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Countering Boko Haram Insurgency and Terrorism: Assessment of Media Campaigns
Ibrahim Uba Yusuf*
Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri, Borno State, Nigeria
Ibrahim Uba Yusuf
University of Maiduguri, Borno State
Tel: 234 800 000 0000
E-mail: itsibrahimsite@gmail.com
Received date: Janaury 16, 2019; Accepted date: Janaury 24, 2019; Published date: Janaury 29, 2019
Citation: Yusuf IU. Countering Boko Haram Insurgency and Terrorism: Assessment of Media Campaigns. Global Media Journal 2019, 17:32.
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This study assessed selected media campaigns used in the on-going Counter Terrorism and Counter Insurgency Operations in North East Nigeria. The essence of this research was inspired by the renewed onslaught of Boko Haram activities on soft targets, the use of minors for suicide mission as well as a new tactics of 'forcefully conscripting' youths into their fold. The war has been ideological with a surplus application of bullet approach and suicide mission in some instances. War with such parameters needs a more robust approach; a combination of gun and awareness creation to conquer or subdue the spread of the ideology. The research work therefore, sought to examine the patterns, tones and content of media campaigns against Boko Haram. Discourse analysis and observation methods were employed in the study. Data was collected from the media campaigns broadcast on radio and television and placed on billboards and results showed that the media campaigns mainly portrayed Boko Haram as anti-Islam; and emphasised on the need for citizens to be security conscious by reporting suspected members of the sect to the nearest security outfit. Public knowledge on security consciousness has increased. There is clarity of information in the messages and contained central messages like 'stop killing, repent and surrender your weapons'. The media campaigns were mainly produced in local languages; Hausa, Kanuri and Shuwa Arab. This study recommended that ethical issues like portraying minors involved in perpetrating the heinous acts and exceeding the conventional 60 seconds time limit for radio and television jingles should be considered while producing the media campaigns.
Boko Haram; De-radicalization; Insurgency; Terrorism and media campaigns
The conduct of this research was inspired by the renewed onslaught of Boko Haram activities on soft targets, the use of minors for suicide mission as well as a new tactics of forcefully conscripting youths into their fold. Amnesty International as cited by Sahara Reporters [1] estimates that about 223 Nigerians have been killed in attacks since April, with 100 killed in August alone. Boko Haram has abducted 67 people, mostly young women and girls, in Nigeria in the same time frame. Warner and Matfess as cited by CNN analyzed the 434 suicide bombings carried out by Boko Haram since 2011, and found that at least 244 of the 338 attacks in which the bomber's gender could be identified were carried out by women [2]. The group has sent 80 women to their deaths in 2017 alone.
Over the years, media campaigns have been increasingly used, in an attempt to change the narrative and shape the behaviour of youths perceived to be the main target of indoctrination or forcefully recruited by the Boko Haram Terrorists (BHTs). Notably, such campaigns are geared towards enhancing civil-military relationship, surveillance and also an 'all inclusive approach' to end the guerrilla or ideological war. Typical of such campaigns, have been repeated consistently on radio and television (public and privately owned) stations, inform of public announcements and have reached a significant Nigerian population and beyond including perpetrators of the terrorism acts at a time. These campaigns have also been replicated on outdoor media like fliers, billboards and posters.
Since the inception of the Boko Haram crisis in Borno State, North-East Nigeria, from 2009 to date, there have been a variety of antiterrorism campaigns emanating from the military and the federal government through the Ministry of Information and Culture or National Orientation Agency (NOA). The Nigerian Armed Forces who are leading the Counter-Insurgency and Counter-Terrorism Operations in the North East are faced with a series of challenges especially facing the 'unknown enemy' — since he has no any sign to depict his true identity and betrayal from their sympathisers (host community). The lack of cooperation between the military and civil populace constitute yet another setback to the fight against terrorism.
Media campaigns are created to get a message to the target audience and try to influence the behaviour of this audience in some desired way. A media campaign is defined as the universe of measures in order to fulfil a specific objective. They are series of coordinated messages or other promotional efforts placed on media, purposely designed to achieve a certain goal of objective.
It is not arguable that campaign is a public relations tool used by many institutions, countries and corporate bodies to relate with their public. United State of America used such model in the Middle East to achieve certain goals in countries like Saudi Arabia, Lebanon and Yemen. Such was also demonstrated by international companies, nation states and security bodies. In Nigeria for instance, the war against Boko Haram in the north east has prompted the military not to only focus on the 'Gun war' but the ideological confrontation as well as force applied by the insurgents to recruit the vulnerable villagers. This was the propeller for the establishment of 'Lafiya Dole Radio' coined from the Theatre of Operation of the Nigerian Army in the North-East. Several campaigns that run on the station are said to promote counter-terrorists ideologies, civil-military relationship and reconcile between the aggrieve parties. The establishment of the station and further design of campaign prompted the need to conduct this study.
The Boko Haram insurgency has been ideological with a surplus application of bullet approach and suicide mission in some instances. Globally, war with such parameters needs a more robust approach using not only the powers of gun, but combining the powers of ideological apparatus to conquer or subdue the spread of the ideology through awareness creation. Scholars have no doubt developed interest in the activities of the BHTs. However, areas of focus by most researchers such as Islam, Kabir and Ganiyu [3,4] was tilted towards coverage of Boko Haram by Nigerian newspapers, historical evolution of the crisis, exploding stereotype and use of suicide bombers, Boko Haram threat and so on. Commercialization otherwise the 'let them pay' policy has hindered media campaigns specifically for the fight against Boko Haram. This is so because the Nigerian media (public and private owned) depend solely on the sales of airtime for the daily running of the organizations.
In Spite of these challenges, the Nigerian media have continued to take part in creating awareness on the heinous activities of the group and the need to support security agencies defeat the common enemy. However, there is no known analysis to evaluate these media campaigns specifically geared towards the fight against Boko Haram Insurgency. Premised on this insufficiency, the study set out to ascertain and assess the patterns, tones, themes as well as the frequency to which they are broadcast on Nigerian Television Authority and Radio Lafiya Dole, in the wake of Boko Haram insurgency.
Objectives of the Study
Specifically, three (3) research questions have been formulated for this study, viz:
• To analyse the patterns and content of media campaigns against Boko Haram,
• To find out the tones and themes of the media campaigns against Boko Haram,
• To find out the frequency of media campaigns broadcast on Radio Lafiya Dole and Nigerian Television Authority (NTA).
The following research questions will guide this study:
• What are the patterns of media campaigns used in the fight against Boko Haram?
• What are the tones and themes of the media campaigns against Boko Haram?
• At what frequency are these campaigns broadcast on Lafiya Dole Fm and Nigerian Television Authority (NTA)?
Significance of the Study
The issue in the fight against Boko Haram Insurgency and terrorism is whether or not the gun approach alone can suffice. The media plays a pivotal role in forming people's attitude and change in behaviour. The Boko Haram Insurgency and other conflicts bedevilling Nigeria, has indeed reawaken media managers and other relevant stakeholders on their roles in curbing the menace that has taken its toll on the socio-economic activities of the country. From early 2015 to 2017, the media has been playing an essential role in increasing society's awareness of, and response to, Boko Haram.
The outcome of this research will be of immense important to the entire media organizations and the Nigerian Armed Forces in particular. It will give an empirical data to the military, who have been taking the lead in the de-radicalization process so as to enhance the program. The identification of the content and themes of the messages will help the media build on a more persuading, ethically considerable campaigns that can change or counter the narrative. Also, it is hopeful that this study will give insight to the military and other stakeholders on the importance of media in tackling armed conflict like the BH.
This study shall therefore attempt to highlight and discuss the rudiments of developing a media campaign, its noticeable patterns, types and structures and of course, the effective use of these campaigns in behavioural and attitudinal changes. Considering the virginity of the issue and insufficiency of vast and objective literature from the perspective of the host community, this research will add to the existing few literature and help researchers who might develop interest to conduct research in future on similar area with literature from a different thought. Ndolo (2011) posits that the media promote national interests and certain behaviours especially in critical or emergency situations and during times of national crises. He went further by maintaining that they not only advance national interests in the spheres of politics, war, economic development, work, religion and sports but also mobilize the populace against unpopular policies and dictatorial regimes. The above quote has unequivocally created the window for this study.
The study will take a look at the jingles produced in English and Hausa languages and broadcast on Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) and Radio Lafiya Dole for a period of two years (from December 2015-December 2017). The Nigerian military and the Federal Ministry for Information and Culture have been up to speed in producing media messages aimed at creating awareness on the dangers of the Boko Haram sect, through the portrayal of their heinous activities using videos, pictures and sounds. The idea behind this delimitation of boundaries is to avoid embarking on an unmanageable venture as Ohaja [5] opines.
Concept of media campaigns
Mass Media campaigns simply put are verbal or non-verbal communication drafted in form of spot announcements, jingles or short messages that reach members of public through the channels of communication. The channels can be radio, television, social media, newspapers, magazines, leaflets, billboards and even books. Southwell and Yzer [6] noted that contemporary media campaigns have featured advertisements, public service announcements, and, more recently, Internet-based tools and other interactive digital applications. Wakefield et al. [7] noted that the great promise of mass media campaigns lies in their ability to disseminate well defined behaviourally focused messages to large audiences repeatedly, over time, in an incidental manner, and at a low cost per head.
Alexander and Hanson [8] posits that;
Not long ago, 'mass' media referred to messages that were created by large organizations for broad, heterogeneous audiences. The concept no longer suffices for contemporary media environment. Yes 'mass' media still exist in forms of radio, television, film and general interest newspapers and magazines; but many media forms today are hybrids of "mass" and "personal" media technologies that open a new realm of understanding about how audience process the meaning of messages.
Media campaigns, an offshoot of public communication campaign; may involve a conventional mix of brochures, posters, advertisements, and commercials or a different array of communication methods for the purpose of achieving certain objectives. Public communication campaign as defined by Rice and Atkin [9] is a purposive attempt to inform or influence behaviours in large audience within a specified period of time, using an organized set of communication activities and featuring an array of mediated messages in multiple channels generally to produce non-commercial benefits to individuals and society. Mediated messages here imply that the messages pass through the channels of communication.
In evaluating media messages, Krueger [10] noted that the best way to achieve media literacy is to evaluate all the messages that bombard you. Ask these questions to understand the message:
• Who created, or paid for, the message? The company, group or institution that creates a media message or that pays for the creation of a message has a reason or motive. Who is the target audience? Message producers direct their message to specific groups. When the producers want to reach several groups, they typically produce separate messages targeted at each group.
• What is the product? Media messages, especially in advertising, have something to promote. Usually, the product or service is obvious; sometimes, the product or service isn't clear until the end of the message.
• What are the direct messages? Direct messages are easy to identify. They include the name of the product and price, and its benefits to the consumer are stated explicitly in text, dialogue or voice-overs.
• What are the indirect messages? Indirect messages are not stated directly, either in text, dialogue or voice-overs. These messages may be just as powerful as the direct messages.
• What is omitted from the message? In advertising, messages often highlight the positive qualities of their product, service or cause. They downplay any negative qualities. Often, they just don't talk about anything that would cause consumers to dislike what the message is promoting. Ask yourself what is missing from any message you read, see or hear.
Media campaigns for behavioral and attitudinal change
In situations like that of Boko Haram crisis, media messages are driven by an agenda-persuasion. Persuasion is a form of communication that takes place on a daily basis within our society. It is a term that is used when one is attempting to get another to change their mind set or action in one form or another. Persuasive communication is any message that is intended to shape, reinforce, or change the responses of another or others. Such responses are modified by symbolic transactions (messages) which are sometimes, but not always, linked with coercive force (indirectly coercive) and which appeal to the reason and emotions of the target [11].
Mass media campaign is a critical tool in behaviour and attitudinal change. Early in the history of media studies, it was believed messages conveyed by media had tremendous power to influence people's attitude and behaviour. This power has remained up to this moment, even though not all audience receive the messages at a time. Media campaigns may also involve the use of propaganda that is manipulation of information to influence public opinion which may result to change in behaviour and attitude. However, war itself implies the use of propaganda to defeat the common enemy. Propaganda according to Baran and Davis (2006) refers to the no-holds-barred use of communication to propagate specific beliefs and expectations. The ultimate goal of propaganda is to change the way people act and also persuade or scare others into adopting their beliefs, whether it's political, religious or philosophical.
The outcomes of behavioural and attitudinal change vary in proportion to such factors as the dose of information, qualitative potency of messages and the proper integration of mass media. For media campaigns to attain a strong impact on behavioural and attitudinal change, exposure of audience to such messages is critical. Audience must also have access to the media by which the message passed through.
Strategic Approaches
In seeking to influence behaviour and attitude, media campaigns maybe tilted towards promoting positive behaviours (like being a law abiding citizen, sanctity of human lives, avoiding indecent dressing among others) to avoid chaos. Atkin and Rice [12] noted that traditionally, prevention campaigns fear appeals to focus attention on negative consequences of a detrimental practice rather promoting the desirability of a positive alternative.
The fear appeal in the prevention approach can be divided into two approaches: the threat and recommendation approach. In the threat approach, messages should present the risk information especially the severity of the risk and the individual's susceptibility to this particular risk. The recommendation approach on the other hand should present information on the recommended behaviour to cope with the risk; the response efficacy - the effectiveness of the recommendation in removing the threat, and self-efficacy, which refers to the individual's capability to enact the recommended behaviour. The issue of Boko Haram engaging minors (females) as suicide bombers is a detrimental practice by the group. Using the fear appeal approach can lead to audience scepticism; caution them on the deterrence and in the long champion the change in the behaviour and attitude of the audience.
Content of media messages can generally be informative, educative or persuasive. Awareness messages simply inform the audience what to do and how it should be done. Awareness messages give cues and answers to what, who, where and how questions while persuasive messages covers the 'why' aspect. Persuasive messages advocates and give answers to why this is a preferable or acceptable action and attitude. Media campaigns based anchored on persuasion come along with incentives to attract the audience change their attitudes and behaviours. For instance, the Boko Haram fighters leaving in the dreaded Sambisa Forest can be persuaded to stop killing and be re-integrated to the society by granting them amnesty and psycho-socio support.
It is however important to note that Boko Haram fighters that are too extreme in their ideology consider the government and military as 'enemies'. The messages may also be regarded as offensive, sometimes boring, full of deceit, lies, misleading and a counter to their own understanding. Therefore, the impact of the media campaign on the extreme members might take a longer period to become effective, even though it is aimed at the members of the public including potential recruits, who are 'pleased' with the actions of the group members.
Why campaign on Boko Haram
Like any other terrorist group in the 21st century, Boko Haram insurgent group, aside being the most deadliest has resort to seizing some advantages to recruit people of vulnerable features. However, this does not mean there is absent use of channels of mass communication to spread their ideologies. The group was known with high syllogism and good public speakers capable of convincing locals to join the terrorists groups. It is also notable as reported by some media outlets that some parents after being convinced by the terrorist or otherwise forced into the act, donate their children to be used for suicide mission. This adversely constituted a situation whereby the group (Boko Haram) continues to gain followers in the region.
Moreover, the group's link to international terrorist organisations like ISIS and Al-Qaeda signalled a very horrible and atrocious ideological support that could infer more harm to the people. Similarly, it provides for possibilities of the bigger organisations to support them with arms and strategies. In the same vein, the U.S declaration of Boko Haram as terrorist group added a huge thought provoking analysis to the situation in the North- East and status of the group. It is then realised by the military, government, civil society groups and the general public that the force application is not enough to win the war within a realistic period of time. Moreover, the scenario of Boko Haram establishes a situation whereby many people are frustrated and aggrieved which further presented a possibility of more tragedy. This situation also needs to be arrested before it surface to cause mayhem.
Linking the above fact with another line of issue that prompted for campaigns against terrorist ideologies is the inadequacy of television channels and radio stations. The available media as at the outbreak of the crisis was Nigerian Television Authority, Borno Radio Television and Peace FM. This is too meagre to handle information and communication needs of the people of the state. It is out of these and more that radio station was established, to give room for more campaigns to flow and reach higher number of listeners.
The Nigerian Television Authority being a government owned outfit, was set on the pace of the counter-terrorism media campaign. It was a joint effort between the National Orientation Agency and Ministry of Information and Culture. The central campaign was tagged "Nigeria Unite against Terrorism". Another concerted effort was initiated in the Lafiya Dole Radio, which broadcast campaign and programmes about the success of the Nigerian Army in the fight against Boko Haram as well as effort of government to reconcile between people. There was also campaign which targeted to sensitize people to report suspicious movement and people to security operatives and abstain from embracing any ideology alien to their own or that which they have no knowledge on.
Theoretical Framework
The study adopted two theories namely; Symbolic Interactionism and deterrence theory.
George Herbert Mead, an influential professor of philosophy, pioneered the development of this theory. The word symbolic interactionism was coined by Blumer, Mead's chief disciple in 1969. It is the process of interaction in the formation of meanings for individuals. It is the on-going use of language and gestures, in anticipation of how the others will react, a conversation. Blumer [13] states that symbolic interactionism rests on three premises: that human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings of things has for them; that the meaning of such things derives from the social interaction one has with one's fellows; and that these meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process.
The basic idea this theory put forward is that people behave based on the meaning they have given to things or persons. The symbolic interactionism analysed society by the descriptive meanings that people have given to objects, events and behaviours. The behavioural pattern of the people will be based on these descriptive meanings because people behave according to their descriptive believes rather than objective truth. According to Baran and Davis [14], Social interactionism is a theory that people give meaning to symbols and those meanings come to them. Thus, it posits that our actions in response to symbols are mediated (or controlled) largely by those same symbols.
This theory helps media researchers better understand the field because of the important role the media plays in creating and propagating shared symbols. Because of the media's power, it can construct symbols on its own. By using symbolic interactionism theory, researchers can look at the ways media affects a society's shared symbols and, in turn, the influence of those symbols on the individual [15].
Deterrence theory
The deterrence theory of punishment can be traced to the early works of classical philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes (1588- 1678), Cesare Beccaria (1738-1794), and Jeremy Bentham (1748- 1832). Together, these theorists protested against the legal policies that had dominated European thought for more than a thousand years, and against the spiritualistic explanations of crime on which they were founded. In addition, these social contract thinkers provided the foundation for modern deterrence theory in criminology.
Paternoster and Bachman [16], states that we are affected by both the costs and rewards that are consequent to our behaviour. In other words, we tend to behave based on the expectation that we will receive some type of reward for doing it while hoping to avoid some type of punishment for not doing it or doing something else.
The theory of deterrence that has developed from the work of Hobbes, Beccaria, and Bentham relies on three individual components: severity, certainty, and celerity. The more severe a punishment, it is thought, the more likely that a rationally calculating human being will desist from criminal acts. To prevent crime, therefore, criminal law must emphasize penalties to encourage citizens to obey the law. Punishment that is too severe is unjust, and punishment that is not severe enough will not deter criminals from committing crimes.
Applicability of the theories
Symbolic Interactionism: One way the media uses symbol to affect the individual is advertising and commercials. When the media uses pictures of explosives and scenes of bomb blasts, what comes to the minds of the mass audience is the unethical, unreligious and unacceptable culture of killing innocent lives. The audience therefore thinks of an image of a Boko Haram member, who is bent on killing innocent people using guns or improvised explosives devices. A gun in reality can mean weapon. An armoured vehicle or the presence of troops in the North East may symbolise the strength of Nigerian Army in protecting innocent lives and property. The presence of Boko Haram flag in local communities on the other hand may mean that Boko Haram fighters are in total control of that territory.
Deterence Theory: in 2017, a federal high court sitting in Niger State, begun the trial of suspected Boko Haram fighters. Die hard fighters who have refused to heed to the governments advice of surrendering themselves and their fire arms to security operatives nearest to them will have themselves to be blame in the event they get caught.
The study adopted discourse analysis. Islam and Kabir [3] defined discourse analysis as a methodology for analyzing social phenomena that is qualitative, interpretative and constructionist. It explores how the socially constructed ideas and objects are created and used in the media content. Discourse analysis can be characterized as a way of approaching and thinking about a problem. In this sense, discourse analysis is neither qualitative nor quantitative method, but a manner of questioning the basic assumptions of quantitative and qualitative methods. Discourse analysis does not provide a tangible response based on scientific research but it enables access to the ontological and epistemological assumptions behind a project, a statement, a method of research, or-to provide an example from the field of Library and Information. Discourse analysis deals with a conversation or text, a collection of text or conversation. Maclure 2003 posits that "...analyzing text involves much more than whatever is 'in' those texts. ...The point... is not to get the text lay bare its meaning (or its prejudices), but to trace some of the threads that connect the texts to others".
In other words, Discourse Analysis will enable study to reveal the hidden motivations behind a text or behind the choice of a particular method of research to interpret that text. Expressed in today's more trendy vocabulary, Critical or Discourse Analysis is nothing more than a deconstructive reading and interpretation of a problem or text (while keeping in mind that postmodern theories conceive of every interpretation of reality and, therefore, of reality itself as a text. Every text is conditioned and inscribes itself within a given discourse, thus the term Discourse Analysis). Discourse Analysis will, thus, not provide absolute answers to a specific problem, but enable us to understand the conditions behind a specific 'problem' and make us realize that the essence of that "problem", and its resolution, lie in its assumptions; the very assumptions that enable the existence of that 'problem'. Taylor [17] is of the opinion that discourse analyst's work with language data, including talk, documents and broadcast material. Researchers in different traditions study interactions and social practices, meaning-making and larger meaning systems, and contests and conflicts around collective identities, social norms and subjectification.
In this study, the populations include the number of media campaigns produced and selected in addition to the media they are being broadcast - Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) and Lafiya Dole Radio. The media houses were selected based on their consistency in the broadcast of these media campaigns, ownership, accessibility and location, and of course based on researcher's discretion. This research adopted purposive sampling which is a type of non-probabilistic sampling. Purposive sampling implies the deliberate selection of elements that have feature and attribute that the researcher has interest. According to Tajumaiye (2003), purposive sampling is a type of nonprobability sampling whereby a sample is selected on the basis of specific qualities or characteristics and elimination of those that fail to meet these criteria. It is sometimes called judgmental sampling because the researcher purposely decides on whom to be his sample. It may be based on age bracket, gender or experience and expertise. It is a method of sampling where the researcher deliberately chooses who to include in the study based on their ability to provide necessary data. The rationale for choosing this approach is because it gives room for selection based on purpose. In view of this, 21media campaigns were identified and selected.
Categories are divisions into which the units of analysis to be analysed are grouped. Onabajo, (2011), defines content categories as words that have the same meanings and are used to classify media content into categories that are mutually exhaustive and exclusive. Content categories of this study include: messages on de-radicalization, surveillance and information sharing (Table 1).
Table 1: Coding sheet.
1 Call for action These are the campaigns on de-radicalization of youth.
2 Vigilance These campaigns categorically explain the need for reporting suspicious movements and putting an eye on the environment.
3 Deterrence These campaigns serves as lesson for others who might want to join the fold of the group.
4 Encouragement and Advice These campaigns specifically deal with encouraging the members to take the bull by the horn and shun the group.
These categories were chosen because the study in question touches the above areas either directly or indirectly. The study used Coding Sheet as instrument for data collection. Coding data, it means assigning attributes to specific units of analysis, such as paragraphs, sentences, or individual words. In a media campaign, producers usually use a combination of audio and visual or words and photographs as the case maybe. The Coding Sheet was drawn based on the categories outlined in order to tie contents of the media campaigns to be studied based on the kind of category they belong. The comments were read and categories accordingly. Tables and charts were used where necessary especially when answering research question three which specifically deals with frequency that is number of slots allocated by the media organizations to these media organizations.
Data Collected from Discourse Analysis Process
A total of 21 counter insurgency and violence campaigns on Lafiya Dole Fm and NTA were identified, recorded, transcribed and categorized. The campaigns and jingles are transmitted within the period of the study mostly at prime time of transmission that is periods believed to have higher number of audiences (listeners and viewers) who tune to listen and watch news and other current affairs issues.
However, discourse analysis connotes that in order to identify the key messages and tone of a particular spoken or written piece there is need for macro-proposition analysis. Macro proposition analysis according to Dijk and Teun [18] is based on an identification of the most relevant collection of information in a text, derived from local meanings of words and sentences by macro rules, such as deletion, generalization and construction. Wilson and Gapsiso [19] put that such rules combine similar meanings with construct different meaning constituents in higher-level events or social concepts which enable one to identify the main idea news item or multiple news or comments.
RQ1. What are the patterns of the media campaigns?
The patterns of the media campaigns are in audio and visual forms. Audio is for radio stations while the visual is to television. Also, posters were produced and leaflets for the campaigns and placed at strategic positions (Figure 1).
Figure 1: Pattern of Media Campaigns.
RQ2. What are the tones and themes of the media campaigns?
A total of 21 campaigns were identified and analyzed based on the various themes (Table 2). There are campaigns identified as call for actions. Since it is a moment beyond bombs and bullet and Nigerian Army wants to incorporate the public into peaceful resolution to the conflict, the call for actions were targeted at some needful actions and abstinence from non-peaceful conducts. Example of such are;
Table 2: Themes of the campaigns.
Number of Campaigns
1 Call for action 8
2 Vigilance 5
3 Deterrence 2
4 Encouragement and Advice 6
"Reject Boko Haram and join your family to make Nigeria a better place. Reject violence for your sake and family. Be a builder, not a destroyer. Remember, that one day you will give account of your deeds before Allah. Be a faithful follower of true Islam……… Repent now".
"Hello Nigerians!……The Nigerian Army is at it again. At what again? The Nigerian Army has introduced a new initiative to guarantee our safety and end incessant bombings in the North East.
Now report a suicide bomber and get reward.
Really? Oh yes. The Nigerian Army is offering the sum of five hundred thousand naira for any information that leads to the arrest of a suicide bomber or discovery of transit house or factory of suicide bombers.
Hmmm!!! Is it that easy? So how can I report the information?
You can call the Theatre Commander Operation Lafiya Dole Maiduguri on 09064823221 or GOC 7 Division Maiduguri 09078599985 or Whatsapp the Commander26 Brigade Gwoza 080972179992 or Director Army Public Relations Abuja 07080216992.
Wow! But I hope my identity will not be exposed..............All information will be treated with utmost confidentiality".
"Let us accept one another. There is no compulsion in religion. Do yours and allow me to do mine. Boko Haram is not in line with the teachings of Islam. Anybody who takes a life by mistake is to fast for 60 days. Are you killing by mistake or intentional? What will be your position in the eyes of Allah? For killing intentionally is not good. Boko Haram is not in line with the teachings of Islam. Be a builder not a destroyer".
There are campaigns identified as raising security vigilance. Some of them are targeted at creating consciousness and awareness on the issues of suicide bombing and Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) which are used for suicide missions. Examples of campaign with such composition include:
"Nigerians! Do you know what an improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) are? IEDs come in different shapes and sizes. They can be hidden in bags, boxes and all kinds of containers. Small IEDs can be put in drink bottles. Large IEDs can be stored in the boot of a car. IEDs are dangerous. IEDs can be anywhere, at anytime. Do you know the look of a suicide bomber? They are in loose or heavy clothing, visually inappropriate for the weather. They tighten them in their heads, or keep them in their pockets. They are unaware of their surroundings. They are always alone and nervous. So, be vigilant. Be security conscious. Report suspicious persons, objects and movements to the police and other security agencies. The security of our nation is a duty for you and me. Nigerians unite against terrorism".
"Nigerians suicide bombers are not spirit. They are not ghost. They are human beings like you and me. They live amongst us. They are your neighbours. They are your friends today but terrorists tomorrow. So you must know your neighbour now. Security begins with you and me. Know your neighbour now. Be vigilant, be security conscious. Report suspicious persons, objects and movements to the police and other security agencies. The security of our nation is a duty for you and me. Nigeria, unite against terrorism".
"If you hear a bomb explosion or gunshot, that might be a terror attack. In such situation always remember the three action words RUN, HIDE, REPORT. Do not rush to the terror scene to save the situation because there might be a second bomb blast or another attack. When in a security environment call relevant agencies and help will come. For anonymous reporting call 096303250- 5 or 08132222106. If you see something say something. Nigeria Unite Against Terrorism".
Some of the comments were titled toward deterrence. Deterrence connotes issuing red alert on some acts of terror by highlighting the stiffer penalties and consequences of such action. There are 2 campaigns in this direction. Some of the campaigns in this category indicate how strong the military operations are. Some of these are:
"Operation Safe Corridor is real. For sake violence… Shelve your sword, for violence does not pay. Surrender now, be secured, safe and enjoy the benefits of a full citizen of Nigeria. God hates violence, embrace peace today. Be a defender not a fighter".
"Surrender now!!! Suicide bombing is not Islam. Whoever takes his/her life through suicide bombing will go to hell fire forever and ever… Be wise. Reject suicide bombing".
The last categories of the campaign are those that were titled toward encouragements and advices to the public. The encouragements were targeted at boosting the people who have been devastated both mental and physical. The campaigns were also targeted at discouraging the notion of vengeance in people's mind through citing religious stands on violence, terrorism and forgiveness. Some of these include:
"Don't be afraid,…… Your villages are safe now. The military is your friend and brother. Boko Haram has destroyed families and properties. War is not in our culture; let us live in peace and harmony".
"Islam is peace……Islam encourages seeking of knowledge be it western or Arabic. Turn down your weapons and embrace peace. Peace is the only option for development, economic activities, social interaction and self-reliance".
"Nigeria our father's land……Indeed, we don't have any other country apart from Nigeria. Remember, a peaceful nation lies in peaceful co-existence and socio-economic development. Therefore, join hands by reporting suspicious movement, persons or any threat to peace and security of lives and property of citizenry, places of worship, markets or sporting arena to security operatives nearest to you. (Translated from Hausa)"
"I, Major General Lucky Irabor, Theatre Commander Operation Lafiya Dole. I like to talk to the youths. Every youth must listen to me. This is my message to you, and I believe as you heed to this advise, anyone coming up with issues that has to do with Boko Haram ideology or whatever ideology that is outside what you know or what you are taught, by those who you think of course are your role models, please desist from listening to them. I can only thank you for listening and want to believe that very soon, we will meet one on one, for us to shake hands and the whole world is looking up to you, to live a life that God has given to you. To live in peace"
RQ3. Frequency of broadcast on Lafiya Dole Fm and NTA
In finding out the frequency broadcast on the two stations, the programme schedule was obtained. Below is the breakdown of the frequency that is spots per jingle (Tables 3,4, Figures 2 and 3);
Table 3: Lafiya Dole Fm.
Frequency (Spot)
Mondays 123 spots 8:10-8:30 am, 8:50-8:59 am, 9:55 am, 10:25 am, 10:55 am, 11:50-11:59 am, 12:10 pm, 12:20 pm, 12:55 pm, 01:50-02:00 pm, 2:55 pm, 3:50 pm-4:00 pm.
Tuesdays 113 spots 8:10-8:30 am, 8:50-8:59 am, 9:55 am, 10:25 am, 10:55 am, 11:50-11:59 am, 12:10 pm, 12:20 pm, 12:55 pm, 01:50-02:00 pm, 2:55 pm, 3:50 pm-4:00 pm.
Wednesdays 109 spots 8:10 am-8:30 am, 8:50-8:59 am, 9:55 am, 10:25 am, 10:55 am, 11:50-11:59 am, 12:10 pm, 12:20 pm, 12:55 pm, 01:50-02:00 pm, 2:55 pm, 3:50 pm-4:00 pm.
Thursdays 117 spots 8:10 am-8:30 am, 8:50-8:59 am, 9:55 am, 10:25 am, 10:55 am, 11:50-11:59 am, 12:10 pm, 12:20 pm, 12:55 pm, 01:50-02:00 pm, 2:55 pm, 3:50 pm-4:00 pm.
Fridays 119 spots 8:10 am-8:30 am, 8:50-8:59 am, 9:55 am, 10:25 am, 10:55 am, 11:50-11:59 am, 12:10 pm, 12:20 pm, 12:55 pm, 01:50-02:00 pm, 2:55 pm, 3:50 pm-4:00 pm.
Saturdays 119 spots 8:10 am-8:30 am, 8:50-8:59 am, 9:55 am, 10:25 am, 10:55 am, 11:50-11:59 am, 12:10 pm, 12:20 pm, 12:55 pm, 01:50-02:00 pm, 2:55 pm, 3:50 pm-4:00 pm.
Sundays 127 spots 8:10 am-8:30 am, 8:50-8:59 am, 9:55 am, 10:25 am, 10:55 am, 11:50-11:59 am, 12:10 pm, 12:20 pm, 12:55 pm, 01:50-02:00 pm, 2:55 pm, 3:50 pm-4:00 pm.
Source: Field Research from Lafiya Dole Radio
Table 4: Nigerian Television Authority (NTA).
Frequency (Spots)
Monday 8 spots 6:55 am, 7:30 am, 8:55 am, 3:55 pm, 6:55 pm, 8:55 pm, 9:18 pm and 9:45 pm
Tuesday 8 spots 6:55 am, 7:30 am, 8:55 am, 3:55 pm, 6:55 pm, 8:55 pm, 9:18 pm and 9:45 pm
Wednesday 7 spots 6:55 am, 7:30 am, 8:55 am, 3:55 pm, 6:55 pm, 8:55 pm, and 9:45 pm
Thursday 8 spots 6:55 am, 7:30 am, 8:55 am, 3:55 pm, 6:55 pm, 8:55 pm, 9:18 pm and 9:45 pm
Friday 8 spots 6:55 am, 7:30 am, 8:55 am, 3:55 pm, 6:55 pm, 8:55 pm, 9:18 pm and 9:45 pm
Saturday 6 spots 6:55 am, 8:55 am, 6:55 pm, 8:55 pm, 9:18 pm and 9:45 pm
Sunday 6 spots 6:55 am, 8:55 am, 6:55 pm, 8:55 pm, 9:18 pm and 9:45 pm
Source: Field Research Nigeria Television Authority
Figure 2: Lafia Dole Spots Distribution (n=91160).
Figure 3: NTA Spots Distribution (n=4547).
Discussions of Findings
Audio visual presentation
Audio Visual presentation refers to works with both a sound and a visual component. The audio presented in the jingles are selfexplanatory. The visuals especially that of the scenes of bomb blast or victims (particularly) minors were blurred. Audio visual communication breaks down the traditional barriers of written communication to ensure that your audience understands the message easily, resulting in better discussion and collaboration in business, education and personal applications. Audio and visual cues, when combined, increase message retention.
By adding videos, visual aids and sound clips to your presentation, you create a multimedia experience. This helps your communication become more engaging to the audience using a variety of media, from mp3s to video footage to stillimage slideshows and online social media.
Completeness of the media campaigns
One important question here is that are the jingles/media campaigns containing all the important messages? What are the key information that perhaps made the jingles complete? From the above questions, it can be deduced that the voluminous nature of the information contained in some of the jingles, is responsible for the long narration and of course, exceeding the normal one minute standard for jingles production.
Clarity of information, sources and credibility
Clarity means making your content easy to understand. If people can't understand what you're trying to say, then your content is not useful, right? On the other hand, if you can produce sharp, clear, intelligent, and easy-to-understand content, it become much easier for people to see the value in it. One of the main benefits of audio visual media for communication is clarity. Audio visual input enables both parties to observe facial expressions and gesture, hear tones and inflections in the voice and use both audio and visual cues to clarify each other's meanings and positions.
The media jingles commenced with positioning statements like 'Operation Safe Corridor is real', 'Nigerian Army is at it again'. The messages were kept short. The duration of the jingles are mostly 60 seconds or less than with the exception of few jingles. This made people easily remember the core messages. Sentences like 'if you see something, say something' and 'report any suspicious movement to the nearest security agencies'.
The messages were simple and evocative. There was no military jargon. The language was plain and self-explanatory. Some unfamiliar terms like IEDs were further explained. For instance, in one of the jingles, it commenced with a question asking; do you know what an IED is? It means Improvised Explosives Devices.
To further underscore the clarity in the media campaigns, the statements below sum it all;
• Touch the dial, get secured.
• Raise alarm.
• Leave the area and so on.
The National Broadcasting Code, referred to as 'The Code', a document first drafted in 1993 and amended in 2016 contains the universal standard of broadcasting with specific application to Nigeria. The purpose is to guide broadcasters to apply the provisions of The Code and to assist the public to uphold them as the benchmark for their "…right to quality broadcasting". In crisis period like the Boko Haram, Chapter 1 of The Code mandate broadcasters to carry out public announcements on natural disasters as part of social responsibility covering their area of coverage. In the case of NTA, the jingles were used free of charge in spite of the commercialization. However, the usage of the jingles was not as consistent as that of Lafiya Dole Fm. This is so because the latter was established primarily to serve as media for the counter terrorism and counter insurgency operations in the north east.
According to the Code 'No broadcast shall encourage or incite to crime, lead to public disorder or hate, be repugnant to public feelings or contain offensive reference to any person or organization, alive or dead or generally be disrespectful to human dignity'. Excessive portrayal of physical suffering and pain or the exhibition of dead bodies or blood are avoided except for the purpose of conveying a message, in which case it shall be preceded with a caution.
There seems to be a violation of ethical practice in the presentation of the victims (Figure 4).
Figure 4: Violation of ethical practice. Source: Nigerian Army.
The above picture is a minor, carrying explosive devices tight to her waist. As prescribed by the Nigerian Press Council, that a minor (under the age of 16) involved in cases concerning sexual offences, crimes and rituals or witchcraft either as victims, witnesses or defendants.
Similarly, one of the suicide bomber intercepted by the military and undergoing rehabilitation at one of their centres was interviewed. Her voice has saturated the airwaves. In the interview, she disclosed how the Boko Haram members forced her to embark on such disastrous mission.
However, while it is unethical to interview a minor except with the consent of parents or guardians, the military out of what could be described as deterrence decided to allow her voice to go on air with the intention of cautioning 'would be' suicide bombers and their parents from engaging in such inhumane mission.
Her interview inserts reads as follows:
I am 11 years old. My dad took me alongside my mom and my siblings to the bush, informing us that we will study. I don't know anything on it. We spent about one and half year. They gave me explosives and didn't give me any instructions though I am with my mother. My dad has divorced my mother because my mom refused to follow their path of ideology and that she will not do anything contrary to her believe. That was how he divorced her and left us in her custody. But he went away with my elder sister. After a while, he came again and picked me and my mother.
..... I told the soldiers and they went to the scene and diffused the explosives. I don't want to kill people. Parents should not take their children. Children should not agree. They should run and come to military. Nothing will happen to them....
From the foregoing, it can be deduced that the military's intention of interviewing the 'repentant' Boko Haram member was not geared towards exposing her identity. Her name and that of her parent was not mentioned, neither her address or was disclosed. The purpose was to among other things inform members of the public on the breakthrough of the military in de-radicalization process. It was believed that the jingle will go a long way in convincing other perpetrators to accept the offer by the military and submit themselves voluntarily. Her face should have been blurred instead.
It is a well-known rule in broadcasting that all spot announcements should not exceed 60 seconds. However, some have exceeded the time limit. Jingles of such nature are only aired on Lafiya Dole Fm.
Appropriateness of the themes
The themes selected for the media campaigns have a purpose. Each theme conveyed a specific message and addressed a pressing problem at the time. The theme usually tallies with an issue at stake.
This study concludes from these angles as follows;
• The study revealed that the radio jingles produced the Nigerian Armed Force and aired on their radio station has no specific duration. It ranges from 20 seconds to 10 minutes.
• The study found a categorization in content of the media campaigns. Some are geared towards de-radicalization, while others conveyed a message of vigilance, call to action or seek for assistance from security agents and others served as deterrence to discourage others from joining the fold of the terrorists group.
• Radio Lafiya Dole tends to air more of the jingles than NTA. This is because of the commercialization of media content.
• The consistent used of media campaigns have helped in persuading members of the public to support the Nigerian Armed Forces in the fight against Boko Haram.
• These media campaigns have equally enhanced rapport or rather sustained civil military relations. Members of the public are now more enlightened on the tactics and modus operandi of the terrorists especially with respect to the use of minors as suicide bombers among others.
• The study observed these media campaigns are not only broadcast on radio and television but also played in outside vehicles during mop-up operations in the forest. This was done in order to give the repentant Boko Haram members the ample opportunity to voluntarily surrender to the military.
• The exposure and publishing of the pictures of the wanted members of the group has enabled the public to know those behind perpetrating the violence. However, in spite of publishing the list, members of the public are yet to report or give information that led to the arrest or death of any of the members to claim the reward announced by the Nigerian Army.
• The English version of the jingles has less or no impact on the public residing in the epicentre of the Boko Haram crisis. This is because significant number or majority of the target audience understands more of the local language than the official English language.
A few recommendations emerged from the findings of this study. They are:
• The military and other governmental agencies should not relent; more campaigns with themes focusing on deradicalization should be produced.
• There is no need for replicating the media campaigns in English. Priority should be given to local languages only.
• The military radio station should be established in other affected states of the North East. This will pave way for the broadcast of more jingles that will reach a significant number of audiences.
• Ethical issues like portraying minors involved in perpetrating the heinous acts and exceeding the conventional 60 seconds time limit for radio and television jingles should be considered while producing the media campaigns.
Sahara Reporters (2017) Boko Haram's Renewed Campaign in Lake Chad Region Sparks Rise in Civilian Deaths.
CNN (2017) Boko Haram favors women, children as suicide bombers, study reveals.
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Ganiyu MA (2012) Measuring public opinion on Boko Haram Insurgency through Editorial Matters in selected Newspapers: An Assessment of The punch, This day, Daily sun and Daily Trust. MA Dissertation, Department of Mass Communication, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
Ohaja EU (2003) Mass Communication Research and Project Report Writing. Lagos: John Letterman.
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Wakefiled M, Loken B, Hornik R (2014) Use of Mass Media Campaigns to Change Health Behaviour. United States: PubMed Central.
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Krueger V (2017) 6 Questions to help you evaluate media messages.
Miller GR (1980) On being persuaded: Some basic distinctions. In: Roloff M, Miller GR (eds.) Persuasion: New directions in theory and research, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, pp: 11-28.
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Blumer H (1986) Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. California: University of California Press.
Baran SJ, Davis DK (2006) Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment & Future. New York: H.J Allen.
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Paternoster R, Bachman R (2012) Perceptual Deterrence Theory. In: Cullen FT, Wilcox P (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of Criminological Theory, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Taylor S (2013) What is Discourse Analysis? New York: Bloomsbury Publishing.
Van Dijk, Teun A (1993) Principles of Critical Discourse Analysis. Discourse & Society 4: 249-283.
Wilson J, Gapsiso N (2014) Social media and the freedom of expression in Nigeria: posting the mind of a nation. The International Journal on Internet Trolling and Online Participation.


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text:
9Vwaksbergavatar
Argument about plagues makes Passover lesson memorable
By David Waksberg | April 11, 2014
Blood, frogs, lice, locusts — our fifth-grade Hebrew school class was discussing the Ten Plagues. Relating the Exodus story to our own lives, Mr. Birnbaum asked the class: "What are some modern plagues?"
"Hurricanes," said a classmate. "Tornadoes," said another. These were followed by whatever catastrophes we could think of, grabbed from the headlines of the day. Wars, droughts, epidemics, riots. … We and Mr. Birnbaum were on a roll.
"Strikes," piped up another student. "Yes, strikes are also a modern plague," said Mr. Birnbaum, pleased with our ability to identify all sorts of contemporary scourges.
"Strikes aren't a plague," shouted my friend Barry, "they're a blessing!"
That stopped Mr. Birnbaum in his tracks. "Well, yes," Mr. Birnbaum allowed. "Barry is suggesting that the ability of workers to strike is a sign of progress. Perhaps strikes aren't a plague after all."
Now the boy who had shouted out "strikes" pushed back. Don't innocent people suffer from a strike? The recent sanitation workers' strike and the pungent accumulation of trash on the sidewalks of New York was fresh in our memories. Barry was unmoved. Mr. Birnbaum had prepared a simple lesson on the Ten Plagues and now class warfare had broken out in Temple Beth El's fifth grade.
To make peace, Mr. Birnbaum finally adjudicated that strikes can be both a blessing and a plague. Arms crossed indignantly, implacable Barry had the last word: "They're still a blessing!" he grumbled.
What made this memorable 45 years later? We had related the Passover story to our own lives. But something else also happened — an argument erupted. The argument drew me in and illuminated the meaning of blessings and plagues. There was no right or wrong answer — just different interpretations of experience and text. And it was up to me to formulate my own opinion — based upon what I had learned.
Educational philosopher Lee Shulman suggests that the Jewish tradition of argumentation "replaces the quest for certainty with a celebration of possibility." He describes learning in which we argue and question together, in contrast with "a rapt congregation listening devoutly to … unambiguous truths."
Such learning requires the active participation of the learner, not as a consumer of learning but as co-creator. Argument requires us to dive in, to expand on the story, and write new chapters.
"Whoever expands on the story of the Exodus" the haggadah tells us, "is worthy of praise." Last week's J. expanded on the story by featuring an article exposing the horrors of human trafficking. ("Human trafficking in our own backyard: It's inhuman.") Three thousand years after our liberation from Egypt, abolitionists believe 30 million people are trapped in some form of slavery today. The op-ed suggests that, as we retell the story of our own enslavement at Passover, we should be more attuned to the plight of those victimized by trafficking today.
That's why Jewish LearningWorks distributes information about contemporary slavery in relation to Passover. Not only because we abhor slavery, but because we support good pedagogy. The prime directive for Passover is for us to feel as if we ourselves were liberated from slavery. Everything we do, from the telling of the maggid (narrative) to the maror (bitter herbs) and matzah, is all geared to that outcome. Why? So we remember what it feels like to be a stranger, so we will not oppress the stranger. A seder that fails to heighten our awareness of slavery around us is a failed seder — like the scene in Dara Horn's Civil War novel, "All Other Nights," in which a Southern Jewish family celebrates the seder while being served by their slaves.
Perhaps that's why my friend Barry reacted so vehemently. Maybe referring to strikes as a plague felt to him like we were missing the point of our liberation from slavery.
More Jews participate in a seder than any other Jewish ritual. It's not hard to understand why. When done well, a seder embodies the key elements in successful Jewish education.
It empowers the learner as co-creator: The seder participant does not simply sit there like a matzah, she participates, questions, argues.
The seder enables us to connect Jewish text and tradition with our lives and experiences.
It is a social experience: We participate in ritual and conversation with friends and family.
Within its established structure, the seder has an open architecture, inviting experiment and innovation. More than 2,000 haggadahs are in use, reflecting a broad diversity of approaches to the tradition.
We come to the seder for myriad reasons — to be with family, to participate in the tradition, because we are commanded, because it's fun. Ultimately, the seder, like any learning experience, aims to change us. Judaism challenges us to be better people, to remember what it was like to be slaves and act upon that memory. That necessitates the move from comfortable certitude to questioning and argument. And it calls us to open our eyes to the slavery and trafficking in our world and in our products, so we don't end up like that Civil War family — celebrating our liberation while benefiting from the fruits of slavery.
David Waksberg is CEO of Jewish LearningWorks in San Francisco.
David Waksberg
David Waksberg is the CEO of S.F.-based Jewish LearningWorks.
What was the real deal with Egypts darkness
United in life, divided in death
Israel's 'secular yeshiva' opens outpost in Palo Alto
Mothers, daughters put special spin on Passover

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Лушци Паланка је насељено мјесто у саставу општине Сански Мост, Федерација Босне и Херцеговине, БиХ.

Географија
Село се налази у југозападном делу општине Сански Мост, на Грмечу. Упркос томе, погодно је за развој пољопривреде.

Историја
Православна црква изграђена је 1879. од дрвета.

Становништво
Данас у селу живи 200–250 становника. Село је ретко повратничко на подручју општине.

Напомене

Извори
 Књига: "Национални састав становништва — Резултати за Републику по општинама и насељеним мјестима 1991.", статистички билтен бр. 234, Издање Државног завода за статистику Републике Босне и Херцеговине, Сарајево.

Референце

Спољашње везе

 Мапе, аеродроми и временска ситуација локација (-{Fallingrain}-)
 Гугл сателитска мапа (-{Maplandia}-)

Насељена мјеста у Федерацији Босне и Херцеговине
Википројект географија/Насеља у Босни и Херцеговини
Општина Сански Мост
Српска насеља у Федерацији Босне и Херцеговине

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
The Madras Presidency: with Mysore, Coorg and the Associated States
Edgar Thurston
MANOHAR PUBLISHERS AND DISTRIBUTORS
Rs766 Rs1095 30% OFF
Dimensions (Cms) 22x14.5x2.5
Madras Presidency or the Presidency of Fort St George was an administrative subdivision of British India. At its greatest extent, the presidency included most of southern India, including the whole of the Indian states of Odisha, Kerala, Karnataka and the Union Territory of Lakshadweep. The island of Ceylon was also for a time a part of it. First published in 1913, The Mysore Presidency deals with the geography, history, anthropology, administration, industry, produce, chief towns and villages, etc., of this presidency. The author was lent willing help of several friends in this stupendous work. Special mention may be made of S. Gamble of Indian Forest Department on flora and fauna and E.B. Havellon on Architecture. It is part of a series commissioned by the Government of British India on the various presidencies in India.
Edgar Thurston (1885-1935) studied medicine at King's College, London. He was medical officer in Kent Country Lunatic Asylum and later curator of the museum at King's College before coming to India to join the Madras Museum in 1885. He has authored several books on Indology including pearl, fishery, coins, ivory carving of southern India, various tribes of southern India, among others.
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. 5: M to ...
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. 5: M to P
Rs1019 Rs2265


text:
HSBC sees strong sukuk pipeline
Published Tuesday, June 14, 2011
HSBC is seeing mandates for Islamic bond issuance in 2011 that are above pre-crisis levels, with at least one more sukuk expected to come to market before mid-July, executives said on Tuesday.
Debt capital markets have experienced a resurgence in recent months, as the cost of borrowing came down and liquidity levels for Islamic bonds reached the highest level they have seen been in four or five years, Mohammed Dawood, managing director of global capital financing at HSBC told reporters.
"Our pipeline is very healthy, more healthy than 2007," Dawood said. "We have seen a significant pickup in sukuk mandates."
Dawood declined to comment on exact figures but said he was confident that there will be at least one more sukuk issuance before the second half of July.
Issuances from entities such as Sharjah Islamic Bank, which launched a $400 million sukuk in May, and HSBC Middle East, with its $500 million offering, have already set a positive tone with both issues well oversubscribed.
HSBC Middle East became the first international bank to issue an Islamic bond and will consider raising Islamic funds again following the success of its debut launch, said Georges Elhedery, head of global market Middle East & North Africa.
He said spreads for the Islamic bond have tightened by 7 to 10 basis points from issuance levels and 15 basis points tighter than its conventional bond, indicating there is healthy secondary market appetite for the sukuk.
"Our programme size is ten-times larger than the issue," he said. "We could go for more. This is not a one-off transaction."
While he said HSBC Middle East will not issue any further sukuk this year, the bank will keep Islamic bonds under consideration when reviewing their financing needs annually going forward.
But Elhedery said HSBC's successful transaction has raised interest among other conventional banks to consider Islamic bonds.
And the sukuk market going forward will likely see more issuances from countries other than the established Asian and Middle Eastern players.
Markets such as Turkey, which have successfully tested the waters with initial sukuk offerings, will likely play a larger role going forward. And Western countries are also expected to become sukuk issuers, Dawood said.


Belle . Beauty and the Beast. HD Wallpaper and background images in the Beauty and the Beast club tagged: photo beauty and the beast belle beast adam disney 1991 animated film.
This Beauty and the Beast fan art might contain sign, poster, text, and chalkboard.


I will never take this for granted again.
Kensi Blye settled back against the chest of the man she loved, resting her head on his shoulder, relishing the feeling of his arms wrapping around her.
Being held. Holding. Two of the most precious states of being a human can experience.
She'd come so close to losing them, again. Something in Kensi told her that, if she had lost them, lost him…there wouldn't have been another time. She wouldn't have risked it. Wouldn't have allowed it. Wouldn't have survived it.
She heaved a huge sigh of contentment, one that alerted him that she'd been pondering. Deeks was still so fascinated by the woman in his arms that he could never resist an opportunity to delve deeper. Thus, whenever he caught her pondering, he always had to know what it was about.
Kensi forced a huge yawn, trying to shut him up, but he wasn't having it.
She'd put him off his game, and she could feel it in the tension of his arms. Then she felt him rally again.
She laughed at his eminently pathetic attempt to guilt it out of her. And then she laughed at herself, because it was working.
She was still laying against him, and couldn't see his face. But she could create a pretty accurate mental image of the look of surprise and confusion on it.
One I thought might never happen again.
She pushed off from his chest, and turned to face him.
Her tone had changed in the middle of the last sentence, and suddenly they were in a completely different conversation.
His eyes reflected the change. They were serious now. Sincere. Blue. Oh, so blue.
Smiling, he wrapped his arms behind her back, and pulled her down to him.
Kensi cast her eyes down. Telling him about her fear, about her prayer, about her begging him…it felt almost too intimate. And she was still coming to terms with that level of intimacy.
It's so weird. I mean, we were there together. We went through it together. I said it aloud, to him. But he doesn't remember any of it. It's like it belonged to me, alone.
It had felt so bizarre, the first time she'd reflected on it. She'd had this intense experience of loving him, of being willing to do anything for him, of actually doing the incomprehensible for him, as she'd dragged him through that barren desert. It should have been one of the most intimate experiences of their lives, and yet she, alone, remembered it. Now, unaware, he was asking her to share it with him. Why was she so hesitant?
Deeks ran a hand through her hair, solicitous now, maybe a little worried about her. He softened his voice to a whisper.
Slowly, she lifted her eyes to his. From the very first time she'd met him, she'd found a home in the depths of those eyes, and she'd found solace more times than she could count. She found it again, now.
Solace, and strength. My Deeks.
And so, she told him.
Her voice faltered as she began to relive the experience. Deeks was almost afraid to breathe. He'd been told…not by Kensi…what she'd done for him, but she'd put him off each time he'd asked about it. He understood his fiancé well enough to know that she would get there, in her own time, if only he could be patient. Which he had been.
He realized that only Kensi knew what had actually transpired in the desert. Only Kensi knew the depths of her despair, and the intensity of her pleading. Only Kensi knew the degree of brokenness she'd suffered.
But I want to heal it. Please let me heal it, Kensalina.
A squeeze of her arm encouraged her to continue.
Having to swallow back tears, remembering. Deeks raised his hand to her face, and she laid her cheek into it.
He had just the vaguest memory of the chapel, but her words triggered a deeper one.
It was as close as she'd been able to come, but she had so sorely missed his arms.
Her mind went to it immediately. When he'd told her about it, his smile had been beatific. Since then, she'd visited his telling of it a hundred times.
They'd fought over his desire for a family, and her reticence about it. Neither was about to go there now.
He grinned at her, as he turned her around and pulled her back against him. As his arms wrapped around her once again, he felt the tension leave her body, felt her melting into him. He welcomed the weight of her, welcomed the warmth of her body, and the way it grounded him to hold onto something so precious.
And so would my heart.
Beautifully written, wonderful Deeks and Kensi.
Thanks, Sassy. Glad you liked it!
This is brilliant. It's so satisfying to read them conversing like themselves, but like a grown up version of themselves. It's too bad the show doesn't just avoid heart to hearts like this, but it also can't seem to allow a scene that lasts more than two minutes. I want scenes like this one! Well done!!
Thanks, Karen. I like to think they do a lot—okay, maybe a little— of this at home, bringing only their bickering to work. We've certainly had enough hint of depth to each of them to think it happens. Who knows, maybe there are many such scenes left on the (now proverbial) cutting room floor. If so, I hope we'll get a full DVD's worth of them one day.
I do think that, for a procedural, this show is better at giving an actor an extra beat or two between lines to drive a point home, or focus on a facial expression, or a reaction, which goes a long way toward making these characters so rich. But it would definitely be nice to get a scene or two, a la the premiere.
Interesting point about the extra bits compared to a normal procedural. I think that's why I don't watch any procedurals, LOL, and will always find NCISLA frustrating. I'm just crossing my fingers that we get more than a two-minute wedding sequence, but it honestly wouldn't surprise me if we did.
So glad you liked it, Kathleen.


text:
Marco Rubio's Dangerous Game
U. S. Sen. Marco Rubio is playing a dangerous game.
The game is called Marco's Running For President and it trumps every anything else in Rubio's life.
As a representative of a state regularly pummeled by hurricanes, Rubio should know that voting against Sandy storm relief hurts real people.
Still, what counts to Rubio is his political career.
With his name on every pundit's lips as a possible presidential candidate, he must keep himself ideologically pure to remain in the GOP mix. Republican primaries punish any candidate voting for federal spending.
That's the real reason that when the Sandy relief bill came up, he voted "no".
In doing so, Marco Rubio played politics with peoples' lives.
His excuse: It contained a lot of pet projects unrelated to Sandy.
First of all, pet projects to Rubio are jobs and necessary government functions to others.
Second of all, the people in New Jersey, New York and other hard-hit areas need the money. It doesn't matter if the bill funds the opera. They need money now.
I guess Rubio's own future is more important than people in need.
At least Rubio is consistent. Earlier this year when he voted against the Gulf Coast Restoration Act for regions affected by the BP spill.
He gave the same reason: needless pet projects.
The Tampa Bay Times said Rubio was the only Gulf state senator, including Republicans, who voted against the relief bill. He did so after Grover Norquist said that spending offsets in the bill violated the anti-tax pledge Rubio signed.
So he didn't care about the Florida Gulf Coast relief from an oil spill if it could interfere with his own political agenda. In that light, the Sandy vote is no surprise.
I just hope we don't have a hurricane and depend on Rubio's vote for relief.
Here is Rubio's blog post explaining his vote last week against aid for Sandy victims:
By Senator Marco Rubio
Last month, I watched with great sadness as Hurricane Sandy hit various eastern seaboard states and destroyed towns, property and lives. While Florida was spared the worst damage seen in the northeast, given Sandy's sheer size and trajectory, even our state experienced some damage.
As a Floridian, I am all too familiar with the impact of storms like this and offered my prayers that the people impacted by Sandy would find strength in God's love and the company of their loved ones in its aftermath.
From a public policy standpoint, I have always believed one of the most critical roles of any government is to help people impacted by natural disasters. Effective coordination between local, state and federal governments are vital to helping people and starting the clean-up and rebuilding process. Swift, smart action can make a huge difference in difficult times like these.
That's why I've made clear in the past that emergency assistance bills like this should be handled with a sense of urgency and should not be derailed by efforts to find spending cuts to offset them, for example. When people are suffering gravely because of natural disasters, every moment we delay is a moment of delayed relief for victims.
However, we do have a responsibility to make sure this emergency spending is ultimately going to disaster relief, and not to other pet projects. Unfortunately, the Hurricane Sandy supplemental bill goes far beyond emergency relief to impacted victims and communities, which is why I voted no on final passage.
For example, it includes spending for fishery projects in Alaska, money to fix museum roofs in Washington, D.C., money to plant trees around the country, and money for a water resources priority study, among other measures. It calls for $818 million for the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), $336 million for Amtrak and $482 million for National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) – all amounts exponentially greater than originally requested by the White House. Despite several votes on amendments intended to strip out this excess, unrelated spending and return the bill to its original purpose of helping families and communities impacted by Hurricane Sandy, the final bill went far beyond that.
In sum, the current spending bill goes far beyond emergency relief and all efforts to strip the bill of unrelated pork are being blocked. As a result, I cannot support it. Instead, I support a cleaner alternative version proposed by Senator Dan Coats (R-IN) that costs less by keeping the focus on people and communities impacted by Hurricane Sandy.
22 Responses to "Marco Rubio's Dangerous Game"
Hopefully this fiasco with the Sandy Relief Act with finally push the lunatic Teabaggers back into the fringe elements from whence they came. Don't let the door hit you on the way out!
Independent says:
You left out that he was one of only 8 Senators to vote against the Tax Bill to avoid the Fiscal Cliff.
If it was up to him, everyone today would be paying higher taxes, the country would go back into a recession and the stock markets would have been crashing. So everyone would lose.
For someone trying to be more moderate at times, he continuously shows how extreme right wing he is.
What Would Reagan Do? says:
Why do you evil people want to take millions of dollars away from those unfortunate Hurricane victims just to plant trees and fix the Smithsonian roof? Do you think trees are more important than helping these poor people? Why are you three against giving these poor people the full $60.4 billion? You don't care about the poor and obviously you are all racist, calling out a Senator simply because he is of Hispanic descent.
Ha Ha Ha says:
How To Raise Taxes: Think Eisenhower!!!
Quoting J.J. Goldberg at forward.com:
[…] Eisenhower inherited a top marginal income tax rate of 92% from his predecessor Harry Truman when he entered the White House in 1953. He quickly lowered it to 91%, where it stayed until Lyndon Johnson lowered it again to 77% in 1964 and then 70% in 1965.
During his eight years in the White House, Eisenhower managed to reduce the federal deficit by 75% — down to a quarter of the size he inherited — while building the Interstate Highway System and launching America's space program. GDP growth averaged 3% per year. Unemployment averaged just under 5.5%.
Reagan, entering office in 1981, inherited Johnson's 70% top marginal income tax rate and immediately lowered it to 50%, then to 38.5% and finally to 28%. His theory was that high taxes stifle economic growth, while lowering taxes unleashes growth and creates jobs. It was a great national experiment, and the result was conclusive: It didn't work. Growth averaged 3.4% per year during Reagan's presidency, hardly better than Eisenhower's, while unemployment averaged a shocking 7.43%, far worse than Eisenhower's and hardly better than the much-maligned Obama record. […]
So the next time you listen to a presidential debate, remember that nobody up there is taking the Democratic side. The debate we're having today is between a robust Reaganism and a faint, timid echo of Eisenhower Republicanism. In fact, when you get down to it, the Democrats can't even bring themselves to take Eisenhower's side with any conviction. We're all touting variations on a flimflam theory that's been tried and proven a colossal failure.
How To Cut Spending: End Corporate Welfare!!!
As Rex Nutting of Marketwatch noted in his 12/18/2012 article "Why isn't Obama demanding corporate welfare cuts?", "$2.6 trillion could be saved […] It's possible to achieve all the budget savings we need for the next 10 years simply by cutting the fat out of discretionary spending programs and tax expenditures [removing all of the corporate welfare] without raising tax rates on the wealthy or cutting the safety net at all."
Oil and gas companies, which are raking in record profits, certainly don't need $4 billion a year in subsidies, and even the oil company CEOs admit they don't need it!
Why are cuts to Social Security and Medicare even being discussed while literally billions in corporate welfare are constantly spilling out of the Treasury?
White House petition to End Corporate Welfare: http://wh.gov/Qa6f
Real Deal says:
This was an ill advised, divisive and pointless ideological grandstand that further cements his credential as unable to see the forest from the trees on nearly any issue.
It is bad for Florida because it makes it more difficult for his state to seek emergency relief the next time we are torn apart by a terrible storm.
With this vote, Rubio firmly cements himself as the poster child of ultra conservatism which has again and again been rejected by the voters of this nation. There is nothing at all we have seen from him that remotely qualifies as moderate and his no vote on the fiscal cliff resolution only serves to underscore that point.
ExCompassionate Conservative says:
January 3rd, 2013 at 8:14 am
Well, at least Rubio can say that he left the Cuban Castro dictatorship so he could freely choose to be dictated to by an American like Grover Norquist.
You worry about millions for a roof…
Where were you when your people voted for TRILLIONS for those two wars? Or the TRILLION dollar tax reduction (done with the budget reconciliation act).
Please, just shut the fuck up.
Brec member says:
Interesting perspective on this issue can be found in today's Miami Herald letters to the editor:
"Re the Dec. 31 article, For County, what's in a name?: The 1997 renaming of Dade County was a scam to get more name recognition, not for the county, but for Metro-Dade Mayor Alex Penelas in his failed bid for state office.
I suspect something similar is going on here. Broward has been perfectly OK for a long time. Leave it alone"
–Robert Keiser, South Miami"
January 3rd, 2013 at 10:14 am
These sorts of votes (which most "normal" people will have long forgotten by late 2015 int he runup to the early primary and caucus states), are red meat thrown to the lunatic fringe of the GOP (which, as Buddy implies, makes up an enormous part of the REP primary base in Iowa and the South). It probably won't work in open-primary states like NH, but in the last few cycles NH has lost some importance.
This indicates to me that Marco is seriously going to make an all-out play for Iowa 2016.
Stone Cold's Bottom Line says:
January 3rd, 2013 at 12:16 pm
He is not a good man… period….
and that's 'da bottom line 'cuz Stone Cold says so!
Duke says:
Marco Rubio is a Jeb Bush protege. He will never be president. He lacks mass appeal and Hispanics see right through him.
This is the problem almost all GOP presidential contenders face — they can't win the primaries without appealing to the extreme right, thus creating a paper and video) trail that, as the party's nominee, they overcome as they reach for the middle. The Romney syndrome.
Another view says:
Instead of "In doing so, Marco Rubio played politics with peoples' lives."
how about
"In doing so, Democrats played politics with peoples' lives by taking what should be a simple funding bill intended to help Sandy victims and instead loading it up with pork projects for special interests to buy themselves votes in future elections."
FROM BUDDY:
I appreciate your contribution. I have a different view.
I guess you mean the $17 billion to finance housing and businesses destroyed in the storm. Or $11 billion to rebuild and harden transit and roads in the area. Or $5 billion in flood control.
When Katrina hit seven years ago, the House voted $60 billion in aid in ten days.
Today's House Republicans and some GOP Senators are a different, more ideological bunch. There were voted for Allen West for Speaker, although he is no longer in the House. Need I add anything else.
Jim Kale from the Villages says:
This is a needy guy from Cuba! He will everything to promote himself and his own political career. He does not care about citizens of Florida.
This is great shame that a person like him representing us in the US Senate. He could not be there if Kendrick Meek (the great stupid) withdrew from the race and supported Christ as recommended by former President Clinton
fla cracker says:
Are you KIDDING ME?! He voted NO. What a d-bag.
He could not be there if Kendrick Meek (the great stupid) withdrew from the race and supported Christ as recommended by former President Clinton.
Do you really think Meek's religous orientation had anything to do with the election results?
Balls of Fire says:
14's typo brought out the knee slapper in 16. That's a bingo.
Hey Spaz.
This may help you understand. I forgot about your limited intellegence. Let's say you accidentally punctured your girl friend with your pin dick and she became deflated. I don't think a bill for Hurricane Sandy victims is the place to finance the repair of your inflatable girlfriend despite the merit it offers to barnyard animals everywhere.
Buddy – the 17 billion, 11 billion, and 5 billion you cite were not the problems with this bill. It's all of the other junk that both parties add to these bills.
"For example, it includes spending for fishery projects in Alaska, money to fix museum roofs in Washington, D.C., money to plant trees around the country, and money for a water resources priority study, among other measures."
What do those things have to do with Sandy relief? This is the new MO in politics – once a streamlined bill is proposed, it gets loaded with pork projects in order to obtain the requisite number of votes to pass. Often then need to do that just to get a sufficient number of votes from their own party. That's why the federal bills are growing exponentially longer. BOTH PARTIES do it and it's BS. They keep tacking crap onto the bills until they have the number of needed votes.
It is not new. It is as old as elective Legislatures. And as I wrote, what you believe is frivolous is somebody else's job and vital project.
Sticking expenditures in bills the way Congress works. It is as old as the nation. It happens all the time in Tallahassee, although the governor has a line-item veto and can remove them in Florida. Congress has never approved a line item veto.
A relief bill is not the vehicle to use to fight this issue. It is too important to peoples' lives. But some members of Congress — Marco Rubio is just one — can't see past their own ideological noses.
I wonder how Marco Rubio will feel when Congress holds up a relief bill for Florida for the same reasons. Oh, we know how he feels. He tried to block the relief for the Gulf Coast.
Come Monday, like this coming Monday, you'll be doing your best to impress me. Trying to get on my good side.
Don't waste your time.
Florida Cracker says:
Re your response to #19: Well said, Buddy.
http://pamshouseblend.firedoglake.com/2013/06/18/marco-rubios-bigotry-is-the-worst-kind/
Marco Rubio's Bigotry is the Worst Kind
By: Alvin McEwen
Tuesday June 18, 2013 7:26 am
[Marco Rubio video #1]
Remember the above sound bite from Florida Senator Marco Rubio from a while back? He was whining about being called "bigoted" because he is allegedly "pro- traditional marriage."
Of course this is how he feels about the ability to fire someone for being gay (hint – he supports it):
Or adding gays to immigration legislation (hint – he is totally against it):
"If this bill has in it something that gives gay couples immigration rights and so forth, it kills the bill. I'm done," Rubio said Thursday during an interview on the Andrea Tantaros Show. "I'm off it, and I've said that repeatedly. I don't think that's going to happen and it shouldn't happen. This is already a difficult enough issue as it is."
Marco Rubio opposes allowing gays to be married. He opposes adding gay couples to comprehensive immigration legislation. And he opposes protecting gays from job discrimination.
My question is just at what point is it okay to entertain the notion that Rubio has a nasty bias against the gay community?
Senator Rubio reminds me of when white racists attempted to push the false narrative that they weren't "anti-black," but "pro-white."
No matter how noble or unassuming he attempts to make it sound, we are still talking about denying people rights simply because of who they are.
And here I thought that was bigotry.


text:
Boy Scouts of America v. Dale
PETITIONER: Boy Scouts of America
RESPONDENT: Dale
LOCATION: Boy Scouts of America
DOCKET NO.: 99-699
LOWER COURT: New Jersey Supreme Court
ARGUED: Apr 26, 2000
DECIDED: Jun 28, 2000
Evan Wolfson - Argued the cause for the respondent
George A. Davidson - Argued the cause for the petitioners
The Boy Scouts of America revoked former Eagle Scout and assistant scoutmaster James Dale's adult membership when the organization discovered that Dale was a homosexual and a gay rights activist. In 1992, Dale filed suit against the Boy Scouts, alleging that the Boy Scouts had violated the New Jersey statute prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in places of public accommodation. The Boy Scouts, a private, not-for-profit organization, asserted that homosexual conduct was inconsistent with the values it was attempting to instill in young people. The New Jersey Superior Court held that New Jersey's public accommodations law was inapplicable because the Boy Scouts was not a place of public accommodation. The court also concluded that the Boy Scouts' First Amendment freedom of expressive association prevented the government from forcing the Boy Scouts to accept Dale as an adult leader. The court's Appellate Division held that New Jersey's public accommodations law applied to the Boy Scouts because of its broad-based membership solicitation and its connections with various public entities, and that the Boy Scouts violated it by revoking Dale's membership based on his homosexuality. The court rejected the Boy Scouts' federal constitutional claims. The New Jersey Supreme Court affirmed. The court held that application of New Jersey's public accommodations law did not violate the Boy Scouts' First Amendment right of expressive association because Dale's inclusion would not significantly affect members' abilities to carry out their purpose. Furthermore, the court concluded that reinstating Dale did not compel the Boy Scouts to express any message.
Does the application of New Jersey's public accommodations law violate the Boy Scouts' First Amendment right of expressive association to bar homosexuals from serving as troop leaders?
Media for Boy Scouts of America v. Dale
Opinion Announcement - June 28, 2000
Oral Argument - April 26, 2000
Audio Transcription for Oral Argument - April 26, 2000 in Boy Scouts of America v. Dale
Audio Transcription for Opinion Announcement - June 28, 2000 in Boy Scouts of America v. Dale
I have the opinion of the Court to announce in No. 99-699. the Boy Scouts of America versus Dale.
The Boy Scouts of America and its Monmouth County New Jersey Council are the petitioners here.
I will refer to them collectively as the Boy Scouts.
The Boy Scouts is a private not-for-profit organization engaged in instilling its system of values in young boys.
James Dale is the respondent.
Dale entered scouting at age eight and remained as scout until age 18.
By all accounts, he was an exemplary youth member and attained the rank of Eagle Scout.
In 1989, he applied for adult membership in the Boy Scouts and was accepted as an assistant scoutmaster.
Shortly thereafter he left home to attend college at Rutgers University.
While at Rutgers he first acknowledged to himself and others that he is gay.
He quickly became involved with, and eventually became the co-president of, the Rutgers University Lesbian Gay Alliance.
In 1990, he attended a seminar addressing the needs of gay teenagers.
A newspaper covering the event published an interview with Dale, that addressed his advocacy of role models for gay teenagers.
The article included a picture of Dale that identified him as the co-president of the Lesbian Gay Alliance.
The Boy Scouts saw the article and revoked Dale's adult membership.
He filed a complaint in the New Jersey Superior Court alleging the Boy Scouts had violated New Jersey's Public Accommodations Law, which prohibits sexual orientation based exclusion from places of public accommodation.
That Court's Chancery Division granted summary judgment in favor of the Boy Scouts holding that the Boy Scouts was not a place of public accommodation for the purposes of the New Jersey law.
The New Jersey Appellate Division reversed holding that the public accommodations law did apply to the Boy Scouts and the law required the Boy Scouts to readmit Dale.
The New Jersey Supreme Court affirmed the judgment of the Appellate Division.
The New Jersey Supreme Court rejected the Boy Scouts' claim enforcing it to admit Dale would violated its First Amendment right of expressive association.
We reverse the judgment of the New Jersey Supreme Court and hold that the application of New Jersey's public accommodations' law in this case violates the Boys Scouts First Amendment rights.
In Roberts v. Jaycees we observed that implicit in the right to engage in activities protected by the First Amendment is a corresponding right to associate with others in pursuit of a wide variety of political, social, economic, educational, religious, and cultural ends.
We deem this right to be the right of expressive association.
The expressive associational right is crucial in preventing the majority from imposing its views on groups that would rather express other, perhaps unpopular, ideas.
In Roberts we stated that one of the ways the government may burden this freedom is by forcing the group to accept a member it does not desire.
In order to decide whether enforcing the Boy Scouts to accept Dale violates the group's First Amendment rights to expressive association we must make several inquiries.
First, we must determine whether the Boy Scouts engage in expressive association sufficient to give them First Amendment protection.
It is clear from the record that the mission of the Boy Scouts is to instill a system of values in young boys.
It seems indisputable that this is expressive activity entitling the Boy Scouts to First Amendment protection.
Next we must determine whether the Boy Scouts express a view about homosexuality.
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