text:
Alexander Murdoch HAAS[1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10]
Born 18 Aug 1837 Rothbach, Alsace, France [2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11]
Immigration Jul 1856
Died 24 Feb 1908 Bunkie, Avoyelles, Louisiana [6, 7, 8, 9]
Buried Thomas Douglas Marshall Cemetery near Greenwood, Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana
Person ID I21 Levey-Dannenbaum
Father Samuel HAAS, b. 6 Oct 1798, Rothbach, Alsace, France , d. 22 Mar 1879, Ingwiller, Alsace, France
Mother Hünel, Jeanne, Henriette UHRY, b. 3 Sep 1802, Ingwiller, Alsace, France , d. 29 Jul 1841, Ingwiller, Alsace, France
Family 1 Hannah POKORNY, b. 6 Apr 1858, New York, New York , d. 11 Apr 1935, New Orleans, Louisiana
Married 10 Aug 1879 New Orleans, Louisiana [2, 4]
1. Alice Rosalind HAAS, b. 17 Feb 1882, Haasville, Avoyelles, Lousiana , d. 18 Jun 1963, New Orleans, Louisiana
Family ID F29 Group Sheet
Family 2 Mary Maccie MARSHALL, b. 20 Sep 1846, Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana , d. 19 Sep 1876, Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana
Married 12 Jul 1866 Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana
1. William David HAAS, b. 9 May 1867, Cheneyville, Rapides, Louisiana , d. 26 Aug 1940, Bunkie, Louisiana
2. Nanie HAAS, b. 5 Mar 1869, Cheneyville, Louisiana , d. 3 May 1930, San Mateo, San Mateo, California
3. Mary Maccie "Bunkie" HAAS, b. 28 Aug 1871, Evergreen, Avoyelles, Louisiana , d. 14 Nov 1959, New Orleans, Louisiana
4. Alexander Marshall HAAS, b. 20 Dec 1873, Evergreen, Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana , d. 13 Dec 1934, Evergreen, Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana
5. Samuel HAAS, b. 19 Sep 1876, Haasville, Avoyelles, Louisiana , d. 17 Oct 1876, Haasville, Avoyelles, Louisiana
San Francisco Fire Viewed From Alta Plaza
Local Pacific Heights residents watched the city burn from Alta Plaza. The view is looking east towards Pacific Heights. Beyond is the smoke and fire which ravaged all areas east of Van Ness towards downtown. The road in the middle is Washington street where Aaron and Phina Loupe Kahn lived. Since many Loupe and Dannenbaum family resided in this neighborhood, they likely would have seen this same view. Alta Plaza is also where Col. Alex Haas (father of Alice Haas Dannenbaum) began to organize refugees on his horse. The dome to the right is Congregation Sherith Israel. The Bier home, which faces Alta Plaza, would be in the lower far right but is just out of range in this photo.
Alex and Hannah Haas Move to San Francisco
Alex and Hannah Pokorny Haas were probably already separated during this time.
Alex Haas and San Francisco Earthquake
This news article corroborates a family story about Alex Haas. According to Connie Dannenbaum Levey (Haas' granddaughter) the relief camp mentioned in this article was at Alta Plaza in the Pacific Heights neighborhood. Immediately following the earthquake, Alex hopped on a horse just like his cavalry officer days from the Civil War and began organizing the refugees. . . or so the story goes.
Alex Haas Horse Transactions and Dispute with Moses Family
Horse trading was a tradition in the Haas family going back generations to Alsace. The difficulty with the Moses family was with Gustave Moses, of the famous photography studio in New Orleans and his brother, Bernard, a well regarded painter of the age. As Carol Mills-Nichol states in her book "The Forgotten Jews of Avoyelles Parish: "... Publically humiliating a successful member of the Jewish community over fifty dollars would not have been in the Moses Brother's interest. Many prominent Hebrew citizens of New Orleans had been their clients, the most well-known being Fire Captain Samuel Levy, whom Bernard had painted in his ceremonial uniform."
The paintings referenced in the dispute remain unknown, and I hope they still exist somewhere.
Alex Haas Obituary
Alex Haas' Remedy for Charbon
Posthumous retelling of remedy
Alex Haas: Brief Bio Sketch
Anti-Semitic Attack in Avoyelles Parish
The following rebuke concerns an anti-Semitic attack on the Kahn Bros. store in Evergreen, and Felix Bauer's store in Cottonport. There is a family story that one of the Kahn brothers lived with a woman of color, which might have contributed to some consternation. Felix Bauer left Cottonport for Alexandria some time before 1890, and by 1895 was back in France for good. Six months after this attack Aaron Kahn married Phina Loupe in San Francisco and returned to Evergreen for a few more years before the couple moved to California. The investigation of this incident was financed by Alexander M Haas, whose daughter, Alice Haas, would eventually marry Phina Loupe Kahn's nephew, Arthur Dannenbaum. Coverage of the incident in the New Orleans Picayune eventually referred to the incident as the Avoyelles "matter" and seems to have stopped after an initial perpetrator was found.
Naming of the Town Bunkie
There has been much misinformation in articles about the founding and naming of Bunkie. In 1878 Captain Alexander Haas (not his brother, Samuel) purchased much of the land in this part of Avoyelles Parish, which was then called Irion. In l882 the Texas and Pacific Railway sought the right of way across Haas' land. In exchange for permission to build the railroad, Haas was given the privilege of naming the train station. Through the encouragement of a railroad official, he named the city after his daughter, Maccie's nickname, Bunkie. She received this nickname when Capt. Haas had bought his small daughter a toy monkey (not a real one). Maccie mispronounced the word "monkey" with "Bunkie" in her excitement. From then on she was called "Bunkie".
The following letters to the editor provide a breadth of views surrounding the establishment of the town. The first is from a local booster. The second, in contrast, shows that not everyone shared the excitement of Bunkie's new name. This is followed by Capt. A. M. Haas' perturbed rebuttal.
History and Destruction of Tiger Bend/Haasville Plantation Home
The Plantation House in Tiger Bend (alternatively called Eola and Haasville) appears to extend back to Roger Banks Marshall before the 1840s. Roger's son, T. Douglas Marshall, lived with his family there in the 1840s. After the Civil War, his daughter and son-in-law, Maccie and Alex Haas, lived in the house. When Alex and his second wife moved to New Orleans in the 1890s, Alex's son, A. Marshall Haas and his family, lived in the home. By the 1910s the family only spent summers in the house and eventually it was abandoned and destroyed sometime in the 1970s.
The name Northup referred to in this article was Solomon Northup, a free-born black man who was kidnapped and sold into slavery and wrote the book "Twelve Years a Slave" which recounted his experience at various plantations in Avoyelles Parish before being freed in 1853.
[S176] Ancestry Family Trees, (Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com. Original data: Family Tree files submitted by Ancestry members.), Ancestry Family Trees, http://trees.ancestry.com/pt/AMTCitationRedir.aspx?tid=17361887&pid=21.
[S165] 1900 United States Federal Census, Ancestry.com, (Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2004.Original data - United States of America, Bureau of the Census. Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 1900. T623, 18), Year: 1900; Census Place: New Orleans Ward 1, Orleans, Louisiana; Roll: T623_570; Page: 8B; Enumeration District: 5., http://trees.ancestry.com/rd?f=sse&db=1900usfedcen&h=17960172&ti=0&indiv=try&gss=pt, Birth date: Aug 1837 Birth place: France Marriage date: 1880 Marriage place: Residence date: 1900 Residence place: New Orleans Ward 1, Orleans, Louisiana Arrival date: 1850 Arrival place:.
[S177] 1860 United States Federal Census, Ancestry.com, (Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2009. Images reproduced by FamilySearch.Original data - 1860 U.S. census, population schedule. NARA microfilm publication M653, 1,438 rolls. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records), Year: 1860; Census Place: Opelousas, St Landry, Louisiana; Roll: ; Page: ; Image: ., http://trees.ancestry.com/rd?f=sse&db=1860usfedcenancestry&h=38520240&ti=0&indiv=try&gss=pt, Birth date: abt 1840 Birth place: Europe Residence date: 1860 Residence place: Opelousas, St Landry, Louisiana, United States.
[S187] Louisiana Marriages, 1718-1925, Hunting For Bears, comp., (Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2004.Original data - Compiled from a variety of sources including original marriage records located in Family History Library microfilm, microfiche, or books. Original marriage records are a), http://trees.ancestry.com/rd?f=sse&db=lamarriages_ga&h=212102&ti=0&indiv=try&gss=pt, Marriage date: 10 Aug 1879 Marriage place: Orleans, 1,7837::212102.
[S175] 1870 United States Federal Census, Ancestry.com, (Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2009. Images reproduced by FamilySearch.Original data - 1870 U.S. census, population schedules. NARA microfilm publication M593, 1,761 rolls. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Record), Year: 1870; Census Place: Subdivision 5, Avoyelles, Louisiana; Roll: M593_; Page: ; Image: ., http://trees.ancestry.com/rd?f=sse&db=1870usfedcen&h=30552852&ti=0&indiv=try&gss=pt, Birth date: abt 1821 Birth place: France Residence date: 1870 Residence place: Subdivision 5, Avoyelles, Louisiana, United States.
[S19] U.S., Sons of the American Revolution Membership Applications, 1889-1970, Ancestry.com, (Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2011.Original data - Sons of the American Revolution Membership Applications, 1889-1970. Louisville, Kentucky: National Society of the Sons of the American Revolution. Microfilm, 508 rolls), http://trees.ancestry.com/rd?f=sse&db=sarmemberapps&h=644422&ti=0&indiv=try&gss=pt, Birth date: 18 Aug 1839 Birth place: Death date: 24 Feb 1908 Death place: Residence date: Residence place: United States, 1,2204::644422.
[S181] New Orleans Passenger Lists, 1820-1945, Ancestry.com, (Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2006.Original data - New Orleans, Louisiana. Passenger Lists of Vessels Arriving at New Orleans, Louisiana, 1820-1902. Micropublication M259. RG036. Rolls # 1-93. National Archives, Washin), http://trees.ancestry.com/rd?f=sse&db=neworleans358&h=539520&ti=0&indiv=try&gss=pt, Birth date: abt 1839 Birth place: Arrival date: 26 Jun 1855 Arrival place: New Orleans, Louisiana Departure date: Departure place: Le Havre, France, 1,7484::539520.
[S484]


text:
Work with children who
have been sexually abused
Work with children who have been sexually abused
If you're worried about a child you should contact social services or the police.
We cannot investigate specific cases of child abuse, and will forward any messages we get about abuse to the police or social services.
We run eight projects across England and Wales that support and treat children, young people and their families who've been affected by sexual abuse.
It's estimated that child sexual abuse could affect as many as 36% of girls and 29% of boys. An NSPCC study found that nearly three-quarters of sexually abused children didn't tell anyone about the abuse at the time, and around a third still hadn't told anyone by early adulthood.
The impact of abuse can manifest itself in a variety of behavioural and psychological problems, including poor psychological functioning, depression and low self-esteem, sexualised behaviour, eating disorders, suicide and substance misuse.
Long-term support
Children who've been sexually abused need long-term support. That's why we offer individual support for as long as it takes, using proven techniques such as therapeutic play, creative arts and psychotherapy. We help them make sense of life experiences, highlight their strengths and potential, and teach them to cope with difficulties.
It's important to support the brothers, sisters and carers of those affected by abuse too. So we provide a wide range of individual, group and family treatments and therapy, with a 360-degree approach. A special support service, which includes counselling, helps carers and parents understand the effects of abuse and the therapeutic process.
Tackling the wider issue
We offer support and consultative services to other professionals working with children and young people who have suffered sexual abuse. By monitoring, evaluating and contributing to research, we can help tackle child sexual abuse head on.
"All the time I have come to Action for Children, I have felt safe and helped. Even when I have been at my worst and couldn't see a light at the end of the tunnel, I knew you would always be there for me! I am going to keep climbing that mountain!"
A 12-year-old survivor of sexual abuse
Our Safe and Secure network
We set up the Safe and Secure network to make it easier for children, young people and their families who have been affected by sexual abuse to access our services.
The network focuses on:
Promoting strong networks and partnerships with other agencies and organisations;
Developing specialist training;
Sharing best practice;
Looking at services for disabled and black minority ethnic (BME) children;
Developing the evidence base (including commissioning small-scale studies of the impact of innovations within the projects).
Read our briefings:
Preparing for the future: supporting children and young people who have been sexually abused
Research update: learning to climb high - Finding new ways to support children and young people who have suffered the trauma of sexual abuse
We're here to help families. Every step of the way.
Get in touch to find out more about how we can help you.
Find a children's centre near you.
Find out more about how we can help your family.
Family intervention
Providing intensive, coordinated support for families with more than one problem.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
package com.thoughtworks.go.agent;

import java.io.BufferedReader;
import java.io.IOException;
import java.io.InputStream;
import java.io.InputStreamReader;

import com.thoughtworks.go.agent.common.util.LoggingHelper;
import org.apache.commons.logging.Log;
import org.apache.commons.logging.LogFactory;
import org.apache.log4j.Appender;
import org.apache.log4j.Logger;
import org.apache.log4j.NDC;

import static com.thoughtworks.go.agent.common.util.LoggingHelper.CONSOLE_NDC;

public class AgentConsoleLogThread extends Thread {
    private static final Log LOG = LogFactory.getLog(AgentConsoleLogThread.class);
    private volatile InputStream consoleError;
    private volatile CONSOLE_NDC ndc;
    private volatile boolean keepRunning;
    private volatile boolean flushedAfterStop;
    private String consoleFileName;

    public AgentConsoleLogThread(InputStream consoleError, CONSOLE_NDC ndc, String consoleFileName) {
        this.setName(ndc+": Logger"+this.getName());
        this.consoleError = consoleError;
        this.ndc = ndc;
        this.consoleFileName = consoleFileName;
        setDaemon(true);
        keepRunning = true;
        flushedAfterStop = false;
    }

    public void run() {
        BufferedReader reader = new BufferedReader(new InputStreamReader(consoleError));
        Appender consoleFileAppender = LoggingHelper.createConsoleFileAppender(ndc, consoleFileName);
        Logger.getRootLogger().addAppender(consoleFileAppender);
        NDC.push(ndc.toString());
        while (true) {
            if (!keepRunning && flushedAfterStop) {
                break;
            }
            try {
                logConsoleError(reader);
                Thread.sleep(1000);
            } catch (Exception e) {
                LOG.error("Error occured while capturing console output from agent process: ", e);
                break;
            }
        }
        NDC.pop();
        Logger.getRootLogger().removeAppender(consoleFileAppender);
    }

    private void logConsoleError(final BufferedReader reader) throws IOException {
        flushedAfterStop = !keepRunning;
        for (String line = reader.readLine(); line != null; line = reader.readLine()) {
            LOG.error(line);
        }
    }

    public void stopAndJoin() throws InterruptedException {
        keepRunning = false;
        join();
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Regular polygons
Revision as of 17:23, 26 July 2012 by Jjg (talk | contribs) (TeX, Refs, MSC)
2010 Mathematics Subject Classification: Primary: 51M05 [MSN][ZBL]
A regular polygon is a polygon, all angles of which are equal and all sides of which are equal.
In other words, a regular polygon is a polygon whose vertices all lie on one circle while its sides all touch a concentric circle. If the polygon is convex and has $n$ vertices, it is called an $n$-gon, and is denoted by $\{n\}$. If it is non-convex and its $n$ sides surround its centre $d$ times, it is called a star polygon, or a star $n$-gon of density $d$, and is denoted by $\{n/d\}$. For instance, the pentagram is $\{5/2\}$.
[Co] H.S.M. Coxeter, "Regular complex polytopes", Cambridge Univ. Press (1990) pp. Chapt. 1
Regular polygons. Encyclopedia of Mathematics. URL: http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index.php?title=Regular_polygons&oldid=27206
Retrieved from "https://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index.php?title=Regular_polygons&oldid=27206"


text:
Growing Old in Utopia: From Age to Otherness in American Literary Utopias
By Mark R. Brand - Category: Articles
*Winner: Graduate Student Essay Contest 2016*
Utopian Studies and Age Studies, as disciplines, have traditionally had little to do with one another despite a great deal of shared scholarly "territory." This essay examines one such nexus of shared territory: the changing representation of age as a component of social formation in American utopian fictions of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. A perceptible shift in Anglophone utopian depictions of aging can be identified in the approximate years 1890-1914, before which aging was largely figured as a non-othering, normative characteristic, and after which aging became a particularlizing and potentially othering feature of identity. Using a "stage" vs. "state" theoretical approach modeled on the work of Andrea Charise, the analysis here focuses on the brief interim where narrative figurations of age became noticeably unstable in utopian literature, fluctuating between othering and non-othering configurations (sometimes both simultaneously) in well-known American utopias such as Ignatius Donnelly's Caesar's Column (1890), Jack London's The Scarlet Plague (1912), and Charlotte Perkins Gilman's Herland (1915).
Categories of difference are fascinating in utopian fiction; they prompt wave upon wave of fresh readings of race, gender, and class throughout developmental stages of political, legal, economic, and social imagination. Utopian treatment of categorical difference frequently draws critical accusations of racism, sexism, varieties of classism, and problematic representation of differences in innate physical and mental ability in the effort to imagine a better (or worse) future. But age is a category that stands apart from these, and it is age that I wish to explore here, particularly in its configuration at the very end of the nineteenth century. This period is of specific interest because it is roughly around this time that aged characters in utopian fiction begin to be figured as radically "other." I locate this shift in the approximate years 1890–1914, after which age becomes a widely malleable category of social difference in utopian narrative, and before which age seldom figures as a categorical difference at all.
If the dearth of research into their common themes is any indication, historically age studies and utopian studies have had little to do with one another. Imaginative revision of age and aging presents outsized existential problems to the utopianist, whose work prefigures mortality in ways that seem ontologically inescapable. Likewise, age studies seems compatible enough with utopian concerns of identity, history, and even futurity, but less so with fanciful revisions of aging—which seem external to the discipline—than with inquiry and revision of perception surrounding age as commonly experienced.
Sweeping claims about either discipline are not my aim here, but rather I would like to suggest that these two areas of study are natural allies that share age and aging as creative and scholarly "property" in common. By way of demonstrating one such overlap, I mean to show that through a shift in narrative methodology during the period just prior to World War I, American utopian authors began to use imaginative revisions of age in their fiction in order to metabolize understandings of modernity, mortality, and selfhood that continue to be addressed today in the contemporary study of age.
Growing Old in Utopia
Age studies scholar Andrea Charise points out that age is an inconsistent component of cultural being in narratives. It might be, and for most of the nineteenth century generally was, thought of as a universal "stage" of human identity (908). One might not be "young" or "old" at any given moment, but barring premature death one could expect to be both of those things, and every other stage in between, in his or her lifetime. Thus, the first of two primary configurations of age in utopian fiction figures age and aging as a fundamentally non-malleable universal form of difference. This version of age merits mention and contributes to identity, but is far less narratively "malleable" (my term) than characteristics like class or gender, and constitutes neither a particularlizing categorical difference nor its logical negative capacity: age as otherness.
The second version of age in utopian narratives, which emerges mostly after World War I and persists through the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, is a configuration of age as eminently malleable, and hence, to continue borrowing Charise's terms, a "state" rather than a "stage" of life (908). As a non-universal, particular "state" (again, like race, class, and gender), it is subject to the discriminatory functions of categorical difference; it can be—and frequently is—used to categorize the aged as "other." Between these two broader, persistent defining configurations was a brief and illuminative transition period, roughly from 1890 to 1914, where age was inconsistently malleable in utopian fiction. Anglophone—especially American—utopian fictions from this important, brief period coincide with a number of social and scientific shifts that helped textualize age as a categorical difference, including newfound understandings of microbiology framed as disease.
By narrative "malleability" I mean the extent to which a utopian fiction writer is invested in and capable of shaping and molding the characteristic of age. Put plainly, of what use is "othering" the aged, when age is universal and all-inclusive? Age, after all, is among the most fastidious of non-discriminators. People age. Trees age. VCRs age. Minerals age. Atoms age. This is an important distinction because as forms of difference go, age presents a unique difficulty to the utopianist: it is symbolic of—or, perhaps more accurately, the inscription on the body of—mortality, and like the universalizing continuity between "young" and "old" age is problematically inevitable. An author might, for example, assign a character a non-universal (and hence potentially "othering") race, class, gender, or degree of ability; but particularizing a character via age is less straightforward. Outside of a small range of experimental writing, narrative time must pass. An "old" character may be narratively particular in his or her agedness, but he or she was once necessarily "young" and calling attention to the characteristic of age only reinforces this seemingly-inescapable continuity. A character's age, like the rules of reality (even, most of the time, narrative "reality"), could be thought of as unmalleable in that respect. An author might choose to set a temporal beginning or end point to a story, or even jumble timeframes around, but the passage of time in any story, as in reality, however long or short, constitutes a form of aging and a nod to the universal, non-malleable configuration of age. Until approximately 1890–1914 there were few attempts in Anglophone utopian fiction to overcome this unmalleability.
And yet we know that age does indeed constitute contemporary otherness both in firm reality and in fictions common to the latter twentieth- and twenty-first-century utopian configuration. In order to understand the complex ways that later utopias deal with age, we must first examine how and why age can be configured as a categorical difference, the term I favor to describe the non-universal, particularizing components of identity.
In Aged by Culture (2004), age studies scholar Margaret Morganroth Gullette calls aging "the most inaccessible layer of our social formation" (27). She argues that age acts as both a physically universal experience and a social category of otherness in turns, and that this duality helps camouflage the more insidious mechanisms of age-targeted extractive economies of all kinds, which tend toward age-as-otherness as an unsustainable cult of youth (32, 57-58). Other scholars describe how age-otherness can be both pervasive and mundane and have far-reaching effects into our perception. Older adults may find themselves largely invisible to the rest of the world—sometimes literally so, as in the case of an elderly woman killed in a collision with a cyclist who claimed simply in his defense, "I didn't see her" (Woodward ix)—and a variety of mundane age-based biases are embedded in our culture and institutions, including a strong rejection of the idea of elderly sexual activity (Rubin 87). The elderly are afforded a variety of special privileges (pricing for services, priority seating on transportation, etc.) and face a similar variety of special sanctions (additional testing for driving licenses, cutoffs for participation in certain forms of work, and so forth).
These forms of differential, particularlizing, often flatly unequal treatment—manifestations of otherness—are not harmless; Rubin, Woodward, and Gullette all stress that the casual othering of older people can potentially cause great harm. Feelings of loneliness, abandonment, anxiety, invisibility, inferiority, undesirability, and helplessness recall many of the same negative psychological effects of other, more easily recognizable forms of socially constructed difference like racism, sexism, classism, and ableism. Moreover, these forms of otherness are dynamic: Merril Silverstein and Jeffrey Long, researchers in the field of marriage and families, analyzed patterns of older individuals interacting with their grandchildren and discovered that some forms of age-based othering followed a linear progression, the divergence worsening with increasing age (921). In sum, age seems to function similarly to "othering" categorical differences when deployed as such: it is socially constructed and reinforced, readily recognizable, patently harmful, and contains dynamic differences in scope even within individual biosocial phenomena.[1]
It would seem, given this understanding, that age and aging would be fertile ground for the utopian imaginary in fiction. Gullette even indirectly calls for this when she suggests that our inability to imagine age in innovative ways and our vulnerability to cultural mirrors play into the hands of a toxic consumer culture, perpetuated by a relentlessly linear and negative narrative of decline (8). As I mention above, however, until the early twentieth century, age was rarely understood in literary utopias as an identity characteristic that could be radically altered by a better or worse future. Only a handful of American utopian texts before 1900 feature age as a major thematic or plot element, and only two before 1890.[2] What we see instead prior to 1890 are stories concerned with age that, in the main, behave like "instructive" life-stage stories rather than utopian revisionary texts, with marriage being one of the most common plot points (Heath 28). This scarcity is confirmed by the small number of scholars, including Andrea Charise, who have studied age in literary utopias.
Leah Hadomi, writing for Utopian Studies, ruminates on this peculiar contradiction: death, dying, age, and time are widespread sites of examination in all literary genres but, as she puts it, they are "almost dismissed from literary utopias—death is extraterritorial to utopia, being as [Ernst] Bloch phrased it, 'the harshest anti-utopia'" (85). Hadomi sees the narrative malleability of age, in the form of the imaginative elimination of death or radical revision of the concept of mortality, as something that is typically "beyond the values, priorities, or concrete intention of utopia," and notes that stories of this type are usually fantastical and escapist in nature (85). This is consistent with what we know of age-concerned utopias prior to 1890, among which we only very rarely encounter utopias of immortality or concerned with characters who could cease aging entirely. The existential nature of death, and the hard limits and motivations we attribute to it in the physical world, suggest an inescapable narrative overdetermination: a world of immortal humans—or worse, some immortal humans—must rapidly devolve into dystopia rather than eutopia. In this sense, the utopia of indefinite longevity or immortality tends to crash land the utopian impulse, compounding the problematics of identity by folding the temporal intractability of age into Malthusian logics of eternal resource exhaustion, cultural and individual stagnation and anomie, and gerontocracy (Hadomi 85-90). Illustrative of Hadomi's argument are stories like Bram Stoker's novel Dracula (1897) or John Boorman's film Zardoz (1974), in which immortality becomes a perverse or even horrific eternal dystopia, and in which the rejection of immortality and the "right" to a natural death constitutes a cautionary anti-utopia (Groys, Sorokina, and Meers 349). [3]
Yet we return to the image of the individual particularlized by age—invisible, marginalized, other, and lonely—and we cannot fail to see the categorical difference in play, and the evident gulf between the present and a better future. This is the playground of the utopian impulse and, while rare, utopias of the nineteenth century in America and elsewhere did not ignore age completely. Prefigured by centuries of discourse on age by prominent writers like Hippocrates, Aristotle, Galen, and Cicero (Charise 914), as well as age narratives of legendary, mythological, or abstract philosophical nature ("fountain of youth" stories, crone mythologies, etc.), the "long" nineteenth century saw its first major utopian text dealing with age published in 1799 in Britain: William Godwin's St. Leon.[4] Other Anglophone utopias that followed included an exploration of aging backward (Irish poet Melesina Trench's 1816 epic Laura's Dream; or, The Moonlanders)[5] and a demographic dystopia where loss of property or even euthanasia is prescribed for those reaching various ages (British-born Anthony Trollope's 1881 novel, The Fixed Period).
American utopias came to the topic a bit later in the nineteenth century, and the notable handful of pre-1900 American age-related utopias include gerontocracies, fountains of youth, utopias that can only be reached after death, and even the occasional utopia of immortality.[6] But these stories were the rare exception, rather than the rule. For most major American utopian novels of the nineteenth century, age is a mundane, universal, non-narratively-malleable characteristic. These novels frequently feature aged, elderly, or anachronistically-preserved individual characters, but this almost invariably takes the form of utopian circumstances that slow or temporarily pause age, but do not eliminate or reverse it.
To touch on just a few prominent examples, John Cleves Symmes's Symzonia (1820) mentions age only in the context of retirement from compulsory work and, as is typical of most American nineteenth-century utopias, privileges age as a characteristic of maturity, intelligence, and political agency. In other words, age is a difference, but a universal, non-malleable difference which carries some benefits and little or no tendency to assign otherness (164). Likewise, Mary E. Bradley Lane's Mizora: A Prophecy (1880) features a number of whitened but not wizened female characters in its all-female utopia. As in Charlotte Perkins Gilman's later novel Herland (1915), mothers are essential to its parthenogenic utopian vision, hence aging and age difference must logically be retained. Unlike the Herlanders, however, Bradley Lane's Mizorans "made no concealment of the practice they resorted to for preserving their complexions," maintaining the illusion of youth "past the age allotted to grandmothers" (16) even in the total absence of men and sexuality. When a young Mizoran drowns, her funeral dirge hints at an even deeper profoundness of age in Mizora: "youth sleeps in round loveliness when age should lie withered and weary, and full of honor" (68). In Mizora age, like death, is visible, but as a "stage" not a "state," and though it constitutes a conspicuous difference that merits amelioration, it is once more not a source of otherness.
Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward: 2000-1887 (1888) similarly treats age as a condition that has relevance and deserves some superficial revision, but which is essentially still a "stage." "We hold the period of youth sacred to education," Dr. Leete explains to Julian West, "and the period of maturity, when the physical forces begin to flag, equally sacred to ease and agreeable relaxation" (88). In Bellamy's Boston of the year 2000 "age approaches many years later, and has an aspect far more benign than in past times" (272). As in Mizora, and other texts, true old age begins to be difficult to discern as older individuals appear younger than the presumed nineteenth-century reader's concept of "old age," and often as young or younger than the novels' youthful narrators and protagonists. Bellamy even uses West's discovery of future-Boston's retirement scheme as an excuse to protest that the aged are less capable than the young: "At forty five, a man still has ten good years of manual labor in him, and twice ten years of good intellectual service. To be superannuated at that age and laid on the shelf must be regarded rather as a hardship than a favor by men of energetic dispositions" (269). But the reader needn't fear; Bellamy has other plans for those who have reached retirement age: steering the ship of state.
In these and other texts, age is a non-malleable identity category, one that may be ingeniously accommodated or biosocially altered to reduce its most loathsome effects, but which remains universal and generally not used to signify otherness. This authorial avoidance of age as a categorical distinction also doesn't seem to have a gendered aspect. Carol Farley Kessler's excellent bibliography of utopian fiction by American women that covers the years 1836-1988 mentions only five texts before 1900 that make a point of addressing age at all.[7]
After World War I, and particularly after the publication of George Bernard Shaw's Back to Methuselah (1921) and Aldous Huxley's Brave New World (1931), there was a noticeable change in the approach to age in utopia: not simply the fact that there were suddenly many more age-concerned utopias published in the post-war period (which we might attribute to the proliferation of popular fiction in general), but also that age is much more commonly figured as a particularlizing "state" than a universal "stage" of being. Though Shaw and Huxley were prominent early-adopters of this new approach to age, American utopianists soon followed, exploring the demographic-dystopian and posthuman possibilities of malleable age and aging in pessimistic, gerontophobic Cold War-era dystopias.[8] These stories tended to brood on the decline of fertility and substantial increase in life expectancy experienced by most Western countries during this period (Domingo 728).
Utopian fiction from World War I onward not only acknowledged the capacity of age as a categorical difference—an inscription on the body of socially-constructed otherness—but it also tended to view this category as increasing in strength over time. Late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century utopian fictions begin to figure age as eminently malleable; postmodern questions of being and representation prompted utopian revisions that profoundly altered age, or even stripped it away from human-ness entirely. The promise of mechanistic or digital immortality was explored in a large number of novels from cryogenic telepresence in Philip K. Dick's Ubik (1969) to time-dilation space travel in Joe Haldeman's The Forever War (1974), to immortality via virtual reality in Greg Egan's Permutation City (1994). Margaret Morganroth Gullette's linear, culturally constructed and visually represented idea of age comes full circle in recent, comedic dystopias like Gary Shteyngart's Super Sad True Love Story (2010) and Ernest Cline's Ready Player One (2011) that satirically play with longevity as the ultimate advertising campaign backed by a youth-obsessed, nostalgia-fueled culture industry.
Age as Both "State" and "Stage"
What makes the period of 1890-1914 remarkable is that representations of age became noticeably unstable during this timeframe. Once more British utopianists led the trend,[9] but American writers soon followed, with imagined futures directly addressing age as difference and reviving ageist propositions like property surrender at cutoff ages. But this was a very uneven movement; adherents to the non-malleable conception of age sometimes stubbornly refused to acknowledge age as an othering categorical distinction even as late as 1915. The all-female utopian society of Charlotte Perkins Gilman's well-known novel Herland is instructive here because of how oddly fastidious it is in avoiding the exploration of the malleability of age.
Gilman's novel has come under attack by contemporary critics for its adherence (as in many utopian texts of this era) to eugenic ideologies, her treatment of race and class, and even her troubling representation of the disabled. Yet Gilman, whose conventional utopian form in this book moves methodically from subject to subject, does not interrogate the subject of age with the same didacticism as other forms of difference. Rather than entire chapters explicitly dealing with everything from psychological illness to the undesirability of dogs as pets, we are left to try and gather Gilman's feelings on age from scant clues. The male visitor-characters occasionally mention the perceived sexlessness of the "maiden aunts" and "old Colonels" (50, 85) of which Herland largely consists, and later, when the men marry, they experience an analogous passionlessness on the part of their young Herlander wives. But aside from this and one blithe remark by an older Herlander hinting at the rambunctious nature of the younger women (92), there is virtually no direct authorial comment on age in the novel. To the extent that Herland contains a cogent statement about age at all, I would suggest that age is encoded as a sense of maturity rather than chronology, and, like most other subjects in the novel, it is complicated by sex. On the one hand, the idea of a continuum of (cultural) maturity between the enlightened Herlanders and their immature male visitors suggests the universal configuration of age as "stage." Then again, if even the younger Herlanders, so rigorously educated and sexually unassailable, are more "mature" than the men, we are left to wonder if any Herlander is ever "immature" in the same way the men are. In that sense, whether as Herlander maturity or male immaturity, age behaves more like a "state."
Ignatius Donnelly's 1890 novel Caesar's Column manifests nearly the opposite: Donnelly, ahead of his time at least in this respect, is eager to embrace and literalize the particularlizing potential of age in his dystopia. Age becomes chameleonic: Maximilian, a major character, is able to move freely in the spy-infested oligarchical New York City of 1988 by masquerading as an old man, and Gabriel Weltstein, the novel's protagonist, relates a vision of the city's children, "prematurely aged and hardened . . . their bold eyes revealed that sin had no surprises for them" (54). Here age and class become a sort of intersectional, combined category of otherness. Poverty has the power to etch old age into the faces of the chronologically youngest characters and create in them a categorical exclusion by way of invisibility. Conversely the oligarchs of Donnelly's New York are written as vain, youth-obsessed atheists who attend a grotesque self-worshipping version of a church service where, by "virtue of many cunning arts," they appear fair and beautiful long past middle age (264). During the service, an old woman "dressed like a girl of twenty, with false rubber shoulders and neck and cheeks, to hide the ravages of time, hurled a huge hymn-book, the size of a Bible" at Weltstein (279). The satire to some extent blurs the finer distinctions, but age in Caesar's Column is both universal and otherness in turns, and is both socially constructed and inscribed on the body.
Of the American utopias that confront age from 1890-1914, none succeeds quite so completely in crystallizing the shifting utopian discourse of age at the end of the nineteenth century as Jack London's novel The Scarlet Plague (1912). Largely forgotten in favor of London's other work, this novel captures the complexity of aging in a better or worse future at its most conceptually unstable. The Scarlet Plague concerns an old man and three young boys living on the shores of a post-apocalyptic San Francisco sixty years after an epidemic has killed almost everyone on earth. Granser is the only man alive old enough to remember the time before the plague—a time ruled by oppressive oligarchs—and the story largely consists of his account to the boys of the apocalypse and its immediate aftermath. Granser's child companions, who seem to alternately enjoy and taunt him, are Edwin, Hoo-Hoo, and Hare-Lip. London describes the boys as savage in both behavior and appearance. They spend most of their time using primitive tools and weapons to herd and hunt animals, and they are accompanied by a small pack of Londonesque hunting dogs.
The book was not a commercial success and there is some evidence that the story was not very well received (Raney 398), even by critics normally friendly to London and despite its importance as an early example of the modern plague-apocalypse narrative. It was also unnervingly prescient: the novel was published in book form a mere three years before the outbreak of the 1918 Spanish influenza pandemic which killed between 50-100 million people (Barry 397).[10] A critical reading of the novel's form today partially reveals why it met such tepid praise: the novel is mostly told in scattered flashback, contains no major female characters in-scene, and has the dubious distinction of being a dystopia wrapped in a flashback wrapped in a utopia, told from the point of view of the only person left on earth for whom the new world isn't a utopia. It's a peculiar novel, even for a writer whose groundbreaking work in speculative fiction is sometimes overlooked in favor of the linear, Naturalist fiction that secured his legacy. The book frustrates the reader by refusing to clearly encode the new feral San Francisco as either a disappointment or an improvement.
But it is exactly this peculiarity that situates The Scarlet Plague so perfectly at the juncture of the shifting conception of age in utopian fiction. David Raney, in his analysis of The Scarlet Plague, calls the boys "objects of pity, chasing goats with homemade bow-and-arrow and scrabbling for clams" (403), but they are also, the book implies, better specimens of humanity than those in London's late-nineteenth century: strong, weather-hardened, hunger sharpened, keen, and catlike in the narrowed realm of body that their minds permit them. They are ignorant savages, as Granser repeatedly asserts, but they are also the beneficiaries of a new world that has sloughed off the eternal problems of scarcity and war. They are not beholden to money or debt—they cannot, it turns out, even count higher than ten—and they brook no impingement of their individual will, under pain of immediate violence. As Raney points out, "this is the myth of America writ large: a few hardy souls find themselves in a rough new world they have reached only through trials" and who are "engineering a new society without the strictures of the old" (409).
Likewise, Granser is a dualistic character: he has won a seemingly cosmic lottery and survived the plague that killed billions of human beings. He, even more than the boys, was able to appreciate and reap the benefit of the sudden precipitous disappearance of competition for food, shelter, and mates, and he avoided, at great odds, the fate of nearly his entire species. Yet Granser could not escape old age, and in addition to his decrepit form hobbling about, half-blind, he suffers from the new order of the world. He was, before the plague, an English professor, and the new savage-dominated world does not include the life of the mind for which he prepared himself. He has amassed books, but cannot read or share them with the illiterate boys. He is as trapped within his dying concept of the world as he is within his dying body. He has won the unlikely cosmic lottery only to discover that the prize, in addition to his life, is a world in which his personal strengths are irrelevant and his intellectual desires impossible. It is a dystopia that consists solely of Granser.
But Granser and the boys also operate as a dualistic unit in the novel, and this is where we can most readily observe The Scarlet Plague's ambiguous treatment of age. It is unclear, for example, exactly why Edwin, Hoo-Hoo, and Hare-Lip keep Granser around. At times, they seem distantly entranced by his stories, at others, they seem barely capable of tolerating him. Likewise, Granser is bound to the boys for protection and food, but he inwardly (and sometimes outwardly) patronizes them, calling them ignorant and exposing the dull simplicity of their existence. The two sides, young and old, are bound by a shifting tangle of duty, curiosity, judgment, and utility. At times, Granser is an aged other, a "gabbling old geezer" as Hoo-Hoo calls him, ready to "croak" (40). Other times he is their historically important forebear; keeper of a variety of mystic, arcane secrets that they vaguely feel it would be good to learn; an old man, not an old man, as it were.
Age and the Apocalyptic Body
The question of causality remains regarding this shift in utopian age representations between 1890 and 1914. One plausible explanation has to do with contemporaneous advances in modern microbiology—particularly virology, bacteriology, immunology, and epidemiology—in the late-nineteenth century. Age, so far as I am aware, was never wholly conflated with disease processes in American utopias previous to 1890, but the comparison was indirectly drawn in many texts. This appears most commonly in utopias where purification of the environment—nourishing food, frequent exercise, fresh air—results in people who appear youthful for longer portions of their lives. Symzonians, Mizorans, Herlanders, and even (at least as much as the satirical "pastor" of the church in Caesar's Column may be trusted) future New York oligarchs all benefit from a youthful appearance that hinges partly on their air and foodstuffs being free from contaminants.
While the biological basis of this was poorly understood at the time, what stands out is the closely collocated depictions of aging and disease as they are inscribed on the body. It is impossible to pinpoint an exact moment or text in which this first occurs, but Leah Hadomi points out that this is approximately the same time period when care of the aged and dying is no longer private but societal and medicalized (87), a process which began diffusely in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries.[11] Hadomi identifies this trend as an important transformative moment for the social conception of death, which made aging a more attractive target for utopianist revision. I would argue the crucial shift can be somewhat more finely identified: diseases, which had previously been thought unavoidable scourges of natural life with ill-defined parameters of selectivity, became, in the light of microbiology, phenomena of bodily destruction with knowable causes and mechanisms, and hence at least partially avoidable. If plagues were reducible to the interaction, destruction, and resilience of the microscopic building blocks of life, mightn't the aging process also be?
Plague narratives regularly explore the extent to which humans could resist epidemics of lethal diseases. Literary scholar Elana Gomel sees a character in these plague narratives as a sort of canvas, on which is inscribed the features of the "apocalyptic body." The apocalyptic body, she argues, is primarily "a suffering body, a text written in the script of stigmata, scars, wounds, and sores. Any apocalypse strikes the body like a disease" (406). She notes that apocalypses inherently purify; that is, they eradicate, in the Spencerian sense, all but the fittest of survivors. Interestingly, this purification, she writes, "often seems of less importance than the narrative pleasure derived from the bizarre and opulent tribulations of the bodies being burnt by fire and brimstone, tormented by scorpion stings, trodden like grapes in the winepress" (405).
What Gomel has described, in essence, is The Scarlet Plague's Granser. He has survived the plague, indicating he successfully underwent apocalyptic purification, but it has inscribed itself on his body. He is blind, frail, and toothless, scabby, scratched, sunburned, and scarred, with deeply lined skin, and visible palsy. He requires both a walking stick and a makeshift sun visor to keep the sun off of his head while he moves around. He mumbles when confused and weeps when injured, scolded, or excluded. He is an animated relic, surviving at great cost both the scourge which killed his less-fit companions and the life which came after. But crucially, to Edwin, Hare-Lip, and Hoo Hoo, and to the reader, the inscriptions of suffering on his "apocalyptic" body and his "aged" body are indistinguishable.
Lest we forget that plagues were a part of the contemporary cultural consciousness in London's America at the end of the nineteenth century, it's worth noting that London even partially foresees the role of the media in spreading information about plagues in his novel (Augusto Riva, Benedetti, and Cesana 1755). Apart from the Spanish flu of 1918, legendary in its virulence and lethality, the rhetoric of contagion and disease permeated social and scientific discourse. At times absurd—as in cases of people claiming to be able to see "great big microbes" on their belongings—the entire concept of microbiology was alternately confounding and alarming to some. In 1910, Popular Science Monthly ran an article called "the Transmission of Disease by Money," sparking fears that anything commercial, particularly crowds and currency, put the individual at risk for contagion (Raney 393-96).
And here arises a second important connection of age and disease: while age had always been seen as universally leveling in its effects, disease was frequently attributed to the behaviors and physicality of class, gender, and even race. Such thinking was assisted, in the case of Charlotte Perkins Gilman's Herland, by the momentum of early-twentieth-century eugenics discourse. The emergent germ theory, however, insisted that vulnerability to disease was also universal, non-discriminating, and perhaps biologically avoidable. In the imagination of the reading audience of literary utopias, it became even easier to conflate (or confuse) aging with disease.[12]
Aging and utopia, as well as evolution and apocalypse, converge around a final conceptual intersection that is worth a brief exploration, and it concerns the typical utopian preoccupation with fairness. Groys, Sorokina, and Mears argue that aging is an affront to the fairness of the subject because it makes the individual the passive victim of the historical process; his (or her) descendants in some far future may enjoy the benefits of his survival or the objectives he works for, but it is an "outrageous historical injustice" to the body (or collective bodies) on which age and/or apocalypse is inscribed (348). Age and apocalypse have the power to horrify not simply as body dystopias but as what Lyman Tower Sargent calls "city" dystopias[13] as well: a world in which proof emerges that the subject is part of a larger mechanism of deliberate social change, and that they are part of a cohort who collectively will not benefit from the fairness that they have worked and sacrificed their own earthly utopia to forge for their descendants.
This again prefigures London's Granser in all his aged, post-apocalyptic misery. Granser bears the inscription of the dual disasters of body aging and bodily apocalypse, but he also represents the body and city dystopic, where unhappy survival is the best possible outcome he can hope for, and where others will unfairly enjoy the benefits of a utopian reconfiguration that his suffering has "earned" them. This appears to be Darwin's final parting gift to utopian fiction: the nihilistic unfairness of evolution's individual callousness, even for those whose struggle for survival is uncommonly successful.
The "newly" microbiological body is one possible explanation for the late-nineteenth-century shift in utopian literature toward the configuration of age as otherness, but there are others, including the emergence of new ideas of the self. Sociologists Mike Featherstone and Andrew Wernick remind us that "the aging body is never just a body subjected to the imperatives of cellular and organic decline, for as it moves through life it is continuously being inscribed and re-inscribed with cultural meaning" (2-3). "It is true," writes Sigmund Freud in his 1919 essay Das Unheimliche, "that in textbooks on logic 'all men must die' passes for an exemplary general proposition, but it is obvious to no one; our unconscious is still as unreceptive as ever to the idea of our own mortality" (148). Age studies scholar Kathleen Woodward builds on this idea by figuring age as a primarily psychoanalytic experience. Adapting Lacan's "mirror stage," she argues that when we regard our aged selves in a mirror, we experience a variant of uncanny Freudian doubling, and what follows is a rejection of both the doppelganger and the age inscripted on it (60). This, you will recall, is virtually a whole-cloth subtheme from Brave New World, when Lenina encounters Linda and recoils from their uncanny similarity made grotesque by Linda's uncontrolled aging (79).
Philosopher of aesthetics Christine Buci-Glucksmann writes that "the Freudian uncanny finds a distant origin in the ontological aging of the body and the "eratology" of the skeleton where a terrible and monstrous beauty is found" (226). This suggests that Gomel's apocalyptic body and psychoanalytic notions of the self are not so conceptually different from one another. In Shell Shock Cinema, film scholar Anton Kaes draws much the same conclusion: citing both Freud and William McNeil, Kaes points out that one shock of modernity that early silent film needed to teach its audiences to parry was the concept of death on an incomprehensible scale—mass death that overrode the Freudian safeguards against accepting the mortality of the self. One of the commonest forms of mass death, a bacteriological pandemic form, notes Kaes, presented as a form of eerily rapid aging, where a healthy person who contracted cholera could decay via dehydration to a wizened husk of their former selves in a matter of hours, and then die (Kaes 94-98). In a sense, not only death but also conflations and collocations of disease and aging can become components of the Freudian uncanny.
Once more, The Scarlet Plague offers a convenient literalization of this: While listening to Granser's story, Edwin, Hoo-Hoo, and Hare-Lip dig in the dirt and unearth a trio of skeletons, including one of a child. With little regard, they knock out the skeletal teeth and string them as necklaces. Granser, whose sense of the uncanny is calibrated differently than the boys', recoils at their behavior. To them, the skeletons, even that of the child, which signals the universal continuity between young and old, are innocent objects not freighted with meaning, whereas Granser is a different sort of link—a skeletal, apocalyptic body that moves and portents their own mortality—and is therefore sometimes uncanny.
The boys recognize vaguely that they are descended from ancestors like Granser, but death is not approached with any degree of solemnity or seriousness. Hare-Lip, in particular, refers to ancestral deaths flippantly as "croakin'." He is, however, willing to redeem Chauffeur, his own cruel and violent grandfather, partly out of a sense of savage respect:
"I remember him before he died. He was a corker. But he did things and he made things go. You know, Dad married his daughter an' you ought to see the way he knocked the spots outa Dad. The Chauffeur was a son-of-a-gun. He made us kids stand around. Even when he was croaking he reached out for me, once, and laid my head open with that long stick he always kept beside him" (151).
The aged then, even in the worst cases, aren't completely or consistently othered in The Scarlet Plague, but they're very clearly a class of different persons who do not participate fully in the new utopia. The boys, in their inconsistent figuration of Granser as both "self" and "other," exemplify how very early 20th century American utopias figured age as almost, but not quite yet, an established and categorical difference.
Age Studies and Utopian Studies: Conceptual Allies
I offer here a handful of what I hope are useful observations regarding the configuration of age in utopian literature, for the purpose of suggesting utopian literature's relevance to the field of age studies. I must acknowledge that this framework is still unsatisfactorily broad and that these are not meant to be exhaustive or all-encompassing claims. I intend this initial exploration rather as a demonstration of the idea that age studies and utopian studies are natural conceptual allies. This overlap, this shared scholarly "property," is an important subtopic to both disciplines that is under-represented in the literature, and ample further study is warranted. Outside of Hadomi, Charise, Gomel, and a handful of others, there are few scholars that bring these disciplines together in this way. My readings of various utopias are non-standard at times (I'm challenged frequently on Herland and Caesar's Column for example), but this too reinforces my point: why are there no standard readings of age in these texts? The incompatibility between utopian studies and age studies addressed by Hadomi deserves further scrutiny, if not outright rectification. On the one hand, we may acknowledge the existential challenges of immortality and the good sense behind rejecting the need for utopian revision of age and aging: Gullette points out in Agewise (2011) that socially constructed "regimes of decline" are often characterized by "duty to die" and "Eskimo on the ice floe" logic (6-14) that recall gerontophobic, Cold-War era dystopian conceits. On the other, these utopias, whether one chooses to agree or disagree with my framework of universal vs. particular and unmalleable vs. malleable, are nonetheless clearly concerned with the politics and aesthetics of age. It seems equally certain that new utopian visions of age have much to offer by way continuing examination. If age can be externalized and made particular, it can be compartmentalized and manipulated more easily to utopian effect in narrative in much the same conventional manner as other identity characteristics. This is indeed usually exactly what happens, for instance, in virtual reality or digital immortality utopias. Other contemporary utopian texts like Kazuo Ishiguro's Never Let Me Go (2005), Neil Schusterman's Unwind (2007), and Ben Marcus' The Flame Alphabet (2012) explore youth as cannibalize-able otherness, a largely-unexamined reversal of the more common gerontophobic pattern, and hint at a much deeper emerging utopian age discourse than I have been able to fully address.
It's clear that we must abandon callous and insufficiently complex views of aging, and cultivate more nuanced understandings of age deployed as a fictional and utopian characteristic. Gullette and Woodward suggest that aging is an inheritance of profound otherness and a reification of anxieties about decline. Other perspectives, such as Catrinel Craciun's research into what constitutes "successful aging"—low risk for disease and disability, high mental and physical functioning, and being actively socially engaged (374)—point intriguingly backward toward the non-othering age schema of utopian fictions of the 19th century. Isadore Rubin offers anecdotally the plot of Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae—an ancient gynotopia where in order for a man to possess a younger woman he must first satisfy an older woman—and implies that age needn't permanently be a category of otherness, even if it does stray at times into such (88). While offered half in jest, Rubin's sentiment is sustained: age is neither a new nor static category of difference, and an understanding of the imaginative futurity of aging, how it may shape and be shaped by otherness, shows every sign of growing critical significance. Likewise, as disciplinary allies, literary utopias have not just a speculative but also a singularly critical capacity for exploring age.
[1] That is to say, degrees of agedness correlate to degrees of "whiteness" or "wealth" or "fitness" or "masculinity" within the larger category of difference under inquiry.
[2] Bibliographies consulted for this essay include Lyman Tower Sargent's British and American Utopian Literature 1516-1975: An Annotated Bibliography; Glenn Robert Negley's Utopian Literature: A Bibliography With a Supplementary Listing of Works Influential to Utopian Thought; Carol Farley Kessler's "Bibliography of Utopian Fiction by United States Women, 1836-1988"; and the bibliographic portion of Kenneth Roemer's The Obsolete Necessity: America in Utopian Writings, 1888-1900.
[3] Throughout this essay I favor the taxonomy of utopia from Lyman Tower Sargent's "The Three Faces of Utopianism Revisited"; hence I term cautionary immortality utopias "dystopias" (the "bad place"), because that's what they are for the immortal characters. Others call them "anti-utopias" (utopias critical of the utopian form, in Sargent's terms), and that is also technically correct.
[4] Interestingly, Godwin and Malthus were contemporaries, and critical of each other's work (Charise 906).
[5] The "aging backward" trope is common enough in all literature, but Trench's version was specifically an arcadian-style lunar utopia.
[6] Specifically, these include James Reynold's Equality, a History of Lithconia (1802) and Henry Gaston's Mars Revealed (1880), both gerontocracies; Gustabus W. Pope's Journey to Mars (1894), a utopia featuring a fountain of youth; two utopias that can only be reached after death, Carlyle Petersilea's The Discovered Country (1892) and Amos K. Fiske's Beyond the Bourn (1891); and a utopia where characters become immortal, Emile J. Hix's Can a Man Live Forever? (1898). Also, in Edward Bellamy's short story "The Blindman's World" (1898) characters' physical aging remains a constant, but they are given foreknowledge of their future lives.
[7] Louisa May Alcott's "At Forty" (1873), "Tales of a Great-Grandmother" by Ruth Ellis Freeman (1891) and Agnes Bons Yourell's A Manless World (1891) deal tangentially with age and aged characters, while Anna Adolph's Arqtiq: a Study of Marvels at the North Pole (1899) features a society without death and Harriet Mogan's The Island Impossible (1899) includes childlike characters who remain children and do not age.
[8] To name just a few: Robert Sheckley's "Cost of Living" (1954), Harry Harrison's Make Room! Make Room! (1966), William F. Nolan and George Clayton Johnson's Logan's Run (1967), Kurt Vonnegut's "Welcome to the Monkey House" (1968), and John Brunner's Stand on Zanzibar (1968). Age also began to intersect regularly with gender politics, typified by Ira Levin's The Stepford Wives (1975), a satirical dystopia that privileges domestic feminine conformity (encoded partly as beauty and youth) at the expense of individuality.
[9] Several age- and longevity-related utopias were published in London during this period, including John Coulson Kernahan's A World Without a Child (1905), James Elroy Flecker's The Last Generation (1908), Algernon Petworth's The Little Wicket Gate (1913), and Frederic Carrell's 2010 (1913).
[10] Ironically, according to Barry, the Spanish influenza pandemic of 1918 inordinately affected a younger host population, with less than 1% of deaths in persons over the age of 65, and fatalities most severe among young adults and, especially, pregnant women (239-40, 398).
[11] Historian Phillipe Aries supports this indirectly when he describes hospital- vs. home-death as occurring much more frequently beginning around 1930 (87).
[12] While not an American example, this is literalized in 1897's Dracula, where the young Harkers bring the scientific method to bear on the eponymous count's horrifying epidemiological variety of immortality.
[13] Sargent discusses body- and city-eutopias in "The Three Faces of Utopianism Revisited" (10), but the underlying principle is the same: one is individual and simple, the other social and more complex.
Aries, Phillippe. Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present. Trans. Patricia M Ranum. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1974.
Augusto Riva, Michele, Marta Benedetti, and Giancarlo Cesana. "Pandemic Fear and Literature: Observations from Jack London's The Scarlet Plague." Emerging Infectious Diseases 20.10 (2014): 1753-57. Academic Search Complete. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Barry, John M. The Great Influenza: The Epic Story of the Deadliest Plague in History. New York: Viking, 2004.
Bellamy, Edward. Looking Backward: 2000-1887. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1888.
Buci-Glucksmann, Christine. "Catastrophic Utopia: The Feminine as Allegory of the
Modern." Representations 14, The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (1986): 220-29. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Charise, Andrea. "'The Tyranny of Age': Godwin's St. Leon and the Nineteenth-Century Longevity Narrative." ELH 79.4 (2012): 905-33. Project MUSE. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Craciun, Catrinel. "Successful Aging—Utopia or the Result of Lifelong Learning? Meaning and Representations of Ageing in Romanian Elderly." Ageing International 37.4 (2012): 373-85. Academic Search Complete. Web. 14 Nov. 2014.
Domingo, Andreu. "Demodystopias: Prospects of Demographic Hell." Population & Development Review 34.4 (2008): 725-45. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Donnelly, Ignatius. Caesar's Column: A Story of the Twentieth Century. Originally Chicago: F.J. Schulte and Company, 1890. Project Gutenberg ePub edition, 2004. Web. 15 Jun 2016.
Featherstone, Mike, and Andrew Wernick. "Introduction." Images of Aging: Cultural Representations of Later Life. London: Routledge, 1995.
Freud, Sigmund. "The Uncanny." Trans. David McLintock. The Uncanny. London: Penguin Classics, 2003. 123-61.
Gilman, Charlotte Perkins. Herland. Rpt. From The Forerunner, 1909-1916. Herland and Related Writings. New York: Broadview, 2013.
Gomel, Elana. "The Plague of Utopias: Pestilence and the Apocalyptic Body." Twentieth Century Literature 46.4, Literature and Apocalypse (2000): 405-33. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Gulette, Margaret Morganroth. Aged by Culture. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2004.
Groys, Boris, Elena Sorokina, and Emily Speers Mears. "The Immortal Bodies." RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics.53/54 (2008): 345-9. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Hadomi, Leah. "Islands of the Living: Death and Dying in Utopian Fiction." Utopian Studies 6.1 (1995): 85-101. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Huxley, Aldous. Brave New World. New York: Harper Perennial, 1932.
Heath, Kay. "In the Eye of the Beholder: Victorian Age Construction and the Specular Self." Victorian Literature and Culture 34.1 (2006): 27-45. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Kaes, Anton. Shell Shock Cinema. Princeton and Harvard: Princeton UP, 2009.
Kessler, Carol Farley. "Bibliography of Utopian Fiction by United States Women 1836-1988." Utopian Studies 1.1 (1990): 1-58. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Lane, Mary E. Bradley. Mizora: A Prophecy: A Mms. Found Among the Private Papers of Princess Vera Zarovitch: Being a True and Faithful Account of her Journey to the Interior of the Earth, with a Careful Description of the Country and its Inhabitants, their Customs, Manners, and Government. New York: G.W. Dillingham, 1890. Blackmask Online eBook edition (PDF), 2007. Web. 15 Jun 2016.
London, Jack. The Scarlet Plague. New York: Macmillan, 1912.
Negley, Glenn Robert. Utopian Literature: A Bibliography with a Supplementary Listing of Works Influential in Utopian Thought. Lawrence: Regents P of Kansas, 1977.
Raney, David. "No Ties Except those of Blood: Class, Race, and Jack London's American Plague." Papers on Language & Literature 39.4 (2003): 390-435. Academic Search Complete. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Roemer, Kenneth M. The Obsolete Necessity: America in Utopian Writings 1888-1900. Kent: Kent State UP, 1976.
Rubin, Isadore. "The 'Sexless Older Years'"—A Socially Harmful Stereotype." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 376 (1968): 86-95. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Silverstein, Merril, and Jeffrey D. Long. "Trajectories of Grandparents' Perceived Solidarity with Adult Grandchildren: A Growth Curve Analysis Over 23 Years." Journal of Marriage and Family 60.4 (1998): 912-23. JSTOR. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Sargent, Lyman Tower. British and American Utopian Literature 1516-1975: An Annotated Bibliography. Torndike: G. K. Hall & Co. 1978.
Sargent, Lyman. "The Three Faces of Utopianism Revisited." Utopian Studies 5.1 (1994):1-37. Academic Search Complete. Web. 7 Dec 2014.
Symmes, John Cleves Jr. Symzonia: Voyage of Discovery by Captain Adam Seaborn. New York: J. Seymour, 1820. Sacred Texts. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Woodward, Kathleen. "Instant Repulsion: Decrepitude, the Mirror Stage, and the Literary Imagination." Kenyon Review 5.4 (1983): 43-66. Academic Search Complete. Web. 14 Nov 2014.
Woodward, Kathleen. "Introduction." Figuring Age: Women, Bodies, Generations. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1999: i-xxix.
Mark R. Brand is Lecturer of English at Northeastern Illinois University and Wilbur Wright College, where he teaches research writing. He completed a PhD in English at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee in 2017, and his critical work focuses on the intersections of age and utopian studies in American fiction. He is a Chicago-based author and editor whose novels and collections include Long Live Us (2013), The Damnation of Memory (2012), Life After Sleep (2011), and Thank You, Death Robot (Ed., 2009). His current book project examines contemporary depictions of parents and parenting in popular fiction. Readers may write to Mark Brand at brandmr@uwm.edu.
Tags: Age Studies, demographic dystopia, twentieth-century American utopian fiction, Utopian Studies, utopias of immortality
« "I'm an old fucking woman as of today": Sally Clark's Dramaturgies of Female Aging
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Feeling Rich
Would you like to be rich? Who wouldn't? The Torah tells us a surefire formula to how to strike it rich - and it has nothing to do with money. The secret is to learn how to feel satisfied with whatever we have. Our patriarch, Jacob, knew this secret. In our Torah portion, Jacob tells his brother, Esau, that he has "everything." What he's saying is that he is so perfectly content with whatever God gives him, that he really feels like he has everything he could possibly need. Jacob's precious sense of contentment is what made him "rich," and it can do the same for us.
In our story, we meet two friends with different ideas about being satisfied with what they have.
"PEACE OF MIND"
The lunch bell rang, and 25 pairs of legs jumped up simultaneously, and began their daily race down the brightly painted hallways toward the Hunter Day School cafeteria.
Breathlessly arriving at the already formed line, Ruth looked at her friend, Penny, and frowned. "I don't know why we bother running. It's always the same long lines for the same gross food."
Penny smiled politely. She actually kind of liked the cafeteria food. True it wasn't five-star gourmet, but it seemed to always fill her up and get her through the afternoon.
"Ohh! I can't stand this wait!" groaned Ruth after a few minutes. "Can't they hurry up?"
Penny looked up, and closed the novel she had been avidly reading. She saved it just for the time she waited on lines. It sure passed the time, and made her actually almost look forward to these lines.
Just then, the line moved up, and the girls found themselves nearly at the serving station. Penny looked relaxed, but her friend looked as if she were about to go through the ringer.
"What's the matter, Ruth? You looked really upset. In just another minute or two we'll be sitting down and eating."
Ruth looked up through clenched teeth. "Easy for you to say. I notice that you always just take whatever they serve you and walk out. But I always make sure they give me the portion I want, and it's stressful."
Penny shrugged.
"Doesn't it bother you if you get a small portion? " pressed Ruth.
Penny thought about it. "I suppose it would be nice to get a big portion. But if I don't, it's no big deal. I guess I kind of feel like whatever comes my way is what God wants me to have, which is fine by me."
Ruth looked at her friend, and shook her head. Certainly she didn't see things that way. But then again, Penny always seemed so calm and content, not like herself, who seemed to never be satisfied. Could it be that there was something to it?
Meanwhile the line moved up again and it was the girls' turn to be served. Penny was first and, as usual, she happily took what she was given and moved on.
Now it was Ruth's turn. The woman behind the serving counter lifted up a piece of chicken with her shiny silver tongs. Instinctively Ruth started to ask for a bigger piece. Then she stopped herself. "Maybe this piece is okay too. Maybe this is the piece that God really wants me to have?" she thought to herself. Ruth felt herself growing strangely relaxed, even ... content. She bit her lip, took what she was served, and went to join her friend at the table.
"Well, did you get the serving you wanted?" asked Penny, with a grin.
Ruth was smiling from ear to ear. "Yup, for the first time ever, I got the absolutely perfect piece!"
Q. How did Penny feel about the things that came to her?
A. She almost always felt happy with whatever she got, and realized that God was giving her just what she needed.
Q. How did Ruth feel after she tried Penny's attitude?
A. She felt much less tense and upset, when she began to learn to be happy with what she had.
Q. Who do you think will live a happier life: someone who is content with what he has, or someone who is always trying to get more? Why?
A. On the surface, it might look like the more someone gets - the better off he is. But happiness has nothing to do with having more or less. Happiness comes when we feel like we have what we need. Therefore someone who can reach that attitude about what he already has, comes out the winner and will even have more energy to strive to attain more.
Q. Can a person train himself to be content with what he has?
A. It takes practice, but it can be done. It helps a lot to keep reminding ourselves that, 'At this very moment, God is right with me, and giving me exactly what I need to become the best person possible.' It may take some work, but it's worth it. The reward is an incredibly happy life!
Q. What are three things you're really grateful for? Who gave them to you?
Q. Perhaps we can understand how an attitude of being satisfied with what we have can make someone feel content, but what does that have to do with being rich?
A. Wealth is a relative term. A multi-millionaire may feel like he has it made - until he bumps yachts with a billionaire. The pursuit of wealth is essentially a quest for the feeling of 'having enough.' We can get trapped into thinking, 'once I just get that, it will be enough' - but it never is. The only way to really feel, and to be, rich, is to learn to be content with what we have, right now.
Q. Should we apply the concept of 'being content with what we have' to our spiritual strivings as well?
A. A person's spiritual pursuits, i.e. his attempts at becoming a better or wiser person, at growing closer to God, etc., is one area where it pays to always want more. As these are the soul's genuine goals, we will only grow more content the more we strive for, and approach them.


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Gemsong Saga Official Website
About Gemsong Saga
Ardzen Manor – Outer Arc of Lutia
Ardzen Manor is located on Segment 05-05 of Lutia's Outer Arc, and is home to the noble house Ardzen. While the Ardzen family may occupy the lowest ranks of Lutian Nobility, their compulsive spending and lavish tastes have made for an estate seemingly fit for a king.
The Ardzen Gardens
As big fish in a small pond, the Ardzen family controls a significant amount of land on the segment. The sprawling acres of the Ardzen estate are bordered by tall, polished bronze gates. Past those gates are painstakingly manicured lawns, several orchards of fruit trees, and rows of ornamental flowers.
While dozens of laborers are employed to maintain the gardens of the Ardzen estate, the grounds are rarely used by their owners. Though they may serve as the occasional backdrop for parties and gatherings, they have otherwise been ignored by the family since Zephyr's departure.
In summer, the gardens bear a significant amount of fruit. Pears, apples, and peaches, all grow heavy upon verdant limbs, but are left to fall and wither upon the ground. Consumption of the fruit is strictly forbidden and punishable by death. Their purpose is solely as a demonstration of wealth to their neighbors. That a property could produce such a bountiful harvest that is then left to rot, is in the minds of the Ardzen family, truly a sign of wealth in a world so hungry.
Ardzen Manor
Ardzen Manor is a four story home that erupts upwards from the center of Ardzen gardens. The front fascia boasts seven large windows per floor, and is composed of red brick inlaid with precious metal accents. Six large chimneys spring from the manor's sharply raked roof line, while a seventh can be seen on the attached two story servant's quarters.
The interior of the manor is a tribute to excess. Every door and window is surrounded by hand-carved and polished wood
framing. This same richly stained mahogany is also used on all of the interior walls where it raises six feet from the floor and terminates in hand turned crown moldings. Anything not adorned in hardwood is covered in a hand-stitched, creme colored silk and hung with expensive paintings.
The floors of Ardzen Manor are highly polished Mahogany with gold inlays along the seams shared with the walls. Rather than simple lighting, every room is adorned with an elaborate, crystalline chandelier. Both the interior and exterior doors of the manor are constructed from solid oak, and hung with heavy iron hinges.
Dark Rumors
The Ardzen family is well known around the Outer Arc for their treachery. This reputation of betrayal, and the Ardzen family's seemingly unlimited drive for power has prompted many dark rumors about the estate. The most alarming of tales however, come from the servants within Ardzen Manor itself.
Many of these rumors speak of a series of rooms that lie beneath the main floor of the manor, and behind lock and key. It is said that these rooms have been used to hold servants captive for extended periods of time. These servants are brought in from unknown sources, and are rarely seen after their interment. As to what exactly the Ardzen family does behind these closed doors however, remains a disturbing mystery.
Gemsong Saga. ©2017-2018 Ruu Mckinney. All rights reserved.


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'Burger King Baby' Reunites With Mom After Facebook Plea
Katheryn Deprill turned to Facebook to find the woman who abandoned her in a Pa. Burger King 27 years ago.
By Stephanie Mlot
March 26, 2014 1:40PM EST
Most ordinary adoptees visit an agency or a private detective to locate their birth parents. But Katheryn Deprill's story is anything but ordinary, so she turned to Facebook in search of her mother.
By crowdsourcing her hunt, Deprill, 27, was able to find and reunite with her real mother, who abandoned Deprill when she was only a few hours old at an Allentown, Pa. Burger King.
Earlier this month, Deprill, now known as the Burger King Baby, posted to the social network a photo of herself, holding a pieced-together sign.
"Looking for my birth mother. She gave birth to me September 15th, 1986," it read. "She abandoned me in the Burger King bathroom only hours old [in] Allentown, PA. Please help me find her by sharing my post. Maybe she will see this. Thank you."
Shared on Facebook more than 32,000 times, the picture seemed to do the trick. Well, the local and national press may have also helped—Deprill posted a link to the Parkland News article about her search, as well as messages regarding interviews with Nancy Grace and Good Morning America.
And it worked: The media storm caught the attention of Deprill's biological mother, who had apparently launched her own search about six months ago for the baby she left almost three decades ago. According to the Associated Press, the unnamed woman contacted attorney John Waldron and arranged to meet her now-adult daughter.
The emotional reunion was one of "pure joy" for Deprill, who learned directly from her birth mom the details of her surrender.
"I got the hug that I had wanted for the last 27 years, and that broke the ice," she told the AP. "I asked if I could have it, and she said, 'absolutely,' and just held her arms open, and the rest is history."
Of the woman to whom she bears a striking resemblance, Deprill said she "is so sweet and amazing."
Though the Burger King Baby herself declined to discuss the details of her abandonment, Waldron filled in the missing pieces: While traveling abroad at age 16, the woman was raped and impregnated. She hid the pregnancy from her parents, and after giving birth in her bedroom, wanted to avoid the scrutiny of taking the newborn to the hospital. Instead, she dropped her at the local fast food chain.
Now 27, Deprill is married with three sons, living outside of Allentown and working as an emergency medical technician. She launched her Facebook-based search with the encouragement of her adoptive parents, and brought her adoptive mother and 7-month-old son to the meeting.
This isn't the first heartwarming tale of Facebook crowdsourcing. Last month, Jennifer Cunningham called on the social network's users to give her son the gift of virtual friends for his 11th birthday. The Michigan boy, Colin, suffers from Asperger syndrome—a highly functioning form of autism—and spends most of his days eating lunch alone and being picked on by classmates.
But thanks to his mom's efforts, and millions of kind people across the world, the "Happy Birthday Colin" Facebook page earned 2 million "likes" and encouraging words from users around the globe.
BlackBerry Software Gets U.S. Security Clearance
Sprint Expects Nationwide HD Voice by July
Stephanie Mlot
Stephanie joined PCMag in May 2012, moving to New York City from Frederick, Md., where she worked for four years as a multimedia reporter at the second-largest daily newspaper in Maryland. She interned at Baltimore magazine and graduated from Indiana University of Pennsylvania (in the town of Indiana, in the state of Pennsylvania) with a degree in ... See Full Bio
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Take On Me (A-ha) - excerpt - [Fingerstyle Guitar Covers]
Added by Christopher Stewart on June 23, 2020 at 1:38am
rehearsing an arrangement of « Take On Me » by A-ha. recorded in july 2018.
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1. Edward F. T. Charfauros
2. RF Husnik
Green Bay, WI, United States
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Watford, United Kingdom
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No Better Time to Consider Our Lungs
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BMC Racing drop down to 24 riders with reduction of peloton size in 2018 races
The American team chop their roster down from 29 with the peloton size reduced to 176 riders in 2018
Richard Windsor October 25, 2017 2:56 pm
Danilo Wyss (BMC Racing) leads the peloton at the Tour de France (Sunada)
BMC Racing have announced that they will reduce their roster to 24 riders from 29 for the 2018 season, after the UCI announced earlier this year that the men's peloton size will be reduced to 176 riders in 2018 races.
Cycling's governing body announced in September during the World Championships that total riders in races would be reduced for safety reasons, however concerns have been previously raised by some riders that such a move could leave fewer spaces for riders in WorldTour teams.
>>> 'Grand Tour riders will become more valuable with eight rider teams'
Grand Tours will see teams reduced down to eight riders each, while one-day races and shorter stage races will see teams capped at seven riders each. Regulations will apply to all events in the UCI International Road Calendar.
BMC are the biggest team so far to announce a reduction of their rider roster, with four new riders – Alberto Bettiol, Patrick Bevin, Simon Gerrans and Jürgen Roelandts joining the squad.
The American team have waved goodbye to a number of riders through transfers to other teams, including Italian Classics specialist Daniel Oss who moves to Bora-Hansgrohe and Frenchman Amäel Moinard to Fortuneo-Oscaro.
Meanwhile, Italian time triallist Manuel Quinziato retires and former Olympic champion Samuel Sanchez was sacked by the team after his doping positive, though was out of contract at the end of the 2017 season.
Despite the unfortunate news of Sanchez's positive test towards the end of the season, BMC recorded their best ever season in 2017 with 48 victories (22 at WorldTour level), the highest ever by the team, while Greg Van Avermaet took the UCI WorldTour title.
Much of the success came through Belgian Van Avermaet, who went on a storming Classics campaign that saw him win Omloop Het Nieuwsblad, E3 Harelbeke, Ghent-Wevelgem and Paris-Roubaix. Richie Porte gave the team some success in WorldTour stage races at the Tour Down Under and the Tour de Romandie, although missed out on a high placing at the Tour de France after a bad crash.


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Hagebuttenmark, also called Hägenmark (Swabian dialect), Hiffenmark (East Franconian dialect) or Buttenmost (Switzerland), is the traditional name for a fruit preserve made from rose hips, sugar, sometimes with the addition of red wine.

In the past it was an important addition on the everyday menu as rose hip is very rich in vitamin C and can be harvested in winter. Hagebuttenmark is used as a spread on bread, as sweetener in beverages and as condiment in dessert and pastry. It is for example the typical filling for Krapfen in Franconia.

Food law aspects
In the European Union, commercially produced Hagebuttenmark has to be declared as "Hagebuttenkonfitüre extra" or "Konfitüre einfach" (fruit preserve onefold). Since the "Hagebuttenkonfitüre extra" with kernels is not edible, there's a special provision that allows declaration of the Hagebuttenmark (without kernels) as "Konfitüre extra". If it is produced in raw processing (see Preparation), it may not be named "Konfitüre" as it does not contain the required anhydrous mass of 60%.

Preparation
Generally there are two ways of prepare Hagebuttenmark:

In the most common method used by big companies, firstly the rose hips are seeded, then the seeds are cooked with little water or wine, than drained, the liquid so obtained together with the pulp is then let to brew for few hours to a few days. Then the pulp is cooked and puréed, mixed with sugar in a one-to-one rate, cooked again and then filled hot in jars. This kind of preparation guarantees a long shelf life but, as Vitamin C is not heat-resistant, only traces of it remain in the finished product.
In the traditional Swabian method the rose hips are cut open and stored until they are soft (that takes for about 5 days in a temperature of 12 °C). Then they are filtered through a sieve without being cooked. This pulp is then heated with sugar to a temperature between 65 °C and 75 °C (but it can also be mixed cool with honey) and than flavoured with wine, orange juice or apple juice.

With the second method, the preserve is very rich in Vitamin C. It is the typical preparation in Auendorf, a village that belongs to Bad Ditzenbach that is called "Hägenmarkdorf" ("dorf" being the German word for "village") and is the only village in Germany that features rose hips in their coat of arms.

References

See also
 Culinary Heritage of Switzerland
 List of spreads

German cuisine
Swiss cuisine
Spreads (food)
Fruit dishes
Culinary Heritage of Switzerland
Preserved fruit

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Carrie lives in Austin, TX with her husband, son and her dog. She enjoys pilates and chasing her young son around for exercise. She has been with Seton Family of Doctors at Stone Hill since 2014. She has a special interest in diabetes, thyroid disorders and osteoporosis.
I decided to become a physician assistant because I grew up in a family that has had multiple members live to be greater than 100! I watched how the interactions that they had with their healthcare providers really affected their quality of life and it inspired me to help people in the same way.
I love internal medicine/family practice because I am able to focus on all parts of the body. And I definitely believe that an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.


text:
Expressing a view and continuing proud history
By Deniliquin Pastoral Times
Team leaders at the Pastoral Times (from left) business manager Leesa Muir, Ged Munro (production), Julie Lowe (administration) and Zoe McMaugh (editorial) have more than 75 years combined experience with their local newspaper.
On Friday the Pastoral Times celebrated our 160th year with a commemorative supplement full of local history, alongside information on community and sporting organisations.
We are extremely proud to be the longest-operating business in the Deniliquin district and despite challenges that are impacting sections of our industry, remain confident we will continue as the major local communication vehicle for many decades into the future.
In fact, we are about to start a new era with the pending introduction of our next step into the digital world, offering readers and advertisers the opportunity to engage with the Pastoral Times across various platforms.
As we move into the future it is important that we do not forget the past.
In Friday's supplement we quoted the PT's founder, Dr David Griffith Jones, who, in the first edition, expressed a desire to publish a newspaper that supported and protected the readers he would serve.
Today, we continue this commitment without fear or favour, even though some people are uncomfortable with this approach.
In our editorial column we will continue to express our views on important issues, including the local political scene.
Interestingly, we still receive feedback about our approach to the March state election.
It was our view, as we expressed in this column, that The Nationals conducted a poor state election campaign. The incumbent member made some mistakes, and did not work hard enough to repair the damage. The poor campaigning was reflected at the ballot box.
In the May federal election there was again strong campaigning, and across the electorate the experience of sitting member Sussan Ley shone through. However, at a local level the constituency took the opportunity at the ballot box to express concerns at Ms Ley's performance. In the ensuing two months we have not seen anything that is likely to have changed that broad community view.
For expressing our opinion on Ms Ley's inability to take the actions required to support our farming community, the Pastoral Times has been the brunt of some criticism.
Perhaps that is because, for many decades, we have generally been a conservative supporter and those on the conservative side of politics do not expect us to question their actions, or lack thereof.
However, we maintain the view that while our region should be best served by conservative parties, they should not take the constituency in this region for granted.
We did not believe The Nationals were effectively representing our interests at state level, and we said so. Since the election their state leader, John Barilaro, has made every effort to right some wrongs, which we have acknowledged and look forward to this continuing.
However, at federal level we have still not seen the leadership we think is needed from our federal member, especially around water policy and management. Tough decisions require strong leadership, but unfortunately it has not been forthcoming to the level many local people expect.
We hope that changes and, as we have said in the past, will offer appropriate acknowledgement if it does.
In the meantime, we will keep advocating for our community and expressing opinions as we see fit, which this paper has been doing for 160 years.
Kyrgios leads way for Aussies on day two
Thirteen Australians hit the courts at the Australian Open on Tuesday as the tournament plays catch-up after Monday's rain.
AAP Newswire
Stosur planning another run at Aussie Open
Veteran Samantha Stosur won't let her fifth successive Australian Open first round loss force her into retirement, confirming she's planning to return in 2021.
Djokovic nails round one in Open defence
Novak Djokovic has opened his Australian Open title defence with a testing four-set win over German Jan-Lennard Struff.
Deni man arrested for ram raids
A 33 year-old Deniliquin man has been charged in relation to ram raid thefts in Moama and Wakool earlier this year. In both bases, an ATM was stolen - from a Wakool licensed premises on February 20 and the Moama Marketplace on February 25. Murray...
Zoe McMaugh
Broccoli is our next big thing
''Greater Shepparton is a place where business is growing, and the emerging success story is horticulture.''
Time for action
If you are to listen to the politicians, the problems with the Barmah Choke have just occurred in the last irrigation season.