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Home » NBA » OG Anunoby's season is peaking at the perfect time
NBA By Louis Zatzman
OG Anunoby's season is peaking at the perfect time
OG Anunoby looks on against the Cleveland Cavaliers. (Photo by Mark Blinch/Getty Images)
OG Anunoby drew buzz early this year to win the Most Improved Player of the Year award or perhaps even to smash his way into the All-Star game. Indeed, he averaged 20.6 points per game over the first 10 for the Toronto Raptors — which erstwhile-leading-scorer Pascal Siakam missed with a torn labrum in his shoulder. To that point, Anunoby's career high in points per game over a full season was 15.9, set in 2020-21, and Anunoby was blowing it out of the water.
But beneath the surface, Anunoby's numbers were shaky. He was shooting 41.7 percent from the field, which was dramatically worse than his 48.0 percent in 2020-21. The Raptors were more or less playing equally with him on the court or on the bench, which was a huge step back from his marks the year previous. All in all, Anunoby's scoring may have been up, but his impact was down. That turbulence — dissonance between role and performance — has to some extent defined his season. His struggles were quiet because the Raptors were winning — in fact, the only extended stretches of losing the Raptors have endured this year have coincided with Anunoby's absences. But now that he's turning his season around, his successes have remained covered with muted applause.
The main issue for Anunoby early in the year was his underdeveloped self-creation ability. He has long been a talented scorer, shooting above-average-for-his-position percentages from deep and at the rim in four of his five seasons. But so much of his scoring entering this season saw the opportunities created by his teammates. Last year, 70.3 percent of his points were assisted, as the vast majority of his used possessions came via spot-up jumpers, pump-and-drives against rotations, and cuts. When he did create for himself, it was often in transition.
OG Anunoby dribbles against the Cleveland Cavaliers.
(Photo by Mark Blinch/Getty Images)
OG Anunoby dunks over Max Strus of the Miami Heat.
(Photo by Cole Burston/Getty Images)
This season has seen a far larger share of self creation for Anunoby. During the month of November, for example, his share of points that were assisted or unassisted were almost split 50-50. He averaged 5.4 pull-up jumpers a game while Siakam was out with injury — and connected on 29.6 percent of them. Among those with five or more pull-up jumpers attempted per game to Nov. 5, Anunoby had the fifth-lowest percentage.
Those difficulties didn't entirely disappear when Siakam returned. During November and December, Anunoby's pull-up attempts remained high, while his accuracy remained critically low. But by and large, he started to drift back to himself. His attempts within 10 feet rebounded from sub-50 percent accuracy to a much more Anunobian 61.1 percent.
Everything seemed to be coming together, and the Raptors not coincidentally enjoyed separate six-game and an eight-game winning streaks between New Year's Eve and the All-Star break. Meanwhile, the stars in Siakam and Fred VanVleet saw their contribution grow and grow; as often happens to Anunoby, his comeback story lost oxygen to flashier players during — or perhaps because of — Toronto's hot streak. The Raptors found themselves winning, and Anunoby found his role shrinking, and those two facts coinciding were not a coincidence.
But then came another blow. At some unrevealed point (but perhaps Feb. 12, as discovered by perceptive internet sleuths — also, perhaps earlier, as Anunoby spoke in March about it having hurt for months), Anunoby fractured his right ring finger. He played with the injury, likely undiagnosed, for some number of games, and saw his shooting numbers plummet, and then he sat for 15 games to allow it to heal following the All-Star break.
Since returning in mid-March, he's been back to spending a larger share of his time doing the things at which he excels. He's been automatic from distance and at the rim, and he's also taking fewer pull-up jumpers than he has all season. His scoring is down to where it was last season, averaging 17.3 points per game, but his impact has never been higher.
Since his most recent return, the Raptors have had a net rating of 25.4 with Anunoby on the court and only 3.8 with him on the bench. Those on/offs would dwarf his career high of 6.5, set in 2020-21. He may be playing well in the same way that he always has, but that same qualifier of "well" has moved from important for the Raptors to downright crucial. The Raptors, currently in sixth in the east with a 45-33 record, have gone a middling 14-17 with Anunoby out of the lineup.
OG Anunoby brings the ball up court against the Washington Wizards. (Photo by Scott Taetsch/Getty Images)
Part of Anunoby's outsized significance to the team is the fact that whereas the Raptors used to roster a host of shooters, they now only seem to have three: VanVleet, Gary Trent jr., and Anunoby. Defensively, the Raptors roster a huge number of players who resemble Anunoby physically, but he is still the archetype; his presence is the most important indicator of Toronto forcing opposing turnovers, which is definitive to their identity on both ends. He is arguably the best on the team at both locking up opposing scorers in isolation and stunting into the lane to muck up drives when his man doesn't have the ball. Now that Toronto's defense is finally settling into a solid groove with more consistent fundamentals, Anunoby's contributions on that end have even more value; a defensive stand is often defined by the weakest link, and now that Anunoby's teammates are making fewer mistakes, his iron-clad connectivity is better able to chain the unit together.
For those keeping track at home, Anunoby's season started low, rebounded, crashed back to the ground, and is now soaring to the highest point yet, with the team completely reliant on him. He is now, once again, out with a thigh contusion, though it doesn't seem to be a long-term injury. That's a roller coaster! Yet it's been incredibly underdiscussed on Twitter, in blog spaces, and in the pages of print media. Part of why Anunoby's seesaw season has been so invisible is because he still offers so much even when he's playing poorly. Even when he's missing pull-up jumpers, he's making them off the catch. Others' mistakes can be more visible — Chris Boucher comes to mind, sparking a dramatic peace summit with oft-critical William Lou. His successes, too, are less flashy than those of many of his teammates.
Anunoby's process doesn't change whether he's succeeding or not. His role changed, as he was forced into more offensive responsibility, for which he perhaps wasn't entirely ready. But he still took the same shots when they were available to him. His attention on the defensive end never wavered. Instead, the context of the team has shifted around his talents. That's not much of a headline (except, of course, here). So Anunoby's season has been hugely underappreciated. It's perhaps ironic that only now, finally, has Anunoby started fulfilling the expectations placed upon him in the beginning of the season. Just in time for those voices lauding his value to quiet and start to look elsewhere for their stories.
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Louis Zatzman is a freelance writer living in Toronto. He is the managing editor of Raptors Republic, a freelance contributor to FiveThirtyEight, and co-host of the weekly newsletter Minute Basketball.


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2002 Administrative Orders
---- In the Matter of Appointing Gladys Alten De Costa as a Member of the Arizona Supreme Court State Foster Care Review Board January 8, 2002
2002-0002 In the Matter of Appointment of Juvenile Court Commissioner January 17, 2002
J 2002-0001 In the Matter of Creating the Position of a Permanency Ombudsman, under the General Supervision of the Presiding Juvenile Court Judge January 23, 2002
2002-0001 In the Matter of Appointment of an Associate Presiding Judge January 24, 2002
2002-0003 In the Matter of Appointment of Juvenile Hearing Officer February 15, 2002
2002-0004 In the Matter of Approving and Adopting Child Access Guidelines February 27, 2002
---- In the Matter of the appointment of Probate Registrars March 21, 2002
2002-0005 In the Matter of Assignment of Cases; Additional Duties of Court Administrator April 4, 2002
2002-0006 In the Matter of the Appointment of Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore for the Seligman Precinct May 24, 2002
2002-0008 In the Matter of the Appointment of the Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore May 24, 2002
2002-0013 In the Matter of the Appointment of the of the Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore May 24, 2002
2002-0014 In the Matter of the Appointment of Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore for the Verde Valley Precinct May 24, 2002
2002-0018 In the Matter of Certification of Mental Health Experts June 10, 2002
J 2002-0001 In the Matter of Appointing James Monahan as a Member of the Arizona Supreme Court State Foster Care Review Board June 17, 2002
J 2002-0002 In the Matter of Removing Debra Dolan as a Member of the Arizona Supreme Court Foster Care Review Board, Yavapai County Board No. 04. June 17, 2002
2002-0019 In the Matter of Appointment of Juvenile Hearing Officer June 28, 2002
2002-0020 In the Matter of Policies and Procedures for Selection of Special Judicial Officers July 12, 2002
2002-0021 In the Matter of Vacating Orders Appointing Justices of the Peace Pro Tempore July 24, 2002
2002-0022 In the Matter of Appointment of Juvenile Hearing Officer July 24, 2002
2002-0004 (Amended) In the Matter of Approving and Adopting Child Access Guidelines August 8, 2002
2002-0023 In the Matter of the Appointment of Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore August 30, 2002
2002-0024 In the Matter of the Appointment of the Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore September 4, 2002
2002-0026 In the Matter of Appointment of the Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore September 5, 2002
2002-0025 In the Matter of the Appointment of an Election Division September 9, 2002
2002-0027 In the Matter of Appointment of Van Safety Trainers September 10, 2002
2002-0029 In the Matter of Appointment of Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore September 18, 2002
2002-0028 In the Matter of Appointment of the Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore September 27, 2002
2002-0030 In the Matter of Appointment of Juvenile Hearing Officer October 17, 2002
2002-0031 In the Matter of the Appointment of the Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore November 14, 2002
2002-0033 In the Matter of Appointment of Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore November 14, 2002
2002-0035 In the Matter of Appointment of the Justice of the Peace Pro Tempore November 14, 2002
---- In the Matter of Appointing Marilee Richards as a Member of the Arizona Supreme Court Foster Care Review Board, Removal Review Team Yavapai County Board No. 01 November 27, 2002
---- In the Matter of Appointing Michael Lassiter as a Member of the Arizona Supreme Court Foster Care Review Board, Removal Review Team Yavapai County Board No. 01 December 6, 2002
---- In the Matter of Appointing Barbara Polk as a Member of the Arizona Supreme Court Foster Care Review Board, Removal Review Team Yavapai County Board No. 01 December 6, 2002
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Former Oasis guitarist Noel Gallagher says recording Beady Eye's debut album "Different Gear, Still Speeding" was "without a doubt" more enjoyable than any of the albums he made with Oasis.
The 39-year-old formed Beady Eye with the remaining members of Oasis when his brother Noel quit in August 2009.
"Yeah, without a doubt it (Beady Eye) was more fun. We just banged it out in six or seven weeks. I mean, I'm not a muso, but I think it's got an attitude and a certain kind of flair to it," contactmusic.com quoted Liam as saying.
"Always going through with a fine tooth just gets boring and up your own arse. We're not writing a symphony, we're not writing an opera, it's just rock 'n' roll music. And if it makes you want to smash things or jump up and go mental, then it's a hit with me," he further added.


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The InfoSec Student Part 1: InfoSec Roles and Archetypes to Close the Skills Gap
Written by Daniel Deter on Tuesday, May 7th 2019 — Categories: DevOps, IT Operations, Security
Daniel Deter is the Manager of Information Security at Green House Data. Follow him on LinkedIn.
All journeys begin in darkness.
The student's eyes opened to darkness, surrounding him, enveloping him in the fear and uncertainty of the unknown. With no light to guide him, he knew not where to go next. He could feel that he still wore his student's robes, and the soft-soled shoes of his order. Without conscious thought he reached up and ran his fingers across the silver symbols embroidered upon the left breast of his robe: the number of his student ID, of his identity.
My first experience as an information security (InfoSec) manager began unexpectedly. My director called me into the conference room, where he sat with the security manager, and said, "Deter, you're the new security operations center manager." I responded with, "Ah, yeah, hard pass," to which he replied, "Too bad, it's already decided."
I soon took over a team that tracked no key performance indicators (KPI), had no training program, had very few documented procedures, and didn't actively monitor the implemented security information and event management (SIEM) tool. Three months later, my director called me into the same conference room once again, and said, "Deter, the security manager is leaving, you're the new security manager."
This left me with a 24/7 SOC, a security engineering team, and a compliance team under my purview. This included a recently acquired FedRAMP compliance. I soon realized that each team suffered from severe dysfunction. A core component of that dysfunction was a lack of definition in roles or understanding about job responsibilities. It was clear to me that I had to rebuild the security teams, but how?
Several years later I left that team, and at that time it was understood to be the most high-functioning team within a much larger MSP organization. It had robust and well written documentation, and a deeply technical group of personnel with expertise across all segments of IaaS, and MSP services. We built what we later began to call an integrated delivery team (IDT), where each archetype (more on that to follow) was logically aligned with functional competencies from within the broader MSP business.
Building a Successful InfoSec team
The purpose of this article isn't to walk through the trials and tribulations that took my team from zero to hero, but rather to begin to distill those lessons into concise and easily consumed guidance that any leader can use to support team building, and any practitioner can use to guide their own personal journey as a student of information security.
It is generally understood, with broad industry concurrence, that an InfoSec skills gap exists and presents a significant challenge for those of us responsible for managing risk within an organization. What is often not understood, by both practitioners and leaders alike, are:
The foundational skills that make up the kit of an InfoSec professional, and
The archetypes that make up a functional InfoSec team.
To close the skills gap, an organization must first understand the competencies required by security teams in their pursuit of information technology risk management.
Information security is information technology. While the function and key performance indicators of the person may differ between roles, the skills required to be successful do not (i.e., InfoSec is inherently a technical discipline).
Information security consists of three core archetypes: builders, breakers, and defenders. It is through recruiting and building the skills of these archetypes that the foundations of highly functional security teams are formed.
Understanding the Infosec Archetypes
Each of the three archetypes represents core technical knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSA) that, when leveraged for information security risk management, improve the efficacy of security programs and reduce overall cost of information security risk management.
What is a builder?
Builders are those who build secure infrastructures. This can include the network, the systems, and the applications.
Note: Yes, your DevOps team are also builders, and are absolutely critical to InfoSec, though for the purpose of this article I'll be focusing on secure architecture in the KSA below.
What kind of jobs do builders do?
Information system/security architect
Security engineer (i.e., those who build and manage security infrastructure)
What are some core competencies for a builder?
Knowledge of secure infrastructure design
Skills in managing physical and virtual infrastructure, including system administration, networking, and application management
Ability to align business requirements to risk mitigations during software or system builds
What is a breaker?
The breaker is the hacker or cracker. The role of the breaker is to functionally identify and test vulnerabilities.
What kind of jobs do breakers do?
Penetration tester
Application tester
What are some core competencies of a breaker?
In this archetype you'll find the widest range of skill sets. The foundational skills are:
Knowledge of attack methodologies
Skills in each stage of the attack process (i.e., foot-printing, scanning, enumeration, hacking)
Ability to adopt creative approaches in an effort to elicit unexpected responses from expected functionality of an information system component
Breakers hold a broad range of information technology skills, including programming, infrastructure administration, and system administration. To be highly successful breakers need to understand how applications function, how operating systems function, and how communication occurs both across and within networks.
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What is a defender?
The defender performs monitoring and response functions. In its simplest form, a defender has two primary duties:
Monitor the network for anomalous events and then determine if they represent a risk
Proactively consume threat intelligence related to the supported infrastructure to proactively communicate risk to leadership and technical teams
The defender requires a broad skill set to be successful. Attackers only require competency in a single avenue of attack, while defenders need to understand information system architectures, operating systems, applications, and how they each communicate across a network. For best results on hiring defenders, start with someone with proven competency in operating system and/or network administration. The tough part isn't learning to use your SIEM, it's understanding the data coming into it, and then building a meaningful narrative of risk based upon it.
What kind of jobs do defenders do?
Incident responder
What are some core competencies of a defender?
Knowledge of tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTP) leveraged by adversaries; vis a vis the systems, applications, and configurations that make up the protected information system
Skills in leveraging a broad range of InfoSec tools and techniques to gather environmental data points
Ability to build meaningful risk-based narrative from the collected data
What About Information Assurance and Compliance?
What is IA and Compliance?
The Information Assurance (IA) and Compliance — AKA Governance, Risk, and Compliance (GRC) — aspect of information security programs represents the mechanisms through which an organization measures information security. As anything measured tends to improve over time, GRC teams provide significant value-add for an organization.
Please note: To keep your GRC program on track, ensure that work efforts are focused on measuring (e.g., KPI) of the existing security program against a standard (e.g., NIST, ISO), a baseline, or an industry best practice.
What kind of jobs do IA and Compliance staff do?
Security controls assessor
Information system security officer (ISSO)
What are some core competencies of IA and Compliance?
Knowledge of governance frameworks, secure baselines, and industry best practices
Skills translating requirements to technical implementations, and vice versa
Ability to clearly and concisely document control implementation narratives, and to communicate outstanding risk to stakeholders in a consumable format
A great resource for those looking to map InfoSec jobs to knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSA) is the NIST NICE framework, SP 800-181.
For hiring managers and recruiters it maps KSA to job roles. This can be used to assist in building job requisitions, or to understand the duties your personnel should be performing
For InfoSec professionals the same mappings can assist you in understanding the KSA that will be necessary to both obtain a job and to be successful in performing it
The student stepped out of the darkness into the bright light of a cloudless summer day. The sun stung his eyes, long-since adjusted to the darkness. The heat of the day washed over him. Beads of sweat began to form on his forehead. He turned around, sudden resolve bubbling from the depths of his subconscious. He faced towards the cave, and the unknown terrors that lurked within.
He'd survived, he'd found the light, but he knew, intrinsically, that survival was not victory. Victory would require action, persistence, and a continual pursuit knowledge. The student had faced the darkness, and now the darkness would have to face him. With a nod to no one, he stepped back into the cave, the sun glinting off the silver thread of his student ID a final moment before being swallowed by the darkness, the numbers clearly visible, "1337".
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Peter clenched his bloody fists in frustration. Ives was alive. Now whose side was luck on? When the major woke, he'd demand satisfaction, lay charges, tell terrible tales—stories of cowardice, theft, attempted murder. Panic filled Peter's chest, and he forced it down. Surely there was a way out of this—there was always a way out for someone as clever as he was. He stared down at the blood on his hands, felt revulsion rise. There was nowhere to wipe them clean. Ives could still die. Or he might live. Peter would probably not get another opportunity to kill him, yet he had to make certain that Stephen Ives could do him no further harm. It was his word against Ives's. He had far more to lose than the good major. Or did he? The thing about honorable men was that honor was everything to them, more valuable than life or fortune. Without honor, men like Ives might just as well be dead. For men like Peter, who lived without the burden of honor, anything was possible. He smiled briefly, and caught the eyes of one of the scavengers upon him, a sharp-eyed scarecrow. She looked at his grin in horror, and made the sign of the cross as she scuttled away. He touched a hand to his pistol, but let her go. It hardly mattered, since he had a plan. Carefully, Peter set off for the edge of the battlefield, and headed for headquarters at Waterloo village.


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55 percent of humanity not covered by social security, says ILO
by Tony Akowe, Geneva, Switzerland
in News, News Update
Director General of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Guy Ryder has said that 55 per cent of the world's population is still not covered by social protection.
He said global commitment to social protection is a prerequisite to securing sustainable transitions over the life course.
Ryder, who spoke at a high level forum on social protection as part of the ongoing centenary celebration of the International Labour Organisation, said sustainable social protection system will become increasingly critical to provide support in a fast changing world of work.
Participants at the forum were of the view that digitalisation, demographic shifts, climate change and globalisation will affect the way people manage transitions during the course of their lives.
They stressed the importance not only of decent job creation policies but also of social protection to help workers, and particularly the most vulnerable, manage those transitions.
Managing Director of the International Monetary, (IMF), Christine Lagarde, spoke of "social spending," which she said includes social insurance and social assistance, as well as public spending on health and education.
According to Lagarde, "Social spending is not just an expense, but rather can be among the wisest of investments in the well-being of our societies
Expansion of access to education and health generates broader productivity across the population, allowing all citizens to flourish. To reap the rewards of a stronger global economy societies must begin by strengthening social programmes today.
"I would argue that social spending is a core component of the social contract needed to fulfil the missions of our respective institutions."
Read Also: ILO: women in leadership perform better
Also speaking, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet said that by mitigating the negative impact of unemployment, creating access to further education, improving labour market opportunities and securing access to at least the core contents of the right to health, food, water and sanitation, education, housing, social security systems, you can ensure that individuals in all of society are protected from the worst impact of upheavals."
General Secretary, European Trade Union Confederation, Luca Visentini said it was essential that workers, including those in the gig economy, had access to lifelong learning and "have real access to universal social protection systems that can protect them from shocks… but at the same time can also make transitions smoother."
But, he added, "all this doesn't work if there is not a clear strategy in place for quality job creation
Joannie Marlene Bewa, UN Young Leader for the Sustainable Development Goals, said, "we have to make sure we have inclusive policies that build on, not only the needs of the most vulnerable, but also hear the voices and needs of young people."
Tags: International Labour Organisation (ILO)Nigeria NewsNigerian NewspaperThe Nation newspaper
I've no plans to protest over INEC server, says Atiku
Police Sergeant attempts committing suicide
Why Kebbi Assembly rejected request for confirmation of CJ - Speaker


QUECHEE GORGE - A tractor-trailer rear-ended a car and sent it across the dividing line and head-on into another car on Route 4 Monday afternoon right in front of the Quechee Gorge Gift Shop.
The accident, which happened just before 4 p.m., is still under investigation but Hartford Police Officer Randy St. Peter said that there did not appear to be any suspicious circumstances and noted that a post-accident look over of the large grocery truck at the scene by inspectors from Vermont's Department of Motor Vehicles also did not find any problems with either the truck driver or his truck.
Officer St. Peter said that, although the pavement was still wet, it was not raining at the time the eastbound truck hit the rear of a black car which was also headed east just off the eastern end of the bridge which spans over the Quechee Gorge.
After being struck from behind, the black Sonata headed across into westbound lane where it collided with an on-coming white Subaru, sending it across a small grass strip into the parking lot of the gift shop where it came to a rest.
Airbags in both of the cars were deployed but only the driver of the black car was injured and she was transported to a hospital by a Hartford Ambulance crew. Her injuries were not believed to be life threatening but authorities were not immediately updated on her condition.


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While the first Dr. Martens 2976 Chelsea boot was produced in the early '70s, the original style has Victorian origins. First envisioned as a riding boot, the style's sure fit and easy-on, easy-off elastic ankle gusset gained popularity in the farming community. Today, the unisex 2976 Chelsea boot is a slick, uncompromisingly fashion-forward look for both men and women. And now to support a choice that won't be compromised, the Vegan 2976 comes in a non-leather material that's soft and supple. First things first: All the materials and manufacturing methods are acutely vegan compliant—no animal products are used in the making of this footwear. The Vegan 2976 Chelsea Boot has our iconic AirWair Bouncing Soles, that's oil-and-fat resistant with good abrasion and slip resistance—and has been since 1960. The boot is Goodyear welted, meaning the upper and sole are sewn together in our heat-sealed z-welt stitch for enhanced comfort. Offered in a unisex size range to include both men's and women's sizes.


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Outcry#1: Nature-culture binary and its relation to gender roles. The background colours, representing sky/heaven and earth, are prevalent in Persian architecture. The foreground black patterns from Islamic motifs and architecture symbolize culture, a male dominant culture.
Outcry #2: An interactive piece, as a religious architectural space, where the audience can enter, shut the door behind and remain in there for a while.


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Cancer Lett. 2002 Jul 8;181(1):95-107.
Proteomics reveals protein profile changes in doxorubicin--treated MCF-7 human breast cancer cells.
Chen ST1, Pan TL, Tsai YC, Huang CM.
Institute of Biological Chemistry, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan.
MCF-7 cells are extensively used as a cell model to investigate human breast tumors and the cellular mechanism of antitumor drugs such as doxorubicin (DOX), an anthracycline antitumor drug widely used in clinical chemotherapy. To understand the effects of DOX on the protein expression, we perform a comprehensive proteomics to survey global changes in proteins after DOX treatment in MCF-7 cells. Exposure of MCF-7 cells to 0.1 microM DOX for 2 days induced a differentiation-like phenotype with prominent perinuclear autocatalytic vacuoles, abundant filamentous material, and irregular microvilli at the cell surface. In this study, we also present a proteome reference map of MCF-7 cells with 21 identified protein spots via analysis of N-terminal sequencing, mass spectrometry, immunoblot and/or computer matching with protein database. Based on the proteome map, we found that DOX causes a markedly decrease in the levels of three isoforms of heat shock protein 27 (HSP27) whereas the levels of other stress associated proteins including HSP60, calreticulin, and protein disulfide isomerase were not significantly altered in DOX-treated MCF-7 cells. Taken together, we suggest that that action of DOX on breast tumor cells may be partly related to dysregulation of HSP27 expression. Modulation of HSP27 levels may be a clinically useful potential target for design of antitumor drugs and controlling breast tumor growth.
Antineoplastic Agents/pharmacology*
Breast Neoplasms/metabolism*
Breast Neoplasms/pathology
Doxorubicin/pharmacology*
Protein Array Analysis
Proteomics*
Sequence Analysis, Protein
Tumor Cells, Cultured
Breast Cancer - Genetic Alliance
Breast Cancer - MedlinePlus Health Information


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The Right Way Out of Afghanistan | Afghanistan - Asian Current Events
The Right Way Out of Afghanistan
Stephen Hadley and John Podesta
Leaving Behind a State That Can Govern
The signing in May of a strategic partnership agreement between the United States and Afghanistan came at a tense time in the Afghan war. As NATO and the International Security Assistance Force work to transfer security responsibility for much of the country to the Afghan government, the agreement establishes the contours of a long-term relationship and a framework for future cooperation. But it notably leaves out details on the levels of forces and funding the United States will commit to Afghanistan after 2014. Meanwhile, insurgents continue to mount frequent attacks against high-visibility targets throughout the country and have assassinated international personnel and Afghans with ties to the government of President Hamid Karzai. Trust between the U.S. and Afghan governments has eroded as a result of Afghan civilian casualties, attacks on U.S. and other international forces by Afghan troops, and blunders by U.S. military personnel, including the burning of Korans at an air base.
Although the Obama administration has reached out to the Taliban and Pakistan in the hopes of achieving a negotiated settlement, the U.S. transition strategy still prioritizes military activity over diplomacy. As Washington draws down its troops, it has armed both regular and irregular Afghan forces and targeted insurgent commanders and other extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The military campaign has had significant successes, particularly in dismantling al Qaeda and largely destroying its senior leadership in the region, achieving a primary U.S. national security objective. It has also weakened Taliban insurgents and restored Afghan government control over significant portions of southern Afghanistan.
But in its focus on security, the United States has not sufficiently used its influence to pressure the Karzai government to forge a legitimate Afghan state that is governed by the rule of law, stabilized by checks and balances between the branches of government, and upheld by relatively free and fair elections. This has left the future of Afghanistan and of broader U.S. interests in the region in doubt. A transition that focuses primarily on Afghan security force levels and capabilities cannot adequately address the flaws in governance that have alienated ordinary Afghans from the Karzai administration and fueled the insurgency. Nor can an exclusively military strategy calm regional hostility or eliminate insurgent threats entirely. In addition, the dependency of the Afghan government and its security forces on high levels of international assistance for the foreseeable future, especially in a time of global austerity, threatens to undermine the current strategy.
Meanwhile, Afghanistan will face a rocky political transition, especially if the United States and its allies do not devote to that transition the same degree of attention that they have given the security transition. Karzai is required by the Afghan constitution to step down following the presidential elections in 2014. This electoral process should ideally facilitate the creation of a more inclusive, legitimate political system. Yet political parties in the country remain weak and marginalized, the voter registry is inadequate, and the country's electoral institutions lack guarantees of independence. Policymakers have not prepared for the real possibility of a repeat of the fraud-ridden and destabilizing Afghan presidential and parliamentary elections of 2009 and 2010.
To make matters worse, distrust between the United States and Pakistan has spiked. The countries hold opposing visions for Afghanistan's political makeup and position within the regional security balance. The United States' objective remains a relatively stable Afghanistan that does not once again become a sanctuary for transnational terrorist groups or destabilize nuclear-armed Pakistan. Pakistan, however, seeks to maximize its own influence in Afghanistan, and minimize India's, through support for the Pashtun-dominated Taliban. Although both the United States and Pakistan have indicated a desire for rapprochement, their disagreements continue to complicate efforts to find common ground even on issues on which the countries' interests have the potential to align, such as counterterrorism and nuclear security.
Guarding against instability in Afghanistan will require the presence of some U.S. forces there beyond 2014. But sustaining the current level of foreign military involvement indefinitely is not an option. Although American and allied soldiers have acted with bravery and professionalism over the past decade, Afghan and Pakistani leaders must take responsibility for their own countries' security and prosperity.
In this regard, the United States needs to synchronize the reduction of its military and financial investment in Afghanistan with efforts to resolve the internal political dimensions of the Afghan conflict. An uncoordinated withdrawal would risk the collapse of the weak Afghan security forces and, in turn, the weak Afghan state. Such a breakdown could spark renewed bloodshed and large-scale population displacement inside Afghanistan and into neighboring countries and leave swaths of territory unprotected against militants and terrorists, thereby undermining U.S. strategic interests in the region.
State of Crisis
The international community has staked its transition strategy in Afghanistan on the strength of the Afghan security forces and the government in Kabul. But that government is deeply flawed and, should the world stop compensating for its deficiencies, in danger of imploding. The constitutional system, which vests great power in the hands of the executive without real checks and balances, lends itself to abuses of authority. Officials often use formal state institutions to support their patronage networks, fueling high levels of corruption, cronyism, and nepotism on the national and local levels.
Karzai has failed to use his position to advance a reform agenda or to support merit-based appointments of officials. Instead, his administration has actively opposed measures that would have promoted greater accountability and empowered other branches of government. The weakness of the parliament, the judiciary, and local governmental bodies means that there are few channels, outside the presidential palace, for Afghans to influence decision-making or hold leaders accountable.
The absence of transparent and effective systems of justice and law has provided Taliban insurgents with an opening to mobilize domestic opposition to the Afghan government. The ability of the Taliban to organize marginalized and disaffected communities contributes as much to the Taliban's resiliency as do their safe havens across the border in Pakistan. Furthermore, the centralized, winner-take-all political system complicates efforts to reconcile Afghanistan's competing constituencies. Opponents who might otherwise opt to share power have few guarantees that those with authority will not abuse it.
Unlike other centralized political systems, the Afghan government actually has very limited means to support and assert itself. Although the Afghan economy has grown by double digits since 2002 and the government has improved its ability to collect taxes and customs revenues, Kabul still depends on financial assistance from the international community to fund the majority of its operations, salaries, and services. The cost of fielding the large Afghan military and police forces established by NATO trainers over the past several years eclipses the country's entire national budget.
The United States and other international donors will not sustain their current levels of assistance indefinitely. The dismal state of the global economy, attacks by Afghans against foreign personnel, and disputes between the United States and Afghanistan make it extremely risky for Kabul to rely so heavily on external aid. The Afghan government must expand its base of domestic support, both politically and financially. Crafting a more stable political system will require a combination of reforms that address the lack of accountability and undue centralization of the executive. To move beyond years of unrest, the government must also seek a political settlement with nonviolent opposition groups and other elements of Afghan society, as well as with the armed insurgents.
A Synchronized Strategy
Left unaddressed, the major weaknesses in Afghanistan's political structure will reduce the likelihood of a stable and secure Afghan state after 2014. The United States needs a more robust political strategy to actively support the transition, one that presses for a more legitimate Afghan government, a political settlement among the broad range of Afghan actors outside the current system (including those Taliban elements willing to participate), and a regional settlement that involves Pakistan.
First, in order to help bring about a more legitimate Afghan government, the United States and its partners must ensure a smooth presidential transition in 2014, when Karzai is constitutionally required to step down. In the short term, the United States will need to make clear, as it has to date, that its pledges of support under the strategic partnership agreement are conditioned on Karzai's ceding power to a legitimately elected successor. Karzai may reasonably expect assurances that when he departs, he and his family will be kept safe, his core allies and constituents will not be shut out of the government, and he can leave office with honor. Offering him a senior position either in Afghanistan or in an international institution after his term expires could help assuage his fears of marginalization and open the door for other political actors to emerge.
Facilitating a democratic transition of power that truly broadens political participation also requires the international community to press for badly needed electoral reforms well in advance of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2014 and 2015. These should include the establishment of a credible national voter registry (or an effective substitute) and a commitment to the independence and transparency of the Independent Election Commission and the Electoral Complaints Commission, Afghanistan's two main electoral bodies. Burdensome party-registration processes and the single nontransferable voting system, which offers voters only one choice among potentially hundreds of candidates for multiple parliamentary seats, have disempowered voters in previous elections and have also hamstrung the formation of political parties that could more effectively represent the interests of Afghanistan's fractious political landscape. As the principal financial and logistical contributors to Afghanistan's recent elections, the United States, the United Nations, and other international donors must demand that the 2014 and 2015 elections meet higher standards than previous contests have while, of course, leaving the actual choice of leaders to the Afghan people.
Over the long term, the United States needs to use its diplomatic muscle to support the creation of stronger checks and balances and other reforms that would allow opposition groups to participate on a level playing field. This will require holding the Afghan government accountable for the pledges it has made to that end in the strategic partnership agreement and at international conferences. The international community can grant more explicit recognition to legitimate domestic opposition and civil-society organizations by interacting with them and sponsoring formal training programs for political parties. To strengthen Afghanistan's ability to manage dissent peacefully, the United States should encourage the parliament to take on an increased role in overseeing the appointment of government officials and in the development and approval of national budgets. Only through such reforms can Afghanistan heed the concerns of the public and offer former combatants the ability to advance their interests through politics rather than the use of force.
Moreover, U.S. financial assistance should support Afghanistan's political transition, seeking to ensure that the Afghan state does not collapse as foreign aid drops and the economy weakens. Several successful programs initiated during the past decade deserve continued support, such as the National Solidarity Program and a program to develop a basic package of health services, which work at the community level to deliver services and fund development projects often overlooked by national planners. Washington should support management teams in important ministries, such as the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Mines. The United States should also channel a higher percentage of its assistance through the Afghan budget, rather than through outside contractors, and then use it as leverage to push the government toward stronger anticorruption measures. These measures should include the prosecution of some high-profile offenders, such as those who recently brought down Kabul Bank, to make clear that impunity will no longer be the norm.
Second, the United States must facilitate a political settlement among Afghanistan's opposing factions. Any strategy for reconciling Afghan's diverse groups should include an effort to reach out to the Taliban. The success of such an effort is far from assured: the Taliban have repeatedly rejected talks with the Afghan government; their plans to open a political office in Qatar, once seen as a step toward negotiations, have not materialized; and U.S. efforts to coordinate a prisoner exchange have hit an impasse. Both the Afghan government and the insurgency are fragmented, and Karzai has insisted on controlling the negotiations. Insurgent commanders and criminals in Afghanistan who benefit from the persistence of conflict, as well as regional spoilers such as Iran and Pakistan, have made negotiating a settlement all the more difficult.
But even an ultimately unsuccessful effort may carry benefits. By promoting negotiations, the United States can test the intentions of various actors in Afghanistan and Pakistan, clarify which Taliban representatives have the authority to speak for which parts of the movement, and better understand the vision of Pakistani leaders for Afghanistan's future. And outreach efforts by the U.S. and Afghan governments may themselves weaken the insurgency. Recent reports suggest that the Taliban's discussions with the United States have lowered morale and generated confusion and conflict within the insurgency's ranks.
The basic contours of a political settlement with the Taliban have been in place for several years: the Taliban must respect the Afghan constitution, renounce armed conflict, and sever their ties with al Qaeda. Little progress has been made, however, in establishing a process to operationalize these concepts in an agreement. For a successful settlement to be reached by 2014 or soon thereafter, this work must be undertaken in earnest.
As a first step, U.S. civilian and military officials must redouble their efforts to establish a road map for negotiations that includes not only the United States and some combination of the Taliban and the Karzai administration but also other stakeholders, such as the parliament, domestic opposition groups, and women's and civil-society organizations. The whole of Afghan society must be made to feel comfortable with the process of reaching out to the Taliban and whatever results from it. If the negotiations are not transparent, each participant will suspect that its counterparts are attempting to forge separate peace accords. This would weaken both the prospect for a consensus agreement and the ability of leaders to negotiate on behalf of their supporters, who remain divided over the benefits of talks. Whether negotiations take place under the auspices of the United Nations, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, or another neutral mediator, the process will gain traction only through sustained engagement by all the relevant parties.
Washington should also suggest a number of confidence-building measures that could advance peace talks. Leaders of the Taliban and the Afghan government need to demonstrate to their constituents that their interests will be best protected through negotiations, not violence. Steps to build mutual trust that are already under discussion include guarantees of safe passage for negotiating teams and prisoner transfers. If the insurgents took certain positive steps, such as entering into a serious dialogue with the Karzai administration or halting assassination attacks on government employees, the United States might respond by supporting the removal of Taliban figures from the UN blacklist, which groups them together with al Qaeda members and subjects the group to international sanctions.
Third, any political solution to the conflict in Afghanistan will be sustainable only if it forms part of a larger regional settlement. The Pakistanis, in particular, need to come on board and may require some U.S. prodding to get there. Pakistan has undermined the prospects for long-term peace in Afghanistan by providing sanctuary, training, and financial support to the insurgency, in part to counter what it fears will be undue Indian influence in the country. U.S. officials must pursue a frank and candid dialogue with Pakistan's civilian leadership and security and diplomatic establishments to figure out what role they can play in reconciliation efforts. Without these conversations, Pakistan appears unlikely to use its influence to bring militant groups to the table. Of course, the Karzai government must be part of these discussions.
Greater dialogue with both insurgents and the Pakistanis will clarify which groups might be willing to engage in negotiations and which remain irreconcilable and thus will need to be defeated by force. The United States should appoint an official, based in the region and reporting to Marc Grossman, the U.S. special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, to be specifically tasked with working with Afghan and Pakistani officials to develop a plan for engaging the Taliban. The United States should use both carrots and sticks to get Pakistan to act against those insurgents who are unwilling to negotiate.
The future of Pakistan, even more than the future of Afghanistan, will determine the stability of South Asia as a whole and thus has greater implications for U.S. national security. Therefore, one of the central objectives of the U.S. mission in Afghanistan has been to prevent the further destabilization of Pakistan. But the Afghan conflict places tremendous pressure on Pakistan's society and leadership and increases friction between Washington and Islamabad, complicating the United States' ability to advance its interests when it comes to Pakistan. These interests are threefold: eliminating transnational terrorist groups that can directly threaten the United States and its allies, preventing the use or proliferation of the country's nuclear weapons, and supporting its transition to a mature, civilian-led democracy.
Given the distrust in the relationship, the United States may be tempted to escalate its indirect conflict with Pakistan over Afghanistan, break any pretense of cooperation, and instead seek to contain the Pakistan-based insurgency to prevent it from operating in Afghanistan, India, or elsewhere. Proposals for ramping up pressure on Pakistan include increasing the drone strikes, conducting U.S. Special Forces operations in the country, cutting Islamabad off from international financial resources, labeling Pakistan a state sponsor of terror, and imposing sanctions. But ending cooperation with Islamabad would considerably undermine U.S. interests in the country. And given the resiliency of the Taliban insurgency and the inability of the Afghan government to support itself, such a break is unlikely to achieve U.S. goals in Afghanistan, either.
The United States should thus attempt to de-escalate tensions with Pakistan and restore security and political cooperation. Washington should maintain the ability to act unilaterally in cases in which the United States' immediate security is at risk or if renewed cooperation with Islamabad fails. But this approach will prove too costly — for both the United States and Pakistan — if pursued over the long term.
That is why the Obama administration and Pakistani leaders are attempting to redefine the relationship in the wake of the Pakistani parliament's lengthy review of the two countries' terms of cooperation. The United States and Pakistan will continue to disagree on a host of issues, such as drone strikes and the perceived threat from India. But after a series of crises in the relationship over the past year, both sides should see with renewed clarity the need to find a working relationship that accommodates their core interests.
The United States should also encourage Pakistan's transition to a mature, civilian-led democracy. Lacking basic mechanisms of accountability, successive Pakistani military and civilian governments have faced few consequences for their mismanagement of the country's deep political and economic challenges. The failure to educate and provide opportunities for the country's burgeoning youth population and the lack of success in integrating the country's economy into the region have left Pakistan at risk of falling behind its neighbors.
A more democratic, civilian-led Pakistan would better respond to the will of its citizens, expand the rule of law, and begin to address its economic crises and fraught civil-military relations. This could stabilize Pakistan and its ties to its neighbors, two important U.S. national security goals for the region. Despite strains in the U.S.-Pakistani relationship, Washington must do what it can to support Pakistan's civilian institutions and fledgling democracy.
To start with, Washington should send clear diplomatic messages to all Pakistani political actors that military coups or other extra-constitutional ousters of a civilian government will carry drastic consequences for U.S.-Pakistani cooperation. Over time, Washington also needs to shift its principal forum of dialogue with Pakistani officials from the military to the civilian sector. To be sure, working with the military through the civilian government, rather than directly, may be impossible at a time when the United States' policies in Afghanistan and Pakistan are so intrinsically linked. But Washington can start by lowering the public profile of the visits of its military envoys to Pakistan in favor of enhancing its interactions with civilian counterparts. Moreover, the United States should not limit its engagement with Pakistan's civilian leadership to only those serving in government but engage with all political parties and civil-society groups in the country. And Washington should cultivate relationships with the next generation of civilian leaders, who offer the best hope for a turnaround in Pakistan.
Taking a longer view of Pakistan's democratic transition will also require the United States not to hold its economic and development assistance hostage to short-term security objectives. This does not imply condition-free aid. Rather, the conditions Washington sets for its economic and development assistance should focus on ensuring the effectiveness of that assistance, through transparency and accountability, and encouraging the Pakistani government to develop its own methods of boosting growth.
Get Going
Achieving U.S. interests in Afghanistan while simultaneously reducing the high costs of American involvement there requires a more robust political strategy. This strategy, which needs bipartisan support domestically and support from U.S. allies abroad, should aim for an inclusive political process and badly needed governmental reforms that can reconcile the fractious elements of Afghan society and foster more legitimate and effective governance for Afghanistan's people. With Pakistan, Washington should reinvigorate its diplomatic ties, challenge Islamabad to contribute to a peaceful settlement in Afghanistan, and commit to the country's long-term democratization. As the United States brings its engagement in the region to a more sustainable level, it must focus more on this political strategy, synchronizing it with its military activities.
Many U.S. policymakers have attempted to identify the best means to conclude the decadelong intervention in Afghanistan without squandering the United States' hard-earned gains and countless sacrifices. One must be mindful, then, that the success of this proposed political strategy is far from assured. But in order to have a chance of succeeding, these efforts must start now, before the military and political transitions of 2014 are suddenly upon us.
(Author Bio: STEPHEN HADLEY is Senior Adviser for International Affairs at the U.S. Institute of Peace and served as National Security Adviser to U.S. President George W. Bush. JOHN PODESTA is Chair of the Center for American Progress and served as Chief of Staff to U.S. President Bill Clinton. In 2011, they chaired a bipartisan working group that reviewed U.S. policy toward Afghanistan and Pakistan, from which the findings in this essay are derived.)
The Balance of Power in a 'Complex' Northeast Asia
Regional Cooperation and Integration in Northeast Asia
India is Winning Soft-Power Battle Against China
India: Outward-Looking and Inner Turmoil
Trading Up in Asia
How India Stumbled: Can New Delhi Get Its Groove Back?
The Proxy Wars: Kashmir and Afghanistan
How to Succeed in Business
China's Extreme Birth Control
China's Growing Awareness of the Full Costs of Pollution
China Sends Its Most Valuable Treasures Abroad
Opportunistic Countries Ready to Cash In on Afghanistan
Pivoting Toward the South China Sea?
Asia's Mad Arms Race
China's Missing Middle Class
Uzbekistan and China: Economic Ties Eclipse Rights Abuses
Japan, Nuclear Energy, and the TPP
Armenia: Is a Genuinely Competitive Presidential Vote Coming in 2013?
Australia's Gepolitical Strategy
Young South Koreans Unfazed By North Korean Threat
Tall Tale about Special Forces in North Korea?
Why Taiwan Matters
China is Roiling the Waters
The Talented, and Troublesome, Mr. Chen
India's Need for Iran's Oil a Sticking Point
Chen Guangcheng and United States - China Relations
China's Shortcut Culture
Scandals in China Intensify Possible Communist Party Crisis
Taiwan Defies China: Claims Progress Made on US Arms Deal
Does India Face East or West?
Beginning of the Countdown to Sectarian End-Game in Pakistan?
An Exit Strategy for Afghanistan
Support For Afghan War Has Crumbled -- With Good Reason
Afghanistan: Our Own Worst Enemy
Lame Attempts to Shut Off Afghan Heroin Spigot Have Been Futile
Press Freedom Day in the Not So Press-Free Caucasus
Georgia Lays Out Expectations For NATO Summit
Turkmenistan President Keeps Business in the Family
Copyright © 2012 Tribune Media Services
The Right Way Out of Afghanistan | News of the World


Amazon is reported to be paying the UK government to allow it to embark on a project to test parcel delivery to UK households by drone. The program is testing whether automated drones would be able to safely and effectively deliver small parcels to the homes of customers, ideally within 30 minutes of them being ordered online.
As an IT Support Company in Hertfordshire we're always interested in the many new ways that technology can help companies in the UK. Drone technology has been around for some time now but if this trail sees Amazon getting the go-ahead it inevitable that more companies will move in to this new market opportunity.
The fact that un-manned aircraft guided by remote pilots and flying in residential areas, carrying parcels above our heads does of course raise some serious issues.
As an IT Support Company in Hertfordshire we know that wherever there is technology there is also the potential for some technical problems. Drones experiencing technical difficulties and falling onto people and property below is another consideration, as is potentially having a heavy parcel fall onto people and property. On the issue of the weight of the parcels that will be carried by the drones, it is believed that these will be less than 2.2kg (5lbs). That represents over 80% of the things that Amazon sell.


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Offaly's rural link evening bus begins operation today
Offaly Fine Gael TD, Marcella Corcoran Kennedy has today welcomed the confirmation that the new local link evening rural bus service will begin from this evening, Friday, June 22 June.
"I am really pleased that the proposal which I made at the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party and during the course of the debate on the Road Traffic Amendment Bill has now resulted in this new evening service for Offaly and Laois. I would particularly like to thank Deputy Martin Heydon for the work that he has done on behalf of the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party who agreed with my initial proposal."
This new service is about connecting our communities and ensuring our rural transport services work to meet people's needs.
"New evening services will begin in Kinnitty and will serve Longford, Roscomroe, Clareen, Cadamstown, Rath, Ballyboy and Lackaroe. The service will depart from Kinnitty at 9pm, 9.45pm and 10.30pm on Friday, Saturday, Sundays and on Bank Holidays," Marcella explained.
Late evening services will also operate in Emo and the surrounding area and Mountrath, Ballyfin and Castletown. The services will be operating on an exploratory basis and passengers will be required to book in advance as this is a door to door service.
"This is a new service and I hope it will benefit those who wish to get out and about in the evenings. As it is a pilot scheme, the more it is used, the better chance it has of being retained," she stated.
"I would encourage all those living along the new routes in the areas chosen in Offaly and Laois to try out the new evening services and ensure it is a success."
"During the debate on the Road Traffic Amendment Bill, the huge concerns about rural social isolation were brought to the fore. This new service is about connecting our communities and ensuring our rural transport services work to meet people's needs."
"This bus service extension into the evening will be particularly useful for people living alone who require transport to and from social events, their local card drive, fundraisers, to meet friends and participate in community events," she continued.
"I strongly believe our rural transport network has the potential to link many parts of rural Ireland and improve connectivity for rural dwellers around the country, if it is properly structured and resourced."


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Born. To Actor David Nelson, 25, Ozzie and Harriet's elder son, and June Blair Nelson, 23, who joined the family TV program in 1960 as David's girl friend: their first child, a son; in Santa Monica.
Divorced. Arnold Eric Sevareid, 49, quick-witted CBS news analyst and liberal New York Post columnist; by Lois Finger Sevareid, 51; on grounds of desertion, after nearly 28 years of marriage, two children; in Washington, D.C.


The three-storey structure is formed with cast-in-place concrete and has a total area of 1,244 m2. The structure is founded on a 2-4 m thick compacted gravel pad on top of bedrock.
Ventilation is important when it comes to health care facilities. A well-designed ventilation system can reduce the risk of bacteria spreading between patients and can influence their wellbeing. Heating is partially provided with radiators and partially with floor heating. The outdoor areas have snow melting systems. The fire safety design fulfils special requirements due to the open space between floors.
A thorough acoustic design was performed to provide proper acoustics in the building. An acoustical model was made of a big meeting room with the room acoustic software Odeon. Acoustical materials were placed in the ceiling and on walls to achieve a reverberation time of approximately 0.7 s. Speech transmission index was estimated as well.
The reverberation time was evaluated in relevant rooms in the building, to ensure it was suitable for the rooms' intended use. Noise from technical equipment was also evaluated. For rooms with a noise sensitive purpose, special mitigations were used to fulfil strict requirements for sound insulation.


This comprehensive, case-based title takes a practical approach to treating the pregnant patient by illustrating common and less common issues that arise during pregnancy. Outlining how difficult it often is to discern normal changes from pathological changes in the pregnant patient, Medical Problems During Pregnancy addresses not only this core dilemma but also a full array of specific, challenging issues to consider when pregnant patients present with conditions like epilepsy, hypertension, cardiac arrhythmias and renal disease – disorders requiring medication despite some risks. Although standard best practices generally determine medication use, the practicality of medication at various stages of pregnancy is highly variable. Medical Problems During Pregnancy outlines key points to consider when prescribing medication and additionally offers a range of practical suggestions that can greatly improve the physician-patient interaction. A unique and invaluable addition to the literature, Medical Problems During Pregnancy will be of great interest to practicing obstetricians, primary care clinicians, family practice physicians, nurse practitioners, and other allied health professionals.


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Batman '66 Meets Steed and Mrs. Peel Digital Issue #12 review
Batman's latest crossover comes to a close with a chapter that is incredibly interesting, which is to both its detriment and benefit.
From the beginning I've really enjoyed the snappy, whip-smart dialogue and unique visual style of this book. Unfortunately, the story began to wear out its welcome in recent weeks, spinning the narrative wheels and making one question whether this should have been a few installments shorter.
The action and dialogue both come fast in chapter twelve, with the heroes taking on the menacing Cybernauts only to discover the true nature of Michaela Gough. It's a shocking, welcome revelation with some disturbing undertones, and one I wish had been revealed earlier in the narrative. My interest was greatly revitalized upon learning the truths of Gough, her father, and the Cybernauts, but it came too late in the game to make any real impact. Sure, it made me enjoy this chapter more than the previous few, but it was still too little too late.
I'm being coy, of course, so nothing is spoiled. Rest assured that it's a logical twist that has shades of Star Trek's classic episode "The Menagerie", at least visually if not narratively.
Credit should go to Smith and Broome for the work they've done here. Some of the imagery borders on being akin to a horror, but it still feels tonally consistent with the series. Never did I think I'd be unsettled by Batman '66, but here we are.
There isn't much left to say about this series. Any Batman '66 is a welcome respite, and the pedigree of this one made it a ripping yarn for a time. Even with diminishing returns, the Dynamic Duo's adventure with Steed and Peel has, on average, been really good. If nothing else it has brought attention to a lesser known series, and proves that Batman and Robin are best when the character chemistry is just right.
You like both properties.
You've read the book to this point.
Overall: A good ending to a series that started out great. The great chemistry between the Caped Crusaders and Steed and Peel is evident until the end, and some last minute twists spark new interest after a few lesser installments. From beginning to end, this has been cool, snappy Mod-style fun.


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Philippe Smit
Literature & Primary Sources
Catalogue Presentation
Portraits and Landscapes
If the idea of promoting the work of Philippe Smit, a Dutch artist in the post-Impressionist period, first emerged fifty years ago, the actual project to make his work more widely known only began five years ago.
I lived my youth surrounded by Smit's paintings. I often wondered why his work was not more widely known, and I was keen to bring them to a broader public and to ensure their future. In 1973, I asked my uncle, the art collector and patron Theodore Pitcairn, who was virtually the sole buyer of Smit's work, for help in this task.
Sadly, my uncle passed away shortly thereafter, which led to the project being delayed by several decades. My full availability from 2012 on and a fortunate meeting with the art historian Andreas Narzt made it finally possible to start with the preparations of an online catalogue raisonné of the work of Philippe Smit. Narzt agreed to undertake a crucial role in the project, becoming its scientific director. It seemed to me urgent to establish a comprehensive index of all of Smit's artistic production before their future dispersal, which would make the task even more arduous, if not impossible, and also to look for those works of which all trace had been lost.
The launch of the online catalogue raisonné is a tribute to Theodore Pitcairn. To this day, 570 works have been indexed and studied. With the work continuing, there remains open the possibility of adding other works, including new information, as well as corrections made to existing material. The great advantage of this online tool is that it can be updated and developed at any time; it is a living instrument in furtherance of Smit's work.
Theodore Pitcairn's sponsorship of Smit took place relatively early in the life of the artist, so that he was relieved of the obligation to negotiate with the art dealers of his time. It also reduced any commercial basis for seeking wider recognition. As a consequence of Pitcairn's generous patronage, Smit acquired the freedom to work the last 26 years of his life as he saw fit. Now, so many years later, the purpose of our project is to make Smit's work better known and bring it to a wider public.
We have only been able to do this important work thanks to the generosity of Pitcairn's children and grandchildren, of friends, and French family members. Eshowe Pitcairn-Pennink, my cousin, was supportive from the first mention of the project and contributed as much as possible to the realization of all of its stages and thus pursues with great enthusiasm her father's commitment to the artist.
The task included taking high resolution photographs of all art works, as well as detailing their provenance and ownership history, and also details of exhibitions, published references, and primary sources. In addition, the chronology of the artist's life and the biographies of his close relations animate the painter's history.
This project has also relied on a small team of people in Holland, the US, France and England, who have given freely of their time. Their generous help and enthusiasm over the past five years has been very precious.
Finally, we are pleased to announce that the catalogue raisonné is available in both French and English. For its realisation we used the software designed by panOpticon Smart Art Cataloguing + Publishing.
Florence Castellani, Head of project, May 2017
© Fonds de dotation Philippe Smit --- Crédits photos: Studio Sebert/Paris, Michiel Elsevier Stokmans/NL, Christopher Burke Studios/NY
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Pursuant to the provisions of the Code of Intellectual Property concerning copyright, any document of any nature contained in this site will be the exclusive property of the Philippe Smit endowment fund. Its use or reproduction, even partial, without prior written authorisation of the Philippe Smit Fund is forbidden, save for the exceptions provided for at article 125-5 of the Code of Intellectual Property.