argue that collaborations give luxury retailers an edge. An opportunity to represent and create styles which expand the retailers' proficiency would consequently gain them a larger share of the market.
Newton believes these collaborations mean luxury retailers can "represent what's new, as well as representing high quality and exclusivity".
"Rather than watching and modifying styles from emerging designers, in collaboration, luxury retailers can part-own new styles and bring them to market themselves," he said.
The power of social media and the way it is widely used by the younger generation is another aspect of the collaborations that cannot be ignored. Fashion retailers often promote products via their millions of followers on Instagram, or pay high-profile celebrity influencers to promote it on their behalf.
"What constitutes 'luxury' has changed significantly since the advent of social media," Joanna Lowry, a strategist from retail and brand consultancy Fitch, told Retail Gazette.
"For luxury retailers, it's now about more than just tapping the cultural zeitgeist.
"Streetwear collaborations are a tactical way of driving footfall to stores and creating cult scarcity around products.
"Clever collaborations repeatedly generate hype on release day (when the product 'drops') with the added bonus of high resale value. That's in addition to generating a huge amount of social media buzz."
Tomlin also commented that social media played a huge role in the way collaborations were perceived.
"In the last few years we have also seen a cultural shift, where the importance of individual style trumps the prestige of a label," she said.
"Affluent, digital-savvy millennials are thinking differently about the way they consume fashion; they want to make a statement that's conscious, unique, and, not-least, social media worthy."
Besides collaborations, luxury retailers have also introduced own-brand streetwear designs in an attempt to tap into the younger consumer base.
Gucci is a prime example of this. Its chief executive Marco Bizzarri recently told Quartz that he regularly meets with a shadow committee that consists of employees who are under 30 as part of a strategy to give millennials a voice in the luxury fashion house.
Subsequently, Gucci released a limited edition streetwear-influenced New York Yankees range which was a success among its growing millennial consumers.
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In the era of the #MeToo movement, the new indie feature film "Spin The Plate" showcases a young woman searching to heal her сердце while seeking justice.
Becki has appeared on the big screen in David O. Russell's "American Hustle" and Seth MacFarlane's comedy, "Ted 2"; as well as on Телевидение shows such as "This Is Us," "Fresh Off the Boat," "Jane the Virgin," "Speechless," "GLOW," "How to Get Away with Murder," "Shameless," "I'm Sorry," Life in Pieces," "Pretty Little Liars," "The Fosters," "Pure Genius" and "The Young and the Restless."
BD: That I would be honored to serve this subject matter and the survivors of sexual abuse by telling their stories.
Did Ты do anything special to prepare for the role of Jo?
What would Ты consider Jo's 'best' quality? And their 'worst'?
BD: Jo is a hero. She saves vulnerable people and Животные from harm, and doesn't do it for any attention или recognition. In the beginning of the story, she comes off cold and mean until the audience gets to know why she is the way that she is. I suppose her tough exterior would be her worst quality, although I empathize with her and the walls that she puts up based on her past experiences with people.
Any interesting stories from the set Ты can share with us?
BD: To not underestimate myself and my abilities. This project took me into untapped Актёрское искусство territory and I surprised myself with how far I could go. To those Чтение I would say – don't let others put Ты in box in terms of what Ты can and cannot accomplish. Ты are capable of much еще than Ты could ever imagine.
BD: I loved Дисней Фильмы when I was a kid, such as "Beauty and the Beast," "Aladdin," "Lion King," and "The Little Mermaid." I also loved "Dirty Dancing," but most of it went over my head; I think I just liked the dancing.
BD: I almost quit Актёрское искусство 5 years ago. I'm so glad I didn't. I've had so many great roles and experiences since reversing that decision, and I know that there is so much еще to come. I'm now living my dream.
'Wall улица, уличный 2: Money Never Sleeps' Trailer is Out!


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