text:
'Countdown with Keith Olbermann' for Wednesday, August 24th, 2010
Video via YouTube: Hell No You Can't
Guests: Rep. Barney Frank, Mark Potok, Eric Burns, David Corn, Richard
Wolffe.
LAWRENCE O'DONNELL, GUEST HOST (voice-over): Which of these stories
will you be talking about tomorrow?
The health care reform backlash. Now that it's law, there is
bipartisan agreement that the overreaction to it is dangerous.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIPS)
REP. JOHN BOEHNER (R-OH), MINORITY LEADER: The violence and threats
are unacceptable. It is not the American way.
REP. STENY HOYER (D-MD), MAJORITY LEADER: Democracy cannot survive
unless we have a civil society in which debate is open and free and
unfettered by threats.
(END VIDEO CLIPS)
O'DONNELL: At least 10 Democrats faced threats; a brother of one
congressman has his home vandalized. Tonight, reaction from Congressman
Barney Frank, and a look at how the rhetoric over health care has sent some
protesters over the edge.
Now, the FOX noise machine tries to ignore health care.
GLENN BECK, FOX NEWS HOST: While everybody else focuses on health
care, I want to look to the future. I want to tell you what's coming.
O'DONNELL: Hey, Glenn, why don't you and your network focus on just
telling the truth?
Tonight, how the wingnut media helped stoke the violent reaction to
reform.
The reconciliation roadblocks - the Democrats call out the
Republicans for their final day of obstructionist tactics.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: You might call this the Republican version of
March Madness. They know it's going to end. They just want to drag it
O'DONNELL: The latest from Capitol Hill as the voting on a flood of
amendments is underway in the Senate - where health care reform is still a
big (EXPLETIVE DELETED) deal.
And the look ahead to 2010. The GOP is ready with the slogans.
SEN. MITCH MCCONNELL (R-KY), MINORITY LEADER: I think the slogan will
be "repeal and replace."
O'DONNELL: But who's going to tell Republican Chuck Grassley to stop
bragging about helping write the bill?
And "Yes, we can" get some makeover.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Yes, we can.
BOEHNER: Hell, no, you can't!
O'DONNELL: All that and more - now on Countdown.
BOEHNER: I must be confused.
O'DONNELL: Good evening from New York. I'm Lawrence O'Donnell, in
for Keith Olbermann.
If you believe in democracy, you have to live with its outcomes, even
when you disagree with them. This week, a president who was elected on a
mandate of change signed into law a major health care reform bill that was
passed by a majority of the House and 60 percent of the Senate.
In the wake of that passage, acts of vandalism and threats of violence
have escalated against House members. It began with the racial epithets
and homophobic slurs hurled at members of the House during Saturday's tea
party protests on Capitol Hill and continued when Republican Randy
Neugebauer yelled "baby killer" at Democrat Bart Stupak on the House floor.
It is now getting worse. Congressman Stupak says he has received
death threats after voting for health care reform, that callers have left
him messages saying, "You're dead. We know where you live. We'll get
you." That's the worst of it.
Today, the Michigan Democrat released some of the other messages he's
been getting at home that have kept his wife from answering the phone.
(BEGIN AUDIO CLIPS)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE CALLER: Congressman Stupak, you baby killing
(EXPLETIVE DELETED). I hope you bleed out your (EXPLETIVE DELETED), got
cancer and die, you (EXPLETIVE DELETED).
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE CALLER: There are millions of people across the
country who wish you ill. And all of those thoughts projected on you will
materialize into something that's not very good for you.
(END AUDIO CLIPS)
O'DONNELL: Congressman Stupak, a former police officer, told
"Politico" he's not fazed by any of the threats.
Meanwhile, last Thursday, Congresswoman Louise Slaughter, chairman of
the rules committee, received a death threat targeted at her children at
her campaign office in Niagara Falls, New York.
A brick was also hurled through the window of a Democratic Party
headquarters in Rochester, New York.
And in Virginia, the older brother of Congressman Tom Perriello had
his home address published by two Danville tea party activists who thought
it was the congressman's address. Tuesday night, his brother and his
family smelled gas and discovered that the gas line had been cut. In their
mail, they found a threatening letter addressed to the congressman.
Today, House Minority Leader John Boehner both explained and denounced
the threats.
BOEHNER: There are a lot of angry Americans and they're angry over
this health care bill. They're angry about the fact that the Democrats
here in Washington aren't listening to them.
But I've got to tell you that violence and threats are unacceptable.
It is not the American way. Yes, I know there's anger. But let's take
that anger and go out and register people to vote. Go volunteer on a
political campaign and let's do it the right way.
MEGYN KELLY, FOX NEWS ANCHOR: OK.
BOEHNER: I'm concerned about the amount of violence and anger that's
out there, but it's unacceptable.
O'DONNELL: Any possible link between people's anger and the lies and
rhetoric from the minority leader himself and others on the right are
seemingly lost on Mr. Boehner.
The Democratic leadership says there have been threats to about 10
Democratic lawmakers. The FBI announced it is investigating. What the
bureau might be able to do about the threat to democracy is less clear.
The House majority leader sees the threat this way -
HOYER: Our democracy is about participation. Our democracy is about
differing and debate, and animated debate, and passionate debate. But it
is not about violence. Democracy cannot survive unless we have a civil
society in which debate is open and free and unfettered by threats.
O'DONNELL: The latest development tonight, Congressman Stupak and Jim
Clyburn both received faxes each, had a drawing of a noose on it.
Time now to call in Congressman Barney Frank, Democrat of
Massachusetts and chairman of the House Financial Services Committee.
Congressman, after this weekend of protests which you've described as
a mass hysteria and compared it to the Salem witch trials - in your 29
years in the House, is this about as rough as it gets?
REP. BARNEY FRANK (D), MASSACHUSETTS: Unfortunately, yes. And let me
throw in one other thing, and the Republican leadership finally decided to
say no, although they still are ambivalent about it, saying, well, yes,
this angry and people aren't listening to you.
Well, obviously, we are listening. But they mean is what you said
early on. They lost the vote. And in a democracy, when you lose a vote,
that's not a justification for violent threatening behavior.
But on Sunday morning, a couple people violated the most basic rule of
a parliamentary democracy. They began disrupting the proceedings of the
House of Representatives from the gallery. Two of the officials went to
throw them out. These aren't cops, these are civilian ushers.
It's a very dangerous place with a steep pitch and sort of wrestling
people who are trying to resist this. It's not a fun thing.
To my disgust, dozens of Republicans of the House stood up and egged
on the protesters. Here were people violently resisting law enforcement
people trying to preserve fundamental order in a parliamentary assembly and
they were being cheered on by the Republicans.
I've never seen this. I've never the kind vituperation that was being
expressed by people outside and obviously, people - look, under the First
Amendment, you have the right to be a jerk. In fact, the First Amendment
protects jerks, because if you're a nice person, nobody will try to shut
you up. So, no one is talking about their legal right to behave in such a
terrible fashion, although the threats and spitting obviously go beyond
that. But you had the Republicans all day Sunday cheering them on.
And finally, because the political reaction was so negative, you have
John Boehner denouncing it. Earlier, the reaction was to say these were
isolated incidents. As I said to one friend, yes, you know, what's 40 or
50 isolated incidents in a day?
O'DONNELL: Now, we saw Congressman Bart Stupak kind of shrug off
getting death threats. I saw you shrug off the things that were yelled at
you over the weekend, speaking to Rachel Maddow on this network. You just
shrugged these things off.
How do you do that? I don't think there's any viewers out there
watching this who can imagine getting death threats or getting yelled at
the way you've been yelled, called the names you've been called, and just
shrugging it off and walking into work. How do you guys do that?
FRANK: Well, a couple of things. First of all, I - I have to say,
maybe I'm luckier than some of my colleagues. I don't get death threats so
much. I get after death threats. That is people tell what's going to
happen to me after I die and I'm frankly un-persuaded that they're going to
have a lot to do with that.
But yes, I got to understand them. My partner, Jim Ready, is a guy
who is new to politics through our connection, and he - we had a weekend
plan, but because of the votes, he came down to join me for the weekend and
accompanied me. And, you know, I saw through his reaction he's not used to
having people yelling homophobic threats and other vicious kind of "I hate
you, you should die," and it is very troubling. I guess, we just kind of
get used to it.
And in some ways, frankly, when you're in this business, I hate to say
that, I wish I had done it, but it did occur to me, knowing politics as I
do and knowing the American people as I think I do - at least a very large
percentage of them - I knew this was going to backfire on them. I knew
that the average American was going to be angry at this, especially when it
was the Republicans egging it on.
And let me throw in something I talked about before - John Boehner
goes to the American bankers last Wednesday - and this is part of this
bullying approach - and says to the bankers, "Don't worry, I will protect
you against regulation." Not, "I'll make it better." Not, "I'll try and
improve the package." "I'll try and kill the whole thing. I'll leave you
free to do all the things you've done before," to these bankers and other
financial institutions.
And then he says, referring to the people who work for us on Capitol
Hill - who are very hard working, decent people - "And don't let these
little punk staffers take advantage of you."
Now, what struck me is the Massachusetts legislature recently passed a
bill, unanimously, Republicans and Democrats, to try and control bullying
at junior high school and even in elementary school and high school. And
that's a serious problem, when they single-out people who seem to be
different. Well, it doesn't do much good for us to pass any bullying
legislation and then have young people turn on the television and see
bullying tactics being egged on by the Republican leadership.
O'DONNELL: Congressman Frank, a quick one before you go, I have to
ask you this. I remember vividly - vividly - in the 1990s when Dick
Armey called you a name that you heard yelled at you today. Dick Armey is
now a favorite speaker at tea party events. I don't think that is just a
coincidence. Do you?
FRANK: No, I think that there's anger there - look, I think there
are people there who long for the good old days when black people, frankly,
weren't given full equal rights. Some of them go that far back.
Certainly, there are people that don't think gay men and women should be
able to walk around without being embarrassed and ashamed.
I'm sure the fact that I was walking with Jim, and I'm a member of
Congress, bothered people, and I think it is the attitude that they've
heard from some of right-wing leader that's egged it on.
O'DONNELL: Congressman Barney Frank of Massachusetts, I admire your
courage in getting up and going to work every day at this point.
FRANK: Thank you very much, Lawrence.
O'DONNELL: For more, let's turn to Mark Potok, director of the
intelligence project at the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Mark, Minority Leader Boehner made a statement in which he talked
about the anger and he said it was unacceptable. But it doesn't seem to
occur to him that he might have any role in the fiery rhetoric he's used -
the angry rhetoric he's used in provoking some of these people in the
Is Boehner missing something here? Or am I kind of overworking the
connection?
MARK POTOK, SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER: I think that what he had to
say was a day late and a dollar short. You know, I would like to know
where the so-called responsible leaders of the party were, you know, when
Sarah Palin claimed that the president was setting up death panels to
murder our grandparents. I'd like to know where they were when
Congresswoman Michele Bachmann was suggesting that the president was
setting up political reeducation camps to turn our children into Marxist
robots. You know, I'd like to know where they were when Steve King was
suggesting that the person who flew a plane into an IRS building in Austin
was essentially just identified, or had the IRS been eliminated, this would
never have been a problem.
I mean, I just think we've heard an enormous amount of vitriol,
defamatory conspiracy theories and propaganda from people who are in a
position to lead and to know better. So, it just seems to me these people
very largely have been trying to ride the tiger of this populist rebellion
and in doing that, they've come more and more to look like the tiger.
O'DONNELL: Now, you've tracked this kind of phenomenon in the past.
And I'm wondering where you think we are in this one. I mean, Barney Frank
and I in the 1970s in Boston both bore close witness to a much violent
political outbreak over school bussing. That turned out to be a phase that
the city went through, got behind, got it behind them and the city has
moved on.
What is this? Is this the beginning of something? Or is this a phase
that is going just to peter out after we stop talking about health care
reform?
POTOK: Well, my own sort of comparative experience is living through
the militia movement of the 1990s and covering that very closely. I think
that we are at a very similar place, the same kind of white hot heat, rage
out there.
The difference is that it's much more widespread, that we've seen it
in all kinds of groups. We've seen it spreading through the tea parties,
and we have seen it, frankly, aided and abetted by certain political
figures, particularly in the Republican Party.
So, I think that we're at a very scary moment, and this kind of
protestations from John Boehner and others today really do seem like they
have come a good year late.
O'DONNELL: Mark -
POTOK: We just haven't heard much from these people until now.
O'DONNELL: Mark, we now have an assortment of groups organizing a
planned Second Amendment march, which is a massive gun rally on Washington
next month. They have chosen the date of April 19th for this event, which
is a particularly troubling date in the history of American political
terrorism.
You want to explain that?
POTOK: Sure. I mean, April 19th, of course, in 1993 was the day in
which the Waco siege ended, which led a lot of people into the militias and
into a kind of furious rage against the government. Ultimately, of course,
April 19th, two years later, 1995, was the day on which Timothy McVeigh
murdered 168 people in the Oklahoma City federal building.
So, you know, it's a remarkable thing. Something interesting to say
about that is that some of these people will be going to Virginia armed at
a kind of subsidiary rally.
O'DONNELL: Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Center - thank you
very much for your time tonight.
POTOK: Thank you for having me.
O'DONNELL: Coming up: How did FOX News cover the historic bill
signing yesterday? Well, they ignored it. Except Glenn Beck, talking
about needing a hug and then wondered allowed about maybe on picking up a
gun.
And in D.C., the vote-a-rama is underway on the Senate floor. So far,
the Democrats have been successful in blocking all Republican changes to
the reconciliation fix. We'll have the latest from Capitol Hill.
O'DONNELL: Coming up: The media's role in whipping up the violent
reaction to the health care debate. FOX News led the lying campaign, and
then once reform became law, went out of its way to ignore it and move on -
leaving angry, misinformed viewers in the dust.
And why was Glenn Beck talking about spanking, hugs and guns?
That's next. This is Countdown.
O'DONNELL: A funny thing happened on the day after the house passed a
landmark health care reform bill. Almost instantaneously, people seemed to
start liking it more. Whether that's because the public tends to side with
winners, or because the right-wing noise machine sputtered, or because
every mainstream news organization's treatment of the bill's passage
included all the good things in the bill, we may never know.
But now, what does FOX News and Glenn Beck and the right-wing noise
machine do with their coverage of a health care reform bill that is
actually the law of the land?
It was a banner day for Democrats, not just because of the image of
their president signing the health care reform bill on page one of every
newspaper in the land, the first major polling taken entirely after the
House vote seemed to be moving their way.
Before passage, 45 percent said the bill should pass, 48 percent said
no. But after passage, 50 percent were pleased or enthusiastic about it,
while 42 percent were angry or disappointed. Further, 49 percent said it
was a good thing for the country, while 40 percent said it was a bad thing.
As for FOX News coverage of the signing ceremony, it was almost
comical. This was the bill that FOX News convinced its viewers was the
worst thing that Congress could do to America. And on the day it was
signed into law, Megyn Kelly spent about 23 seconds on it. That was
typically of the day's coverage over at FOX.
And Glenn Beck yesterday barely mentioned the health care bill for the
first 45 minutes of his show. When he finally got around on it, he somehow
compared the bill's passage to a child being spanked by its mother, and
then he made a strange Beckian reference to picking up a gun.
BECK: Haven't we just been spanked? Hasn't most of the country -
doesn't most of the country feel like they've been spanked over the heads
with health care? You bet. I do, you do. A lot of people do.
Some people are celebrating. A lot of people don't. If you loved us,
what would you do? You would hug us. But they're not. They're going for
illegal immigration.
What is it that these evolutionaries want? You pick up a gun? Have
you ever thought of that? These people have, because possibly, maybe the
question should be asked - maybe they're tired of evolution, and maybe
they are waiting for revolution.
O'DONNELL: Let's bring in the president of Media Matters, Eric Burns.
Good evening, Eric.
Listen, I need help here -
ERIC BURNS, MEDIA MATTERS: Yes, sir.
O'DONNELL: - because I'm not a frequent Beck watcher. I can't quite
tell. What is he asking for there? Which does he want more - to be
spanked or to be hugged? What's going on there?
BURNS: Well, I can tell you, Lawrence, he certainly needs a good
spanking. That's one thing I know for sure.
You know, look, one of Glenn Beck's stated goals is the destruction of
the entire progressive movement. And in that clip, as I understand it, he
was alluding to progressive leaders that he were - he was suggesting may
pick up a gun.
And this is very common language for Glenn Beck. It's a very common
kind of, you know, violent-type rhetoric that he employs to try to, you
know, discredit progressives, Democrats, and anyone that really doesn't
share his political viewpoint - something that we see often on his show.
O'DONNELL: Yes. Can you walk me through the gun piece again?
Because I really mean it. I'm not kidding around.
BURNS: Yes.
O'DONNELL: I do not understand what it is he's trying to say. He's
clearly trying to say something. He says, "You pick up a gun. Have you
ever thought of that? These people have."
BURNS: Yes, and he's talking about - on the chalkboard, he had the
Founding Fathers on one side and some progressive leaders on the one side.
I believe one of them was Andy Stern of SEIU.
And his point was to try to obviously drive a wedge between those two
crowds of folks and say these people have thought about it - meaning, the
progressive leaders and the progressive movement have thought about picking
up a gun. But that, of course, you know, the Founding Fathers - the
implication is that the Founding Fathers never would. Of course, if he
knew his history better, they were the ones that did in the revolution.
But, yes, really, this is - this is just a continuing part of Glenn
Beck's ongoing campaign to destroy the progressive movement, and frankly,
I'm concerned, perhaps even incite a revolution in this country, Lawrence.
It's not far from anything he said in the past.
O'DONNELL: Well, look - I mean, this is a country that has all too
regularly had shots taken at its president, including President Reagan, one
of the gods of FOX News. You know, what is it - what is it that allows
them at that network to be so casual about references to taking up a gun
when discussing opposition to politicians? I mean, this is such an obvious
thing to stay away from.
Roger Ailes, who runs that network worked for Ronald Reagan, saw
Ronald Reagan get shot at, get shot, almost taken out.
What's - what are they missing - what don't they get about what's
wrong with this?
BURNS: Well, Lawrence, they're not a news network. They're a
political operation, and a fearsome one at that, because they're a
multibillion dollar corporation. They have absolutely no accountability to
anybody but advertising dollars. So, folks like Glenn Beck are free to get
up and say whatever kind of incendiary garbage that he wants and he does it
every single night.
I mean, this is extreme and certainly alarming, but it's not out of
character from what we've seen from Glenn Beck over the last year and a
half. And it ought to explain to a lot of folks why there are so many
confused, angry tea partiers out there who really have been lied to and
misled and don't really understand what this health care debate has been
about, because they spend a lot of time watching Glenn Beck.
O'DONNELL: Quickly, Eric, before you go. A prediction, if it's
possible in a crazy place like FOX - but are they going to run away from
or just give up on health care next week and try to find some other
bogeyman? Have they worn themselves out on that subject or they'll keep at
it?
BURNS: No, they're keeping at it. I mean, they spent - I think they
did 10 interviews with Republican attorneys general in the last three days
to try to push this legislative attack on the new health care reform bill.
They're digging all in. And I'll tell you, Sarah Palin posted on Facebook
just today, "Don't retreat, reload."
O'DONNELL: Well, let's just hope they can get those angry protesters
focusing on court process as a challenge, instead of, you know, throwing
bricks at people's offices.
Eric Burns of Media Matters - thank you very much for joining us on
BURNS: Thank you, Lawrence.
O'DONNELL: Coming up: The Republicans' efforts to block the
reconciliation fix. One Democrat calls it the GOP's version of March
Madness. We'll have the latest on the votes and the rhetoric the GOP wants
to sell for the midterm elections.
And later, the Internet sensation that was "Yes, we can" video gets a
face-lift and Minority Leader John Boehner isn't going to like it one bit.
O'DONNELL: It was the bill that would kill America, right after it
killed your grandma. Obama-care was health care reform that would create
death panels deciding who lived, who died. It would mean a government
takeover of health care, Washington bureaucrats over-ruling your doctor
about medical decisions. So why, now that Republicans have had two days to
offer amendments to change the new health care law, have none of them
offered an amendment to kill the death panels? Or the government takeover
of health care?
We will get to Republican efforts to repeal the whole thing presently.
But today the focus is on the reconciliation bill of fixes to the new
health care law. And today, for pretty much the first time, when they know
it's all over, some Republicans actually managed to offer clear, cogent
criticisms on substantive matters of policy.
SEN. OLYMPIA SNOWE (R), MAINE: Taken together, Mr. President, this is
a grand total of 210 billion dollars in Medicare taxes, and more taxes. So
we went in the Finance Committee from zero to the Senate passed bill that
became law yesterday to 87 billion, and now the bill pending before the
Senate, we've got a grand total of 210 billion dollars in Medicare taxes.
O'DONNELL: And Republican Senator Tom Coburn offered an amendment
tailor-made for campaign season, putting Democrats in the position today of
appearing to defend government funding of erectile dysfunction medicine for
sex offenders.
SEN. TOM COBURN (R), OKLAHOMA: This amendment will prohibit
prescriptions for recreational drugs for rapists and child molesters.
Nobody can disagree with that. It's not in the bill. It's the current
state. But if this bill goes through without this amendment, your tax
dollars are going to be paying for Viagra for child molesters. That's
what's going to happen.
O'DONNELL: And Republican Senator Pat Roberts kept up the anti-tax
chant by getting into the specifics on the law's new tax on medical
SEN. PAT ROBERTS (R), KANSAS: These excise taxes will not be borne by
the medical device industry, if, in fact, that's what the other side wanted
to do that. Instead, the tax will be passed on to patients in the form of
higher prices and higher insurance premiums. My colleagues are going to
speak in greater detail about this tax. But let me just take a moment to
talk about some of the people who will bear the burden and what types of
devices will be taxed.
People with disabilities, diabetics, amputees, people with cancer,
people with Alzheimer's are just some of the folks who will see their tax -
their tax costs go up because of this tax. My amendment prevents this
new tax from raising the already-high cost for these groups by striking the
tax on medical devices.
O'DONNELL: Of course, the emergence of some Republican lines of
argument that were at least relevant does not mean the end of silly season.
Republican Senator John McCain remains dedicated to Palin certified talking
SEN. JOHN MCCAIN (R), ARIZONA: You can put lipstick on a pig, Mr.
President, but this is still a pig. The fact is that there are things in
this legislation that are wrong, and there are things that are left out of
this legislation that are wrong.
O'DONNELL: We're joined tonight by David Corn, Washington bureau
chief for "Mother Jones Magazine" and a columnist for PoliticsDaily.Com.
Thanks for your time tonight, David.
David, the point in running some of that tape about the Republicans is
that they do have some valid arguments, we just haven't seen them before.
Democrats, we know, have good solid responses to all of that. And we've
been hearing their solid responses all year. But isn't the news of today
that there are some Republicans who can actually talk about this, and they
might not seem particularly sympathetic or open hearted, but they don't
sound outright ridiculous?
DAVID CORN, "MOTHER JONES": Well, their whole strategy during the
real making of this bill was to take their marbles and go home. And today
they're saying hey, look, look at our marbles. We have some marbles here.
Hey, we have some marbles.
And it's a little late on the playground for this. This is not done
in - you know, in what might come up in a legal dispute under the
terminology good faith. They had the chance to make all these arguments
before, and Tom Coburn, I'm sure, if he had gotten aboard and talked about
this Viagra provision, which I guarantee you will be taken care of between
now and November - don't worry about those rapists getting Viagra - but
he could have done this while they were putting the bill together, and I'm
sure the Democrats would have accepted that.
This is sort of a late, last-minute way of trying to stick it to the
Democrats, because what they're really trying to do is cause the senators
to amend the bill. If they change one comma on this bill, this
reconciliation bill, it has to go back to the House for another vote, and
House Democrats don't want to do this. If Tom Coburn is quite sincere, he
can offer a stand alone bill tomorrow for Viagra. And I bet you, by the
end of the day, he'll have about 98 and 99 co-sponsors.
So it's really gamesmanship. They're doing whatever they can to make
this look - make this difficult for the Democrats, at the end of the day.
And they're just not acting like adults.
O'DONNELL: But they are picking some politically radioactive things,
like this Viagra thing, which is a very, very tough vote for Democrats to
have to cast. And I've got to say, I have never seen Senate Democratic
discipline like this. They have been holding together so far with that
solid majority on every single amendment, no matter how tough that
amendment is that comes up on them. I mean, is this what -
CORN: It's not just Senate discipline. It's Democratic party
discipline.
O'DONNELL: Yes.
CORN: The senators made a promise to the House Democrats. You accept
our bill, you vote for our bill, which happened on Sunday night, and we
will vote for the reconciliation bill that you passed on Sunday night, as
well. And I think any of these things that are difficult - any of the
things that are difficult will be taken care of. And I - I'll bet you on
a 90 percent chance here that come election night, if you and I are on TV,
we won't be talking much about Viagra.
O'DONNELL: This is my first -
CORN: Maybe off camera, but not on camera.
O'DONNELL: This is my first TV discussion of Viagra, and I hope my
last. Chuck Grassley discovered - and others discovered that there might
be a drafting flaw in the legislation where it's intended for members of
Congress and the staff to be subjects to this law and get their insurance
the way everyone else in this law does. But they notice that it'd might
not apply to committee staff. They see it may or might not apply to
executive branch, the president. And the president, the White House
actually responded to Grassley on this today, in effect, by saying, we will
voluntarily here at the White House submit ourselves to the same process
that everyone out there in the country will be going through as a result of
this bill.
So there's already today been a little give and a little response to
what's going on here. You're suggesting -
CORN: The funny thing about that - I was doing some reporting and
talking to some people in the Senate. And it turns out that provision of
the bill was written by Tom Coburn.
O'DONNELL: Right.
CORN: The Republican senator who's introduced the Viagra amendment
and others to slow things down. So it was really his mistake at the get-
go. And the White House, they are acting like adults and are saying, we
will stipulate that we will accept this voluntarily.
O'DONNELL: So you think the Senate is going to be able to get some
bills out there that clean up these tough votes later, after all this is
CORN: It looks right now that we'll get a vote on reconciliation
either tonight or tomorrow at some point. And all these difficulties that
the Republicans are trying to throw at them will, indeed, be cleaned up in
the weeks and months ahead.
O'DONNELL: David Corn of "Mother Jones," thanks for your time
tonight.
CORN: Thanks, Lawrence.
O'DONNELL: Coming up, the Republicans' circular logic of repeal and
replace. The GOP plans to campaign on repealing the new health care reform
law that one of their members is now trying to take credit for writing.
And change has come to that Barack Obama "Yes, We Can" video. John
Boehner meets Scarlet Johansson and Will.I.Am.
O'DONNELL: Since the health care bill was signed into law,
Republicans have shifted from shouting "kill the bill" to chanting "repeal
it," to now promising that for sure in November their slogan will be
"repeal and replace it." Meaning, yeah, they will campaign to reform
health care.
Here was the Republican Senate Leader Mitch McConnell yesterday vowing
that Republican opposition to health care reform will not end when the
reconciliation bill is signed into law. Notice that when he identifies
parts of the law he does not like, he does not mention death panels, the
government takeover of health care, or even the end of freedom.
SEN. MITCH MCCONNELL (R), MINORITY LEADER: I can tell you with regard
to the - to the campaign that will continue with the American people, I
think the slogan will be "repeal and replace." Repeal and replace.
No one that I know in the Republican conference in the Senate believes
that no action is appropriate. We all think there are things that should
be done. There are a few things in this bill, that I'm sure the president
will talk about a lot, that are things upon which there would be broad
agreement. What we intend to talk about are things in which there are not
broad agreement, the massive Medicare cuts, the massive tax increases, made
even more dramatic in this bill that they want to try to pass here in the
Senate this week.
O'DONNELL: It is a fascinating strategy. Republicans are now
campaigning to increase Medicare spending by half a trillion dollars.
Now, if that's not weird enough, Republican Senator Jim Demint is
pushing a bill that would just repeal the bill, all of it. John Cornyn,
the GOP's Senate campaign chief, who told ABC on March 8th his party would
campaign to repeal it, now tells "Huffington Post," there is non-
controversial stuff, we are not interested in repealing.
Republican Senator Chuck Grassley says, overall, he opposes the new
law, but put out a press release today taking credit for part of it, a part
which actually gives big government more power over tax exempt hospitals.
Let's bring in MSNBC political analyst Richard Wolffe, author of
"Renegade, the Making of the President" Good evening, Richard.
RICHARD WOLFFE, AUTHOR, "RENEGADE": Good evening, Lawrence.
O'DONNELL: A couple weeks ago, the slogan was going to be, repeal it.
Now the slogan is repeal and replace. What happened?
WOLFFE: Repeal, replace, recycle. What happened here is that this
turned out to be even more of a Hail Mary for Republicans than it was for
Democrats. And the problem with the Hail Mary is that you look stupid if
it goes wrong. In this case, the blocking didn't work.
But the plan B, what happens after the Hail Mary, is just not credible
either. They were playing petty politics. There was all this stuff in the
bill they love, but they just had to stop the whole thing. Or they didn't
really - they were just not being honest about the whole thing in the
first the place.
So the credibility question has to give way now to what is their
situation? Really, repeal is the most honest position they could take.
But they know - you just have to read this morning's "USA Today" to
realize that public opinion is much more fluid, was much less settled than
Republicans suggested before. They're having to live with the reality not
just of the bill, but of public opinion, and it's not in keeping with what
they said.
O'DONNELL: It seems like they may go after the old Reagan starve the
beast strategy. And when you look at the tax arguments they were making on
the Senate floor today, it may be that they want to go in there and just
try to repeal some of these taxes one at a time. Reagan's theory on that
being if I take away the money from the government, the government's not
going to be able to continue these programs. Might that be the clues we're
getting out of the tax arguments they're making today?
WOLFFE: Well, first of all, I think a lot of people are going to say,
why weren't you involved in this process in the front end when you could
have done something about it? But if you take the tax situation, which is
a legitimate philosophical position, the question is why do you want to
increase spending as well? The whole point of starving the beast is to
reduce overall spending.
So going out there and protecting seniors, quote unquote, doesn't
really square, if you're talking about Medicare spending, with either
reducing taxes. But also, let's remember, Republicans pulled out of the
Fiscal Responsibility Commission. So got to be consistent about the
principles they're running on here, rather than just being tactical.
In the end, Republicans have to decide what their strategy is, not
just the day to day, news cycle to news cycle approach, which they've been
taking so far.
O'DONNELL: What about Republican constituencies? Can they watch the
Republicans suddenly become the party of expanding entitlements, meaning
the party that wants to spend 500 billion more on Medicare, and feel that
that's a perfectly reasonable position for them to take?
WOLFFE: You know, if you spend any time listening to the base,
listening to conservative talk radio, with all of its dark talk about civil
war and tyranny - that stuff hasn't stopped, by the way. Just because the
members of Congress have stopped talking about it doesn't mean to say the
base, the Tea Party folks, the conservative echo chamber has stopped this.
It hasn't. People are riled up.
So the idea you're going to expand government on one side, or allow
bits of this bill to go through on the other and survive - again, they
don't have credibility with their own people, never mind with the
independent voters, who have turned around on this stuff.
O'DONNELL: It doesn't seem they had a post game strategy ready to go.
They feel - it seems they were a team that expected to win, and now that
they didn't, I'm not hearing anything that sounds like a cohesive strategy
coming out of losing this legislative fight.
WOLFFE: Well, if they do have a strategy, they're doing a great job
of keeping it secret. I think this is an improvised position. They're all
over the place. They've got to get it together in time for November,
because opposition just isn't going to be good enough beyond their own
base. Yes, they'll turn out 20, 30 percent. The other side is just as
riled up now. And independent voters are moving away.
O'DONNELL: MSNBC's Richard Wolffe, many thanks.
WOLFFE: Thank you, Lawrence.
O'DONNELL: Over 20 million people have watched the Youtube version of
that Will.I.Am tribute to Barack Obama. Tonight, "Yes, We Can" gets a
remix featuring House Minority Leader John Boehner. "Hell no, you can't"
is next. This is Countdown.
O'DONNELL: There was a time when Republicans were offended by the
Party of No label. But at some point during the year-long health care
debate, they began to embrace their obstructionism. This past Sunday
night, during his final plea to scrap health care reform, Republican Leader
John Boehner gave the Party of No what it wanted to hear.
REP. JOHN BOEHNER (R), MINORITY LEADER: Look at how this bill was
written.
Can you say it was done openly?
With transparency and accountability?
Without back room deals and struck behind closed doors, hidden from
the people? Hell, no, you can't.
O'DONNELL: Democrats say "yes, we can"; Republicans say "hell no, you
can't." The Internet mash-up was inevitable.
O'DONNELL: Oh, the kids, the kids with the computers. They do
amazing things. That will have to do it for this Wednesday edition of
Countdown. I'm Lawrence O'Donnell, in for Keith Olbermann. Our MSNBC
coverage continues now with "THE RACHEL MADDOW SHOW." Good evening,
Rachel.
BE UPDATED. END


text:
Lorde Says It Has Been "Divine" Taking A Hiatus From Social Media
Lorde Says It Has Been "Divine" Taking A Hiatus From Social Media
Lexi Hargesheimer July 13th, 2021
INDIO, CA - APRIL 16: Singer Lorde performs on the Coachella Stage during day 3 of the Coachella Valley Music And Arts Festival (Weekend 1) at the Empire Polo Club on April 16, 2017 in Indio, California. (Photo by Christopher Polk/Getty Images for Coachella)
Lorde says deleting her social media has been a "divine" experience.
The "Solar Power" singer only has three Instagram posts and no tweets. However, her followers total over 7 million on the platform.
"I was just pummelling myself with headlines and thoughts from other people all day and it didn't give me much room to have ideas or brainstorm things. I'm very grateful for that now," says Lorde.
The only drawback Lorde says has been not being able to keep up with her friends. She said, "People don't really tell you what they're up to, they just tell everyone via a story."
The singer says she felt stress about the planet, systematic racism, and police brutality, "I don't know how you, someone I would describe as being reasonably neurotic, cope with that."
Do you think you would be happier without social media? Have you ever taken a break from it before?
Source: NZCity
READ NEXT: Lorde Is Crowned on The 1,000,000,000 List For 'Royals'
All Music News
Lorde,social media,Solar Power

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


From Utrecht Central (train) Station you can take bus 12 or 28.
Bus 12 towards 'de Uithof', busstop 'Padualaan'.
Bus 28 towards 'P+R De Uithof', busstop the 'Botanische tuinen'.
Line 30 from "Station Overvecht-Noord", and Line 31 from Station Lunetten stops at the Padualaan, at the Heidelberglaan and at the UMC.
Line 276 and 296 from Amersfoort stop at the Universiteitsweg and at the UMC.
Line 51 and 282 (service to Nieuwegein) from Zeist stops at the Universiteitsweg to the UMC and further all stops along the trajectory of line 11 in "De Uithof" and the office area of Rijnsweerd.
Line 254 and 281 from Zeist stop at the Universiteitsweg and at the UMC.
There are various routes to University campus De Uithof, depending on the direction you drive from. De Uithof is easily accessible by car and there are plenty of parking facilities.
Take the A2 motorway to Utrecht. Approaching the city, take the Utrecht Noord exit onto the N230. Follow the N230 and take the A27 exit. On the A27 motorway, follow the 'De Uithof' sign at the 'Rijnsweerd' intersection; this takes you onto the A28 motorway. On the A28, take the first exit marked "De Uithof".
Take the A12 motorway to Utrecht. On the A12, take the "Amersfoort" exit onto the A27 motorway at the "Lunetten" intersection. On the A27, follow the "De Uithof" sign at the "Rijnsweerd" intersection. On the A28, take the first exit to "De Uithof".
Take the A27 motorway to Utrecht. On the A27, take the "De Uithof" exit onto the A28 at the "Rijnsweerd" intersection. On the A28, take the first exit to "De Uithof".
Take the A2 motorway to Utrecht. On the A2, take the "Amersfoort" exit to the A27 at the "Oudenrijn" intersection. On the A27, take the "Amersfoort" exit to the A28 at the "Lunetten" intersection. On the A28, take the first exit to "De Uithof". You will enter De Uithof from the north via the "Universiteitsweg" (University Road). On the campus, the various buildings are clearly sign-posted.


text:
Circulating Biomarkers of Handgrip Strength and Lung Function in Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease
Author(s): Rizwan Qaisar 1 , Asima Karim 1 , 2 , Tahir Muhammad 3
Keywords: club cell protein 16, α-1 acid glycoprotein, total sialic acid, EQ-5D, HDL-C
COPD is a multisystem disease and there is a need for clinical serum markers that can assess the decline in lung and muscle function in COPD. The goal of this study was to evaluate the potential association of serum club-cell protein 16 (CC16), α-1 acid glycoprotein (AGP) and total sialic acid (TSA) with spirometry, hand-grip strength and quality of life to assess important disease outcomes.
This is a population-based cross-sectional study and data were collected from the patients at teaching hospitals of Gomal University and the University of Health Sciences in Pakistan. The study population included 1582 participants (Non-COPD; N = 788, COPD; N = 845) >55 years of age from both sexes, with data from structural interviews, clinical examinations, laboratory investigations, spirometry and hand-grip strength measurements.
Serum TSA and CC16 were significant predictors of FEV 1% (p < 0.05) and hand-grip strength in advanced stages of COPD (p < 0.05 each) in both sexes. Men had higher absolute and adjusted hand-grip strength than women in all groups (p < 0.05). Hand-grip strength was significantly associated with FEV 1% in both genders (p < 0.05) with stronger effect in women (r 2 = 0.075). Serum HDL-C was an independent predictor of hand-grip strength and FEV 1% (p < 0.05) in both genders. Participants with extreme problem on EQ-5D parameters had more severe COPD and reduced hand-grip strength (all p values < 0.05).
Taken together, these studies show that the serum expressions of TSA and CC16 have correlations with spirometry and muscle decline in COPD. Further studies should be conducted to establish their efficacy in monitoring disease progression in COPD.
Hand Grip Strength: age and gender stratified normative data in a population-based study
Nicola M Massy-Westropp, Tiffany Gill, Anne W Taylor … (2011)
Background The North West Adelaide Health Study is a representative longitudinal cohort study of people originally aged 18 years and over. The aim of this study was to describe normative data for hand grip strength in a community-based Australian population. Secondary aims were to investigate the relationship between body mass index (BMI) and hand grip strength, and to compare Australian data with international hand grip strength norms. Methods The sample was randomly selected and recruited by telephone interview. Overall, 3 206 (81% of those recruited) participants returned to the clinic during the second stage (2004-2006) which specifically focused on the collection of information relating to musculoskeletal conditions. Results Following the exclusion of 435 participants who had hand pain and/or arthritis, 1366 men and 1312 women participants provided hand grip strength measurement. The study population was relatively young, with 41.5% under 40 years; and their mean BMI was 28.1 kg/m2 (SD 5.5). Higher hand grip strength was weakly related to higher BMI in adults under the age of 30 and over the age of 70, but inversely related to higher BMI between these ages. Australian norms from this sample had amongst the lowest of the hand grip strength of the internationally published norms, except those from underweight populations. Conclusions This population demonstrated higher BMI and lower grip strength in younger participants than much of the international published, population data. A complete exploration of the relationship between BMI and hand grip strength was not fully explored as there were very few participants with BMI in the underweight range. The age and gender grip strength values are lower in younger adults than those reported in international literature.
Use of a preference-based measure of health (EQ-5D) in COPD and asthma.
Knut Stavem, A Simon Pickard, Rex Jung … (2008)
EQ-5D is a generic preference-based measure of health that can help to understand the impact of asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). The purpose of this paper was to synthesize literature on the validity and reliability of EQ-5D use in studies of asthma and COPD, and estimate EQ-5D utility scores associated with stage of disease. A structured search was conducted in EMBASE and MEDLINE (1988-2007) using keywords relevant to respiratory disease and EQ-5D. Original research studies in asthma or COPD that reported EQ-5D results and/or psychometric properties were included. Studies that reported psychometric properties supported the construct validity, test-retest reliability, and responsiveness of EQ-5D in asthma (seven studies) and COPD (nine studies), although some evidence of ceiling effects were observed in asthma studies. In asthma studies that reported summary scores (n=11), EQ-5D index-based scores ranged from 0.42 (SD 0.30) to 0.93 (SD not reported). In COPD studies (n=8), scores ranged from 0.52 (SD 0.16) to 0.84 (SD 0.15). While few asthma studies reported scores by severity level, sufficient studies in COPD were available to calculate pooled mean utility scores according to GOLD stage: stage I=0.74 (0.62-0.87), stage II=0.74 (0.66-0.83), stage III=0.69 (0.60-0.78) and stage IV=0.61 (0.44-0.77) (most severe). Evidence generally supported the validity and reliability of EQ-5D in asthma and COPD. Utility scores associated with COPD stage may be useful for modeling health outcomes in economic evaluations of treatments for COPD.
Abstract: not found
Handgrip weakness and mortality risk in COPD: a multicentre analysis.
Chris Burtin, Gerben ter Riet, Milo A. Puhan … (2016)
[1 ]Basic Medical Sciences, College of Medicine, University of Sharjah , Sharjah, United Arab Emirates
[2 ]University of Health Sciences , Lahore, Pakistan
[3 ]Department of Biochemistry, Gomal Medical College, Gomal University , Dera Ismail Khan, Pakistan
Correspondence: Rizwan Qaisar Department of Basic Medical Sciences, College of Medicine, University of Sharjah , Sharjah, United Arab EmiratesTel +971 6 505 7254 Email rqaisar@sharjah.ac.ae
Copyright statement: © 2020 Qaisar et al.
Figures: 3, Tables: 3, References: 44, Pages: 11
Keywords: hdl-c, eq-5d, total sialic acid, α-1 acid glycoprotein, club cell protein 16
Iloprost improves gas exchange and exercise tolerance in patients with pulmonary hypertension and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.
Authors: Tarek Dernaika, Mikel Beavin, Gary T Kinasewitz
Outgrowth of the bacterial airway microbiome after rhinovirus exacerbation of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.
Authors: Emma L. Johnston, Saffron A G Willis-Owen, Carla Cox …
Older Patients' Perspectives of Online Health Approaches in Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease.
Authors: Rebecca Disler, Sally C Inglis, Phillip T Newton …
Plasma CAF22 Levels as a Useful Predictor of Muscle Health in Patients with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease
Authors: Rizwan Qaisar, Asima Karim, Tahir Muhammad
The Relationship of Lymphocyte to High-Density Lipoprotein Ratio with Pulmonary Function in COPD
Authors: Yiben Huang, Bingqian Jiang, Xiaqi Miao …
Circulating Biomarkers of Accelerated Sarcopenia in Respiratory Diseases
Authors: Rizwan Qaisar, Asima Karim, Tahir Muhammad …
L Yang


text:
Home NFL AFC Titans Divisional Key: Don't Sleep on Ryan Tannehill
Divisional Round
Titans Divisional Key: Don't Sleep on Ryan Tannehill
Jake Lyman
Oct 20, 2019; Nashville, TN, USA; Tennessee Titans quarterback Ryan Tannehill (17) passes against the Los Angeles Chargers during the first half at Nissan Stadium. Mandatory Credit: Jim Brown-USA TODAY Sports
Ever since the Tennessee Titans' big win over the New England Patriots, quarterback Ryan Tannehill has been overlooked. Everyone has looked at wild card weekend and proclaimed that the Titans are a low-scoring, one-dimensional team that can only win defensive struggles. Recency bias is showing. Yes, the Titans' defense was phenomenal after early struggles and Derrick Henry was almost unstoppable. However, Ryan Tannehill was a big part of the win and has been the reason for the Titans' turnaround this season.
Don't Just Scout Box Scores
Ryan Tannehill had a sub-par stat line on Saturday night. He went 8-15 for 72 yards with one touchdown and one interception. Those numbers don't look good if you didn't watch the game. However, Tannehill made two clutch third-down throws to Anthony Firkser that ultimately were huge in getting the Titans to the win. The first was a strike for a touchdown and the second helped them ice the game at the end. The interception was not a good decision, but outside of that, Tannehill wasn't bad, he just wasn't a big part of the game plan.
Tannehill has been fantastic since taking over for Marcus Mariota in Week 7. He finished the season with the highest passer rating in the NFL and the Titans averaged just under 30 points per game. People have quickly forgotten how good this Tennessee passing attack has been with Tannehill under center. A game that the Titans win where he has bad stats shouldn't make everyone assume Tennessee can't throw the ball.
Setting Up the Play Action
The Ravens like to blitz. Baltimore will send some exotic blitzes in order to get the Titans behind the sticks and force Tannehill to throw the ball downfield. The key for Tennessee is getting Derrick Henry going in order to make the field open up for Tannehill. The Titans didn't take their shots against the Patriots last week. In order to keep up with the Ravens, they'll have to take some this week.
This week, Tannehill will have to throw more than 15 times and will have to make big plays in the air. The Ravens will put up points and the Titans can't keep up by just running Henry up the gut. However, the Titans have confidence in Tannehill. The Ravens will load the box and Tannehill has to be on his game. If the Titans can come out and set up the play-action for big plays, they can win this game. The Titans game plan last week was to run Derrick Henry until his legs fell off because Mike Vrabel knew that the defense could hold the Patriots' offense. A.J. Brown had just one catch for four yards last week. I expect a much different game plan this week that allows Tannehill to throw the ball downfield to Brown and other playmakers.
How Can the Titans Pull Off the Upset?
It starts with Henry. The Titans need to establish the run early and put points on the board. If they fall behind by a few scores, the game is just about over. Then, the Ravens will start to load the box and the Titans should go for the jugular and take a few shots downfield. Tannehill can get it done for Tennessee in the air, but it all starts with Henry and controlling the clock. A good balance of the two could get Tennessee to the AFC Championship.
A.J. Brown
Previous articleStrategy: Kansas City Offense Vs Houston Defense
Next articleGiants introduce Joe Judge as new head coach
Jake is an aspiring sports journalist who attends Virginia Tech full-time. He is the managing editor of FPC Titans and a member of For The Boys Podcast.


text:
13th Army (Soviet Union)
The 13th Army (Russian: 13-я армия, romanized: 13-ya armiya) was a name given to several field armies of the Soviet Union's Red Army. Later armies existed until the 1990s, and the army survived as part of the Ukrainian Ground Forces for some years.
13th Army
Soviet Army
Ukrainian Army
Russo-Finnish War
1 Russo-Finnish War
1.1 Commanders
2 World War II
4 Ukrainian Army
Russo-Finnish WarEdit
The 13th Army was created again at the end of December 1939 as a separate 13th Army in the course of the Soviet advance into the Karelian Isthmus when the 7th Army was split into two, and also renamed separate, after being substantially reinforced.[1] As part of the 1940 February Vyborg offensive they were coordinated by the North Western Front in Leningrad, both armies were able to breach either first or second defensive positions in the Mannerheim Line, but were unable to breach the main position. The separate 13th Army was allocated three of the eight rifle corps assigned to the operation.[2]
CommandersEdit
Vladimir Grendal (25 December 1939 – March 1940)
Filipp Parusinov (March 1940 – April 1940).
World War IIEdit
The 13th Army (1st formation) headquarters was formed in May 1941 in the Western Special Military District, starting on 5 May in Mogilev in accordance with the decision of Central Committee of the Communist Party and Sovnarkom of the USSR No.1113-460cc. dated 23 April 1941.[3] It was intended to comprised 21st, 2nd, and 44th Rifle Corps.[4] In the beginning of June Lieutenant General Pyotr Filatov arrived to take command. From the beginning of Operation Barbarossa the Army included the 21st Rifle Corps, 50th Rifle Division, the 8th Anti-Tank Artillery Brigade and a number of other separate units. From the end of June 1941 the Army conducted defensive operations in the Minsk Fortified Region, on the Borisov direction and on the Dnieper river. The formation conducted operations as part of the Soviet Western Front and the Soviet Central Front. Parts of the Army held up the Wehrmacht advance for almost three weeks near Mogilyev. The 172nd Rifle Division under Major General Mikhail Romanov especially distinguished itself in the combat. Parts of the Army participated in the Battle of Smolensk from 10 July to 10 September 1941. During September and October 1941 the Army was operating as part of the Bryansk Front and included the 6th Rifle Division.
The Army fought as part of the Central Front in the Battle of Kursk in July 1943 under General N.P. Pukhov, numbering four corps with twelve rifle divisions (including the 75th Guards Rifle Division). The Army finished its war service in Germany within the 1st Ukrainian Front in 1945, consisting of the 24th Rifle Corps (117th Guards Rifle Division, 280th Rifle Division, 395th Rifle Division), 27th Rifle Corps (6th Guards Rifle Division and 121st Guards Rifle Division), 102nd Rifle Corps (147th Rifle Division and 172nd Rifle Divisions, which took part in the Battle of Halbe), 17th Artillery Division, and many other smaller artillery and other formations.[5]
Lieutenant General Pyotr Filatov (25.05 - 8.07.1941)
Lieutenant General Fyodor Remezov (9-13.07.1941)
Lieutenant General Vasyl Herasymenko (14-26.07.1941)
Major General Konstantin Golubev (26.07 - 30.08.1941)
Major General Auxentios Gorodnyansky (31.08.1941 - 2.01.1942)
Major General Nikolai Pukhov (3.01.1942 - 3.06.1946), from 14 February 1943 Lieutenant General, from 26 August 1944 Colonel-General
Colonel General Mikhail Shumilov (4.06.1946 – 18.02.1947)
Colonel General Issa Pliyev (19.02.1947 – 19.04.1948)
Colonel General Ivan Lyudnikov (20.04.1948 – 2.12.1949)
Lieutenant General Alexander Nechaev (3.12.1949 – 8.01.1953)
Lieutenant General Nikolay Oleshev (9.01.1953 – 5.04.1954)
Lieutenant General Gleb Baklanov (6.04.1954 – 23.02.1959)
Soviet ArmyEdit
The Army was located for the entire postwar period in the Lviv and Carpathian Military Districts, initially comprising three Rifle Corps with a total of nine rifle divisions. From 1947 to 1949 it was commanded by General Issa Pliyev who was a renowned commander of several Cavalry mechanized groups during the war. It was for much of this period headquartered at Rovno. Almost all its divisions were Guards formations: the 17th, 51st, 97th (the former 40th, 15th, and 97th Rifle Divisions). Only the 24th (subsequently resubordinated to Military District control) and the 161st Rifle Division were not Guards, but both were renowned combat formations.
In 1960 the following divisions were assigned:[6]
15th Guards Motor Rifle Division (Vladimir-Volynskiy, Volynskaya Oblast) (former 51 Guards Rifle Division
24th Motor Rifle Division (Yavorov, Lvov Oblast)
97th Guards Motor Rifle Division (Slavuta, Khmelnitskiy Oblast)(former 97 Guards Rifle Division)
99th Motor Rifle Division (Izyaslav, Khmelnitskiy Oblast)
In 1960 the 24th Motor Rifle Division was transferred to district control. In January 1965 the 99th Motor Rifle Division was redesignated the 161st Motor Rifle Division.
On 22 February 1968 the army was awarded the Order of the Red Banner.
In 1970 the following divisions were assigned:
51st Guards Motor Rifle Division (Vladimir-Volynskiy, Volynskaya Oblast)
97th Guards Motor Rifle Division (Slavuta, Khmelnitskiy Oblast)
161st Motor Rifle Division (Izyaslav, Khmelnitskiy Oblast)
In 1970 the 275th Motor Rifle Division (mobilisation) was activated, and the 62nd Anti-Aircraft Rocket Brigade was transferred from the 8th Tank Army.[7]
275th Motor Rifle Division (mobilisation) (Izyaslav, Khmelnitskiy Oblast)
In 1987 the 275th Motor Rifle Division (mobilisation) was disbanded.
Divisions in 1988:
Also part of the army in the late 1980s were the 119th and 442nd Independent Helicopter Regiments (Mi-24s), 62nd Anti-Aircraft Rocket Brigade (Lyuboml), 49th Independent Engineer Regiment, and 38th Rocket Brigade (Kremenets). In January 1992, the army, its facilities and most of the equipment was transferred to the newly-sovereign Ukraine.[8]
Ukrainian ArmyEdit
On 18 March 1992, in accordance with Decree No. 161 of the President of Ukraine, Major General Petro Shulyak was assigned as the army commander.[9]
Formation in 1989
Formation in 1991–92 (Ukraine)[10]
17th Guards Motor Rifle Division (Khmelnitskiy) Unchanged(?)
51st Guards Motor Rifle Division (Vladimir-Volynsky) No change
97th Guards Motor Rifle Division (Slavuta) 97th Guards Mechanised Brigade
161st Motor Rifle Division (Izyaslav) 161st Mechanised Brigade
Oleksandr Zatynaiko later became commander. On 27 December 1993, the 13th Army was redesignated as the 13th Army Corps.[11]
Battle of Kursk order of battle
^ Voroshilov K.E., Lessons of war with Finland, Unpublished report of Narkom for Defence of USSR K.E. VOroshilov at the plenum of ZK VKP(b), 28 March 1940, (Russian) [1]
^ p.97, Vasilevsky A.M., A lifelong cause, 2nd ed., Politizdat, Moscow, 1973. (Russian), English translation by Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1981
^ p.177, Lensky, A.G., Land forces of RKKA in the pre-war years, A reference, B&K Pub., St.Petersburg, 2000
^ David Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, 206
^ Combat composition of the Soviet Army, 1 May 1945
^ Holm/Feskov 2015, 13th Combined Arms Army
^ Holm, 62nd Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade
^ Feskov et al 2013, pp. 472–473
^ "NAU-Online -> Про призначення командуючих арміями Збройних Сил України". Zakon.nau.ua. 18 March 1992. Archived from the original on 2 November 2013. Retrieved 1 November 2013.
^ Feskov et al 2004, 56, 104-105
^ "70 років мужності і звитяги" [70 Years of Courage and Victory] (PDF). Viisko Ukrainy (in Ukrainian). May 2011. p. 30. Retrieved 15 April 2020.
Feskov, V.I.; Golikov, V.I.; Kalashnikov, K.A.; Slugin, S.A. (2013). Вооруженные силы СССР после Второй Мировой войны: от Красной Армии к Советской [The Armed Forces of the USSR after World War II: From the Red Army to the Soviet: Part 1 Land Forces] (in Russian). Tomsk: Scientific and Technical Literature Publishing. ISBN 9785895035306.
V.I. Feskov et al. 2004
A. M. Vasilevsky, Marshal of the Soviet Union: A Lifelong Cause, Progress Publishers, 1981
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=13th_Army_(Soviet_Union)&oldid=972622134"


Follow USP Verified on .
Look for the USP Verified Mark!
PREMIER PROTEIN IS A REGISTERED TRADEMARK OF PREMIER NUTRITION CORPORATION.
COP YRIGHT 2016 PREMIER NU TRITION CORPORATION. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.
DIRECTIONS: Combine all ingredients in a blender and blend on high until smooth.


This is the third time in the past month that I've mentioned my bullet journal and bullet journalling in general, but I'm honestly completely obsessed by it. I also promise I'm not being paid to promote Linda's Bullet Journal post, given that this is also the third time I have linked to it, but it's one of my favourite posts I've ever read. The whole world needs to bullet journal.
So I got my bullet journal mid-September, so decided to start tracking everything from October. I was pretty much on countdown for the last few weeks of September because I was so excited to start properly filling it out and making it pretty and full, but I suppose it gave me time to research different pages and properly set out my pages and get creative before just jumping straight in. I'm going to focus just on the October pages for this post but I may do an updated post on just the random pages I have at the start.
So, we have the monthly spread which I'm going to use to help me track events and important things that I have to remember. I think it really helps having the whole month laid out in front of me – I can see exactly when I'm busy and exactly when I'm free. I also have a little section at the side for my monthly goals, which get coloured in when I've achieved them. There's not many at the moment, the biggest one is just to complete Blogtober and that will be furiously coloured in when I complete it, because I WILL complete it. I also have a place to note down how much I got paid in September, so I can work out some budgets. Obviously I have covered how much I got paid because it's not something I want to share, and there's a few events covered because they're really exciting and I'm waiting for the right time to share them. Ooooh mysterious.
On the subject of money, my next page is a spending tracker. I'm going to be noting down the date, what I've bought, where from, how much it was, and whether I used cash or card. It may seem extensive but I'm really trying to be better with my money and keeping of track of it in depth is just the first step into actually managing to save. I think I was a bit optimistic only have one small page to track my spending, I'm definitely going to have to draw out another one. I don't know who I was trying to fool. I have a shopping list on the opposite page, which is split into needs and wants with little ticky boxes to mark whether I ended up buying it or not. I have a feeling the wants list will be a heck of a lot longer than the needs list.
I'm going to be tracking my sleeping patterns in this funky little table that took enormous patience to write out (too. many. numbers.) and also tracking my habits and moods, hopefully I'll start to see some sort of correlation between how much I sleep and what things I get done and how I feel on that particular day. I think I'm the most excited about these pages, whether it's because I get to colour in the boxes and that'll look really cool at the end of the month or whether it's because I'll be better in tune with myself and my moods. Unsure.
We then have the weekly spreads, which will help me to plan my days more in depth. I'm noting down to-do lists, events, places to be and just in general things that need to be done.I'm quite a boring person so I feel like the weekly spreads might be a little bit sparse sometimes but that's alright. I think this will come in handy for keeping track of what blog posts are going up when – I am scheduling in advance but my brain is going to be so full that I will absolutely forget what I'm doing. I always write down things I want to get done and they end up not getting done or I do something completely different, so planning out my days almost seems kind of pointless. I suppose I'll get into a routine with this sort of thing though, I'm not a big daily planner so that's what the bujo is here to change.
I'm excited to be super creative with this journal, I don't want to stick to a uniform style of illustration so I'm going to experiment a lot. I'm kicking myself that it took me this long to actually start a bullet journal, it's one of the best decisions I've ever made and I would highly recommend it to anyone, even if you don't think you're that creative, I promise you, that side of you exists and this is a perfect way of letting it show.


text:
Q: How do you modify a string in C I'm new to C and I'm attempting to perform a modification to a string that I have (I'm attempting to reverse it), but I'm unsure why the program doesn't run as intended (displays no output).
void reverse(char *rTarget);

int main()
{
    char memes[] = "memes";
    reverse(memes);
    printf("%s", memes);
}

void reverse(char *rTarget)
{
    char swap;
    int length = (int) strlen(rTarget);

    for (int i = 0; i < length / 2; i++)
    {
        swap = rTarget[i];
        rTarget[i] = rTarget[length - i];
        rTarget[length - i] = swap;
    }
}

A: For starters this function declaration
void reverse(char *rTarget[]);

is equivalent to
void reverse(char **rTarget);

There is no great sense to declare it such a way.
You should declare the function like
void reverse( char rTarget[] );

and call it like
reverse( memes );

The function definition is also wrong. At least you have to use the loop like
for (int i = 0; i < length / 2; i++)

and these expressions
    swap = *rTarget[i];
    *rTarget[i] = *rTarget[length - i];
    *rTarget[length - i] = swap;

are invalid. They shall be rewritten like
    swap = ( *rTarget )[i];
    ( *rTarget )[i] = ( *rTarget )[length - i -1];
    ( *rTarget )[length - i - 1] = swap;

Also the variable length shall have the type size_t because in general an object of the type int can not accommodate an object of the type size_t and the function strlen have the return type size_t. So you have to substitute this declaration
int length = (int) strlen(*rTarget);

For this declaratiuon
size_t length = strlen(*rTarget);

Pay attention to that according to the conventions for standard C string functions the function should return pointer to the reversed string.
And according to the C Standard the function main without parameters shall be declared like
int main( void )

Here is a demonstration program that shows how the function can be declared and defined
#include <stdio.h>
#include <string.h>

char * reverse( char *s )
{
    for ( size_t i = 0, n = strlen( s ); i < n / 2; i++ )
    {
        char c = s[i];
        s[i] = s[n-i-1];
        s[n-i-1] = c;
    }

    return s;
}

int main(void)
{
    char memes[] = "memes";

    puts( reverse( memes ) );

    return 0;
}

The program output is
semem

A: The problem is here
*rTarget[i] = *rTarget[length - i]
*rTarget[length - i] = swap;

The primary problem seems to be operator precedence. [] has higher precedence than *. You are passing "array of strings" (because pointers can be used as arrays), so when i is 0, on the left side you take the first (and only existing) array at [0], and * references its first character. To this you assign nonsense from the right side: first character of array [length] (which doesn't exist), which is undefined behavior, so what you program does after this is meaningless to speculate about. You need to add parentheses, so that you reference the pointer to array, so you get the actual array, and then use [] on that.
But even if you add parentheses, your algorithm is wrong. On first round, i is 0 so you copy (*rTarget)[length] to start of string. That is the string terminating 0, so you end up with modified string length 0 (first byte is 0). You need -1 for the length.
Fixing your original code, it therefore becomes:
for (int i = 0; i < length / 2; i++)
    {
        swap = (*rTarget)[i];
        (*rTarget)[i] = (*rTarget)[length - i - 1];
        (*rTarget)[length - i - 1] = swap;
    }

Additionally, your function argument is needlessly complex (pointer to pointer to char), straight pointer to modifiable string is enough. Other answers cover that beauty issue.

A: #include <stdio.h>
#include <string.h>

void reverse(char *rTarget);

int main()
{
    char memes[] = "memes";
    reverse(memes);
    printf("%s", memes);
}

void reverse(char *rTarget)
{
    int length = (int) strlen(rTarget);

    for (int i = 0; i < length / 2; i++)
    {
        char swap = rTarget[i];
        rTarget[i] = rTarget[length - i - 1];
        rTarget[length - i - 1] = swap;
    }
}

The expression *rTarget[i] is parsed as *(rTarget + i), not *(rTarget) + i as you may expect. And you do not need to pass char ** here.

A: If you are not intended to send multiple strings to reverse function then function argument only require a char pointer. While swap character you need to traverse only 50% of the string. The code can be as following.
void reverse(char *rTarget)
{
    char swap;
    int length = (int) strlen(rTarget);
    for(int i = 0, j = (length - 1); i < (length / 2); i++, j--)
    {
        swap = *(rTarget+i);
        *(rTarget+i) = *(rTarget+j);
        *(rTarget+j) = swap;
    }
}

A: This should do it:
void reverse(char rTarget[]);

int main()
{
    char memes[] = "memes";
    reverse(memes);
    printf("%s", memes);
}

void reverse(char rTarget[])
{
    char swap;
    int lastindex = (int) strlen(rTarget) - 1;

    for (int i = 0; i < lastindex / 2; i++)
    {
        swap = rTarget[i];
        rTarget[i] = rTarget[lastindex - i];
        rTarget[lastindex - i] = swap;
    }
}

There are a couple of problems in your code.
First of all, arrays are always 'passed by reference', so you don't need to pass a pointer to an array. Any changes you make in the array will persist after the function call.
Secondly, array subscripts in C start from 0. So the last character (not counting null) in a string of length n is string[n-1] not string[n].
EDIT: As @roottraveller mentioned, since you are swapping characters, you don't need to run till the end of the string. You only need to go till the half of length.

A: There are all kinds of dereferencing errors here. Rememember, a string is an array of characters, not an array of character pointers. So this
void reverse(char *rTarget[])

Should be
void reverse(char rTarget[])

And here:
int length = (int) strlen(*rTarget);

You don't have to dereference rTarget, so remove the *. Same in the swap, remove all * that you have there.
Last but not least, there's an off by one error in your swap. Instead of going to length - i, you want to go to length - i - 1, otherwise you're swapping the null terminator to the beginning.
Also your loop should only go to the first half of the array, because otherwise you swap everything twice, resulting in the original string again:
for (int i = 0; i < length/2; i++)

All in all it should look like this:
void reverse(char rTarget[]);

int main()
{
    char memes[] = "memes";
    reverse(memes);
    printf("%s", memes);
}

void reverse(char rTarget[])
{
    char swap;
    int length = (int)strlen(rTarget);

    for (int i = 0; i < length/2; i++)
    {
        swap = rTarget[i];
        rTarget[i] = rTarget[length - i - 1];
        rTarget[length - i - 1] = swap;
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Providing online access to our extensive range of products. Our product range includes pipe, tanks, pumps, valves, sprinklers and amenity supplies. From our comprehensively stocked 22,000m2 site in central southern England, we can deliver the products you need, when you need them. Alongside the product range, we are also committed to providing a first class support service including technical support, installation advice from qualified staff, and dedicated delivery vehicles.
Our new Product Guide is now available to download by clicking on the image, or email the sales office for a hard copy.
DN80 PN16 AEON Type A CI resilient seat gate valve. 90mm PE100 tail. Cap top.
Siphon King Utility Hand Pump. 36'' Chamber & 72'' Outlet Hose.


text:
Interleukin 5 (IL5) is an interleukin produced by type-2 T helper cells and mast cells.
3 Tissue expression
5 Effect on eosinophils
6 Interactions
7 Receptors
Through binding to the interleukin-5 receptor, interleukin 5 stimulates B cell growth and increases immunoglobulin secretion - primarily IgA. It is also a key mediator in eosinophil activation.
IL-5 is a 115-amino acid (in human, 133 in the mouse) -long TH2 cytokine that is part of the hematopoietic family. Unlike other members of this cytokine family (namely interleukin 3 and GM-CSF), this glycoprotein in its active form is a homodimer.[1]
Tissue expression
The IL-5 gene is located on chromosome 11 in the mouse, and chromosome 5 in humans, in close proximity to the genes encoding IL-3, IL-4, and granulocyte-macrophage colony-stimulating factor (GM-CSF),[2][3] which are often co-expressed in TH2 cells. Interleukin-5 is also expressed by eosinophils[4] and has been observed in the mast cells of asthmatic airways by immunohistochemistry.[5] IL-5 expression is regulated by several transcription factors including GATA3.[6]
Interleukin-5 has long been associated with the cause of several allergic diseases including allergic rhinitis and asthma, wherein a large increase in the number of circulating, airway tissue, and induced sputum eosinophils have been observed.[7] Given the high concordance of eosinophils and, in particular, allergic asthma pathology, it has been widely speculated that eosinophils have an important role in the pathology of this disease.[8]
Drugs that target IL-5 are mepolizumab and reslizumab.
Effect on eosinophils
Eosinophils are terminally differentiated granulocytes found in most mammals. The principal role of these cells, in a healthy host, is the elimination of antibody bound parasites through the release of cytotoxic granule proteins.[9] Given that eosinophils are the primary IL-5Rα-expressing cells, it is not surprising that this cell type responds to IL-5. In fact, IL-5 was originally discovered as an eosinophil colony-stimulating factor,[10] is a major regulator of eosinophil accumulation in tissues, and can modulate eosinophil behavior at every stage from maturation to survival. Mepolizumab is a monoclonal antibody against IL-5 which can reduce excessive eosinophilia.
In Hodgkin lymphoma, for instance, the typically-observed eosinophilia is thought to be attributable to an increased production of IL-5.[11]
Interleukin 5 has been shown to interact with Interleukin 5 receptor alpha subunit.[12][13][14]
The IL-5 receptor is composed of an α and a βc chain.[15] The α subunit is specific for the IL-5 molecule, whereas the βc subunit also recognised by interleukin 3 (IL3) and granulocyte-macrophage colony-stimulating factor (GM-CSF).[15][16] Glycosylation of the Asn196 residue of the Rα subunit appears to be essential for binding of IL-5.[17]
↑ Milburn MV, Hassell AM, Lambert MH, Jordan SR, Proudfoot AE, Graber P, Wells TN (May 1993). "A novel dimer configuration revealed by the crystal structure at 2.4 A resolution of human interleukin-5". Nature. 363 (6425): 172–6. doi:10.1038/363172a0. PMID 8483502.
↑ Lee JS, Campbell HD, Kozak CA, Young IG (March 1989). "The IL-4 and IL-5 genes are closely linked and are part of a cytokine gene cluster on mouse chromosome 11". Somat. Cell Mol. Genet. 15 (2): 143–52. doi:10.1007/BF01535075. PMID 2784591.
↑ van Leeuwen BH, Martinson ME, Webb GC, Young IG (April 1989). "Molecular organization of the cytokine gene cluster, involving the human IL-3, IL-4, IL-5, and GM-CSF genes, on human chromosome 5". Blood. 73 (5): 1142–8. PMID 2564789.
↑ Dubucquoi S, Desreumaux P, Janin A, Klein O, Goldman M, Tavernier J, Capron A, Capron M (February 1994). "Interleukin 5 synthesis by eosinophils: association with granules and immunoglobulin-dependent secretion". J. Exp. Med. 179 (2): 703–8. doi:10.1084/jem.179.2.703. PMC 2191391. PMID 8294877.
↑ Bradding P, Roberts JA, Britten KM, Montefort S, Djukanovic R, Mueller R, Heusser CH, Howarth PH, Holgate ST (May 1994). "Interleukin-4, -5, and -6 and tumor necrosis factor-alpha in normal and asthmatic airways: evidence for the human mast cell as a source of these cytokines". Am. J. Respir. Cell Mol. Biol. 10 (5): 471–80. doi:10.1165/ajrcmb.10.5.8179909. PMID 8179909.
↑ Kaminuma O, Mori A, Kitamura N, Hashimoto T, Kitamura F, Inokuma S, Miyatake S (2005). "Role of GATA-3 in IL-5 gene transcription by CD4+ T cells of asthmatic patients". Int. Arch. Allergy Immunol. 137 Suppl 1: 55–9. doi:10.1159/000085433. PMID 15947486.
↑ Shen HH, Ochkur SI, McGarry MP, Crosby JR, Hines EM, Borchers MT, Wang H, Biechelle TL, O'Neill KR, Ansay TL, Colbert DC, Cormier SA, Justice JP, Lee NA, Lee JJ (March 2003). "A causative relationship exists between eosinophils and the development of allergic pulmonary pathologies in the mouse". J. Immunol. 170 (6): 3296–305. doi:10.4049/jimmunol.170.6.3296. PMID 12626589.
↑ Sanderson CJ (June 1992). "Interleukin-5, eosinophils, and disease". Blood. 79 (12): 3101–9. PMID 1596561.
↑ Giembycz MA, Lindsay MA (June 1999). "Pharmacology of the eosinophil". Pharmacol. Rev. 51 (2): 213–340. PMID 10353986.
↑ Lopez AF, Begley CG, Williamson DJ, Warren DJ, Vadas MA, Sanderson CJ (May 1986). "Murine eosinophil differentiation factor. An eosinophil-specific colony-stimulating factor with activity for human cells". J. Exp. Med. 163 (5): 1085–99. doi:10.1084/jem.163.5.1085. PMC 2188112. PMID 3486243.
↑ Di Biagio E, Sánchez-Borges M, Desenne JJ, Suárez-Chacón R, Somoza R, Acquatella G (Jul 1996). "Eosinophilia in Hodgkin's disease: a role for interleukin 5". Int. Arch. Allergy Immunol. 110 (3): 244–51. doi:10.1159/000237294. PMID 8688671.
↑ Woodcock JM, Zacharakis B, Plaetinck G, Bagley CJ, Qiyu S, Hercus TR, Tavernier J, Lopez AF (November 1994). "Three residues in the common beta chain of the human GM-CSF, IL-3 and IL-5 receptors are essential for GM-CSF and IL-5 but not IL-3 high affinity binding and interact with Glu21 of GM-CSF". EMBO J. 13 (21): 5176–85. PMC 395466. PMID 7957082.
↑ Johanson K, Appelbaum E, Doyle M, Hensley P, Zhao B, Abdel-Meguid SS, Young P, Cook R, Carr S, Matico R (April 1995). "Binding interactions of human interleukin 5 with its receptor alpha subunit. Large scale production, structural, and functional studies of Drosophila-expressed recombinant proteins". J. Biol. Chem. 270 (16): 9459–71. doi:10.1074/jbc.270.16.9459. PMID 7721873.
↑ Murata Y, Takaki S, Migita M, Kikuchi Y, Tominaga A, Takatsu K (February 1992). "Molecular cloning and expression of the human interleukin 5 receptor". J. Exp. Med. 175 (2): 341–51. doi:10.1084/jem.175.2.341. PMC 2119102. PMID 1732409.
↑ 15.0 15.1 Tavernier J, Devos R, Cornelis S, Tuypens T, Van der Heyden J, Fiers W, Plaetinck G (September 1991). "A human high affinity interleukin-5 receptor (IL5R) is composed of an IL5-specific alpha chain and a beta chain shared with the receptor for GM-CSF". Cell. 66 (6): 1175–84. doi:10.1016/0092-8674(91)90040-6. PMID 1833065.
↑ Takaki S, Murata Y, Kitamura T, Miyajima A, Tominaga A, Takatsu K (June 1993). "Reconstitution of the functional receptors for murine and human interleukin 5". J. Exp. Med. 177 (6): 1523–9. doi:10.1084/jem.177.6.1523. PMC 2191058. PMID 8496674.
↑ Ishino T, Economou NJ, McFadden K, Zaks-Zilberman M, Jost M, Baxter S, Contarino MR, Harrington AE, Loll PJ, Pasut G, Lievens S, Tavernier J, Chaiken I (September 2011). "A protein engineering approach differentiates the functional importance of carbohydrate moieties of interleukin-5 receptor α". Biochemistry. 50 (35): 7546–56. doi:10.1021/bi2009135. PMID 21770429.
PDB 1hul EBI.jpg
1hul: A NOVEL DIMER CONFIGURATION REVEALED BY THE CRYSTAL STRUCTURE AT 2.4 ANGSTROMS RESOLUTION OF HUMAN INTERLEUKIN-5
This page was last edited 06:02, 18 September 2018 by wikidoc anonymous user Imported>Boghog. Based on work by Lakshmi Gopalakrishnan and wikidoc anonymous users imported>Boghog and en>Sapos93.