ADDRESS IS ANSWER TO THE SPEECH.
said, he rose to move their Lordships to agree to an humble Address to his Majesty, in reply to the gracious Speech which had been just read to the House—a Speech so frank, so affectionate and consolatory, that he 12 thought he should but ill discharge his duty to their Lordships and the subject if he attempted to burthen it with many observations of his own. He felt assured that his Majesty would have, from the voice of a unanimous Parliament, the full assurance that he would not be mistaken in the confidence with which he treated them. Events of an extraordinary character had taken place since their Lordships had last assembled together in that House; but those events, though of so notorious a character that his Majesty's advisers would have been deserving of blame had they not noticed them, were obviously of a description which precluded the details from being made a subject of discussion in Parliament. He was persuaded that their Lordships would concur with him in believing that his Majesty's Ministers had acted properly in frankly recommending his Majesty to acknowledge the present Monarch of France, and in doing so he was sure that they acted in accordance with the general wishes of the people of this country. He rejoiced—he sincerely rejoiced—at the mutual good understanding which so happily existed between the two great Powers of France and England: he rejoiced at it, because he saw in their mutual good-will the best assurances, the best possible pledge for the permanent peace of Europe. Entering further into his Majesty's Speech, Parliament, he would observe, must find it very agreeable to receive proofs and assurances that all the Powers of Europe had observed their obligations. It was particularly gratifying to see that France was disposed to preserve inviolate the faith of treaties, without doing which a nation might attain a momentary greatness, but could never be permanently prosperous. Their Lordships were aware, that by the additional Article of a Treaty to which we were parties, and to which our Ally, France, was also a party —a treaty that was known by its local name of the Fundamental Law—their Lordships were aware that by that treaty arrangements were made, by which the Provinces of Belgium were declared to form an integral part of the dominions of the King of the Netherlands. He saw, therefore, and he had no doubt their Lordships saw, with much pain, the wretched condition at present of the Low Countries, particularly as the king of that country had called together an extraordinary 13 meeting of the States General, hoping, by his honest constitutional views, to restore tranquillity; acting by that in such a manner as must be pleasing to Englishmen, and as they might expect from a Prince of the illustrious House of Nassau. That Prince had, on many occasions of his past life, shown himself worthy of his ancestry; but the rapidity of events had frustrated the fair prospects of social arrangements by which he hoped to preserve his dominions in peace. Their Lordships would join with him in assuring his Majesty of their regret on this subject. Their Lordships would perceive that by the treaty to which he had alluded, the King of the Netherlands felt himself precluded from giving his assent to any resolution which gave a separate establishment to Belgium, and a separate constitution, without previously communicating with his allies, under whose guarantee the Fundamental Law was adopted. Reverting, then, to another subject, he must say that he was happy to see a prospect of a termination to the present state of our relations with Portugal. The obstacle which had hitherto stood in the way of that restoration was an arrangement into which this country, in concurrence with the other great Powers of Europe, had entered with the members of the House of Braganza. He must confess, that he had frequently looked forward with something like impatience to the time when we might honourably relieve ourselves from that engagement. A full and entire amnesty had now been granted by the government of Portugal to those who had. defended the cause of Donna Maria. When those honourable men who adhered to the cause of Donna Maria, in conformity with what they understood to be the established arrangements of the Royal family of Portugal, sanctioned by the leading Powers, — when those men should be again restored to the bosom of their country, he must confess he could not see on what grounds his Majesty's advisers would be justified in abstaining from restoring to the actual government of Portugal those direct diplomatic relations, the interruption of which had been attended with no little inconvenience to the interests of the country. His Majesty had remarked in the Speech, and their Lordships must have learnt the same fact from the usual channels for conveying information to the public, that symptoms of discontent and 14 disorder had manifested themselves in various parts of Europe; but their Lordships would see that they were all of a local nature, and were no cause of apprehension to us. He found in them a new proof of the high character which this great and happy country had acquired in the civilized world. He trusted their Lordships would readily agree with his Majesty, and believe that he declared what was agreeable to the sentiments of the great majority of his subjects, when he said, that he meant to maintain the general national obligations by which we were bound. His Majesty thought, no doubt, and so would his subjects, that by such means he should best maintain the high character of the country. He could not approach without considerable pain the first topic of his Majesty's Speech, which was purely of a domestic nature. His Majesty, feeling his advanced period of life, had invited the Parliament to take into early consideration measures for providing a Regency in case of his Majesty's death before his successor had arrived at years of maturity. He felt, and he had no doubt their Lordships would feel themselves, prepared to comply with his Majesty's invitation, and that they would desire to apply themselves to the serious consideration of such measures as his Majesty's advisers should on this subject submit to Parliament. In that sentiment he was sure their Lordships would all concur, as they would in the prayer he addressed to Almighty God, that the period might never arrive when any enactment on this subject would be brought into operation. Parliament could not have better instructions for the framing of a measure upon this subject than the manly and constitutional declaration which his Majesty had made of the principles on which it ought to proceed. He knew well that their Lordships were strictly bound to consider the Speech delivered from the Throne as the composition of Ministers; but if ever there was an occasion which would justify the supposition that the sentiments uttered by his Majesty were the sentiments of the individual who delivered them, it was the present. He thought he might venture to say, that the Speech which they had heard that day, and the declaration they had heard of his Majesty's principles, with the measure he had recommended them to adopt, was decidedly the language of the heart. He 15 also begged pardon for going a little out of his way to make an allusion to that part of his Majesty's Speech which was more particularly addressed to the other House of Parliament. It was not a usual occurrence, however, for his Majesty to make a new contract with his subjects for his Revenue, and as that was now the case, he could hardly allow it to pass unnoticed. He had very often heard the most erroneous opinions concerning the nature of the revenue enjoyed by the Crown, and he believed that to this day the most erroneous opinions concerning the Civil List were prevalent. There was no subject perhaps of great public interest on which the enlightened people of this country were in general so ill-informed. Perhaps he was wrong, but he believed that few individuals could be found in the kingdom who had made such sacrifices for the benefit of their private families as the Sovereigns of this country, particularly since the accession of George 3rd, had made of their income for the benefit of their subjects. It was well known to their Lordships, that the Hereditary Revenues enjoyed by the Kings of this realm, up to the accession of King George 3rd, and, consequently, during the reign of the last two Sovereigns, had greatly exceeded the amount of the sums placed by Parliament on the Civil List for the service of the Throne, out of which the whole expense of the civil government of the country, and of many proceedings necessary to support the dignity of the Throne and the empire had to be maintained. He could not let this part of his Majesty's Speech pass without, on his part, some expressions of acknowledgment to the Crown for the manner in which his Majesty had come forward to place at the disposal of Parliament a fund belonging to the Crown, which had never, on any previous occasion, been surrendered to the use of his people. In paying tribute to this act of Royal munificence on the part of his present Majesty, he was only anxious he should not be understood to throw any reflection upon the late King. Their Lordships all knew that his late Majesty was no less ready to pay attention to the advice of his servants, and no less willing to consent that his hereditary Revenues should be given up. He would venture to allude to that measure which had the sanction of Parliament last year —that most beneficial measure of the abolition of the Beer-duties. Let their Lord- 16 ships not forget that those duties were so connected with the hereditary revenue, that the measure could not have been brought forward without having received the approbation of his Majesty. Let them not forget that, by the abolition of those Beer-duties, a sum of no less an amount than between 300,000l. and 400,00l. yearly, which strictly formed part of the Hereditary Revenues of the Crown, was given up for the permanent relief of the people. He had taken pains to inquire into the matter, and he found that, by the abolition of those duties, there would be a reduction of nearly 300 officers of the Excise, and, of course, their salaries would be gained to the country. He was not one of those who attached much importance to professions, which might happen to be made in either House of Parliament—he was one of those who were rather to apt judge from acts than words; and when he saw a measure adopted, in which so much of Ministerial patronage was given up—when he saw that measure followed by the proposal of his Majesty, to surrender to the use of his people every sort of Hereditary Revenue, which had been on former occasions reserved to the Crown—he felt strong grounds for placing confidence, and he thought the country would place confidence, in the assurances of economy which were contained in that part of his Majesty's Speech which was addressed to the House of Commons. He felt his utter inability to do justice to the concluding part of his Majesty's Speech. He deeply regretted that within the last two months, circumstances should have arisen which prevented his Majesty from proceeding at once to that speedy and affectionate view of the condition of his subjects, which it was evident was the natural wish of the Royal heart. He lamented that acts of a desolating nature had been committed in one of the fairest parts of the country. He knew his Majesty would use a firm hand to prevent their repetition. He warmly concurred in the indignation expressed by his Majesty at the attempts lately made to excite, in the inhabitants of Ireland, a spirit of jealousy and dissatisfaction with respect to their connection with Great Britain. He could hardly trust himself to speak upon the subject. He could not conceive an act more criminal —more cruel, in any man of education (he did not speak personally), than to attempt to delude his less-educated countrymen 17 on such a question. He would ask their Lordships what was now the great evil of Ireland?—Poverty he imagined to be the evil; and yet, at the very moment when the capital of this richer portion of the United Kingdom had, at last, begun to flow towards that long distracted country —at such a moment we saw the pretended friends of the labouring classes of Ireland endeavouring to impress them with the notion that Great Britain was the source of their distress. He could not think that any considerable portion of the intelligent inhabitants of Ireland were misled by these doctrines. It was their Lordships' duty to assure his Majesty that their Lordships concurred entirely in the intention, expressed by his Majesty, of employing, to the utmost of his power, the means he possessed for suppressing such attempts. He for one was ready to deliberate on any other measures which might be necessary to secure the tranquillity of that country. Their Lordships, he was sure, were also prepared to express their entire concurrence in the view taken by his Majesty of the condition and feelings of the country. He believed there was no country in the world where the condition of all its inhabitants was so freely and so honestly made known. He looked to the general character of the laws and the legislation of this realm, and he would contend that the humbler classes of society still relied upon their Lordships as their natural protectors and hereditary defenders. They looked up to their Lordships, not with feelings of feudal terror, but with feelings resulting from the recollection of mutual kindnesses. If their Lordships encouraged such feelings, he was satisfied the great bulk of the people of this country would repel all attempts to disunite them. It was with the most sincere pleasure he could venture to bear his testimony to the allusion made by his Majesty to the improving condition of the country. Every day brought fresh proof of increasing activity in the manufacturing districts. He had been informed of a fact which was most satisfactory; namely, that, of all manufactured produce, the greatest increase had been in those articles, which were made up for the consumption and wear of the labouring classes of the country. He was perfectly aware that considerable pressure still prevailed in many of the agricultural districts. In the manufacturing districts wages were rising 18 every day, and he had not heard any difference of opinion upon the point that there was not a man who could not find full employment. Such a condition of things could not continue in the manufacturing districts, without the labourers in the agricultural districts sharing in the benefit. But, though distress prevailed in the agricultural districts, yet, comparing their present condition with what it was a few months ago, it could not be denied that there were signs of progressive improvement. He had no doubt there was still much to be done, and he was sure it would be done by the benevolent exertions of their Lordships on their own estates. His Majesty had been an observer of the people of this country—he knew from his personal experience the general respect felt towards him by every class in the empire. He knew the piety and moderation of our clergy—he knew the integrity of our laity in every profession—he was beloved no less by the poor than by the rich. These were the grounds of his Majesty's confidence—these were the grounds of his affection; that confidence was mutual— that affection was returned. He had taken up much of their Lordships' time—he would only further attempt to define that which he believed to be the happy feeling of the people of this country towards the King upon the Throne, by borrowing the description of a truly English verse of former days— Here willing nations know their lawful Lord. The noble Marquis concluded by moving an Address, which was as usual, an echo of the Speech.
seconded the Motion, but his Lordship's remarks were inaudible.
I beg to correct the noble Lord—I said no such thing.
§ The Earl of Winchilsea, in continuation: So far from that being the case, he knew that in many districts of Kent, so reduced had the property of the owners and occupiers of the soil become, that, in numerous instances, employment could not be found, and the great body of the agricultural population had it not in their power, either to find or to give adequate wages for labour. In many instances the consequence was, that a great part of the population was unemployed during the winter; and such was the distress of the occupiers of land, that the labourers were obliged to take up their wages in commodities at the village-shop, where it was not to be expected that they could obtain an adequate remuneration. If this did not show, that the land-owners and occu- 20 piers were distressed, he asked the noble Marquis (Bute) what would? And he believed, if a fair inquiry were instituted, it would be found that the capital of the land-occupiers was seriously diminished, and that, in many cases, they had been reduced from affluence to misery and want. As he had stated last year, when he had implored their Lordships to inquire into their wants, that a great part of the honest and independent yeomanry of the country were going to decay, so he would now repeat, that in his neighbourhood they were considerably reduced in numbers. He would say but little with respect to the commotions in the county of Kent, and it was a satisfaction to him to know, that Government would lose no time in calling forth the energies of those who were interested in the preservation of peace and good order. He would say, that the spirit which was abroad was one of danger; but he had also the satisfaction to state, that, of the great body of the yeomanry of that part of Kent in which he resided, there was not one individual whom he had addressed who did not express himself ready to give every assistance, in any way that might be required, for the repression of the disgraceful outrages. Their conduct was highly satisfactory. He hoped that the strict economy recommended by his Majesty would be rigidly enforced, and also that a minute inquiry would be made into the state of the agricultural interests, in order to see what reduction of taxes could take place, and what relief it was. possible to afford; for sure he was, that want of employment alone was the cause of the insubordination prevailing amongst the peasantry. Whether a measure could be carried, to compel the land-owners to employ a fair proportion of labourers during the winter months was a matter that required consideration, but he thought that there ought to be some such provision; for in many parishes where there were eight or ten farmers who were ready to give fair wages, there might be found four or five in opposition, and, as there was no law of a compulsory character to enforce this, the good intentions of the others fell to the ground. He had last Session thought of such a provision for the parish in Northamptonshire in which he resided, and he would shortly bring it before their Lordships. The noble Lord concluded by imploring every individual in the House to make minute inquiries, in the respective 21 counties in which they resided, into the state of the agricultural interest, because he was certain that, were this attended to, it would, in most instances, be followed by the greatest benefit.
said, he felt it his duty, from the first moment he came into the House, to present himself to its notice. He had yesterday attended at Maid-stone, and he should be sorry to enter into a controversy with his noble friend opposite (Winchilsea), such as he was compelled to enter into in the last Session of Parliament, nor should he be seduced then to discuss whether more distress prevailed in the last year than in the year 1822; but he would say, that the distress now prevailing was not in any degree comparable to that which existed last year. If that were so, why should there not have been more outrages, while the people were said to be starving in the severity of winter, than now, when we enjoyed what was undeniably a genial autumn? The fact was, that what had taken place on the other side of the Channel had sent forth many evil-disposed spirits. He pitied the wretches who caused fires and broke machinery; but, if misery and hardship were the cause of these outrages, their pressure was more severe in the last than in the present season; and he, therefore, attributed these outrages to the spirit now abroad. He did not mean to say that there was any individual concerned in these proceedings who meant anything against the Constitution of the country; but he believed, in that part of Kent where the noble Earl resided, they were the consequences of a prejudice against the use of machinery, and not of distress. He believed that there were parts of Kent, as there were parts of other counties, in distress; and in some parts of that county there was an ad ministration of the Poor-laws which was not wise. He did not suppose that so extensive an inquiry as was necessary could be had in a fortnight or three weeks; but he saw a spirit in the farmers, and he was sure it was in the gentry, which would induce every one to look to the management of their farms. He therefore thought, whether Parliament adopted any measures or not, that there would be a union of all classes to put down the outrages that prevailed. As to the conflagrations, he was sorry that the inhabitants of the county of Kent could be capable of devising or executing them; at the same time that 22 the manner in which they were effected showed that they were done more to excite terror than any other cause. The barns and stacks of all classes were burned, and the fires were not confined to those of harsh landlords or greedy overseers. Hitherto there had not been an adequate spirit of inquiry; but now, so anxious was the desire to investigate the causes—and he was sure the Government was convinced of the necessity of giving every assistance for the discovery of the offenders—that these excesses would very soon be put down. He trusted, that, ere long, the alarm of his neighbours would wear away, and the reputation of the county be freed from the odium at present brought upon it. He was sure that the best way to effect this would be for the yeomanry to come forward, and offer their services. He was one who thought that in times like these every one ought to do his utmost, and there was no one more desirous than he was to alleviate the distress that existed. As to the other topics of the King's Speech, he thought it would be more decorous not to enter upon them, and therefore he would not further detain their Lordships.
said, it was not his intention to take up more than a very short portion of their Lordships' time, but he was anxious to take this opportunity of expressing a hope that Parliament would no longer delay—that it would not put off until it might, perhaps, be too late— an inquiry into the state of the labouring poor. He hoped the subject would be taken up with a view to a fair inquiry He assured their Lordships that he said this, not in the spirit of faction, for it was admitted by the noble Marquis (the Lord-lieutenant of the county of Kent) that great distress did prevail in that county, though he had added that that distress was not so great in that particular county as it was last year. The noble Marquis seemed to think, that the outrages which existed in that county were not the result of the distress that prevailed. He (the Duke of Richmond) would not say what was the cause of those outrages; but whatever might be their origin, it could not be denied, that last Session the Tables of their Lordships' House were covered with petitions, complaining of the distresses of the labouring poor. The subject of those petitions their Lordships had not thought it necessary to take into consideration, and he believed that that circum- 23 stance had taught the labouring poor not to look to Parliament with that confidence which they had been accustomed to feel towards the Government and Legislature of the country. He believed a feeling did prevail amongst the labouring classes, that the upper classes were their foes, and not their friends. That this was a most serious error on the part of the labouring poor, he fully admitted. He knew that their Lordships, and the other House of Parliament, were the friends of the poor, and he knew that the cause of the delay of inquiry last Session was to be found, not in the indifference of Parliament to the poor, but to incredulity as to the extent of that distress; but, seeing what had since occurred, he must say, that it would be criminal to delay the matter any longer. The county of Kent had since then spoken in a language which was disgraceful; but, while he said this, and while he admitted, that the outrages to which he alluded should be put down with a strong hand,—for no distress would justify such violations of law,—he still must impress on their Lordships the necessity of no longer postponing a fair and full inquiry into the state of the labouring poor. For himself he would say, that he felt no alarm for the ultimate state of the country, for he knew that Englishmen possessed too much good sense, and too much devotion to the institutions of their country,—too much loyal attachment to the person of their gracious Sovereign, who had that day, for the first time, met his people at the opening of a new Parliament, and who, from the moment of his accession to the Throne, had on every occasion evinced the most paternal regard for the interests of his subjects— Englishmen, he repeated, possessed too much wisdom and good feeling—to allow themselves to be led away into errors dangerous to the security of the State. Whatever was the condition of the country at present, there could exist no reason for alarm as to the ultimate result; but it was necessary that the inquiry to which he alluded should not be further delayed. He spoke this, not with a view of creating any excitement out of doors, but to impress on their Lordships that conviction which he strongly felt, of the necessity that the inquiry should be speedy. On this he trusted their Lordships would be unanimous, and while they put down dangerous acts of riot and insubordination by force, if necessary, they should not delay adopting 24 such other measures as might tend, by relieving the distresses of the poor, to restore to them that confidence in the Legislature which was so necessary to the tranquillity of the country. He would not offer any opposition to the Address moved by the noble Marquis, but he must express a hope, that before the close of the debate, he should hear from the noble Duke (Wellington) that he should be ready with some measure, having for its object that to which he had adverted. It was necessary to the tranquillity of the country, during the winter now coming on, that the confidence of the labouring classes in the Legislature should be restored by the adoption of every possible means to improve their condition.
said, he would detain their Lordships only a few moments. The state of the country had, in the course of the last Session, been several times the subject of discussion, and on these occasions, believing as he did that the distress which prevailed was only partial, he had deprecated any exaggerated statements respecting it, and had also opposed the motion for inquiry, on the ground that it would tend to no practical good. With respect to the nocturnal outrages which had since taken place in the county of Kent, he was of opinion that they ought to be put down by the strictest application of the law; and when that was done, he thought it would not be unbecoming their Lordships to make the experiment of an inquiry as to the cause of the distress, and the condition of the poor. He himself had been visited by some of those nocturnal depredators, and he agreed with his noble friend in believing that none of the nightly outrages that now disgraced the county of Kent were committed by the industrious working classes of that county. They were the work of, he believed, persons who did not belong to the county. He wished to take that opportunity of correcting a misstatement which had been made in one of the Kent news-papers, and which had been copied from that into most of the London papers. It was stated, that on the occasion when some of his property was burned, the peasantry looked on without any attempt to assist in extinguishing the flames, but that they rather seemed to enjoy the spectacle. Now, the very reverse was the fact. He had suffered only to a trifling extent; but so far were the 25 peasantry from refusing their aid, that not only his own labourers, but those of others came and voluntarily assisted and worked, heart and hand, to put out the flames. Some of them were for nearly two hours up to their middle in water on the occasion. He was not present himself, but his son and others who were, and on whose testimony he could implicitly rely, stated the fact, that these men worked with the greatest alacrity, and without, as far as he knew, any hope of reward. It was a great satisfaction to him afterwards to address sixty of them after they had been paid for their exertions, and to thank them for their excellent conduct on the occasion. He felt it necessary to say this, in justice to the character of the peasantry, and in corroboration of what had been stated by his noble friend, that the peasantry of Kent were not the authors of those outrages. He thought that this was also a proof that the noble Duke (Richmond) was not correct in supposing that these outrages were the result of there having been no inquiry last Session into the condition of the labouring poor. He would admit that distress did exist in some parts of the country, but it was not general. Whatever was its extent, one fertile source of misery might be found in the very erroneous system of paying the wages of the poor out of the parochial rates. He would admit that distress existed, and he thought one of the first steps foritsrelief—and that which he believed the noble Duke was disposed to take—was reduction of the public expenditure. Of this reduction he believed the Sovereign, who for the first time appeared there today to open a new Parliament, and who on every occasion since his accession had done that which would well deserve for him the title of the patriot King, was disposed to set the first example. He trusted it would be so, and that his Majesty's views in this respect would be ably seconded by that House; for he was sure that their Lordships would not obtain that respect which for the sake of the country it was so necessary they should command, if they did not earnestly set themselves about those necessary reforms, which must begin with the upper classes to be generally beneficial.
said, that he had just come from that portion of the United Kingdom, to the condition of which allusion had been made in the Speech from 26 the Throne; and he was anxious to say a word as to the feeling which existed there on the subject of the repeal of the Union. That feeling had not, he believed, yet gained much ground in Ireland. He was present a few days ago at a private meeting of gentlemen deeply interested in the prosperity of that country, which he had felt it necessary to call together, and it was the general opinion of those present, that the repeal of the Union was a measure which would be most injurious in its effects to both countries. But while he expressed his opinion, that the feeling in favour of that measure had not proceeded to any great extent, he must say, that unless Government adopted some measures,—he did not mean strong measures, but some plan for the employment of the poor--some plan to reform the Grand-Jury-system, and other matters to which he would not, at that moment, allude more in detail,—the project for a repeal of the Union would get a-head, so that it would be extremely difficult to deal with it. He repeated, he would not, at that moment, point out in detail the particular plans which it would be advisable to adopt; but he had no doubt whatever, that some plan for the relief of Ireland, by giving employment to the poor, ought instantly to be devised.
said, that the present moment was one of the most important at which a Parliament had met for many years, whether considered with relation to our foreign or domestic policy. There were dangers from within and without, and the best way to avert them was to look them boldly in the face. The Speech from the Throne informed them that this country continued on terms of peace and amity with the several Powers of Europe; but who were the Powers of Europe at present? He knew that the illustrious Prince who now sat on the Throne of France was strongly disposed to continue the relations of peace and amity with this country; but who knew whether affairs in that country might not take at turn which would oblige its Sovereign to adopt measures towards this country which he himself could not approve? As to Belgium, to which the Royal Speech had adverted, and which had been alluded to by the noble Marquis who moved the Address, were we not a party to treaties respecting that country, which might bring us into unpleasant collision with 27 some of the Powers of Europe? But when all Europe was in arms, was England to be the only one with her bosom open? He agreed with other noble Lords in thinking that there could be no ultimate fear for this country if her energies were well directed. The greatest difficulty with which we had to contend arose from the state of our finances. Taxation was already stretched as far as it could go, in relation to our agriculture, our commerce, and manufactures. These interests were burthened with as much as any, and more than some of them, could well bear. In fact, the landed interest was too much burthened, while another, for the support of which all the others had hitherto been too heavily taxed, was comparatively without any burthen, he meant the monied interest. He would have that interest pay its share by a tax on all income derived from money. He meant not the Funds alone, but on mortgages and other species of annuities, which were almost untaxed, while land was borne down with taxation of every kind. He would suppose a man with an estate of 10,000l. a year, of which 5,000l. was paid to a mortgagee; this mortgagee received his income without deduction, whatever was the change in the value of land, while the owner of the estate had to pay so many demands in taxes, tithes, and poor-rates, out of the remaining produce of his estate, that he had not a nett income of more than 2,000l. a-year. This was an inequality of pressure which ought never to have been inflicted, and ought not now to be continued. The land, therefore, should be relieved from some of its burthens, and they should be transferred to those who were better able to bear them. This was a question which would not be met by economy. Economy was necessary, and would do good as far as it went; but they must go further. They must go back, and alter the system of taxation. The country was called upon to make extra exertion,—to put itself in a firm and imposing attitude,—when they saw that in several of the counties around them there was a disposition to upset all that was near and dear to man. As to what had been said by the noble Duke (Leinster) on the state of Ireland, he would only observe, that in what was passing in that country their Lordships were now reaping the bitter fruits of their own conduct, in having yielded too much 28 to popular clamour. The consequences were now before them in the cry which was raised for a repeal of the Union. He agreed in the opinion that the feel in favour of that measure was not general in the country, but he could not conceal the fact, that there was in Ireland a growing want of confidence in the Legislature. The consequence partly of the resentment and indignation at the course which his Majesty's Ministers had pursued two Sessions ago, on the important subject then brought forward. It was necessary that this feeling should be removed by the future conduct of the Legislature. As to the Union, he was one of those who, in Ireland, had most strenuously opposed the. carrying of that measure. He thought it was unjust, and he knew the base and unconstitutional means which were resorted to to carry it through; but while he said this he must also declare, that to the way in which the repeal of that measure was sought to be brought about, and indeed to the repeal itself, in whatever way it might be proposed to effect it, he was decidedly opposed; because he felt if that measure were carried, it would sever the connexion between the two countries, and tend to the ruin of both. He hoped that the feeling which existed on this subject in the minds of some persons in Ireland would give way to a more rational way of thinking. He hoped, too, that the Legislature would act in such a manner as would tend to create renewed confidence on the part of the people in Ireland, that it would, above all things, shew no indifference with regard to Irish business, no readiness to yield to the language of intimidation, and the agitation for the repeal of the Union would, he was convinced, soon die away.
"Netherlands.—The only change of importance which Lord Castlercagh made in the project sketched by Mr. Pitt, in 1805, was, to give the Netherlands to Holland instead of Prussia. Whether the original plan was a good one may be doubted; but the merit of the alteration is still more equivocal. A proposition of joining the Netherlands to Holland was made to William 3rd, but he rejected it, says Burnet, on account of the difference of religious opinions; and he seems to have acted with his usual knowledge and judgment. The Belgians require their government to be strictly Roman Catholic and intolerant; the Dutch wish no less for a Protestant King and general toleration. Nor is this the only difference—the Belgians wish the land to be free from taxes, the Dutch will hear of no duties upon commerce. The Belgians are accustomed to the use of the French language; the Dutch will not be governed except in Dutch. The Belgians despise the Dutch as a covetous, unpolished, unfeeling people; the Dutch despise the Belgians as an ignorant, stupid, and bigotted race. The Belgians, in fact, wish to return to the French government, and in the scramble for the patronage of the combined Crown, 41 they are not able to contend with the superior ability and information of their neighbours. In 1816, of eight Ministers of State, only one was a Belgian; of twenty-eight diplomatic agents, one; of eighty-five Generals, sixteen, &c.; so that of 169 of the first employments of government, the Belgians had only thirty Add to this that the Belgians are obliged to pay taxes for the interest of the Dutch debt, and the repairs of the Dutch dykes. It may easily be believed, that amongst the discontents which this arrangement has occasioned, the government cannot hold a very steady course. The sovereign authority is exercised, neither with the youthful vigour of a new, nor the prescriptive majesty of an old government. And what shall we say to this limited Monarchy, in which the King, by his first act, abolished Trial by Jury, and named his own Chamber of Deputies? Or to a Parliament, of which the members rail at one another in different languages? Where a Belgian deputy, who proposes a financial question, is completely foiled by the unintelligible reply of a Dutch Chancellor of the Exchequer? Where one half of the House do not understand the other half till they see their speeches translated in the newspaper of the following day? If the internal government of this country wants stability, its external situation is not more secure. Flanders, said Sir William Temple, is not of a size to support a large army, nor of a figure to be defended by a small one. The union with Holland has not added much to its military strength. The Dutch force is chiefly naval, and the Colonies require a large number of troops. The present army of the kingdom consists of 40,000 regulars, and 60,000 militia. Even with the additions which may be made in the time of war, they will not be more than sufficient to garrison the fortresses. If the French were to invade Belgium, it would be utterly impossible for the king of the Netherlands to meet them with an army in the field. Austria and Spain would no longer empty their treasures to support Flanders. The only power from which money and men could be expected would be England. So that, after paying to build the fortresses, we should have to pay for defending them—perhaps, too, against the inhabitants. We have here an instance of two nations, possessing no natural attraction, but rather a very great repulsion, to each 42 other, pounded together in the great mortar of the chemists of Vienna. What is to result from the mixture of two equal parts of Catholic bigotry and Protestant freedom—of land and commerce—of French and Dutch—of polished stupidity and vulgar talent—of natural servility and ancient love of freedom, no man can guess. It may be supposed, however, that one of the parts will fly off as soon as it can join any foreign matter. And this is the kingdom which is considered by all foreigners as raised out of deference to England, at the special demand of Lord Castlereagh!"
My Lords, from the considerations expressed in that extract, I object to the manner in which the allusion to Belgium is introduced in the Address. If it went no further than to lament the unhappy occurrence in that country, I should not offer any objection to its adoption in our answer to his Majesty's Speech. But it makes us go further. We are made to decide between the two parties, and to pronounce a direct censure on the conduct of the people of the Low Countries towards their enlightened government. This is language directly opposed to the principle of non-interference. We speak of the Belgians as "revolted subjects;" and as revolted subjects, they would be considered to deserve punishment. Is the noble Duke, then, prepared to bring matters to this issue? If he be so, I trust this House will not sanction such interference. What, then, will he do, should he be compelled to leave them as they are? If, after this judgment upon the conduct of the two parties, he should become a mediator, can he expect to be considered impartial? Would he not naturally be looked upon as the enemy of one of the parties to whom he should offer himself to settle their disputes? But should the transactions in Belgium come to the issue, which I think not only the most likely, but, perhaps, the most desirable, at present, for the interest of this country—should Belgium, I say, be formed into an independent State, in what relation shall we stand to that country, to which we, this night, in the language of the Address, express our hostility? Against that expression I feel bound, my Lords, to protest, as impolitic and unjust; and I believe that, if the Duke apply to France for her co-operation in interference, on the principles implied in that part of the 43 Address, he will find France soon falling-off from the negotiation, and his measure leading to the result which it is his wish to avoid. My Lords, it was also with regret that I heard the allusion made to the recognition of Don Miguel. I do not wish to speak here of the private character of that Prince, but I do not think the proposed recognition of his authority in Portugal consistent with a Statesman-like view of our relations with that country. Our original situation, certainly, with respect to Don Miguel, was by no means the same as at present. We have lately recognised a new government in France, and as there seems to be in the other country (Portugal) also a government, existing now for some time, with the apparent concurrence of the people, I am not prepared to say when it may be proper to recognise it. But in the passage of the Speech from the Throne, alluding to such recognition, there is something which I do not understand. The recognition is made to depend on the passing of an amnesty. I understood the noble Duke at the head of his Majesty's Government to have said, on a former occasion, when he wished to justify a measure which was complained of in this House, that "non-interference was the principle, and intervention the exception." Now, I will ask him, how he can reconcile that principle of non-interference with making this amnesty the condition of the proposed recognition of Don Miguel? If he do so, is he prepared to enforce the fulfilment of that condition? For my part, my Lords, I should certainly rejoice to see the Marquis of Pahnella and his virtuous fellow-sufferers restored to their country and to their estates; but, I must ask the noble Duke, if this amnesty be made the condition on which we recognise Don Miguel —and if, on the faith of that condition, the noble Duke's companions in arms, who are now engaged in attempting to establish the liberty of Spain, should return to their own country, would this promise of Don Miguel be faithfully observed? If faith be not kept with the returned exiles—if Palmella and the others he seized on their return, what then will follow? Are we bound to maintain the amnesty, to the promise of which we are made a party? Are we bound to go to war for the purpose of enforcing it? Such interference is opposed to all the principles on which nations have ever acted. As yet we have seen nothing to encourage the 44 expectation of this amnesty. On the contrary, the last that we have heard of the proceedings of that Prince (Don Miguel), was his seizure of the wives and children of those adherents of Donna Maria who were not accompanied in exile by their families. Before I conclude, I should wish, with your Lordships' indulgence, to recapitulate by stating, that in respect to what has happened in France, I rejoice in the successful resistance of the people to the unjustifiable measures of the family which they have expelled; I trust, into whatever negotiations his Majesty's Government may resolve to engage for the new settlement of Belgium, that the principle of non-interference will be strictly adhered to. I regret the distress—the existence of which in this country cannot be denied, and I am satisfied that this House is disposed to consider the best means of relieving it. With respect to Ireland, I concur altogether in the sentiments expressed by the noble Duke who sits near me; and although, under all circumstances, I cannot give my sanction to the Address, I conceive that I fulfil my duty in offering it no opposition.
said, he was in hopes, judging from the first part of the noble Earl's Speech, that he should only have had to congratulate their Lordships on the sentiments which the noble Earl had delivered in commenting on his Majesty's speech, and what had fallen from the noble Lord and the noble Duke. The sentiments of the noble Earl did him the highest honour, and became the rank which he ought to hold in the country as a statesman. They did equal honour to his heart and head, and he (the Duke of Wellington) congratulated the House on their expression, at the same time that he was sorry he could not agree with what had fallen from the noble Earl upon all the points he had touched upon. The noble Earl ended his speech with some observations relative to Portugal, and he would commence by answering them. He begged the House to recollect how frequently his late Majesty had stated to Parliament the inconvenience felt in this country, in consequence of the interruption of our diplomatic relations with Portugal; how frequently his late Majesty had stated his wish to re-establish those relations; how anxiously he sought to reconcile the two branches of the House of Braganza; and how frequently, as he repeatedly told the 45 House, he had negociated on the subject. Having failed in his negotiations to bring about the desired union, his Majesty adopted other measures, with a view to remove the difficulties of the case, and benefit his subjects; and the Royal Speech informed the House, that there were now hopes of effecting these objects at an early opportunity. As long as there existed a government in Portugal, keeping a large portion of the talent and property of the kingdom in a state of exile, his Majesty could not recognize a government so circumstanced, without endangering our safety and honour. An amnesty, therefore, which would permit the return of the exiled party, and guarantee their security, had been long recommended, and the government of Portugal at length intending to carry it into effect, his Majesty conceived the great difficulty to be removed, and had expressed his intention to recognize that government. The noble Earl said, "Shall we be bound to go to war to carry into execution that amnesty?" That did not follow by any means, and the noble Earl would see, from the expressions used in his Majesty's Speech, and from the observations he had submitted to their Lordships, that we should not be bound to go to war in order to carry into effect any part of the engagement. We should be bound to interfere, in every possible way short of actual war, to prevent a violation of the amnesty. Such an interference was very different in its nature from the designs referred to by the noble Earl, and was perfectly justifiable. Although the noble Earl did not approve of the recognition of the Portuguese government, and of the renewal of our diplomatic relations with that country, he was glad to find that the noble Earl approved of the measures adopted by this Government with respect to France, and he begged to assure the House, in answer to what the noble Lord said, questioning whether or not it was our intention to proceed in the same spirit as we had begun, and carry into execution the arrangements with France with good faith, that these arrangements never would have been made if it was not intended to carry them faithfully into effect. When the Government of this country saw the new government of France established, his Majesty had not the slightest hesitation in acknowledging the new order of things, and he sincerely hoped that such arrangements would be made, in addition to those 46 already made, as would conduce to the welfare and best interests of that country, and the lasting peace and tranquillity of Europe. The noble Earl had thought proper to find fault with the expressions used in the Speech with reference to the government of the king of the Netherlands; and the noble Earl observed, that his Majesty's Ministers had not mentioned one single subject of complaint made by the people of the Netherlands to their sovereign, though those complaints had appeared in a pamphlet which was published some years ago, and had become matters of history, and were well known to the king. But though this were the case, was his Majesty,—the ally, the close ally of the king of the Netherlands,—in speaking of the government of that sovereign, to mention what had occurred among his subjects as anything but a revolt against his authority? How could his Majesty do otherwise than treat the convulsions which had taken place in the territory of his close and near ally, but as a revolt against his legal and established government? The noble Lord had no doubt read, in the daily publications, the full history of the transactions. They commenced, it was well known, in nothing but a riot. The troops were eventually overpowered by those who had revolted, under the pretence of putting down that riot, and for which purpose they had ostensibly armed themselves, though they eventually turned their arms against the royal authority. The complaints of the revolters against the king of the Netherlands were, in the first instance, absolutely nothing. Of what did they complain? The first object they found fault with was the union of the two countries, and the existence in the administration of the government of a person named Van Maanen, who, however, was actually out of office at the time when the complaints against him were made. The other complaints were of supposed or real grievances, of a partial nature, and the result of local regulations. In fact, it was very well known,—and he appealed to every noble Lord who heard him, whether he was not correct in saying it,—that no complaint whatever was made against the king of the Netherlands personally, or against his administration of the government, or (with one exception) against those to whom he had confided the functions of official duties, until the revolters had at- 47 tained a certain degree of success, and began to aim at what, in the first instance, they had not contemplated. What, then, he again asked, was his Majesty the king of England, in speaking of his ally, to enter into these complaints, or would it have been proper in him to have even alluded to the subject? He could not hesitate to say, that such a course would in every respect have been unadvisable. And he would ask, what did the king of the Netherlands do upon his receiving these complaints? Had he not pursued the strict course pointed out to him by the constitution of the country? and had he not subsequently acted in rigid conformity to his relations with other Powers? Immediately the complaints were made known to him, the King had assembled the States General: he had assembled that body in which was constitutionally vested the right and power to remedy the grievances complained of by a portion of his subjects. He proposed as a question for their consideration, what were termed the greatest grievances,—namely, the union between the two parts of the country: he laid before them the wish of one portion of his subjects to dissolve that union, as far as the administration of the government was concerned; and finally, he proposed to them the question of revoking certain laws that were obnoxious to his subjects. Would his Majesty the king of England have done common justice to his ally, the king of the Netherlands,—did justice from one friendly Sovereign to another require that he should not assume that his conduct, previously to the revolt, had been that of a wise and good sovereign, and that he wished to adopt the most effectual measures to remedy the grievances complained of? What his Majesty the king of England had said, was merely that he lamented that those measures had not produced satisfactory results. The noble Lord, after commenting upon the Speech from the Throne, and upon what he conceived were the views of his Majesty's Government, had asked, was it possible that the Government of England could be a just and impartial mediator, when it had, in fact, pronounced a sentence against one of the parties? He would say, that even the parties themselves could not and would not deny the fact which he had just stated, nor would they dispute the correctness of the interpretation which he put 48 upon his Majesty's Speech from the Throne. The Belgians did, in point of fact, revolt, and that is what his Majesty said in his Speech. He would add nothing further upon this topic, but proceed to another part of the noble Lord's speech, in which he alluded to the treaties by which this country was bound in her relations to the Netherlands. The first was the Treaty of Peace signed by the Allied Powers in the year 1814, and by which the provinces, commonly called Belgium, were conceded and agreed to be joined to the united provinces of Holland, with a view to form a sovereignty under the government of the king of the Netherlands. In consequence of this Treaty of 1814, arrangements were made for the government of the Netherlands, under the king of Holland, by each of the four Powers which had made the Treaty with France. It was well known to the noble Lord that this arrangement was recorded in the treaty of the Eight Articles, and that this Treaty referred to the fundamental laws of the government of the United Provinces, which were to be made applicable to the whole kingdom. There could be no doubt whatever that the four contracting Powers were bound by that Treaty in the present case. It made over to the King of the Netherlands the whole of Belgium, who received it according to the arrangements of that Treaty, by which all parties were to be strictly bound. Could it be contended that any thing which had since occurred, or that any thing in the present position of affairs, could alter the obligations or! destroy the powers of that Treaty? Subsequently to the arrangements of which he had been speaking, the Treaty had been made a matter of record, and a basis of negotiation in the acts of the Congress at Vienna, and in fact, the acts of the treaty of the Eight Articles was an appendix to the Treaty of Vienna, to which the King of France became a contracting party. The Treaty had, therefore, received every possible sanction and ratification, and France had become a party to all the arrangements under it which referred to the kingdom of the Netherlands. Notwithstanding this, it had been said, that the king of the Netherlands could dissolve this union between the two parts of his kingdom of himself, and without consulting those who made the Treaty, or desiring their consent to the dissolution. There could be no doubt whatever that the 49 five Powers which had signed the Treaty of Vienna, would claim their indisputable right to give their opinion upon the future explanation of the articles. England could not attempt to pacify the parties alone. France could not singly make the attempt; nor could any other Power use an effort to pacify or reconcile existing differences alone; the object must be attempted by all the parties in concert, and that concert, whatever the arrangements were, must include France. That there were difficulties in the way of effecting a pacification he did not deny, but he hoped to get the better of them. He could assure the House that there was no intention whatever on the part of his Majesty's Ministers—that there was not the slightest intention on the part of any Power whatever—to interfere by means of arms with the arrangements respecting the Netherlands. The desire of his Majesty, and of every other party concerned, was to settle, if possible, every point by means of negotiation, and by negotiation alone. He hoped that the negotiations between the different Powers would make arrangements, as stated in the Speech, which would be compatible with the welfare of both parties in the kingdom of the Netherlands, and conducive to the general safety of Europe. Before, however, he finished with this subject, he must beg to make one observation upon a very extraordinary assertion made by the noble Earl. The noble Earl had said, that the Treaty of Peace of 1814 had not tended to secure, which was its object, the general tranquillity of Europe, but to lay the foundation of future wars. Unfortunately for the noble Lord's assertion, as far as experience had as yet proved the effects of the Treaty, directly the reverse had been the case. Since the Treaty of 1814, there had been the longest general peace, he believed, ever known in Europe—a peace of sixteen years, uninterrupted only by the return of Buonaparte from Elba in 1815. This would show, that by common conciliation and management, the country would get over the present difficulties as it had got over others; and the course necessary to pursue was, to make the general interests of the different Powers of Europe compatible with the good government and welfare of their people. He should now come to a part of the noble Earl's speech to which he confessed he adverted with considerable pain, because 50 it broached a discussion which he had hoped might have been avoided till a future period. The noble Lord upon the cross-bench (Farnham) had been pleased to refer to a discussion of a former period, and to connect it with the present state of Ireland, of which he seemed disposed to make an immediate question. The noble Earl had given colour in some degree to the noble Lord's statements with respect to the influence of this country upon the state of affairs in Ireland. With respect to the repeal of the Union, he would only observe, that that repeal was objected to in the strongest manner by the noble Duke opposite: it was objected to by all the noble Duke's friends in Ireland; it was objected to by all the landed proprietors of Ireland, by a very great majority of Roman Catholics, and by nearly all the Protestants of Ireland; and it was opposed by the unanimous voice of that House, and equally by the unanimous voice of the other, with, perhaps, only one exception. That was the case at present, but what would have been the case if the great measure of emancipation, to which the noble Lord had alluded, had not been carried? The House well knew that a vast majority of the people of every class in Ireland had desired to see the Catholics restored to all their civil rights. The House well knew that a great majority of its Members, as well as a great majority of the other House, had been equally desirous of effecting that object: it well knew that the great majority of the young and growing intellect of the country had ardently wished for the measure, and would any noble Lord now contend, that the Government did not stand on firmer and better ground, with respect to the Union, than if the Catholic Question had not been carried? He, therefore, really did not see the advantage of repeating against him the reproach of his having given way upon that question from motives of fear. He denied that he had been influenced, even in the slightest degree, by any such motive. He had given way, if it could be termed given way, solely because the interests of the country required it. He had urged the question upon views of policy, and expediency, and of justice; upon these grounds he now justified the measure, and upon these grounds he ever would defend his conduct. The noble Lord must forgive him for saying that much of the present state of Ireland must 51 be attributed to the manner in which the Catholic Question had been opposed; whereas the noble Lord would lay all the evils of Ireland to the conduct of Government. The Government had done every thing in its power to conciliate and appease the people of that country, and to heal those passions and lessen the divisions by which they had been distracted previously to the successful termination of the Catholic Question. It was not his duty, and it was far from his inclination to cast imputations upon any man, but still he was bound in fairness to say, that if his Majesty's Government had been properly supported upon that question—if it had been supported as vehemently as it had been opposed—if in its efforts to heal the divisions of Ireland it had not been thwarted—that country would now have been in a very different state. The noble Lord and the noble Duke had complained of the excessive poverty of Ireland. No man, either in that country or in this, could be more painfully aware than he was of the extreme poverty of the Irish, and of the great inconvenience and danger to the empire, resulting from the deplorable state of the lower orders,—no person could be more sensible of all this than he who had the honour of addressing the House; but he must beg the noble Lord to reflect, that it was not by coming to that House, and by talking to their Lordships of the poverty of the people, that the poor could be relieved, or that the evils resulting from that poverty could be remedied. If they wished to tranquillize Ireland, the way was, to persuade those who had money to buy estates and settle in that country, and to employ their capital in its improvement. By transferring capital to Ireland, and exciting industry there, they would soon change the state of the case. If persons of estate and property in that country would reside in it and spend their incomes there, they would do more to tranquillize it than all the measures which his Majesty's Ministers could adopt. He would now advert to a part of the discussion of that night, in allusion to a portion of his Majesty's Speech, upon a subject which gave him very great pain, he alluded to the state of the public mind in a certain part of the kingdom, and the outrages there committed. He certainly could not help agreeing with a noble Marquis (Camden) who had spoken early in the debate, that the outrages of which 52 that county had been the scene, were not to be attributed to distress; for at a period when the population of the country had unquestionably been exposed to greater severities of condition such scenes of outrage had not taken place. He should imagine that the outrages were carried on by two different classes of people. Some of the offences had been committed by a class which was always disposed to break machines, which they thought (and certainly rightly thought) would, in the first instance, throw them out of work, although they did not see that, eventually, machinery created an additional demand for labour and bettered the condition of the labourer. But he was sorry to say that there was another class of persons who burnt and destroyed property without any visible motive whatever. Of what were the causes of these recent outrages, however, the Ministers knew no more than the gentry and magistracy of the county had told them. They were doing every thing in their power to help the gentry and magistrates of the county to discover the causes, and they were giving them every assistance they required to put the law in force, and to put down the disturbances as quickly as possible. This subject brought him to what noble Lords had said respecting the putting the country in a state to overcome the evils likely to result from the late disturbances in France. The noble Earl had alluded to the propriety of effecting Parliamentary Reform. The noble Earl had, however, been candid enough to acknowledge that he was not prepared with any measure of reform, and he could have no scruple in saying that his Majesty's Government was as totally unprepared with any plan as the noble Lord. Nay, he, on his own part, would go further, and say, that he had never read or heard of any measure up to the present moment which could in any degree satisfy his mind that the state of the representation could be improved, or be rendered more satisfactory to the country at large than at the present moment. He would not, however, at such an unseasonable time, enter upon the subject, or excite discussion, but he should not hesitate to declare unequivocally what were his sentiments upon it. He was fully convinced that the country possessed at the present moment a Legislature which answered all the good purposes of legislation, and this to a greater degree than any Legislature ever 53 had answered in any country whatever. He would go further and say, that the Legislature and the system of representation possessed the full and entire confidence of the country—deservedly possessed that confidence—and the discussions in the Legislature had a very great influence over the opinions of the country. He would go still further and say, that if at the present moment he had imposed upon him the duty of forming a Legislature for any country, and particularly for a country like this, in possession of great property of various descriptions, he did not mean to assert that he could form such a Legislature as they possessed now, for the nature of man was incapable of reaching such excellence at once; but his great endeavour would be, to form some description of legislature which would produce the same results. The representation of the people at present contained a large body of the property of the country, and in which the landed interests had a preponderating influence. Under these circumstances, he was not prepared to bring forward any measure of the description alluded to by the noble Lord. He was not only not prepared to bring forward any measure of this nature, but he would at once declare that as far as he was concerned, as long as he held any station in the government of the country, he should always feel it his duty to resist such measures when proposed by others.
§ The Address was agreed to, nem. con., and on the Motion of the Duke of Wellington, it was ordered that the House should go up with it, and present it to his Majesty on the following day.
§ On the Motion of the Duke of Wellington, the Earl of Shaftesbury was appointed Chairman of the Committees of Privileges, and of Committees on Public and such Private Bills as should be committed in the House. The noble Duke took that occasion to bear testimony to the great ability and industry with which the Earl of Shaftesbury had discharged the duties of these situations on former occasions.
Back to THE KING'S SPEECH ON OPENING THE SESSION.


The Legends of Lone Wolf Vignettes file brings together all of the illustrations Brian Williams produced for the 12-book series of novels based on the first 8 of the Lone Wolf gamebooks by Joe Dever.
Project Aon does not currently have permission to make the Legends of Lone Wolf novels available because the copyright is held by John Grant (a nom de plume of author Paul Barnett). However, we do have permission from Brian Williams to distribute his work, so we have collected together all his black-and-white illustrations found in the original editions of the Legends of Lone Wolf books into this file.


text:
Q: postfix erro: mail transport unavailable I install postfix, dovecot, Amavisd, Spamassassin and clamav on FreeBSD 11.
I can not receive mail and the log is:
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/smtpd[1309]: connect from t7.example.com[192.x.x.x]
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/smtpd[1309]: 34D37115F3A: client=t7.example.com[192.x.x.x]
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/cleanup[1290]: 34D37115F3A: message-id=<20170919113016.34D37115F3A@t7.example.com>
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/qmgr[1190]: 34D37115F3A: from=<user1@example.com>, size=466, nrcpt=1 (queue active)
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 spamd[580]: spamd: connection from localhost [::1]:27779 to port 783, fd 5
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 spamd[580]: spamd: setuid to spamd succeeded
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 spamd[580]: spamd: processing message <20170919113016.34D37115F3A@t7.example.com> for spamd:58
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/smtpd[1309]: disconnect from t7.example.com[192.x.x.x] ehlo=1 mail=1 rcpt=1 data=1 quit=1 commands=5
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 spamd[580]: spamd: clean message (-1.0/5.0) for  spamd:58 in 0.2 seconds, 488 bytes.
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 spamd[580]: spamd: result: . -1 - ALL_TRUSTED,RP_MATCHES_RCVD scantime=0.2,size=488,user=spamd,uid=58,required_score=5.0,rhost=localhost,radd    r=::1,rport=27779,mid= <20170919113016.34D37115F3A@t7.example.com>,autolearn=ham autolearn_force=no
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 spamd[572]: prefork: child states: II
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/pickup[1189]: 6C0371161CC: uid=58  from=<user1@example.com>
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/cleanup[1290]: 6C0371161CC: message-id=<20170919113016.34D37115F3A@t7.example.com>
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/pipe[1310]: 34D37115F3A:  to=<user1@example.com>, relay=spam, delay=0.23, delays=0.02/0.01/0/0.2,  dsn=2.0.0, status=sent (delivered via spam service)
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/qmgr[1190]: 6C0371161CC: from=<user1@example.com>, size=796, nrcpt=1 (queue active)
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/error[1293]: 6C0371161CC: to=<user1@example.com>, relay=none, delay=0, delays=0/0/0/0, dsn=4.3.0,  status=deferred (mail transport unavailable)
Sep 19 16:00:16 t7 postfix/qmgr[1190]: 34D37115F3A: removed

The configs are:
master.cf
127.0.0.1:10025   inet       n       -    n - -    smtpd
-o mynetworks=192.*.*.*/24
-o content_filter=
-o local_recipient_maps=
-o relay_recipient_maps=
-o  smtpd_recipient_restrictions=permit_sasl_authenticated,reject_unauth_destination
-o smtpd_helo_restrictions=
-o smtpd_sender_restrictions=
-o smtpd_data_restrictions=reject_unauth_pipelining
-o smtpd_end_of_data_restrictions=
-o strict_rfc821_envelopes=yes
-o smtpd_error_sleep_time=0
-o smtpd_soft_error_limit=1001
-o smtpd_hard_error_limit=1000
-o smtpd_client_connection_count_limit=0
-o smtpd_client_connection_rate_limit=0
-o receive_override_options=no_header_body_checks,no_unknown_recipient_checks,no_milters
-o local_header_rewrite_clients=
-o smtpd_use_tls=no

#SMTP
smtp          inet          n         -          n       -       -          smtpd
-o content_filter=spam:dummy
spam      unix        -       n    n   -   -      pipe
flags=Rq user=spamd argv=/usr/local/bin/spamc -u spamd -e /usr/local /sbin/sendmail -f $sender $recipient
smtps     inet  n       -       n       -       -       smtpd
-o smtpd_tls_wrappermode=yes
-o smtpd_sasl_auth_enable=yes
-o smtpd_client_restrictions=permit_sasl_authenticated,reject
dovecot   unix  -       n       n       -       -       pipe
    flags=DRh user=vmail:vmail argv=/usr/local/libexec/dovecot/deliver -f  ${sender} -d ${user}@${domain} -m ${extension}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


and measurable, they're not goals–they're simply wishes or dreams and good luck in bringing them to fruition.
The more clarity we have in terms of identifying where we are going, the easier it is to mark our progress, to know what has to happen to achieve our aims and to know when we get there. So ensure that you have measurement criteria and target completion dates for each of your goals.
As you proceed with your action plan, it helps to plot out on your goal sheet each month, the accumulated expected measurable results and the actual results. Are you on track? If not, what needs to happen to bring you back on track?
Our personal goal setting workbook PLUS quotes, tips and inspiration emails help you cultivate self discipline, clear intention, completion and quality of results.
Next post: Do you believe your goals are realistic?


Does this mould-breaking device represent a rebirth for the multifunction printer?
This new Lexmark multifunction device (MFD) is full of fresh ideas. A printer, scanner and photocopier with USB or Wi-Fi 'n' connectivity and colour fax support.
The Genesis' optical image capture is based on Lexmark's new Flash Scan technology, replacing the usual reflective scanner with a 10MP digital camera. This makes it incredibly fast, capturing the entire scannable area in just three seconds, with no warm-up time needed.
Genesis abandons the traditional form factor in favour of a much more upright design. The 'scanner' is positioned in a near-vertical orientation, allowing for a smaller, space-saving footprint. A clip at the top of the scannable area and a shelf at its foot stop your documents from sliding down the glass.
Its 4.3-inch capacitive touchscreen does more than control the device's functions too. After connecting the Genesis to your wireless network, you can download and install Lexmark's SmartSolutions mini-apps. These include a basic calculator, clock display, Facebook and Twitter integration, apps to view, scan to and print from MobileMe, Flickr and Picasa, print your own graph or music paper and even display news and sports feeds from Apple, ESPN and the BBC. Over 60 apps are already available, and more are in the works.
But for all its innovation, the Genesis also makes compromises. The camera-based image capture function has a maximum resolution of 300dpi. While this is good enough for most home users, if you need a high-resolution scanner, this isn't the printer for you.
Also, its three-second image capture speed is rendered almost moot by the lack of an automatic document feeder. If you've a handful of pages to scan one after another, you have to open the lid and change them by hand after each scan.
There's only one paper tray too, an open feeder at the back of the device – inconvenient if you like a second tray for letterheads or photo paper.
Thankfully, there's no compromise in print quality. Text output is dark and crisp, remaining readable even at very low point sizes. Our 20-page text document printed in six minutes, five seconds, which is pedestrian but not problematic. A top-quality A4 photo print took two minutes, 32 seconds, which is perfectly acceptable.
Default-setting plain-paper photo prints are natural and complete, and when you switch to photo paper and max out the quality settings, the results are commendable, but maybe not quite as good as a recent Canon.
Lexmark's Genesis S815 is innovative and ideal for most home users. Versatile and user-friendly, it offers great integration with online services, but it's not the best for high-resolution scanning, fast document printing or stellar photo printing.


text:
The COVID Recovery Group (CRG) is an informal group of Conservative MPs in the United Kingdom who opposed the UK government's decision to introduce a second period of lockdown measures for England during the COVID-19 pandemic, and who voted against the restrictions. The group is Chaired by Mark Harper, a former Chief Whip, with Steve Baker as Deputy Chair.

History

Formation
Established on 10 November 2020, the group's aim is to challenge the use of blanket lockdown measures, and argue for a different approach to dealing with the pandemic.

The group was reported to have been formed by fifty MPs, but as of 11 November was reportedly composed of seventy MPs.

The chief demand of the CRG on 10 November was that "ministers undertake and publish a full cost-benefit analysis of restrictions on a regional basis looking at the economic and health costs of a lockdown; "MPs must be in a position to assess the relative health implications on both sides of the argument of repeated restrictions, with a view to removing them immediately if it cannot be proved that they are saving more lives than they cost."

The second demand is "for ministers to end a monopoly on advice of government scientists, such as SAGE UK, and allow them to be challenged by competitive, multi-disciplinary expert groups; "The Government should publish the models that inform policies so they can be reviewed by the public."

And also "to improve the measures we already have to tackle the virus, including significantly boosting the performance of NHS Test and Trace by shifting resources to local public health teams to lead contact tracing and break the chain of transmission."

First steps
On 22 November 2020, the group wrote a letter to the Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, saying they would only support further lockdown measures if the government published analysis showing that benefits of the lockdown exceeded the costs stating that there was a risk that the costs of the lockdown exceeded any benefit and that the Government had a burden to show that any restrictions were necessary.

On 1 December 2020, Downing Street was trying to corral the group in anticipation of a vote it expected would be held later that day, in expectation that it would roll out to the general population the tiered measures on 2 December, the day on which the restrictions then in place were set to expire. The publication by HMG that was demanded by the CRG on 10 November was derided by many MPs as insufficient. Harper said: "The Government's analysis seems to be collapsing under the glare of scrutiny. Before the current lockdown, incorrect death and hospital capacity modelling was leaked into the public domain to justify it. We have asked repeatedly for the information that vindicates these hospital projections and it has not been forthcoming. We are now seeing that, once again, the wheels are coming off the Government's arguments."

Newton Abbott MP Anne-Marie Morris said: "There is nothing new in this document – it's just a rehash of data that has been published before. No attempt has been made to model the impact on the economy in the way that they have modelled the impact the tiers will have on Covid infections. I cannot support the Government in [the 1 December] vote, and everyone I know who has read the document is saying the same."

Labour MPs were expected to abstain, and the Daily Telegraph published an editorial in which the economic forecast demanded by the CRG was described as a "disappointing dossier", and a "thin piece of analysis", which contained "fantasy counterfactual" and "questionable assumptions". "Crucially, it fails to address the relative economic impact of being placed in different tiers... Before [the restrictions] are enacted, the public is entitled to a more honest assessment of the consequences than ministers have deigned to give them thus far." Overall, 55 Conservative MPs voted against the government, 16 did not vote for it. Former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn and 14 Labour MPs voted against the government.

2021 actions
In January, the CRG told Boris Johnson that his "leadership will be on the table" if he did not publish an exit strategy for the current lockdown.

The CRG wrote a letter to the Prime Minister in February 2021, backed by 63 MPs, calling for the lifting of all lockdown restrictions by the end of April, when all adults over 50 or with underlying health conditions were projected to have been vaccinated. They argued that once all priority groups had been vaccinated "there is no justification for any legislative restrictions to remain". Harper said that the dates were not arbitrary, but based on the government's projected vaccine rollout. Their request was rejected by the government.

See also
 Health Advisory and Recovery Team
 World Council for Health

References

Organizations established in 2020
2020 establishments in the United Kingdom
Organisations associated with the Conservative Party (UK)
Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom on politics
United Kingdom responses to the COVID-19 pandemic

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Other open wheel
GT World Challenge Australia
Previous / Grosjean/Baldwin win Virtual Race Of Champions Next / Stewart-Haas Esports sweeps Eldora Pro League race
Esports Breaking news
Virtual ROC hailed, new Raiders stadium could host next event
Charles Bradley
Jul 1, 2020, 1:55 AM
Race Of Champions chief Fredrik Johnsson has hailed the first-ever virtual event a success, and revealed that his next real-world event could next take place in one of the world's newest and most-expensive stadiums ever built.
Speaking after the virtual event on Sunday – in which stars from Formula 1, IndyCar, Le Mans, World Rally, RallyX, Formula E and W Series raced head-to-head just like in the real-world ROC – Johnsson said he was delighted with how it transpired.
"For a first attempt, very happy with the result," said Johnsson. "You learn so much when you start something new, and the collaboration with Motorsport Games helped a lot with that. They were great guys to work with, lots of experience at broadcasting games.
"There was a great atmosphere, finding solutions to everything and the feedback I got from all the drivers was ultra-positive, they all loved it – so next time, it'll be even better! It was a voyage of discovery for us, and it was a super-good experience."
The Assetto Corsa game allowed competitors to race across multiple virtual versions of Race of Champions circuits from throughout the event's history – from its early days in Gran Canaria to the famous stadiums in Wembley and Riyadh. Cars used were the VUHL supercar, KTM X-Bow, a rallycross car and the classic ROC buggy.
He added: "The simulated tracks are so close to the real tracks, the technology is so good – the Gran Canaria track hasn't been used for quite a while, but it was laser-scanned for this – and it's as close as you can get to the real deal. Romain Grosjean was telling me he was amazed that the cars all really behaved like they do in the real-world event.
"You never know how much experience the guys have on simulators, but the races were close and were often decided by fractions of a second just like the real world, so it was certainly entertaining. You could feel the excitement when they win and the frustration when they lost!
"With our eROC competition we have seen how gamers can transfer their skills from the virtual to the real-racing world in just a couple of days at the Race Of Champions. Now it's been impressive to see how many of the real world drivers have made such a huge impact racing in the virtual world during the lockdown increasing the popularity of eracing globally."
Grosjean/Baldwin win Virtual Race Of Champions
The virtual ROC event was created as the 'grand finale' of the many esports events created by the lack of real-world motorsport due to the Covid-19 pandemic, before F1, IndyCar, NASCAR and IMSA return this weekend. And Johnsson is hopeful that the next Race Of Champions event will be able to take place later this year in America – potentially at the new Allegiant Stadium in Las Vegas, the new home of the Raiders NFL team.
"We have a Plan A, a Plan B and a Plan C," he said. "We are very conscious that we have to adapt, depending on how it develops. The earliest we'd envision doing one is before the Austin and Mexican grands prix – so they would need to happen.
"We have a term sheet from the new Raiders venue in Las Vegas, the new $2billion Allegiant stadium, and we would love to go there. I've spoken to some of the drivers, who are very excited about it as well, and it would be a Tuesday/Wednesday event.
"We're just hoping that F1 will come to Austin and Mexico and then whether we'll be allowed to put spectators in the stadium, whether it's reduced capacity or not. It's a bit of a waiting game, and the question is how long we can wait to take the decision. We have a number of other options as well, but it all depends on how the global situation develops.
"If we can't put people in a stadium, we are working on a concept to still bring together the drivers from all the different series on a date and a place where we can not only test their skills on the ROC parallel track, but also the ROC Factor skills challenge course, and a real racetrack – and depending on the location, maybe on dirt for example, taking them out into the desert.
"We could show the world the fantastic interaction we always have among all the drivers at the Race Of Champions, do it all in a cool location and show the world via TV and our social platforms. It would be really nice to show their skills in different environments."
Stewart-Haas Esports sweeps Eldora Pro League race
Subaru and Hoonigan reveal Travis Pastrana's new wild ride
Porsche Taycan Turbo S revealed as new Formula E safety car
The unsolved mystery of the Japanese-backed McLaren F1 B-team
Motorsport Games and Live Fast Motorsports Announce Increased Partnership for 2022 NASCAR Season
Realteam Hydrogen and BMW Redline win 24 Hours of Le Mans Virtual
Vast global digital broadcast reach for $250k Le Mans Virtual 24h
Inside Mercedes' preparations for a virtual fightback at Le Mans
How an unlikely tie-up won sim racing's biggest prize
By Josh Suttill
An unlikely partnership between World Endurance Championship LMP1 privateers Rebellion Racing and Williams Formula 1's highly-successful sim racing team yielded victory in the inaugural 24 Hours of Le Mans Virtual. Here's how it triumphed in the biggest sim race ever staged
How seriously should Esports be taken?
As interest in Esports has increased during the coronavirus lockdown, the lines have become blurred between what's real and what's virtual - especially when some high-profile participants seem to be playing for laughs, says Luke Smith
Why Abt's deception left Audi with no choice
By Matt Kew
Daniel Abt's suspension by the Audi Formula E team - and possible loss of his drive - for fielding a ringer in an Esports event could be considered an overreaction. But in a wider context, his employers had little other alternative
How Leclerc is embracing his new mission
By Jonathan Noble
The emergence of Ferrari F1 driver Charles Leclerc as a Twitch streaming star has been one of the pleasant surprises of lockdown so far. He says it is giving fans a greater insight into his nature, but that's not his primary purpose
Leclerc's Virtual GP annihilation deserves great credit
The introduction of Charles Leclerc, Alex Albon, George Russell and Antonio Giovinazzi to Formula 1's Virtual GP last weekend meant it was a step above the franchise's debut two weeks ago. But a dominant performance from Esports newcomer Leclerc stole the show
How the hidden side of being fast has been exposed
The lack of real track action so far this year hasn't stop drivers from keeping their racing brains 'fresh', as former F1 star Stoffel Vandoorne suggested last weekend.
Why entertainment isn't Esports greatest virtue right now
By Lewis Duncan
MotoGP's virtual #StayAtHomeGP was a sad reminder of some of the storylines that could be unfolding had the real-life season not been delayed indefinitely by the coronavirus pandemic. While we can bemoan Esports as being a poor relation of the real thing, it has an even more important function to perform
F1's pantomime Virtual GP is fun but unsustainable
F1 Esports' inaugural Virtual Grand Prix last weekend provided brilliant entertainment to those tuning in to watch a mix of F1 drivers and celebrities battle on track, but was a missed opportunity for marketing its own Esports stars. A change of approach is needed if it is to successfully fill the void until the resumption of proper racing
11 Queens Road, Level 5

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


I recommend Transcendental if you enjoy space operas that are populated with exotic aliens with mysterious agendas. I would like to see much more of the universe that James Gunn has created, and I hope in his "retirement" he's furiously working away on a sequel.
James Gunn was never in my wheelhouse. To be honest I'd never heard of him until sometime within the last year. Which is odd since he is a SFWA Grand Master, and only thirty authors have been given that honor in the past forty years, and there are only ten living members of the Grand Master club. Then I ran across Transcendental while crawling around the web and decided I should introduce myself. But before we begin there needs to be a little clarification. This James Gunn is not the filmmaker who wrote/directed Guardians of the Galaxy. Nor is Transcendental related to Johnny Depp's recent film Transcendence . . . though the general theme of "transcendence" is common. There, I feel a little bookkeeping needed to be done before we dive in.
My first impression after finishing Transcendental is that I was pleasantly surprised, nay, quite surprised as it isn't often one picks up an undiscovered author, who hasn't sold a bazillion books, and is taken in by the story being told. That's what happened to me. I was completely sucked into the world built by Gunn, and wanted to stay there once the reading was over (more on that later).
Transcendental is a loose interpretation of The Canterbury Tales by Geoffrey Chaucer, but told in space opera form. To make a literal connection Gunn named the starship on which much of the story takes place the Geoffrey. Along with Canterbury elements, Gunn sprinkles in a little whodunnit along the way, and populates it with exotic and alien characters. While The Canterbury Tales is a collection of stories told by pilgrims on a wager instigated by The Host as they journey together to the Canterbury Cathedral, Transcendental is a continuous story with interludes told by pilgrims relating their backgrounds as they journey from one spiral arm of the galaxy to another in search of the Transcendental Machine. But are the aliens telling Riley stories of their background, or are they fabricated stories to cover their own agendas? Most of which center on discovering who The Prophet is and/or murdering The Prophet and/or securing the Transcendental Machine for their own race. For any race who first finds the Transcendental Machine will have a galaxy changing leg up on all other races. Not a good thing in a galaxy that recently negotiated for peace after a war where billions (if not trillions) died and countless planets were destroyed.
What exactly is the Transcendental Machine? It's never quite explained in full detail, nor does it need to be. It's an enigmatic element of the story that sows mystery throughout the narrative, begging us to turn pages to find out. In a nutshell it's an alien device discovered by accident that, when used, allows a person to transform into a being of full mental and physical potential. In essence turning an everyman (or woman, or alien) into a superman. The Prophet is the one who discovered it, and The Prophet is also on the starship carrying pilgrims on the journey to find it again. The promise (or fear) of transcendence is sweeping the galaxy, causing a new form of fanatical religion to spring up.
Riley – A cynical human veteran of the galaxy spanning war who is under the control of shadowy figures who want him to find the Transcendental Machine.
Asha – A human woman who was taken prisoner from her generational starship Adastra by aliens, and had to scramble and fight her way back to finding humanity.
Tordor – A pachyderm type of alien, with a brilliant military background, from a hierarchical society who has labeled him a traitor. He seeks transcendence to prove himself worthy.
Xi – A small weasel like alien from a cruel world that teaches its society to be cold and ruthless. He's recruited by a group of other aliens to find the Transcendental Machine.
Kom – A bird-like Sirian who has spent his life running from the deadly procreation process on his planet. If he finds the machine can he cause his species to transcend their own biology?
Trey – A sentient machine from a society looking for transcendence in hopes it can restore their organic progenitors who they destroyed in bloody genocide.
4107 – A sentient plant grown to be self/individual, instead of number/collective, in order to find the machine and strip their race of unwanted wisdom.
Jan – One of a member of nine human clones created to terraform Ganymede. He's the last living clone who seeks to bring his brothers back to life.
Each story the main players tell has strong elements of evolutionary theory and Darwinism. Anyone offended by evolution is going to find these portions of the book hard to read, if not offensive to their beliefs. The interesting aspect of these heavy evolutionary tales is that while the pilgrims are crossing the Great Void between spiral arms of the Milky Way they are revealing that each of their cultures has undergone and survived its own "transcendental machine," namely evolution through adaptive mutation and the passage of immense time. The Transcendental Machine introduced by Gunn is merely a shortcut to eliminate the need to wait for those immense gulfs of time.
There are several shortcomings to Transcendental that kept me from giving it 4.5 stars. Two of the main pilgrims (Trey and Kom) inexplicably disappear from the narrative towards the end and we never find out what happens to them. Nothing. Transcendental is also not a standalone book . . . or certainly appears not to be. The ending leaves it wide open for a sequel or trilogy. This is perfectly fine by me, but leads me to my final concern. James Gunn is 91 years old, and he doesn't produce books very often. I would like to find out what happens to Riley, Asha, Trey, and Kom, but I fear it may never be so.
I recommend Transcendental if you enjoy space operas that are populated with exotic aliens with mysterious agendas. I would like to see much more of the universe that James Gunn has created, and I hope in his "retirement" he's furiously working away on a sequel.
Update: Good news! James Gunn is releasing a sequel, Transgalactic, in March of 2016. It's is a direct continuation of the events following Transendental. I also hear that Gunn will wrap things up as a trilogy, the third book having the title Transformation.


Eighteen lactating indigenous cattle were randomly divided into 3 groups of 6 animals (3 Gir and 3 Sahiwal) each on the basis of milk yield and lactation stage to see the effect of molasses and Mustard oil supplementation on production and reproduction performance. Cows were fed wheat straw, concentrate mixture and green fodder in the control group and additional 200 g of mustard oil and molasses was given in treatment groups. Experimental feeding was continued up to 90 days after 2 weeks of adaptation. Overall body weight change was higher in G2 (mustard oil supplemented) group and lowest in G1 (control) group. Statistically there was no significant difference in the average body weight change of indigenous lactating cattle between treatments. Overall BCS was higher in G2 (mustard oil supplemented) group and lowest in G1 (control) group however statistically there was no significant difference in the average BCS of indigenous lactating cow in between G2 and G3 though G1 differed significantly (P> 0.05) from G2 and G3 different treatment groups. Overall Dry Matter Intake (DMI) was higher for treatment group compared to control however; the values were statistically non-significant between the treatment groups of indigenous lactating cattle. Animals of G2 group had shorter postpartum estrus period followed by G3 group and G1 group respectively. The studied revealed that feeding of mustard oil and molasses had significant (P<0.01) effect on Post-partum estrus under the study. Based on cost of feed net profit from / animal / day was highest in G2 group and lowest in G3 group .The decrease in the total feed expenditure per Kg milk in G2 group is because of inclusion of mustard oil 200 ml/ day / animal in the ration which increases feed efficiency and as well as dry matter intake. Feeding of mustard oil resulted in a net profit of Rs. 127.49 per cow per day due to higher milk production suggesting that this technology is economically viable.


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