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Assodesire
African Politics
African Politics & Institutions: How Change Happens…
Désiré Assogbavi
Opinions expressed on this blog are unequivocally personal! Current and previous employers not to be quoted under any circumstance. This blog is a civic initiative to share information, updates, analysis, and perspectives on African politics in general, the African Union, its various organs and their functioning, policies & politics. The ultimate goal of this platform is to encourage citizens' participation in the decision-making process of the continental body but also in the implementation of those decisions at the national level. The blog also touches other regional bodies such as the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) considered as the building blocs of the African Union within the continental integration process as well as other Regional Mechanisms within the continent. ======= Jurist, Advocate, and international development strategist, I have over 20 years of progressive and cross-cutting experience in policy analysis, diplomacy, high-level representation, strategic leadership, management, and programming at national, regional, and global levels. My thematic expertise includes international law and administrative sciences, various dimensions of human rights, governance, peace & security, and humanitarian policies. Expert on African politics and development issues I have advanced knowledge on multilateral institutions especially the African Union and its Regional Economic Communities and the United Nations System. I am currently the Francophone Africa Director of the ONE Campaign based in Dakar, Senegal. I was the Representative of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) to the African Union & the UNECA, and the Director of the Fund's Liaison Office in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia from 2017 to 2019 where I worked on population and development issues in relation with the United Nations' Global Agenda for Sustainable Development and the African Union's Agenda 2063 with a specific focus on the youth, demographic dividend, gender justice & the empowerment of women and girls. I was the founding Head of the Oxfam International Liaison Office and Resident Representative to the African Union from 2009 until 2017, then briefly headed Plan International Pan Africa Office before joining UNFPA. Previously, I served in Oxfam Great Britain for four years as a Senior Policy Analyst (2006–2009). Before joining Oxfam I coordinated the Africa Team of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court, a project of the World Federalist Movement–Institute for Global Policy in New York from 2001 to 2006. From 1997 to 2001, elected by the Parliament of Togo, I served in both the National Human Rights Commission and the Inter-Ministerial Commission for the Implementation of International Humanitarian Law as Commissioner. During the same period I produced and presented juridical & civic education programs on the National Radio of Togo and was appointed in 1997 as Head of the Civic Education Department (Ministry of Communication). My civic education & legal radio programmes reached more than 2 Million listeners daily for 4 years. I have also worked for four years as a researcher with the Nobel Prize winner the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) and have contributed to the publication of four global annual reports of the Landmine Monitor. I have been appointed Member of the Netherlands Government's Knowledge Platform on Inclusive Development Policies for four years from 2014 to 2018. I published and presented more than 80 articles and papers on various issues including international humanitarian law, international justice, civil service, governance, the African Union, and African politics and, I led the drafting team of the first-reference manual on the African Union: "African Union Compendium". I studied international law, administrative sciences, human rights, and management in Togo, France, Canada, and Austria. I speak French and English. Contact: Desire.Assogbavi@Assodesire.com or Desire.Assogbavi@gmail.com LinkedIn profile: https://www.linkedin.com/in/desireassogbavi Blog: https://assodesire.com Twitter: https://twitter.com/assodesire
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4 Comments Posted on July 4, 2018 July 7, 2018 #31stAUSummit, african union, AU Summit, Conflicts, Western Sahara
10 Takeaways from the African Union Summit – July 2018
The 31st Summit of Heads of State of the African Union held in Nouakchott Mauritania is now over. The Summit was held under the AU annual theme: "Winning the Fight Against Corruption: A Sustainable Path to Africa's Transformation."
Decisions of the Summit are not yet publicly available but, as usual, I would like to share with you, the following unofficial summary of the key outcomes of the Summit.
Over the next following weeks, I will be sharing deeper personal analysis on some of the issues discussed in Nouakchott and on the AU agenda.
The Summit meetings were held as follows:
Permanent Representative Committee (Ambassadors): 25th – 26th June
Executive Council (Ministers of Foreign Affairs): 28th – 29th June
Assembly (Heads of State and Government): 1st – 2nd July
The Summit was overshadowed by peace and security issues including the security incidents in the Sahel; the multiple deadly attacks that happened in Mali and Niger while the Summit taking place. The state of peace and security in the continent was largely discussed by the Assembly including the situation in DRC, CAR, Burundi, Libya, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa etc. The Peace and Security Council of the AU met at the level of Heads of State in Nouakchott to discuss the situation in South Sudan. See Communique here.
10 Key Takeaways from the Summit:
African Union Reform: There were no substantial progress in Nouakchott on the institutional reform of the African Union. Some disagreements among member States on President Kagame's proposal remain. For example, there is still no consensus among all Member States on the application of 0,2% levy on eligible importations in order to fund the Union, the mode of designation/appointment of commissioners, power dynamics within the institution, the scope of intervention of the AU and the division of labor between the continental body and the Regional Economic Communities (RECs). After all, it seems like not all member states have the same view on how to get a strong, autonomous and effective African Union to drive our development and integration ambitions. An extraordinary Summit will be held on 17 & 18 November this year to focus on the reform agenda.
The Continental Free Trade Area: Significant progress recorded including the adoption of the five services priority sectors (Transport, communication, financial, tourism and business services). 5 additional countries joined the AfCFTA including one of the biggests economies of the continent: South Africa. The other new signatories are Burundi, Sierra Leone, Lesotho, and Namibia. Now 49 countries in total have signed the AfCFTA and 6 have ratified it. 16 more ratifications are needed for the treaty to enter into force. If all 55 AU members join the treaty, it will create a bloc with a cumulative GDP of $2.5 trillion and cover a market of 1.2 billion people. In terms of numbers of participating countries, AfCFTA will be the world's largest free trade area since the formation of the World Trade Organization. You can get insightful information on the AfCFTA here.
Western Sahara Conflict: AUC Chairperson presented a comprehensive report and proposed a mechanism to move ahead on the issue. While calling for the Polisario Front and Morocco to resume negotiations, without preconditions and in good faith, the Summit adopted the mechanism including the setting up of a Troika of 3 Heads of State: the current Chair of the Union (President Paul Kagame), the immediate past Chair (President Alpha Conde) and the incoming Chair (President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi) to be supported by the Chairperson of the AU Commission. The mission of the Troika will be to provide efficient support to the United Nations-led process (not to replace it) to resolve the conflict. The objective is the resumption of negotiations between the stakeholders to reach a just, lasting and mutually acceptable solution, which allows the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. In addition, the Chairperson of the AUC is to reactivate the AU Office to the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara in Laayoune. The Summit decided that the issue of Western Sahara can now only be raised within this framework and at this level.
Future of ACP/EU Cotonou Agreement post-2020: Professor Carlos Lopes, Former Executive Secretary of the UNECA is appointed as the African Union High Representative to support Member States in the negotiation of the new agreement with the EU Post-2020. Ministers of Foreign Affairs and those in charge of the negotiation will meet by September to consolidate the African Common Position.
2019 Budget of the Union: There are important progress toward ownership and budgetary process but the Union's programs will still be largely funded by external donors in 2019. Total budget: $ 681 485 337 (about 12% less than the 2018 budget)
Operating budget: $ 416,329,505 including AMISOM operational budget ($ 243,430,467)
Program budget: US $ 265,155,832
The 2019 budget will be financed as follow: $ 280,045,761 by AU Member States and $ 401,439,575 by external partners.
Francophonie: Both Ministers of Foreign Affairs and the Assembly of Heads of State endorsed the candidacy of Rwanda's Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo to the post of Secretary General of "La Francophonie"; the Organization of French Speaking countries (OIF).
Migration: Proposed by the King Mohammed VI of Morocco, AU Leader on Migration, the Summit decided to create an African Observatory for Migration and Development (OAMD) to be based in the Rabat, Morocco. Several delegations and personalities including the Chairperson of the African Union Commission publicly spoke against the recent proposal of the European Union to create a Regional disembarkation platforms to be located outside of Europe for migrants recused in international waters. In addition, the Peace and Security Council met to discuss the migration situation in the continent. See the Communique here.
Sahel: the United Nations launched a revitalized strategic plan at the sidelines of the Summit entitled "Sahel, Land of Opportunities". The plan targets 10 countries and six key areas including growth inclusive of empowerment of women and youth, cross border security and sustaining peace. The targeted countries, namely Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Chad, Senegal, the Gambia, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Nigeria and Cameroon will have continued support for ongoing efforts by governmental, non-governmental, national and regional bodies. 65 per cent of the region's population is below 25 years of age, the plan then urges specific investments in education and vocational training to achieve higher demographic dividend.
Fighting Corruption: Recognizing that Africa's development plans including the Agenda 2063 would be seriously impeded without rigorous measures against corruption, AU Heads of State have reached a consensus on establishing a monitoring mechanism to fight against domestic and cross-border corruption through cooperation.
In a solemn declaration, Heads of State decided to combat Illicit Financial Flows through various practical measures including the establishment of effective ownership registers, country-by-country reporting of financial information, exchange of tax information agreements, mutual support in reinforcing tax authorities etc. Several leaders spoke strongly against corruption and proposed courageous reform to combat it in the public, and private sectors. For example, President Buhari of Nigeria, the AU Leader on the fight against corruption said: "We must all collectively work to place high on the agenda the need for open and participatory government, as well as the repatriation of stolen assets without procedural technicalities and legal obstacles." The Gambian President Adama Barrow said: ''our successes in the fight against corruption will ensure that resources are retained and used to support structural transformations and expansion of our economies…we cannot afford resource wastages through corruption thereby depriving our citizens the opportunities to improve their living standards"
Attendance: The Summit has been poorly attended at high level. Only about half of the 55 African Heads of state made it to Nouakchott. Absentee Presidents include Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya, Abdel Fattah Sissi of Egypt, Patrice Talon of Benin, João Lourenço of Angola, José Mario Vaz of Guinea Bissau, Alassane Ouattara of Cote d'Ivoire, King Mohammed VI of Morocco etc.
First participation in the Summit: Presidents Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa and Julius Maada Bio of Sierra Leone. French President Emmanuel Macron made an exceptional appearance in the margins of the Summit to have side discussions with African leaders on the G5 Sahel initiative and other peace and security issues.
Prospects for the year 2019: Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi will be the Chairperson of the African Union for 2019 and the theme of the year will be Refugees, Returnees and IDPs in Africa: towards durable solutions to forced displacement. 2019 will mark the 50th anniversary of the adoption of the 1969 OAU Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa (OAU Convention) as well as the 10th anniversary of the adoption of the 2009 AU Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention). The Assembly decision at its 29th Assembly in July 2017 mandates the AU Commission to work with UNHCR and other partners to organize a series of commemorative events aimed at raising the visibility and provide thoughts for solutions of forced displacement in Africa. A series of events aimed at increasing ratification and domestication of the two key documents are being planned under the Project 2019, a joint AU-UNHCR initiative.
In line with the ongoing reform of the African Union, the just-finished Summit was expected to be the last mid-year Summit. From 2019 onward, there will only be one (1) ordinary Summit per year. The Union will rather host a mid-year coordination Session with the Regional Economic Communities. The first will be held in Niamey, Niger end June 2019.
The 32nd Ordinary Session of the Assembly will be held on the 10th & 11th February 2019 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
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2 Comments Posted on January 31, 2017 February 2, 2017 28th AU Summit, Africa, african union, Conflicts, Western Sahara
Key Decisions of the AU Summit
(Non-official Summary)
The 28th African Union (AU) summit held in Addis Ababa on 30-31st January was a historical one given the landmark decisions adopted, including the admission of Morocco into the Union and a deep reform of the continental body. The summit also renewed the leadership of the AUC and took steps towards financial independence of the Union. Albeit the lack of strong country/context related decisions on Peace and Security issues, the Assembly adopted the Master Plan towards Silencing the Guns by 2020. Finally, the summit adopted the so called 'collective withdrawal strategy', a misnomer of a document which provides member states with a roadmap for eventual individual withdrawal from the ICC in case AU's claims and proposals regarding the court and some of its on-going operations are not taken in consideration.
The Summit;
Took note of the recommendations for the proposed reforms to further strengthen the African Union, in the following five areas: a) Focus on key priorities with continental scope; b) Realign African Union institutions in order to deliver against those priorities; c) Connect the African Union to its citizens; d) Manage the business of the African Union efficiently and effectively at both the political and operational levels; e) Finance the African Union sustainably and with the full ownership of the Member States.
Decided to adopt the recommendations in the Report as amended by Member States during the Retreat's deliberations (see below)
Mandated President Paul Kagame, in his capacity as the lead on the institutional reform of the Union, in collaboration with President Idriss Deby Itno, of Chad in his capacity as the outgoing Chairperson and President Alpha Conde, of the Republic of Guinea in his capacity as the current Chairperson, to supervise the implementation process;
The Incoming Commission elected at the January 2017 Summit shall put in place a Reform Implementation Unit at the AU Commission, within the Bureau of the Chairperson, responsible for the day-to-day coordination and implementation of this decision;
The Incoming Commission shall also make recommendations on a mechanism to ensure that legally binding decisions and commitments are implemented by Member States;
President Paul Kagame shall report at each Ordinary Session of the Assembly on progress made with the implementation of this decision.
Focus on key priorities with continental scope:
i) The African Union should focus on a fewer number of priority areas, which are by nature continental in scope, such as political affairs, peace and security, economic integration (including the Continental Free Trade Area), and Africa's global representation and voice;
ii) There should be a clear division of labour and effective collaboration between the African Union, the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), the Regional Mechanisms (RMs), the Member States, and other continental institutions, in line with the principle of subsidiarity.
Realigning African Union institutions in order to deliver against those priorities
i) The Commission should initiate, without delay, a professional audit of bureaucratic bottlenecks and inefficiencies that impede service delivery and the recommendations therein;
ii) The Commission's structures should be re-evaluated to ensure that they have the right size and capabilities to deliver on the agreed priorities;
iii) The Commission's senior leadership team should be lean and performance-oriented;
iv) NEPAD should be fully integrated into the Commission as the African Union's development agency, aligned with the agreed priorities and underpinned by an enhanced results-monitoring framework;
v) The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) should be strengthened to track implementation and oversee monitoring and evaluation in key governance areas of the continent;
vi) The roles and functions of the African Union judicial organs and the Pan-African Parliament should be reviewed and clarified, and their progress to date assessed;
vii) The Peace and Security Council (PSC) should be reformed to ensure that it meets the ambition foreseen in its Protocol, by strengthening its working methods and its role in conflict prevention and crisis management;
viii) The Permanent Representatives Committee's (PRC) Rules of Procedures should be reviewed and be in line with the mandate provided for in the Constitutive Act of the African Union. The PRC should facilitate communication between the African Union and national capitals, and act as an advisory body to the Executive Council, and not as a supervisory body of the Commission.
Connecting the African Union to its citizens
i) The Commission should establish women and youth quotas across its institutions and identify appropriate ways and means to ensure the private sector's participation;
ii) The Commission should establish an African Youth Corps, as well as develop programs to facilitate cultural and sports exchange among Member States;
iii) Member States should make the African passport available to all eligible citizens as quickly as possible, in line with the Assembly decision Assembly/AU/Dec.607 (XXVII) adopted in Kigali, Rwanda in July 2016
iv) The Commission should identify and provide a set of new capabilities or 'assets' in the form of common continent-wide public goods and services valued by Member States and citizens. Such services could include the provision of neutral arbitration and competition services, or a common technical platform for the data and analysis needed to assess Africa's progress toward its development goals;
v) Member States should engage their Parliaments and citizens, including civil society, on the African Union reform process.
Managing the business of the African Union efficiently and Effectively, at both political and operational levels
Political management of the Union
i) The African Union Assembly shall handle an agenda of no more than three (3) strategic items at each Summit, in line with the Me'kelle Ministerial Retreat recommendations. Other appropriate business should be delegated to the Executive Council
ii) The Assembly shall hold one Ordinary Summit per year, and shall hold extraordinary sessions as the need arise
iii) In place of the June/July Summit, the Bureau of the African Union Assembly should hold a coordination meeting with Regional Economic Communities, with the participation of the Chairpersons of the Regional Economic Communities, the AU Commission and Regional Mechanisms. Ahead of this meeting, the AU Commission shall play a more active coordination and harmonisation role with the Regional Economic Communities, in line with the Abuja Treaty;
iv) External parties shall only be invited to Summits on an exceptional basis and for a specific purpose determined by in the interests of the African Union;
v) Partnership Summits convened by external parties should be reviewed with a view to providing an effective framework for African Union Africa should be represented by the Troika, namely the current, incoming and outgoing Chairpersons of the African Union, the Chairperson of the AU Commission, and the Chairpersons of the Regional Economic Communities;
vi) To ensure continuity and effective implementation of Assembly decisions, a troika arrangement between the outgoing, the current, and the incoming African Union Chairpersons should be established. In this regard, the incoming chairperson shall be selected one year in advance;
vii) Heads of State shall be represented at Summits by officials not lower than the level of Vice President, Prime Minister or equivalent;
viii) The current sanctions mechanism should be strengthened and enforced. This would include consideration of making participation in the African Union deliberations contingent on adherence to Summit decisions.
Operational management of the Union
i) The election of the Chairperson of the AU Commission should be enhanced by a robust, merit-based, and transparent selection process;
ii) The Deputy Chairperson and Commissioners should be competitively recruited in line with best practice and appointed by the Chairperson of the Commission, to whom they should be directly accountable, taking into account gender and regional diversity, amongst other relevant considerations;
iii) The Deputy Chairperson role should be reframed to be responsible for the efficient and effective functioning of the Commission's administration;
iv) The title of Chairperson and Deputy Chairperson may also be reconsidered;
v) A fundamental review of the structure and staffing needs of the organisation, as well as conditions of service, should be undertaken to ensure alignment with agreed priority areas.
Adopted the ICC Withdrawal Strategy and called on member states to consider implementing its recommendations… But many countries entered reservations to the text.
Requested the Group of African States Parties in New York in collaboration with AU Commission to actively participate in the deliberations of the Working Group on Amendments to ensure that African proposals are adequately considered and addressed;
ADMISSION OF MOROCCO
Welcomed the request from the Kingdom of Morocco as it provides the opportunity to reunite the African community of states around the Pan-African core values of the Founders of solidarity, unity, freedom and equality, in accordance with the Principles and Objectives of the Constitutive Act. This will strengthen the ability of the African Union to find African solutions to African problems;
Decided to admit the Kingdom of Morocco as a new Member State of the African Union in conformity with Article 9(c) and Article 29 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union;
Requested Morocco to deposit their instrument of accession to the Constitutive Act of the African Union.
Noted with deep concerns the continued impasse in the search for a solution to the conflict in and underlined the urgent need for renewed international efforts to facilitate an early resolution of the conflict. In this respect, the Assembly called again to the UN General Assembly to determine a date for the holding of the self-determination referendum for the people of Western Sahara and protect the integrity of the Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory from any act which may undermine it.
Urged the UN Security Council to fully assume its responsibilities in restoring the full functionality of United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), as it is indispensable for overseeing the ceasefire and organizing the self-determination referendum in Western Sahara, as well as in addressing the issues of the respect of human rights and the illegal exploration and exploitation of the Territory's natural resources, particularly in line with the important judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union issued on 21 December 2016, on the arrangement between the EU and Morocco signed in 2012, on the mutual liberalization of the trade in agricultural and fishing products.
Emphasized the need for all AU Member States, in particular the PSC, to give more focus on conflict prevention, early warning and early response, in order to prevent, for future, occurrence of full blown conflicts in the continent.
Endorsed the African Union Master Roadmap of Practical Steps to Silence the Guns in Africa by year 2020, as a guideline for Africa's efforts to this end.
Directed the PSC to establish a monitoring and evaluation mechanism on the basis of which the Assembly will periodically review progress in the implementation of the Master Roadmap;
FINANCING THE AFRICAN UNION
i) The Committee of Ten Finance Ministers should assume responsibility for oversight of the African Union budget and Reserve Fund and develop a set of 'golden rules', establishing clear financial management and accountability principles;
ii) After funding of the budget of the African Union and the Peace Fund, the balance of the proceeds of the 0.2% AU levy on eligible imports, the Committee of Ten Finance Ministers should look into placing surplus in a Reserve Fund for continental priorities as decided by the Assembly;
iv) The current scale of contributions should be revised based on the principles of ability to pay, solidarity, and equitable burden-sharing, to avoid risk concentration.
ELECTION AT THE LEADERSHIP OF THE UNION –
AU Chairperson for 2017: H.E. President Alpha Conde – Guinea
Credit photo and draft decisions: African Union Commission
1 Comment Posted on December 27, 2016 January 4, 2017 Africa, African Politics, african union, Civic Space, Conflicts, Western Sahara
Perspectives pour l'Afrique en 2017:
English version here : https://assodesire.com/2016/12/27/africa-in-2017-opportunities-and-challenges/
Nous venons d'entrer dans l'Année 2017. Elle se présente à l'Afrique avec un cortège d'incertitudes mais elle porte aussi en elle des semences d'espoir…
Comme je le fais au début de chaque année j'aimerais partager ici avec vous des réflexions personnelles sur les défis et opportunités majeurs auxquels notre continent, ses institutions, ses filles et fils pourront faire face en 2017 et bien sûr au-delà.
En 2017 et au cours des années à suivre l'inégalité, les conflits et l'insécurité, la jeunesse et l'emploi, la migration, la démocratie électorale, l'espace civique, la libre circulation des personnes, la chine, la nouvelle politique américaine etc. seront des sujets qui occuperont le débat politique et la vie quotidienne des Africains. L'Afrique attendra beaucoup des promesses faites par l'Union Africaine avec son nouveau leadership et une structure améliorée mais les communautés économiques régionales auront de plus en plus de responsabilités dans la gestion des crises liées à la gouvernance démocratique et aux conflits. La Banque Africaine de Développent avec sa nouvelle équipe dirigeante pleine de dynamisme a un rôle de taille à jouer dans notre espace économique et principalement en ce qui concerne la jeunesse et l'emploi. Dans les lignes qui suivent je toucherai quelques-uns de ses sujets.
Croissance Economique, Inégalité et Pauvreté
Le taux de croissance moyen du continent continuera de dégringoler jusqu'en dessous de 2%, son niveau le plus bas depuis 20 ans principalement à cause de la chute du prix du pétrole des matières premières et des difficultés des principales économies du continent (Nigeria, Afrique du Sud) mais certain pays maintiendront un bon record, un taux toujours élevé pour diverses raisons (Rwanda, Ethiopie, Tanzanie, Cote d'Ivoire, Sénégal) selon de récentes estimations. La croissance économique n'ayant pas d'impact automatique et immédiat sur la réduction de la pauvreté, le problème le plus important pour nous est d'assurer que les produits de la croissance sont repartis de façon juste et qu'ils ne servent surtout plus à creuser davantage l'écart entre riches et pauvres, sachant que ceci est une source importante de conflits.
L'Afrique a maintenant de bonnes raisons pour investir dans l'agriculture, encourager et soutenir la productivité, introduire la modernisation dans le secteur et bien sûr, augmenter l'espace cultivable. Ceci aura le triple avantage de subvenir aux besoins alimentaires de nos populations, de créer de l'emploi et de diversifier notre économie pour ainsi réduire la pauvreté. Ceci aura aussi l'avantage de promouvoir les échanges entre pays Africains.
L'Année Africaine de la Jeunesse
L'Union Africaine a décrété l'année 2017 comme celle de la jeunesse. Les deux Sommets des Chefs d'état en Janvier et en Juillet ainsi que d'autres grand rendez-vous continentaux y seront donc consacrés. Il est évident que les préoccupations majeures seront l'emploi, la migration et la formation. Il importe que les différents acteurs du continent et leurs partenaires d'ailleurs s'accordent à donner à la jeunesse le coup de pouce dont elle a besoin ici et maintenant pour son insertion et son émancipation. Le Forum Africain pour le Développement qu'organisera cette année la Commission Economique des Nations Unies pour l'Afrique se penchera essentiellement sur la question de migration avec une perspective Africaine. La Chancelière Allemande Angela Merkel a aussi promis d'en faire une priorité au cours du prochain sommet du G20. Elle évoque même un « Plan Marshal » pour l'Afrique en vue de booster l'investissement et créer de l'emploi. Je n'aime pas personnellement l'idée d'un «plan Marshal» pour l'Afrique. Si nos partenaires occidentaux peuvent nous aider à mettre un terme aux 60 milliards de dollars de flux financiers illicites qui sortent de l'Afrique chaque année – un montant systématiquement volé par des multinationales en complicité avec nos propres dirigeants – cela nous suffirait. A Addis Abéba fin Janvier, l'Union Africaine se penchera certainement sur un plan d'action à court et moyen termes pour mieux « exploiter le dividende démographique de l'Afrique en investissant dans la jeunesse ».
Reste à savoir si la volonté politique et les moyens financiers seront au rendez-vous pour mettre en œuvre un éventuel plan. En tout cas, il faut vite faire pour éviter que cette tranche importante de nos populations, vulnérable, ne tombent d'avantage dans la tentation de la radicalisation et de l'extrémisme comme c'est déjà le cas à certains endroits du continent.
Notre jeunesse est l'espoir du continent. Elle doit être entretenue avec minutie pour contribuer à relever le défi du développement durable.
La Libre Circulation des Personnes en Afrique : Un Préalable Incontournable
Tout plan en faveur de la jeunesse Africaine doit inclure la libre circulation des personnes sur le continent comme un préalable. Le processus en cours à l'Union Africaine doit être accéléré au maximum afin de permettre l'échange d'expérience entre les jeunes du continent. En attendant l'élaboration et l'adoption du traité de libre circulation pourquoi ne pas prendre une décision panafricaine et immédiate d'annulation de visas pour court séjour, ou du moins d'obtention de visas à l'arrivée? Quelques pays Africains l'on fait récemment.
Droits de l'Homme, Gouvernance et Démocratie Electorale : Chantier Inachevé
Décrétée comme Année des droits de l'homme par l'Union Africaine, 2016 a plutôt été l'année ou les droits et libertés publiques, l'espace civique et démocratique, la justice, la protection des civiles etc. ont malheureusement et systématiquement reculé sur notre continent sous le silence presque total des institutions régionales et continentales. En Gambie par exemple un jeune activiste a été torturé à mort par la police en 2016 et de nombreux opposant politiques arrêtés et incarcérés sans procès…
L'Afrique doit trouver un moyen pour sortir du cercle vicieux des conflits liés à la crédibilité des consultations électorales et à l'alternance politique au pouvoir. Sans cela, notre continent continuera sa décente progressive aux enfers sapant ainsi toute perspective de développement économique. Les pays à observer en 2017 sont entre autres la Gambie, la RDC, le Cameroun, le Liberia, le Kenya, le Rwanda, l'Angola, la Libye, la Sierra Leone, le Zimbabwe… Les pays ou le hold-up électoral a été déjà consommé ne sont pas à l'abri de soucis (Gabon, Congo, Uganda, Guinée Equatoriale etc). L'alternance au pouvoir fait partie du jeu démocratique surtout quand les institutions sont encore faibles et que le système électoral est vulnérable. Nous devons avoir le courage de parler de la limitation des mandats tôt ou tard. C'est le seul moyen de se débarrasser des assoiffés de pouvoir qui s'accrochent. Pour l'instant les bons élèves sont encore peu dans ce domaine : Ghana, Sénégal, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Afrique du Sud…
Par ailleurs, l'année 2016 nous a montré en Ethiopie que l'idéologie de l'Etat développementaliste ne suffit pas à elle seule pour garantir la paix et la stabilité, gages du développent durable. Il faut une dose plus importante de démocratie multipartiste et plus de libertés publiques.
L'espace citoyen en danger: L'Union Africaine place les citoyens du continent au centre de son programme de développement : l'Agenda 2063. Un catalyseur essentiel de ce programme est le droit des citoyens de s'organiser, et leur capacité à agir contre la pauvreté, les inégalités et l'injustice. En fait, l'UA a proclamé 2016 comme « Année des droits de l'homme ». Pourtant, à travers le continent, il se dégage une tendance alarmante et croissante de restriction des droits fondamentaux de réunion, d'association et de liberté d'expression des citoyens. L'UA elle-même met en cause son engagement à la contribution des citoyens en limitant formellement la participation des organisations de la société civile à un de ses deux sommets biannuelles. En plus un certain nombre de gouvernements sont en train de (mal) utiliser les lois pour limiter la création d'organisations légitimes, restreindre leurs activités et contrôler leurs sources de financement. Depuis 2012, au moins 29 lois restrictives ont été adoptées en Afrique. Ce qui est sûr est que dans les années à venir le mouvement citoyen va plutôt se consolider et se renforcer en Afrique peu importe les restrictions, ce qui comporte et sérieux risque de bras de fer et de conflit entre pouvoir et citoyens. Nos institutions régionales et l'Union Africaines doivent tabler ce problème pour discussion le plus tôt possible. Elles doivent par exemple envisager une étude sur les lois restrictives en Afrique et un moratoire pour les arrêter. (Voir le blog que j'ai récemment publié conjointement avec un collègue sur la question ici : http://oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/why-is-africas-civil-society-under-siege/#.WFJTocPTjhI.twitter).
L'Union Africaine un Nouveau Départ ?
Si tout va bien comme prévu, le leadership actuel de la Commission de l'Union Africaine sera renouvelé. La Présidente, la Sud-Africaine Dlami-Zuma, le Vice-président le Kényan Erastus Mwencha et la plus part des commissaires devraient remettre leur tablier à de nouveaux élus fin Janvier pour 4 ou 8 ans. Des 5 candidats en lis, le poste de Président de la Commission se jouera essentiellement entre le Sénégalais Abdoulaye Bathily, ancien Représentant des Nations Unies en Afrique centrale, le Tchadien Moussa Faki Mahamat, ancien Premier Ministre et Ministre des Affaires étrangères et la Kenyane Amina Mohamed, Ministre des Affaires Étrangères.
En plus Le Président Guinéen Alpha Condé est en passe d'être désigné Président en exercice de l'UA pour 2017 en remplacement du Tchadien Idriss Deby.
Le projet le plus important et le plus attendu est la réforme en profondeur de l'Union Africaine confiée au Président Rwandais Paul Kagame par ses pairs. Il devra présenter les grandes lignes de cette réforme lors du Sommet de Janvier à Addis Abéba. La réforme devra tenir compte de la question épineuse de la dépendance financière de l'Union déjà amorcée par son compatriote, l'ancien patron de la BAD Donald Kaberuka.
Valeurs Partagées : S'il est clair que l'Union Africaine dans sa structure actuelle n'est pas adaptée pour mettre en œuvre l'ambitieux Agenda 2063, il nous est aussi certain que le changement structurel de l'Union et de ses organes ne suffira pas à lui seul pour faire avancer les choses. L'Union Africaine a besoin d'un changement profond et courageux dans sa façon de fonctionner en termes de respect de ses propres principes fondamentaux et de ses « valeurs partagées ». Il faut à l'Union un mécanisme sérieux de « redevabilité » par rapport à ses principes et valeurs. Il lui faut une Commission forte et dotée de pouvoirs réels pour « contraindre » les états membres à respecter et mettre en œuvre leurs propres décisions.
En matière d'élections par exemple, l'Union Africaine doit avoir la prérogative et la capacité de relever, dénoncer et faire cesser les manquements graves aux standards et fraudes électoraux. Si non, ce n'est pas la peine que l'Union continue d'observer les élections. Ce ne sera rien que du gaspillage. C'est un peu gênant de voir que les élections en Ouganda, au Congo, au Gabon en Guinée équatoriale etc. aient été qualifiées de justes, équitables, transparent et démocratiques sans autres formes de procès…
Paix et Sécurité :
La Paix et la Sécurité demeurent les conditions sine qua non pour le développement et le progrès de notre continent et le bien-être de nos populations. L'Afrique n'a pas progressé assez dans ce domaine au cours des dernières années. Dans beaucoup de cas comme au Burundi et au Soudan du Sud nos institutions n'ont pas tenus comptes des signes avant-coureurs et alertes précoces qui pourtant étaient assez visibles. En réalité ce dont nos institutions régionales ont besoin est le courage et la volonté politique de couper avec les anciennes méthodes. Par exemple la Commission de l'Union Africaine et plus précisément son leadership doit devoir et pouvoir crier haut et fort toutes les fois que nos valeurs partagées sont en train d'être violées par les leaders nationaux. C'est pourquoi nous avons besoin d'un leader fort et audible à la tête de la Commission. En 2017 l'Union Africaine doit encore gérer le chaos au Burundi et au Soudan du Sud. Le risque de nettoyage ethnique dans ces deux pays doit être absolument pris au sérieux. L'UA doit consolider le progrès en Somalie et en République Centrafricaine, et accompagner le processus politique et sécuritaire, redoubler de vigilance au Mali (même si l'ONU est techniquement en charge), soutenir le dialogue politique amorcé par l'Eglise Catholique en RDC et ses avancées encourageantes mais demeurer ferme sur le respect des principes démocratiques les droits de l'homme, l'Etat de droit et la justice. Le chantier inachevé du Darfour ne doit pas être négligé et le Soudan entier doit être sous sérieuse observation.
Faire Taire les Armes à l'horizon 2020 : Au-delà du Slogan: L'objectif demeure malheureusement un slogan sans action sérieuse pour le réaliser. Soyons clair : on ne peut pas taire les armes si on laisse les dictateurs terroriser et martyriser leurs populations à gré et en toute impunité en violation flagrante des principes démocratiques des droits de l'homme et des valeurs partagées adoptées par l'Union, et de plus, s'accrocher au pouvoir à vie ! On ne peut pas taire les armes si on ferme les yeux sur les massacres des populations civiles pour des raisons politiques. On ne peut pas taire les armes si on promeut l'impunité des chefs d'Etat sans considération de la gravité des crimes dans lesquels ils sont impliqués contre leurs populations. On ne peut pas taire les armes si les votes des citoyens sont systématiquement volés, les leaders de l'opposition politique harcelés et mis en prison. Par-dessus tout, les ambitieux projets de développement du continent ne peuvent se concrétiser que si la paix et la sécurité sont au rendez-vous.
L'Union doit mettre une plus grande pression sur les acteurs Sud Soudanais, Burundais, Congolais etc et s'assurer que les autres pays fragiles et à risque rentrent dans le jeu démocratique.
Avec ou sans le Maroc ?
Fin Janvier, nous saurons si le Maroc fera sa rentrée historique dans l'Union Africaine et dans quelles conditions ? Toutes les formalités procédurales ont été déjà accomplies. Le Sommet des Chefs d'Etat pourra donc prendre une décision là-dessus. Le Maroc devra donc souscrire à tous les principes fondamentaux de l'Union y compris le droit des peuples à l'auto-détermination et accepter de cohabiter avec la République Sahraoui Démocratique en tant qu'Etat membre de l'Union. Logiquement le retour du Maroc dans l'organisation continental est une reconnaissance tacite du Sahara Occidental par celui-ci. C'est juste une simple logique si on se souvient de la raison pour laquelle le Maroc a claqué la porte en 1984. J'espère que l'adhésion du Maroc à l'Union Afrique créera une opportunité de régler l'épineuse question du Sahara Occidental, considéré comme la dernière colonie en Afrique à libérer. Les Etats membres de l'Union, surtout les « amis » du Maroc (au moins 28 sont connus) doivent veiller à ce que le retour du Maroc contribue à consolider l'Union plutôt qu'à la diviser ou à la faire voler en éclat. (Voir mon blog sur cette question ici : https://assodesire.com/2016/10/02/le-retour-du-maroc-a-lunion-africaine-une-opportunite-ou-un-challenge/ )
La Chine, L'Amérique et les Autres
L'Afrique a tout à gagner en continuant la diversification de ses partenaires économiques. L'entrée en jeux spectaculaire de la Chine et des autres nouveaux partenaires a ouvertement changé les rapports de force avec les partenaires traditionnels et réorienté l'économie africaine. Mais nous devons garder les yeux grandement ouverts… Nos partenariats (anciens comme nouveaux) doivent contribuer à la realisation de nos agendas 2030 et 2063 et nous devons veiller à ce que les standards sociaux, des droits de l'homme et d'équité soient absolument respectés dans la poursuite de ces partenariats. Les acteurs non-étatiques ont un rôle majeur de veilleur à jouer ici.
Avec Donald Trump au pouvoir aux Etats-Unis, il est peu probable que l'Afrique figure au rang des priorités de « l'Oncle Sam », ce qui donnera libre cours à la Chine et aux autres de mieux se positionner en Afrique : avantage ou challenge ? Seul l'avenir nous le dira.
Calendrier – Quelques Grands Rendez-Vous
13-14 Janvier : Sommet Afrique-France : Thème: Partenariat, Paix et Emergence – Bamako, Mali.
23-31 Janvier : 28th Sommet de l'Union Africaine – Thème : Jeunesse – Addis Abéba, Ethiopie
23-28 Mars : Conférence Continentale des Experts et Ministres Africains des Finances, du Développent de la Planification et de l'intégration – Dakar, Sénégal
3-5 Mai : Forum Economique Mondial pour l'Afrique, Thème : Croissance Inclusive – Durban Afrique du Sud
Fin Juin : Sommet de l'Union Africaine, Thème : Jeunesse
Date à déterminer : Forum pour le Développent de l'Afrique, Thème : Migration, UNECA, Addis Abéba.
Prospects for Africa in 2017
French Version here: https://assodesire.com/2016/12/27/lafrique-en-2017-opportunites-et-defis/
We have just entered into the year 2017! It is bringing a number of uncertainties but it also carries with it, seeds of hope…
As I always do at the beginning of each year, I would like to share with you some personal reflections on the major challenges and opportunities that our continent, its institutions and sons and daughters will face in 2017 and of course beyond this year.
In 2017 and in the years to come inequality, conflicts and insecurity, youth and unemployment, migration, electoral democracy, civic space, free movement of people, China, new American policies etc. will occupy the political debate and the daily life of Africans. Africans will expect much from the promises made by the African Union with its new leadership and an improved structure, but the regional economic communities will have increased responsibilities in the management of crises linked to democratic governance and conflicts. The African Development Bank with its new "High-Fives" and its dynamic leadership team, will have a major role to play in our economic space, especially in the area of youth and employment. In the discourse below, I touch on some of these issues in details.
Economic Growth, Inequality and Poverty
The continent's average growth rate will continue to plummet to below 2%, the lowest in 20 years, mainly due to the fall in commodity and oil prices and the difficulties faced by the largest economies on the continent (Nigeria, South Africa). Interestingly, some countries will maintain a good record, a high rate for several reasons (Rwanda, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Cote d'Ivoire, Senegal) according to recent estimates. Given that economic growth does not have an automatic and immediate impact on poverty reduction, the most challenging task for us is to ensure that the products of growth are distributed fairly and that they are no longer used to widen the gap between rich and poor, knowing that this is an important source of conflict.
Africa now has good reasons for investing in agriculture, encouraging and sustaining productivity, introducing modernization in the sector and, of course, increasing cultivable lands. This will have the threefold advantage of meeting the food needs of our people, creating jobs and diversifying our economy to reduce poverty. This will also have the advantage of promoting regional trade among African countries.
2017: The African Year of Youth:
The African Union declared 2017 as the year of youth. The two Summits of Heads of State in January and July as well as other major continental gatherings will dedicated to this – focusing mainly on unemployment, migration and education. It is important that the different actors on the continent and elsewhere and their partners agree to give young people the necessary push that they need for both their integration as well as emancipation. The African Development Forum that will be organized by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) will focus on the issue of migration from an African perspective. German Chancellor Angela Merkel has also promised to make it a priority during the next G20 summit. She has even evoked a "Marshal Plan" for Africa to boost investment and create employment. I do not personally like the idea of a "Mashal Plan" for Africa though. If our Western partners can assist us to stop the 60 Billion illicit financial flows out of Africa every year – an amount systematically stolen by multinationals from Africa in complicity with our own leaders – we would be fine and in absolute no need for Marshal plans. At the end of January, the African Union in Addis Ababa will certainly consider a short- and medium-term action plan to better "harness the demographic dividend of Africa by investing in the youth". It remains to be seen whether the political will and the financial means will be there to implement a possible plan. In any case, it is necessary to quickly work on this important part of our populations to prevent that they fall further into the temptation of radicalization and extremism as it is already the case in certain parts of the continent. Our youth are the hope of the continent. We must carefully take care of them so that they are fully part of the progress towards our sustainable development agenda.
Free Movement of People in Africa: An Unavoidable Prerequisite
Any plan for African youth must include free movement of people on the continent as a prerequisite. The process under way in the African Union must be accelerated to the maximum in order to allow exchange of ideas and experience among young people. Pending on the drafting and the adoption of the Treaty on Free Movement, why not take an immediate Africa-wide decision to cancel visas for short stay, or at least allow the issuing of visas upon arrival? A few African countries have already recently done so.
Civic Space at Risk: According to the African Union's new vision expressed in the Agenda 2063, citizens are front and centre of our development and our people are a critical enablers of this vision. Citizens must have the right to organise themselves and the ability to speak out against poverty, inequality and injustice. Yet across the continent, there is an alarming and growing trend of citizens' fundamental rights to assembly, association and free speech being restricted. In addition, many governments are (mis)using new and existing laws to limit the creation of legitimate civil society organizations (CSOs), restrict their operations, and control their funding. Since 2012, 29 restrictive laws have been adopted in Africa… What is certain is that in the coming years citizens' movements will rather consolidate and strengthen in Africa regardless of the restrictions and this brings a serious risk of conflict between power and citizens. Our regional institutions and the African Union must table this problem for discussion as soon as possible. For example, they should consider a study on those restrictive laws in Africa and come up with a moratorium to stop them. (See the blog I recently published jointly with a colleague on the issue as well as Oxfam's policy brief here: http://oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/why-is-africas-civil-society-under-siege/#.WFJTocPTjhI.twitter)
Human Rights, Governance and Electoral Democracy: Unfinished Business
Declared as the Year of Human Rights by the African Union, 2016 was rather the year when liberties and freedoms, civic and democratic space, justice, protection of civilians etc. have been shamelessly and systematically reduced in our continent mostly under the silence of regional and continental institutions. In the Gambia for example a young activist has been tortured to death by the police in 2016 with no consequence for the perpetrators; opposition leaders were arrested for no reason and a President lost elections and refused to go.
Africa must find a way out of the vicious circle of conflicts related to the credibility of elections and the political alternation in power. Without this, our continent will continue its progressive falling into hell, thus undermining any prospect of economic development. Countries to be observed in 2017 include the Gambia, DRC, Cameroon, Liberia, Kenya, Rwanda, Angola, Libya, Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe. Countries where an election hold-up has already been consumed are not safe from worries (Gabon, Congo, Uganda, Equatorial Guinea etc.). The alternation to power is part of the democratic game especially when institutions are still weak and the electoral system is vulnerable. We have to talk about limiting presidential terms sooner or later. This is the only way in many of the current cases to get rid of leaders who are permanently clinging on power. For the moment good students are still few in Africa: Ghana, Senegal, Botswana, Burkina Faso, South Africa.
In addition, 2016 showed us in Ethiopia that the developmental state ideology alone is not enough to guarantee peace, stability and sustainable development. A bigger portion of pluralist democracy and more respect of civil liberties are needed.
The African Union: a New Start?
If all goes as planned, the current leadership of the African Union Commission will be renewed. The current President of the Commission, the South African Mrs. Dlami-Zuma, the Vice-President Erastus Mwencha from Kenya and most of the commissioners should hand over power to new elected officials late January for 4 or 8 years. Out of the 5 current candidates, the battle for the post of President of the Commission will be mainly between the Senegalese Abdoulaye Bathily, former Representative of the United Nations in Central Africa, the Chadian Moussa Faki Mahamat, former Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Kenyan Amina Mohamed, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
In addition Guinean President Alpha Condé is likely to be appointed Chairman of the AU for 2017 to replace Chadian President Idriss Deby.
The most important and most expected project is the in-depth reform of the African Union spearheaded by Rwanda President Paul Kagame. He will propose the headlines of this reform during the January Summit in Addis Ababa. The reform will have to take into account the thorny issue of the financial dependency of the Union that his compatriot, the former boss of ADB Donald Kaberuka is already working on.
Shared Values: While it is clear that the African Union in its current structure is not suited to fully implement the ambitious Agenda 2063, it is also certain that the structural change of the Union will not suffice on its own to make progress. The African Union needs a profound and courageous change in the way it operates in terms of respect for its own fundamental principles and "shared values". The Union needs a serious mechanism of accountability in relation to its principles and values. It needs a strong Commission with real powers to "compel" member states to respect and implement their own decisions.
In the case of elections, for example, the African Union must have the prerogative and the capacity to raise, denounce and put an end to serious breaches of electoral standards and frauds. If not, it is not worthwhile that the Union continues to observe elections. It will be nothing but a waste of resources. It is very embarrassing to see that elections in Uganda, Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and so on have been described as fair, equitable, transparent and democratic without further debate.
Peace and Security:
Peace and security remain the sine qua non conditions for the development and progress of our continent and the well-being of our people. Africa has not made enough progress in this area in recent years. In many cases, such as in Burundi and South Sudan, our institutions did not take into account early warning signs that were nevertheless quite visible. In reality what our regional institutions need are courage and the political will to cut with old methods. For example, the African Union Commission and, more specifically, its leadership must be able to speak out loudly whenever our shared values are being violated by national leaders and challenge them. That is why we need a strong and audible leader for the AU Commission.
In 2017 the African Union will still have to manage the chaos in Burundi and South Sudan. The risk of ethnic cleansing in these two countries must be taken seriously. The AU must consolidate the progress made in Somalia and in the Central Africa Republic and accompany the political and security process. The Continental body should redouble vigilance in Mali (even if the UN is technically in charge), support the political dialogue initiated by the Catholic Church in DRC and its encouraging progress, but remain firm on the respect for democratic principles, the rule of law, human rights and justice. The unfinished business of Darfur should not be neglected and the entire Sudan should be under serious observation.
Silencing the Guns by 2020: Beyond the Slogan: This campaign unfortunately remains a slogan without serious action to realize it. Let us be clear: we cannot silence the guns if dictators are allowed to continue terrorizing and martyrizing their populations willingly and with impunity in flagrant violation of democratic principles, human rights and the shared values adopted by the Union and more, clinging to power for life! We cannot silence the guns if we close our eyes to the massacres of civilian populations for political reasons. We cannot silence the guns if we promote impunity of heads of state without considering the gravity of the crimes in which they are implicated against their own populations. We cannot silence the guns if the votes of citizens are systematically robbed, leaders of the political opposition harassed and jailed before, during and after elections. Above all, the continent's ambitious development projects can only be realized if there is peace, security and stability.
With or Without Morocco?
At the end of January, we will know if Morocco will make its historic comeback to the African Union and under which conditions… All procedural formalities have already been completed. The Summit of Heads of State should therefore be able to take a decision on this. If all goes well, Morocco will have to subscribe to all the fundamental principles of the Union including the right of peoples to self-determination and agree to cohabit with the Sahrawi Democratic Republic as a member state of the Union. Logically the return of Morocco to the continental organization is a tacit recognition of Western Sahara. It is just a simple logic if we remember the reason why Morocco slammed the door in 1984. I hope that the accession of Morocco to the Union will create an opportunity to settle the thorny question of the Western Sahara, considered as the last colony in Africa to be liberated. Member States of the Union, especially the "friends" of Morocco must ensure that the return of Morocco contributes to the consolidation of the Union rather than to divide or shatter it. (See my blog on this topic here: https://assodesire.com/2016/09/29/moroccos-return-to-the-african-union-opportunity-or-challenge/ )
China, America and Others
Africa has everything to gain by continuing to diversify its economic partners. The spectacular entry and positioning of China and other new partners in Africa has openly changed the balance of power with traditional partners and reoriented African economy and development process. But we must keep our eyes wide open … Our partnerships (old and new) must contribute to the realization of our agendas 2030 and 2063 and we must ensure that social, human rights and equity standards are absolutely respected in the pursuit of these partnerships. Non-state actors have a major watchdog role to play here.
With Donald Trump in power in the United States, it is unlikely that Africa will be among the priorities of "Uncle Sam". This may give free way to China and others to better position themselves in Africa. Is this an opportunity or a challenge? Only the future will tell us.
Calendar of key meetings in 2017
13-14 January: Africa-France Summit: Theme: Partnership, Peace and Emergence – Bamako, Mali.
23-31 January: 28th African Union Summit – Theme: Youth – Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
23-28 March: Continental Conference of African Experts and Ministers of Finance, Development, Planning and Integration – Dakar, Senegal
3-5 May: World Economic Forum for Africa, Theme: Inclusive Growth – Durban South Africa
End of June: 29th African Union Summit – Theme: Youth
Date TBC: 10th Africa Development Forum, Theme: Migration, UNECA, Addis Abéba, Ethiopia.
3 Comments Posted on October 2, 2016 October 3, 2016 Africa, African Politics, african union, Conflicts, Uncategorized, Western Sahara
Le «Retour» du Maroc à l'Union Africaine: Une Opportunité ou un Challenge?
Le Royaume du Maroc a présenté officiellement une demande d'adhésion à l'Acte Constitutif de l'Union Africaine pour «redevenir» membre de l'Union. La demande a également été remise au Président de la Commission de l'UA, Dr Dlamini-Zuma par le conseiller du Roi Mohammed VI aux Affaires étrangères, Taieb Fassi Fihri, le 22 Septembre 2016, lors d'une réunion tenue en marge de la 71e session de l'Assemblée Générale des Nations Unies à New York.
S'il est géré de bonne foi et en respectant les principes de base de l'Union Africaine, le retour du Maroc à l'Union Africaine pourrait avoir de nombreuses répercussions positives pour l'UA et potentiellement faciliter la résolution du conflit du Sahara Occidental. Dans le cas contraire, cette évolution comporte tous les risques de dangereusement diviser l'Union Africaine.
J'aimerais partager ici mes opinions personnelles sur certaines des implications de ce «retour». Voir la version en Anglais de l'article ici: http://wp.me/p4ywYV-bh
En juin et juillet 2016, le Maroc a entrepris une campagne diplomatique en prélude au Sommet de l'Union Africaine. Des émissaires marocains ont visité le Sénégal, la Côte-d'Ivoire, la Zambie, le Cameroun, l'Ethiopie, l'Egypte, le Soudan, le Kenya et la Tunisie. Quelques jours avant le Sommet, le Président Paul Kagame du Rwanda, pays hôte du Sommet a eu une visite de deux jours au Maroc et a été décoré avec la plus haute distinction d'honneur du Maroc. De même, la Zambie a envoyé son ministre des Affaires étrangères à Casablanca où il a annoncé la décision de son pays d'annuler la reconnaissance de la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique.
Au cours du Sommet de l'UA à Kigali, le Roi du Maroc a envoyé une lettre officielle au Président de l'Assemblée de l'Union Africaine indiquant que le Maroc souhaiterait revenir à l'UA. Le Président en exercice de l'UA, le Tchadien Idriss Deby aurait refusé d'inscrire ladite lettre à l'ordre du jour du Sommet. Au cours de la deuxième journée du Sommet, les délégués ont vu circulée une motion demandant la suspension de la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique de l'UA. La motion, qui aurait été approuvée par 28 États a été catalysée par le Président du Gabon Ali Bongo avec le soutien d'autres alliés tels que le président Macky Sall du Sénégal. La motion n'a cependant pas pu être présentée.
L'entrée du Maroc à l'Union Africaine Pourrait être Positif
Le Maroc, membre fondateur de l'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine (OUA) avait claquée la porte y a 32 ans suite à l'admission de la RASD comme Etat membre de l'Union. Au cours des années 2000s, l'OUA a été transformée pour devenir l'Union Africaine avec un nouveau traité ; l'Acte Constitutif de l'Union et des objectifs renforcés. Sur le plan juridique, l'UA donc est une nouvelle organisation et tous ses 54 membres actuels ont souscris à ses visions et principes fondamentaux en ratifiant le nouvel Acte Constitutif. Pour le Maroc il s'agira donc d'une adhesion, pas d'un retour…
Je n'ai pas vu le contenu de la requête du Maroc mais une telle demande implique forcement l'acceptation sans réserve par le Maroc des principes de base de l'organisation. Le Maroc devra alors cohabiter avec tous les membres de l'UA, y compris la RASD. Ceci ouvrerait aussi la porte à une résolution pacifique et acceptable du conflit du Sahara Occidental. L'UA pourra alors regagner de l'influence pour faciliter le processus.
Des Avantages en Matière de Paix et de Sécurité : L'entrée de Maroc dans l'Union Africaine pourra augmenter les chances d'une solution africaine aux crises dans la région du Maghreb, le Maroc étant un acteur majeur en matière de sécurité en Afrique du Nord et un leader dans la lutte contre l'extrémisme et le sécularisme islamique. L'Union du Maghreb Arabe (UMA) a été la Communauté Economique Régionale la moins fonctionnelle. L'engagement du Maroc ou de l'UMA dans les opérations de soutien à la paix de la Force africaine en attente pourrait augmenter sa capacité de façon significative. La lutte contre le terrorisme a été l'un des défis les plus importants pour lesquels le Maroc pourra être un allié sérieux s'il devient membre de l'Union.
Un Gain Economique Majeur: la réussite économique du Maroc serait un sérieux atout pour le programme d'intégration économique de l'Union africaine et des programmes spécifiques tels que l'Agenda 2063.
Une avancée Historique: Le retour à L'Union Africaine d'un Etat clé de l'histoire du panafricanisme projetterait une image positive du continent.
Un Retour «Forcé» du Maroc Pourrait Dangereusement Diviser l'Union Africaine
Dans une récente interview, le Président Macky Sall du Sénégal soutenant le retour du Maroc a déclaré: «Le Maroc a décidé de revenir et a demandé que la légalité constitutionnelle internationale soit respectée, conformément aux principes de l'ONU où le Sahara Occidental n'est pas représenté comme Etat indépendant ", se référant ainsi à la récente tentative avortée de 28 pays pour suspendre la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique de l'UA par une motion. Le Président Hery Rajaonarimampianina de Madagascar a également salué la décision du Maroc et a promis de tout faire pour que ce retour légitime se concretise dès le plus vite possible.
Le Maroc multiplie des actions en faveurs des Etats membres de l'Union à travers la création et le renforcement de liens diplomatiques et économiques. Le Maroc élargis son cercle traditionnel d'amis (Afrique de l'Ouest) à d'autres régions du continent notamment avec le renforcement récent des relations diplomatiques avec le Rwanda, l'Ouganda et la Zambie. L'élargissement de ce cercle constitue à n'en pas douter une menace réelle pour la RASD. L'Union Africaine prend normalement ses décisions par consensus mais il est peu probable d'avoir ce consensus sur la question de maintenir la RASD ou non au sein de l'Union Africaine. Même une majorité simple sera difficile à obtenir dans la configuration actuelle. D'ailleurs, il n'existe aujourd'hui aucun mécanisme permettant d'expulser un Etat membre de l'Union Africaine en dehors du cas de suspension pour non-paiement de cotisations ou en cas de coup d'Etat.
Les Etats super-influents comme l'Afrique du Sud, l'Algérie et le Nigeria sont loin de laisser passer une motion d'expulsion ou de suspension de la RASD de l'Union Africaine. Même au pire des cas, une action dans ce sens remettra en cause le sacro-saint principe du droit à l'autodétermination, un des principes fondateurs de l'OUA. L'Union Africaine en sortirait profondément affaiblie et devisée.
Le Maroc pourrait également utiliser une stratégie différente qui serait de faire entrée soft dans l'Union Africaine en acceptant la position actuelle de l'organisation sur le Sahara Occidental, mais continuer la bataille contre la RASD au sein de l'Union avec le soutien des alliés. Cela me semble être le scénario le plus probable mais aussi le plus facile pour intégrer l'Union … Mais le Maroc et ses alliés réussiront- ils à bouter la SADR dehors? Telle est la question…
Il est important de souligner ici que l'Afrique a beaucoup plus a gagner d'un règlement pacifique du conflit Sahraoui sur la base des principes fondateurs de l'Union Africaine, des droits fondamentaux de l'homme et du droit international.
2 Comments Posted on September 29, 2016 February 4, 2017 Africa, African Politics, african union, Conflicts, Western Sahara
Morocco's "Return" to the African Union: Opportunity or Challenge?
The Kingdom of Morocco officially submitted a request to accede to the African Union Constitutive Act and become a Member of the Union. The letter was also handed over to the Chairperson of the AUC, Dr. Dlamini-Zuma through the adviser to the King Mohammed VI on Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Morocco, H.E. Taieb Fassi Fihri, on 22 September 2016, at a meeting held on the margins of the 71st Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA).
If it is managed in good faith and the respect of African Union basic principles, Morocco's return to the African Union could have numerous positive implications for the AU and potentially bring about the long awaited for "resolve" to Western Sahara conflict. If not, this development has every risk of dangerously dividing the Union.
Here are my personal views on some of the implications of this development:
See the French version of the article here: http://wp.me/p4ywYV-bx
In June and July 2016 Morocco undertook Pre-AU-Summit Campaign through Moroccan envoy Salaheddine Mezouar who visited Senegal, Ivory Coast, Zambia, Cameroon Ethiopia, Egypt, Sudan and Tunisia and from 15 July, Morocco sent Special Envoy Taieb Fassi Fihri to Kenya. Preceding the AU Summit, President Paul Kagame of the host nation Rwanda held a two-day visit to Morocco and was decorated Morocco's highest national award of honour. Equally, Zambia sent its Minister of Foreign Affairs to Casablanca where he announced the country's decision to "de-recognise" Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).
During the AU Summit in Kigali in July 2016 the King of Morocco sent an official letter to the Chairperson of the Assembly the African Union indicating Morocco wishes to return to the AU. The Chadian Chairperson of the AU Idriss Deby reportedly refused to table the letter at the Summit. During the second day of the Summit, delegates saw a motion calling for the suspension of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic from the AU. The motion, allegedly endorsed by 28 states was catalyzed by the President of Gabon Ali Bongo alongside other strong allies such as President Macky Sall of Senegal. The motion however failed to be presented.
Morocco's return for the African Union could be a positive development
Morocco, a founding member of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) left OAU 32 years ago over the admission of SADR and the subsequent refusal to expel SADR from the Union. In the year 2000, the OAU has been transformed to the African Union with a new Constitutive Act and enhanced objectives. So, legally talking, the AU is a new organization and all its current 54 members have subscribed to its visions and principles.
I have not seen the contents of Morocco's application for membership to the AU but such a request to "return" to the AU should naturally entail an unconditional acceptance of the basic principles of the organization. Morocco will then have to cohabit with all members of the AU, including the SADR. This also brings the hope of a peaceful and acceptable resolution to the Western Sahara Conflict. The AU will then regain full leverage to facilitate the process.
Gains on Peace and Security: African solution or approach to crisis in the Maghreb region would be greatly enhanced by cooperation with Morocco a major security actor in North Africa and a lead in countering violent extremism and management of secularism. The Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) has been the least functional Regional Economic Community (REC) the strength, Military engagement of the AMU in Peace Support Operations and the African Standby Force could increase significantly. Countering Terrorism has been the most prominent challenge with which Morocco can also assist if it becomes a member of the Union.
Economic Gains: Morocco's economic success would be a serious asset for the African Union's economic integration agenda and specific programmes such as Agenda 2063.
Historical Win: The return of one of the leading Pan African States in the history of Africa and a founding member of OAU will project an excellent image of the continent.
A "Forced" return of Morocco could dangerously split the African Union
In a recent interview, President Macky Sall of Senegal, in full support of Morocco's move declared: "Morocco has decided to come back and has requested that international constitutional legality be respected in accordance with the UN where the Western Sahara is not represented as an independent state'', referring to the recent failed attempt of 28 countries to kick the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic out of the AU by a motion. President Hery Rajaonarimampianina of Madagascar also 'welcomed' Morocco's decision and promises that he will 'work to ensure that this legitimate return be effective as soon as possible.'
Morocco is building relationships and depositing favors with member states through creating and strengthening diplomatic and economic ties. Morocco's traditional stronghold in West Africa is expanding with recent allies in Rwanda, Uganda and Zambia. With this warm welcome and increased support, Morocco will be able to garner within the Union, so, the standing of Western Sahara could be increasingly threatened.
In any case, there is currently no mechanism within AU policies and regulations to expel a member state from the Union except the cases of suspension for non-payment of contributions or for unconstitutional change of government. The AU normally makes its decisions based on consensus which is unlikely to be the case for this particular question on whether SADR should be kept in the AU or not. Even a majority vote would be difficult to attain on this. In this case, the political decision making process of the AU would be strained and split on the question of Western Sahara.
The "expulsion" or "suspension" of SADR is unlikely to succeed within the current geopolitical framework of the African Union. Powerful members such as South Africa, Nigeria, Algeria, Ethiopia etc would surely stand against such a move. Any forced attempt to expel SADR by whatever mean legal or political could dangerously split the African Union. If this were to happen, in the worst case scenario the AU, as an organization which inherited the decolonization agenda, would violate one of its sacred principles of the right of people for self-determination. This would terribly weaken the organization's standing.
Morocco may also use a different strategy which is to softly land in the African Union by accepting its current stand and position on Western Sahara but then continue the battle against the SADR from within the Union with the support of allies. This seems to me as the most likely scenario that Morocco may use and the easiest to get accepted in the African Union… But would Morocco and its allies succeed to push SADR out? That is the question…
It is important to stress here that Africa will rather gain from a peaceful resolution of the Western Sahara conflict based on the founding principles of the African Union, fundamental Human Rights and the international law.
Questions, Comments? email me: assodesir@gmail.com


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YANKEES REPEAL SUNBLOCK BAN
Jeremy Olshan
Social Links for Jeremy Olshan
July 22, 2008 9:09pm
The Yankees said they must have lost it in the sun.
A day after The Post reported on fan furor over the stadium's ban on bringing sunscreen to games, team officials today conceded that the rules were "too stringent."
Fans were burned up inside and out after being forced to toss their sun block before being allowed into the stadium, a measure that the Yankees insisted was necessary to prevent terrorist attacks, the idea being that the lotion could actually be an explosive.
Sunscreen is sold inside the stadium at a hugely marked up price of $5 an ounce. The team claims that the ban had been in effect for years, but security officials at the stadium told the Post that in the past four weeks, enforcement was dramatically ramped up.
The Yankees will still not allow sunscreen in aerosol cans but have lifted all other restrictions. The ban had been modeled on airport safety regulations, spokesman Jason Zillo said.
Fans said they were pleased the team saw the ultraviolet light but contend that overall security practices at the stadium remain excessive and inconsistent.
"The Yankees' management will do whatever it takes to maximize profit under the guise of security," said Chester Hicks, a retired cop. "I have entered the stadium wearing my off-duty revolver. I was not scanned or patted down. Yankee Stadium is concerned more about cameras and food being brought into the stadium."
Dermatologists condemned the ban, complaining that the policy was putting fans – particularly children – at great risk.
Major League Baseball even has a skin-cancer awareness campaign called "Play Sun Smart," which encourages fans to reapply sunscreen every two hours.
Shea Stadium has never banned sunscreen, officials said, nor have any other major-league ballparks.
Sen. John McCain, who was at Sunday's game, is a skin-cancer survivor.
"It's an unfortunate situation," his spokesman, Tucker Bounds, said. "We fully understand the essential need for sunscreen."
Read Next YANKEES CHANGES POLICY ON SUNSCREEN LOTION
Now on Decider
'Wheel of Fortune' Viewers Furious Over Contestant's Rookie Mistake

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Scattered rainfall across the state this week certainly has things looking up. Not for everyone though as rain totals ranged from only a few tenths to a few inches. Even the small rainfall amounts created a noticeable improvement in overall rice appearance in the state.
The rice crop is actually in very good shape at the moment, difficulties with the dry weather aside. Planting progress is extremely close to wrapping up (Fig. 1) and the combination of flushing and a little bit of rainfall has created a tremendous jump in crop emergence (Fig. 2).
If you're paying attention to your DD50 reports you should be re-running those reports right now as we have accumulated many more heat units than the 30-year average recently. For example, for rice emerged April 29 a report run on 5/5 versus run again on 5/15 saw dates move up by 3 days. That is, instead of the optimum preflood window beginning 5/16 it's now 5/13.
It's very easy to get behind under these conditions, and timely preflood N management is critical to maximizing yield. Be prepared to act on the early side and remember that while rice height matters regarding flood depth – actual rice growth stage is most critical for timing management.
A quick look at rice fields that have been flushed lately has shown some intense rice water weevil (RWW) leaf scarring (Fig. 3). The hot conditions have insects on the move and this particular insect is drawn to open water in rice fields.
CruiserMaxx and NipsIt seed treatments provide good protection from grape colaspis and RWW injury when we're able to get rice to flood in a timely manner. However, this year we have a good deal of early planted rice that will have been in the ground for nearly 60 days by the time we go to flood. In this situation the seed treatments have begun to lose their gas.
CruiserMaxx and NipsIt are known to suppress leaf scarring from RWW adults in addition to providing protection from larvae feeding on roots. As you establish the permanent flood, scout for leaf scarring and consult the treatment threshold in the MP144 (here).
Insecticide applications targeting adults RWW need to be made within 10 days of establishing the permanent flood to be effective. Get out there and scout in the days immediately following flood to be sure any insecticide applications needed go out on time. Any acres treated with Dermacor may have scarring but likely will not require treatment as this seed treatment persists longer.
Keep Your Head On a Swivel, Flood Time is Near!
We're having a heat wave, a tropical heat wave. With temperatures soaring rice has caught the fast train to flood time – especially if you've given it a recent flush to combat dry soil conditions. It's time to touch on a few tips for getting rice to flood with maximum nitrogen uptake.
Dry soil conditions are currently the easiest thing to find out there. However, keep in mind that as long as some of these fields have been without a rain, it's going to take longer to establish a permanent flood due to a lack of moisture in the soil profile. What does that mean? If you're not careful, you could experience greater nitrogen loss than usual due to flood-up taking longer.
Multiple-inlet rice irrigation (MIRI) is always a good idea, but under dry conditions like these, it can drastically reduce the time needed to establish a shallow flood over the entire field to 1) maximize N efficiency and 2) reduce weed control costs.
Use MIRI to flood up all bays equally and quickly.
Use urea treated with a recommended NBPT product to minimize volatilization losses which occur when urea is left on the soil surface unincorporated by flood.
If extremely long times to flood establishment are expected, consider increased the N rate slightly, particularly on areas of the field which will take the longest to establish the flood.
Run a DD50 report to establish your optimum N window and final N date.
Make every attempt to apply N to dry soil before the final N date.
If soil conditions are still wet at the final date, apply N with an NBPT product to wet soil and attempt to let the soil dry underneath before flooding – but if additional rain occurs start the well.
If muddy soil conditions persist with more rainfall on the way, apply preflood N and increase the rate by 20-30 lb N/acre and begin flooding.
If conditions create standing water through the final date, begin applying N in a "spoon-feed" manner – 100 lbs of urea/acre once a week for 3-4 weeks. A minimum of 4 applications is needed to maximize yield for varieties on silt loam soils. More work is needed but it's expected that one less application may be needed for hybrids in this situation. Use Greenseeker to determine if an additional application is needed.
Some type of N split is the best way to go to maximize yields and minimize risk.
50% normal preflood N rate followed by 50% normal preflood N rate 10-14 days later. Also apply an extra 100 lbs urea to upper portion of field that dries more severely 7 days later.
100 lbs urea once a week for 4 weeks has also been a proven winner in this situation.
Some have had success with a single preflood application with little to no additional N beyond normal compared to a flooded situation. This is extremely situational and should not be attempted in fields that do not have high native soil N. Generally recommended to avoid, or to at least still apply an additional 100 lbs urea to upper end of field to offset N losses in that area.


Paris, May 7, 2015 –Statoil's Snøhvit gas field, the largest industrial project off the coast of northern Norway, will be equipped with Nexans' static umbilical that provide hydraulic, electrical and fibre optic services for subsea services. The Snøhvit project development will establish an additional well at a new CO2 injection template as well as prepare for gas production from existing templates. The new Nexans supplied umbilical will be routed between existing distribution unit to a new subsea template.
The Snøhvit CO2 umbilical is the third delivery in a €45 million portfolio of standardized umbilical deliveries awarded by Statoil in December 2012 for the Norwegian Continental Shelf.
Nexans' specialized facility in Halden, Norway, has manufactured the Snøhvit CO2 umbilical to Statoil's new design. This is developed to provide a consistent and cost-efficient solution for simplified or fast track projects, such as tie-ins to existing infrastructure, or other kinds of subsea oil and gas projects. Installed at a water depth of approximately 300 metres, the Snøhvit CO2 umbilical features standard elements with minor adjustments.
Snøhvit is both the first offshore development in the Barents Sea, and the first seafloor development where all functions in the field will be controlled from an onshore facility without surface installations. This project involves bringing natural gas to land for liquefication and export of LNG.


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text:
Q: Fixing Runtime Error R6034: application has made attempt to load C runtime library incorrectly? I just downloaded QGIS 2.0 and every time I open it I get this error message window popping up:

Does anyone know what this means or how I might be able to fix it?

A: I hit the same problem using V2.2.0 of QGis and it's been plaguing me for a while, so I finally got around to researching this and figuring out what it was.
Before I go any further though, I want to express that this fix might not work for you it appears that this is one of those errors, where the base reasons for the issue are the same, but each case has subtle little nuances that are slightly different.
In my case, I started with the excellent SO post referenced in the first answer.  Being a full stack MS dev by trade, I had a gut feeling that it was some kind of RTL conflict with mscvrt rather than an actual QGis problem (Partially because I've also seen the same behavior in other apps too)
After approaching the path problem as described in the other post, and failing to get a resolution, I started to explore more using process explorer, and this lead me down the path of realizing that QGis was in fact trying to load two separate copies from two different locations of the file 'msvcr90.dll'
After realizing this I moved the copy of msvcr90.dll that was in my windows\system32 folder to a backup location well away from my main system drive, and re-ran QGis.
At this point I then got a different error, one complaining that a required DLL was missing.
Putting the file back in system32 and trying again, fixed this, but brought back the original C runtime error.
After moving the msvcr90 dll back to it's safe location, I then used some of the windows SDK/Developer tools to track the dependency graph of loaded DLL's
After doing this, a little more poking about in process explorer, showed me that QGis was also loading 'msvcp100.dll' and 'msvcr100.dll' from it's own folder, and that one or both of these DLL's had static dependencies on the 'msvcr90.dll' file that was in my system32 folder.
After a quick check to make sure I had a standard system wide install of all 3 DLL's in the correct place (The windows winsxs folder) I also moved those 2 files from QGis bin to a backup location.
I then fired QGis 2.0.2 back up and hey presto, everything started up and works without any error messages.

Now a little bit of theory for those interested
Why does this only manifest itself primarily on 64 bit systems?
Well, it has to do with the way windows manages the compatibility layer in a nutshell.
You see  'c:\windows\system32' is NOT as you would be lead to believe a 32 bit system folder.
For anyone who remembers the windows glory days, when all you had to worry about was windows 95/98, everything was all 32 bit and life was good.
Then when more powerful machines came out and we started getting 64 bit OS'es things started to get a little tricky.
32 bit 'stuff' could easily run on 64 bit and only use half the bandwidth, but 64 bit 'stuff' couldn't run on 32 bit without doubling everything up in a process called 'Thunking' (MS also made the same mistake when going from 16 Bit Win 3.11 to Win 95 too with the ill fated Win32S add-on pack - but that's a story for another time)
In their infinite wisdom and to maintain 'Compatibility with old software' , MS instead of doing things the sensible way and having a 'System64' folder as well as a 'System32' folder decided to do things a bit backwards.
Instead, what they decided to do was to put ALL the 64 bit components in a folder called 'system32', the rationale behind this was so that 32 bit apps that where badly behaved and had hard-coded paths, would still run on a 64bit system, and would load and use 64 bit OS components without actually realizing it.
Meanwhile, all the 32 bit stuff was put in a folder called 'SysWOW64', which was transparently redirected by internal OS kernel calls when a genuine well behaved 32 bit application using legal OS calls requested an actual 32 bit DLL, to serve said actual 32 bit DLL from a collection of 32 bit files.
This redirection is known as the '64 Bit Windows On Windows X32 Compatibility Layer' hence the name syswow64
Now this is all good, when it works and doesn't get abused.
Beacuse of this abuse (Which lasted through the DLL hell years of Win XP) MS came up with a new improved method when windows Vista was released called 'Windows Side by Side Compatibility Layer' (They love their compatibility layers don't they :-)  )
This saw the introduction of the 'winsxs' folder , and the idea was simple
Into this folder you place a 'Hard Link' (Yes folks, NTFS can do hard and soft links just like *nix can), this Hard Link should point to the appropriate DLL required for correct operation of that software on that platform.
In our case, the visual c++ runtimes now get installed in a non pathed folder and are then linked to the winsxs folder, windows then transparently looks at the application calling the DLL, figures out if it's 32 or 64 bit and redirects the call to the appropriate DLL where ever it may be installed.
the winsxs folder (if your brave enough to view it) will have an entry for every runtime and/or .net assembly on your PC for every platform supported by that runtime, and for the large part it works exceptionally well most of the time.
That is, until some lunatic application that's hard coded to look for system32 goes and drops a 32 bit dll in what it believes is the '32 bit system folder' , usually overwritting the 64 bit version in the process, and then making the winsxs link for both platform versions of the visual C++ runtime point to a 32 bit version, instead of a 32/64 bit version depending on what's been asked for.
Couple this with the fact that again to aid compatibility, path based searches ALWAYS take precedence over SysWOW & winsxs based calls, then having that one dll in the wrong place can mean an entire world of pain.
In the case of msvcrt?? it actually manages to 'Thunk' the 32 bit version into 64 bit address space and keep working (Thats why QGis doesn't actually crash at start up), but this can lead to problems later on (Such as the random application crashes I was getting while running) due to the app mistakenly thinking the runtime can handle a 64 bit value.
Many other apps however can refuse to start-up completely leaving the user with quite a cryptic, generic error message that doesn't at all help fix the problem.
Anyway, I know it's a bit of a novel I've written here, but since there are still plenty of people out there encountering this problem, hopefully your now armed with the knowledge you need to fix it.
just remember, this is not for the feint of heart, your messing with operating system internals here, so MAKE SURE you back things up before you start changing things.
I can't stress this enough, if you make a mistake there is a chance you can make your system un-bootable.  Admittedly I have yet to see this happen, esp when the DLL's involved are just the C++ runtime library, but the risk is still there if you accidentally change or move the wrong DLL files.

A: I ran into a similar issue with my own application some time ago. The problem wound up being caused by a third-party application which had (improperly) put its own version of the runtime DLLs in the PATH. The solution in my case is given here:
https://stackoverflow.com/questions/14552348/runtime-error-r6034-in-embedded-python-application/14680947#14680947

A: Shawty's answer was excellent and helped me identify my issue.  Process Explorer was the right scope, and killing some directories from my path was the magic bullet.  (I.e. removing Intel iCLS and Intel's OpenCL SDK from my system path).  Please see also Michael Cooper's answer and associated comments and other answers on SO:
https://stackoverflow.com/questions/14552348/runtime-error-r6034-in-embedded-python-application/31012118#31012118
(Although the following link is in the SO responses too...)  Process Explorer was a free download at:
https://technet.microsoft.com/en-ca/sysinternals/bb896653.aspx
R6034 is a nasty, vague error.  Seems like it's often a missing/bad/conflicted msvcr90.dll (C++ runtime file).

A: The solution for me was the following:

*

*I noticed I have installed the QGIS 32 bit. However my machine is 64
bit.

*I uninstall the QGIS and removed the registry (Run "regedit.exe" ) and deleted the QGIS folder (I'm not sure if this step is necessary. PS: If you do that, you lose all the QGIS plugins you've installed )

*Finally, I installed the QGIS 64 bit version. As consequence, the R6034 error disappeared.

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text:
Ludwig Gottlieb Buchner  (* 27. August 1711 in Darmstadt; † 1. Januar 1779 ebenda) war ein deutscher Bibliothekar.

Leben
Ludwig Gottlieb Buchner wurde 1711 als Sohn des Archivrats Johann August Buchner (1674–1735) und dessen zweiter Ehefrau Maria Philippine Reuss (1689–1715) in Darmstadt geboren. Die weiteren Lebensstationen sind nicht bekannt.

Nach dem Tod von Johann Martin Wenck im Dezember 1761 wurde Buchner 1762 die Leitung der Darmstädter Hofbibliothek übertragen. Er hatte diese Funktion bis zu seinem krankheitsbedingten Ausscheiden 1777 inne. In seiner Amtszeit wurden die Bestände der Hanauischen Bibliothek, die bereits unter Johann Hagenbusch erworben wurden, aber bisher räumlich getrennt untergebracht waren, in die Hofbibliothek räumlich und sachlich integriert.
Ebenso wurden die wertvollen Buchbeständen aus dem Nachlass des Geheimen Regierungs- und Lehnsrates Johann Jakob Hombergk zu Schenklengsfeld (1708–1765) in die Hofbibliothek integriert. Die 1767 von Landgraf Ludwig VIII. (Hessen-Darmstadt) erworbene Privatsammlung war besonders reichhaltig an Werken über deutsche Geschichte und Staatsrecht und ergänzte damit die Hofbibliothek auf hervorragende Weise.

Der Zuwachs an Bibliotheksbeständen brachte auch einen Umzug innerhalb des Darmstädter Schlosses mit sich, der von Buchner organisiert wurde. Die bisherigen Räumlichkeiten im Glockenturm wurden 1768 aufgegeben und dafür Räume im nordwestlichen Teil des neuen Schlosses (De la Fosse Bau) bezogen.

Buchner wurde 1777 nach längerer Arbeitsunfähigkeit als Leiter der Hofbibliothek abgelöst. Ludwig Gottlieb Buchner starb am Neujahrstag 1779 in seiner Heimatstadt im Alter von 67 Jahren.

Literatur
 Winfried von Borell: Darmstädter Bibliothekare des 18. Jahrhunderts. Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek, Darmstadt 1962, , S. 33ff.
 Erich Zimmermann (Hrsg.): Durch der Jahrhunderte Strom. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Hessischen Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek Darmstadt, Klostermann Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1967, .
 Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt (Hrsg.): Neue Mitte(n). Die Bibliotheksbauten der Technischen Universität Darmstadt. Justus-von-Liebig-Verlag, Darmstadt 2014, ISBN 978-3-87390-351-7.

Einzelnachweise

Bibliothekar (Deutschland)
Person (Darmstadt)
Geboren 1711
Gestorben 1779
Mann
Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt

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