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The PLA's Developing Cyber Warfare Capabilities and India's Options
Maj Gen P K Mallick, VSM (Retd)
Chinese President Xi Jinping has made it clear that his objective for China is to emerge as a 'cyber superpower'. China wants to be the world's largest nation in cyberspace and also one of the most powerful. The information technology revolution has produced both momentous opportunities and likely vulnerabilities for china. China is home of largest number of 'netizens' in the world. It also hosts some of the world's most vibrant and successful technology companies. It also remains a major victim of cyber crime.
Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) believes that with the rise of the Information Age future wars will be contests in the ability to exploit information. Wars will be decided by the side who is more capable to generate, gather, transmit, analyse and exploit information.
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China's Cyber-Influence Operations
Maj Gen PK Mallick, VSM (Retd)
… With its growing assertiveness in the international arena, China uses new technologies to achieve its foreign policy goals and project an image of responsible global power … spending billions on influence operations across the world ... fits in with China's larger aim of expanding its soft power alongside its growing economic and military power … reach of Beijing's overseas media is impressive and should not be underestimated. But the results are mixed ...
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India Should Talk to China About Afghanistan
Mohamed Zeeshan
As U.S. troops withdraw from Afghanistan, multiple regional powers are descending upon the country to create ties with friendly factions of the Taliban and to secure their interests. Yet, one country stands to lose more than most.
For the past several years, India has made Afghanistan its pet project for state-building, pouring in close to $1 billion – and possibly more – to fund schools, hospitals, and other infrastructure in war-torn areas. India has also invested heavily in building Afghan democratic institutions. It provided funds to develop a robust media sector, built the Parliament building, and helped develop an election process.
But much of this was made possible by the security cover offered by U.S.-led coalition troops. During the Taliban's five-year stint in power before the U.S. invasion of 2001, India had accused the Taliban of providing a safe haven to militants that were fighting India in Kashmir. In 2014, the Indian consulate in the city of Herat had come under fire from militant groups with suspected links to Pakistan.
Taliban Controls Afghanistan's Northern Borders, Unsettling Countries Near and Far
With the ongoing withdrawal of the United States' military forces and the consequent weakening of the Afghan government, the Taliban now controls much of the territory of Afghanistan and most of its northern borders, posing a threat to its three immediate northern neighbors (Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan), other countries in the region (Kazakhstan and China), and even the Russian Federation. The buffer zone these countries had enjoyed is gone. Despite Taliban promises about respecting borders and the difficulties the militant group still faces in establishing total control domestically, the governments and experts in other regional states are worried. Indeed, those nearby are already taking military moves, and those further away are issuing warnings or seeking to advance their own interests in Central Asia by playing up the Taliban threat; whereas, some argue that only an alliance with the Taliban can provide protection.
Even the voices in these countries discounting the possibility that the Taliban will move north, into former Soviet territory, say that the Islamist movement's success in Afghanistan is driving others from that country to move to Central Asian states as far afield as Kazakhstan as well as to Russia and China, where there is the danger that they will destabilize the situation just by their presence or by linking up with home-grown radicals (Russian Monitor, July 7). Given the weaknesses of the three immediate neighbors and the fears of Islamism in both Russia and China, such concerns are understandable. However, they may be overblown in some commentaries, especially as both Moscow and Beijing have long presented themselves as guarantors of Central Asian security and are again doing so now, particularly after Washington asked Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan to take in some 9,000 anti-Taliban refugees (Informburo, July 2).
Afghanistan: No Peace Without A Clear Vision – OpEd
Prof. Dr. Djawed Sangdel*
Peace is the absence of war, while war is the absence of peace! A negotiated peace in Afghanistan presents a number of challenges. The duration of the war over several decades has created a number of situations, that requires an in-depth examination in light of the peace negotiations that took place between the United States and the Taliban leading to the signing of an agreement without inputs from the Afghan government in spite of their being a strategic partner of the United States.
The war has been a very costly undertaking both in financial and human terms.
On the human side, there has been a large number of civilian casualties and a flow of both internal refugees and those that have fled to neighbouring countries, Iran, and Pakistan in particular. Will the conditions of peace allow their return and what employment possibilities will they find? In particular will the professionals and corporate managers of the diaspora return?
US Peace Envoy Visits Islamabad as Pakistan-Afghan Ties Sour
Kathy Gannon
Washington's point man in talks aimed at ending decades of war in Afghanistan made a brief visit Monday to Pakistan as relations between Islamabad and Kabul reached a new low.
Zalmay Khalilzad's visit came just hours after Afghanistan withdrew its ambassador from Pakistan late Sunday after the diplomat's daughter was brutally attacked last week. The U.S. envoy met with Pakistan's powerful army chief of staff, Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa, but nothing was immediately known of their discussions.
Pakistan and Afghanistan have a long and troubled history, their relationship fraught with mistrust and suspicion. Each accuses the other of fomenting violence on its territory while also harboring its enemies. Pakistan also hosts nearly 2 million Afghans, refugees from four decades of war in their homeland, and many in Afghanistan have grown up as refugees in Pakistan before returning.
Expanding and Escalating the China-Bhutan Territorial Dispute
Sudha Ramachandran
At the 10th Expert Group Meeting on the Bhutan-China Boundary Issue, held from April 6 to 9 in Kunming, Yunnan Province, the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Kingdom of Bhutan agreed to hold the 25th round of boundary talks at a "mutually convenient time as soon as possible" (PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), April 9). The last round of talks was held in April 2016, and the next round was apparently put off first due to the Doklam crisis in 2017 and then delayed because of Bhutan's general elections and a change in government the following year (The Bhutanese, October 26, 2019).
Meanwhile, the Sino-Bhutanese border dispute has become more complicated, with China escalating its claims and taking robust steps to change the status quo on the ground. According to Smruti S. Pattanaik, an Indian analyst on South Asian security issues, "it is very likely that China will raise its new territorial claims [at the upcoming border talks] as a pressure tactic."[1] The talks will be closely monitored not just in Beijing and Thimphu but also in New Delhi. Under the 2007 India-Bhutan Treaty of Friendship, India is virtually responsible for Bhutan's security (India Ministry of External Affairs, March 5, 2007). Additionally, China's claims to territories in Bhutan have major implications for India's national security and territorial integrity.
A Fateful Moment for the CSTO on the Afghan Border
Shuhrat Baratov
The Taliban's blitz in major cities in the Afghan provinces bordering Tajikistan, which resulted in more than 1,500 Afghan soldiers fleeing across the border, alarmed officials in Dushanbe. On July 5, Tajikistan's Security Council decided to mobilize 20,000 reservists in response and Tajik President Emomali Rahmon reached out to his counterparts in Russia, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan to discuss the security concerns over the phone.
On July 7, Tajikistan's representative in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) requested "an adequate response within the framework of the CSTO, including the adoption of measures to strengthen the capacity to protect the southern borders." Addressing Tajikistan's concern, the Chief of the Joint Staff of the CSTO Anatoly Sidorov stated that the situation does not require the CSTO's involvement as the Tajik border forces are in control of it. He concluded so after urgently visiting Tajikistan, where he observed the situation in the border zone and held talks with Tajik officials on July 7-9.
Anti-imperial Subjects
Adom Getachew
As great powers clashed during World War I, another war raged in colonial Asia. In February 1915, Indian soldiers mutinied in Singapore following rumors that they would soon be sent to Egypt to fight fellow Muslims of the Ottoman Empire. Unable to control the rebellion, the British had to rely on European special constables and the support of the Japanese imperial consul to regain control of the city-island. This mutiny was part of a wider plot by the far-flung members of the Ghadar Party, an Indian anti-imperial movement started in California, to initiate a pan-Indian insurrection across the British Empire. A transnational network stretching from San Francisco to Kabul supported these efforts; Ghadarites worked in collaboration with German consulates, the Ottoman Empire, and Irish republicans to supply resources, especially arms, to Indian rebels. Imperial counterintelligence agents eventually managed to snuff out this revolution, but not before it shook the British Empire and its allies. The New York Times called the Singapore Mutiny the "greatest threat to British power in Asia" in over half a century.
In Tim Harper's Underground Asia, a magisterial history of anti-imperialism in Asia in the first three decades of the twentieth century, this uprising constitutes one part of an Asia-wide assault on European empires. Asia seethed during World War I. Waves of labor strikes hit the urban centers and plantations of Java. A revolt against new land taxes broke out in Kelantan, on the Malay Peninsula. From Saigon to Sumatra, Singapore to Lahore, the spirit of rebellion spread like wildfire. Specific grievances fueled each uprising, and their participants espoused a range of political ideologies. But the rebellions shared a global outlook: a conviction that the tables would soon be turned in favor of subjugated peoples against their European masters.
Chinese State-Backed Hacking: Time To Level the Playing Field and Breach the Great Firewall
John Ferrari, Hallie Coyne
More than 30 countries across Europe, North America and Asia yesterday joined in revealing and condemning the Chinese government's Ministry of State Security's work with Chinese cyber hackers and cybercriminals to hack companies, governments and other organisations globally, stealing valuable intellectual property and even conducting ransomware attacks.
The grouping included Japan, the United States and, through NATO, 28 European nations, as well as New Zealand, Australia and Canada.
Far from being an issue involving only Beijing and Washington as part of strategic competition between two great powers, this behaviour from the Chinese state shows that China poses a systemic challenge to all open societies. So it's not a surprise that this large and growing group of governments is working more closely together to face it. They're the same grouping we saw coming together on China at the G7-plus meetings in Cornwall last month.
Chinese state actions and the government's cooperation with China's criminal hacker 'ecosystem' are damaging and flagrant. That's not new news. So, what do we do?
Ramping the Strait: Quick and Dirty Solutions to Boost Amphibious Lift
Conor Kennedy
The threat of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) using military force to coerce or perhaps launch an amphibious invasion of Taiwan has received significant attention in the past year. Meanwhile, the recent commissioning of the PLA Navy's first Type-075 amphibious assault ship has further highlighted China's developing amphibious capabilities (South China Morning Post, May 9). At the same time, the apparent shortage of amphibious lift required to execute large-scale landing operations leaves many wondering whether China is serious about its threats against Taiwan. The U.S. Department of Defense's 2020 China Military Power Report notes the PLA's focus on ocean-going amphibious platforms rather than a large fleet of traditional landing ships and craft suggests that a direct beach-assault operation is less likely at the moment (Office of the Secretary of Defense, September 1, 2020).
But the PLA may have other plans for transporting troops and equipment across the Strait: the growing capabilities of its merchant roll on-roll off (RO-RO) ships (CMSI, December 6, 2019). These are vessels equipped with built-in ramps that enable wheeled and tracked cargo to load and offload under their own power. Such ships have the potential to deliver a significant volume of force, providing access to port terminals or other lighterage is available. They do not, however, provide solutions for launching waves of amphibious assault forces, for which dedicated landing ships are still lacking. Among the numerous critical components necessary for a successful cross-Strait landing, a failure to secure landing areas for follow-on forces in the initial assault would bring the entire endeavor to a screeching halt, likely inflicting severe costs on the part of the aggressor and resulting in a withdrawal.
The Massive Expansion of China's Strategic Nuclear Capability
Mark B. Schneider
In late June 2021, The New York Times broke a very important story about Chinese construction of large numbers of ICBM silos for its new large DF-41 ICBM stating, "Researchers in the United States have identified the construction of 119 new intercontinental ballistic missile silos in a desert in northwestern China …" The analysis was conducted by Mr. Jeffery Lewis of the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies. According to Mr. Lewis, "If the silos under construction at other sites across China are added to the count, the total comes to about 145 silos under construction." The U.S. Department of State voiced concern about China's actions.
The Chinese DF-41 ICBM is not a small Minuteman-class missile but rather a large Peacekeeper-class missile and is generally reported as capable of carrying ten warheads. Peter Huessy of the Mitchell Institute has pointed out, "Just this deployment alone will provide China over one thousand new on-alert warheads—1,450—almost double the day-to-day U.S.A. on-alert force and by itself a nuclear force roughly equal to the entire current U.S. nuclear-deployed force of 1,490 sea- and land-based missile warheads." Chinese media have talked about a DF-41 leveling New York City, but that is not its real function. The threat posed by such a large DF-41 silo deployment (and all we know at this point is the 145 launchers is what they are now building rather than the maximum number they plan to deploy) is its ability to destroy large numbers of U.S. military targets. Deployment of 1,450 warheads is about 75% of the U.S. Cold War ICBM force, and this does not count the other Chinese ICBMs and SLBMs, including the mobile DF-41. In light of the massive reduction in the number of U.S. ICBMs and military bases since the end of the Cold War, the silos-based DF-41 force could probably launch a coordinated attack against about all major U.S. military facilities. This is an extremely serious development.
China's Looming Succession Crisis
Jude Blanchette and Richard McGregor
After nearly nine years in office, Chinese President Xi Jinping dominates his country's political system. He controls the domestic policymaking process, the military, and international diplomacy. His unrivaled power within the Chinese Communist Party makes Xi as untouchable as Joseph Stalin or Mao Zedong after the brutal purges each carried out during the Great Terror and the Cultural Revolution, respectively. Without credible political challengers, any decision to retire will be at Xi's discretion and on his schedule. The 2018 dismantling of presidential term limits allows him to rule indefinitely, if he chooses. If he steps down from his formal leadership posts, Xi will likely retain de facto control of the CCP and the People's Liberation Army. The longer he remains in charge, the more the political structure will conform to his personality, his objectives, his whims, and his network of clients. Xi, in turn, becomes more important to China's political stability every day he sits in office.
This accumulation of personal power comes at a cost to China. Xi has not designated a successor, casting doubt on the future of a system that increasingly relies on his leadership. Only a handful of senior party officials are likely
Will China Be the Great Power to Fail in Afghanistan?
Connor Dilleen
Since Washington's February 2020 agreement with the Taliban to withdraw from Afghanistan, some commentators have suggested that China may step into the vacuum. Beijing may be watching recent events with some apprehension, but it will also see the US withdrawal as presenting opportunities.
China has significant strategic, security and economic interests in the region that give it a stake in Afghanistan's future stability. Its direct economic interests in Afghanistan include a 30-year lease on the Mes Aynak copper mine, which it has held since 2007 but hasn't been able to exploit due to the volatile security situation. Beijing also likely has an eye on Afghanistan's vast mineral resources, which are estimated to be worth more than US$1 trillion and include significant quantities of rare-earth elements.
Over the past 20 years, China has benefited from American and NATO involvement in the region, which provided the security environment that enabled Beijing to pursue its Belt and Road Initiative across Pakistan and Central Asia. China has invested particularly heavily in both Pakistan and Tajikistan, which represent important elements of two key BRI corridors. But they also share long and porous borders and ethnic and tribal links with Afghanistan and are acutely vulnerable to instability in Afghanistan.
China's military reforms aimed at offshore expansion, Communist Party document says
TAIPEI – China's military reforms are aimed at expanding its military might from the traditional focus on land territories to maritime influence to protect the nation's strategic interests in a new era, according to an internal reader of China's Central Military Commission obtained by Kyodo News.
If the reforms progress, the reader points to intensifying friction with neighboring countries, including Japan, in the East and South China Seas and elsewhere. It also suggests the willingness of China to overtake the United States in military strength.
The text was published internally by the Central Military Commission in February, for the purpose of spreading President Xi Jinping's "thought on strengthening the armed forces."
It makes clear at the outset that the People's Liberation Army is loyal to the "core" leader of Xi and adheres to his thought on socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era.
Russia, Turkey Compete to Entice Azerbaijan Into Their Geopolitical Plays
Rahim Rahimov
During the latest session of the Council of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), on July 1, in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, the participants effectively introduced the category of a CSTO "partner state" by setting the criteria and provisions for granting such a status to a third country (Paodkb.org, Duma.gov.ru, July 1). The speaker of the Russian State Duma, Vyacheslav Volodin, declared that a number of states have already expressed interest in becoming a "partner" of the alliance. And the head of the Duma Committee on Eurasian Integration, Leonid Kalashnikov, specified inter alia Azerbaijan as a potential partner state, before backtracking slightly: "It is not customary to talk about that, though" (RIA Novosti, July 1). In May, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Rudenko said that the "doors of the CSTO are open" to Azerbaijan, with the major obstacle being the absence of diplomatic relations with Armenia, a member of the organization (Izvestia, May 24).
At present, Moscow and Yerevan are discussing the deployment of Russian border guards to protect Armenia's border with Azerbaijan. Moreover, Yerevan has again appealed to the CSTO to evoke the article on collective defense against Baku. However, CSTO Secretary General Stanislav Zas has responded that the alliance will only assist in case of aggression, not in a "per se border incident" between Armenia and Azerbaijan (TASS, July 3). Although Yerevan was dissatisfied with that response (Kavkazsky Uzel, July 7), the incident served as a hint to Baku: joining the organization would shield Azerbaijan from potential CSTO involvement against the country in the future, and it might become an implicit condition for the Kremlin to facilitate the "grand peace treaty" that Azerbaijan wants to reach with Armenia.
Don't Let China Get A Middle East Military Base
Daniel Samet
In May, the Wall Street Journal reported that the F-35 sale to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) may not go ahead partly out of concerns Abu Dhabi may grant Beijing a military base on its soil.
A China that can project more power anywhere overseas is a menacing prospect. Especially so in the Middle East, which is home to six of the ten countries with the largest proven oil reserves.
So far the Biden administration has staked its Middle East strategy on withdrawing from Afghanistan, striking a nuclear deal with Iran, and reengaging the Palestinians. Yet far more important to U.S. national security is preventing China from acquiring a base in the region. Above all else, Washington's Middle East hands should make this one of their top priorities.
Azerbaijani, Armenian Forces Exchange Fire Along Tense Border Section
(RFE/RL) — Azerbaijani and Armenian forces exchanged fire for several hours along a section of their border as tensions continue to simmer between the two countries after last year's war over the breakaway Nagorno-Karabakh region.
The defense ministries of both countries accused the other side of provoking the flareup on the evening of July 19 along Armenia's Yeraskh section of the border with Azerbaijan's Naxcivan exclave, which is sandwiched between Armenia and Iran.
Azerbaijan's Defense Ministry claimed that Armenian forces opened fire using weapons of various calibers at Azerbaijani positions in the Sadarak district of Naxcivan region. It said Azerbaijani forces fired back in retaliation.
Armenia's Defense Ministry claimed Azerbaijani forces first fired on Armenian positions in the Yeraskh section, saying the "entire responsibility" for the skirmish fell on Azerbaijan.
Iran Energy Profile: Despite Abundant Reserves, Crude Oil Production Has Stagnated – Analysis
Iran holds some of the world's largest proved crude oil reserves and natural gas reserves. Despite Iran's abundant reserves, crude oil production stagnated and even declined between 2012 and 2016 as a result of nuclear-related international sanctions that targeted Iran's oil exports and limited investment in Iran's energy sector. At the end of 2011, in response to Iran's nuclear activities, the United States and the European Union (EU) imposed sanctions, which took effect in mid-2012. These sanctions targeted Iran's energy sector and impeded Iran's ability to sell oil, resulting in a nearly 1.0 million barrel-per-day (b/d) drop in crude oil and condensate exports in 2012 compared with the previous year.[1]
After the oil sector and banking sanctions eased, as outlined in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in January 2016, Iran's crude oil and condensate production and exports rose to pre-2012 levels. However, Iran's crude oil exports and production again declined following the May 2018 announcement that the United States would withdraw from the JCPOA. The United States reinstated sanctions against purchasers of Iran's oil in November 2018, but eight countries that are large importers of Iran's oil received six-month exemptions. In May 2019, these waivers expired, and Iran's crude oil and condensate exports fell below 500,000 b/d for the remainder of 2019 and most of 2020.
Regaining the Digital Advantage: A Demand-Focused Strategy for US Microelectronics Competitiveness
Microprocessors are a critical element of US national infrastructure and manage the country's energy grids, transportation systems, and telecommunications networks. Without a reliable supply of computer chips and microelectronic components, most US economic and societal activity would grind to a halt.
The semiconductor manufacturing process is largely concentrated in East Asia, where manufacturers could be subjected to pressure or coercion by the People's Republic of China. The semiconductor supply chain, and its inherent resilience and security, could be strengthened by US government investment to bring more steps of the microelectronics production and assembly process onto US shores.
To guide government policies, this study proposes a four-factor framework measured from the perspective of the US microelectronics customers and industry. These factors include: resilience of continued microelectronics supplies to the US market; assurance that US microelectronics reflect their intended design and are free of security vulnerabilities; the ability of the US microelectronics industry to meet current microelectronics demand, which shapes the ecosystem; and the value added from US firms, which supports future demand.
How Kissinger's secret trip to China transformed the Cold War
This month marked the 100th birthday of the Chinese Communist Party, a centennial that President Xi Jinping celebrated by promising that China's enemies will have their "heads bashed bloody against a Great Wall of steel." It also marks the 50th anniversary of a more hopeful moment in Sino-American relations: Henry Kissinger's secret trip to Beijing in 1971.
The meetings between Kissinger, then President Richard Nixon's national security adviser, and Premier Zhou Enlai ended a generation of hostility and set the stage for a historic strategic partnership. Today, as China and the US careen toward confrontation, it is tempting to view the opening to Beijing as the beginning of nearly 50 years of errant engagement of a fundamentally hostile power. But it is worth remembering that the opening began as a smart, hard-headed policy that helped win the Cold War and transformed China's relationship with the world.
The US-China rapprochement was both counterintuitive and a long time coming. China had been the world's ultimate rogue state in the 1950s and 1960s — far more radical than its Communist ally, the Soviet Union. Chairman Mao Zedong's policies led to the deaths of tens of millions of his own people in the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Beijing fought two undeclared wars against the US, in Korea and Vietnam; it promoted insurgency and revolution in the developing world.
Bitter Lessons From Afghanistan
Dominique Moïsi
"We can never win this war. The Afghans know that, unlike the Taliban, we are not here to stay." This is what one of my students, a senior French officer who had just returned from the NATO mission in Kabul, confided to me while I was teaching at Harvard University in 2009.
I have been thinking a lot about him these last few days, as the structure built by the USA and its allies in Afghanistan is about to collapse like a house of cards. Today, the Taliban are a stone's throw away from Kabul. A situation with striking resemblances to the North Vietnamese troops that gathered at the gates of Saigon in 1975. Whatever the Afghan government says, the Taliban are gaining ground faster than the most pessimistic observers could have feared.
More than a thousand Afghan soldiers have defected from their service, leaving their arms and equipment behind to seek refuge in Tajikistan. How are they supposed to withstand the determined Taliban without US air superiority or intelligence support? They lose heart even before they lose on the battlefield.
America's Asian Military Bases Won't Survive a U.S.-China War
Here's What You Need to Remember: PLA commanders have predicated their access-denial strategy on disheartening their U.S. counterparts or convincing the U.S. administration the military effort cannot succeed at a cost the country is prepared to pay. Allies and partners should devise strategies and operations that hold down the price of access for U.S. forces—and thus make it thinkable if not easy for an American president to order them into combat.
Last week the University of Sydney's United States Studies Center (USSC) set policy circles aflutter when it issued a novella-length report that questions the staying power of U.S. military strategy in the Indo-Pacific theater while urging inhabitants of the region to take up their share of the defense burden vis-à-vis a domineering China. Read the whole thing.
In one sense the report presents little new information or insight. That the U.S. military has retooled itself for counterinsurgency warfare and must now reinvent itself again for great power strategic competition is old news. So is the notion that Washington suffers from strategic ADHD, taking on new commitments around the world willy-nilly while shedding few old ones to conserve finite resources and policy energy. Over the past decade-plus, it's become plain that Communist China is a serious, strategically-minded maritime contender and has equipped itself with formidable shore-based weaponry to assail U.S. and allied bases in the region and supply firepower support to its increasingly impressive battle fleet. Beijing can now hope to fend off U.S. reinforcements from coming to the aid of regional allies, to slow them down, or to make the effort so expensive in terms of lives and hardware that no U.S. president would order the attempt. If it does any of these things it could spring a fait accompli on the region, accomplishing limited goals before powerful outsiders could intercede.
Who Will Intervene in the World's Hot Spots?
As conflicts and crises persist around the world, there is growing uncertainty about how—or if—they will be resolved. The international order is fraying, generating uncertainty about who will intervene and how these interventions might be funded.
There are interminable conflicts, like the situations in Syria, Yemen and Afghanistan, which have produced years of violence, countless thousands of deaths and even more refugees. Then there are the emerging hot spots, including northern Mozambique and the China-India frontier, and any number of potential flashpoints, like the Eastern Mediterranean. Even in situations where there is some tenuous hope of reconciliation, there is also uncertainty—such as South Sudan, where a 2018 peace deal that put an end to years of civil war is for now holding, even as widespread violence continues to plague the country.
THE JAMESTOWN FOUNDATION
Terrorism Monitor, July 16, 2021, v. 19, no. 14
Pakistan Braces for U.S. Withdrawal from Afghanistan through Extra-Regional Partnerships
Indian Counter-Insurgency Operations and COVID-19 Limit Maoist Insurgency
Iranian-Backed Iraqi Militias Deter Turkish Intervention in Sinjar
UN Determined To Counter Cyber Crime And Ensure Peace And Security
J Nastranis
As digital advances continue to revolutionize human life, the United Nations has called for remaining "vigilant" about malicious technologies that "could imperil the security of future generations". Currently, there are over 4.6 billion internet users around the world.
"Digital technologies are increasingly straining existing legal, humanitarian and ethical norms, non-proliferation, international stability, and peace and security", the head of the UN Office for Disarmament Affairs (ODA), Ms Izumi Nakamitsu, said in a recent Security Council meeting focused on peace and security.
Moreover, she continued, they are lowering access barriers and opening new potential domains for conflict—giving both State and non-State actors the ability to wage attacks, including across international borders.
Analyzing a More Resilient National Positioning, Navigation, and Timing Capability
Richard Mason, James Bonomo, Tim Conley
Because of the widespread use of the Global Positioning System (GPS) for positioning, navigation, and timing (PNT), concerns have been expressed that a disruption of GPS might require a national investment in backup capabilities. The authors assess the costs associated with realistic threats to domestic, nonmilitary uses of GPS, and review possible additions to the PNT ecosystem in light of those costs.
When the ability of individuals and organizations to adapt to and use existing alternatives and workarounds is taken into account, our analysis suggests that the costs of GPS disruption, while real, would not be as high as is sometimes assumed. When actual GPS jamming events have occurred in the past, users have felt the effects but generally managed to cope without disastrous consequences. Also, we consider it unlikely that any event short of nuclear war would deny all satellite navigation to the entire United States for more than a few days. At the same time, any system that could entirely replace GPS would be comparatively much more expensive than the damages it would mitigate.
ODNI'S CRITICAL ROLE IN CYBERSECURITY: FACILITATING COLLABORATION, SHARING, AND A COMBINED RESPONSE TO FOREIGN THREATS
Ken Mangin
Cyber is Ubiquitous
Global interconnectedness through cyberspace is an irreversible and all-encompassing fact of life that presents a multitude of benefits, as well as risks. The degree to which cyberspace and its vulnerabilities have permeated our lives is readily on display at various hacker conferences where white-hat hackers patiently try to gain root access to sample medical devices normally used in hospitals, industry experts discuss the process of remediating cyber vulnerabilities in domestic election infrastructure while other presenters talk about the current market for "zero days," and experts explain dynamic evolution of the cyber insurance market. As our lives are on a seemingly irreversible glide path to becoming more interconnected, the likelihood of malicious foreign and domestic behavior in cyberspace similarly increases.
The United States—its public and private sectors—finds itself at a crossroads: we must improve our understanding of elusive, ever-changing threats, while simultaneously remaining agile in our capability to identify and respond to them. Such an approach requires the means to disseminate information rapidly to reduce the impact and increase timely awareness of these events. This paper lays out how the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) can build on this mission by briefly examining the critical intelligence community integration role it was assigned when it was originally formed, reviewing the Cyberspace Solarium Commission's recommendations for the US government, and providing ideas for and examples of how ODNI, with other agencies, can effectively realize these recommendations.
Debunking the AI Arms Race Theory
Paul Scharre
In 2015, a group of prominent AI and robotics researchers signed an open letter warning of the dangers of autonomous weapons. "The key question for humanity today," they wrote, "is whether to start a global AI arms race or to prevent it from starting. If any major military power pushes ahead with AI weapon development, a global arms race is virtually inevitable."1 Today, many nations are working to apply AI for military advantage, and the term "AI arms race" has become a catchphrase used by both critics and proponents of AI militarization. In 2018, then-Under Secretary of Defense Michael Griffin, calling for the United States to invest more in AI, stated, "There might be an artificial intelligence arms race, but we're not yet in it."2 In a 2020 Wired article, Will Roper, then chief acquisition officer for the U.S. Air Force, warned of the risks of falling behind in a "digital arms race with China."3
The so-called AI arms race has become a common feature in news headlines,4 but the arms race framing fails to match reality. While nations are clearly competing to develop and adopt AI technology for military use, the character of that competition does not meet the traditional definition of an arms race. Military AI competition nevertheless does pose risks. The widespread adoption of military AI could cause warfare to evolve in a manner that leads to less human control and to warfare becoming faster, more violent, and more challenging in terms of being able to manage escalation and bring a war to an end. Additionally, perceptions of a "race" to field AI systems before competitors do could cause nations to cut corners on testing, leading to the deployment of unsafe AI systems that are at risk of accidents that could cause unintended escalation or destruction. Even if fears of an "AI arms race" are overblown, military AI competition brings real risks to which nations should attend. There are concrete steps nations can take to mitigate some of these dangers.
The PLA's Critical Assessment of the Agile Combat Employment Concept
Derek Solen
From April to May 2021, the U.S. Air Force (USAF) conducted a second exercise to test the Agile Combat Employment (ACE) concept and also committed to training units to implement ACE (U.S. Air Force, May 15; Air Combat Command, May 12). ACE is the method by which the USAF intends to counteract the capabilities of adversaries such as Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) to strike its airbases and, ultimately, deny the USAF access to theaters of operations along their peripheries. These are generally referred to as "anti-access and area denial" capabilities. ACE, in combination with similar efforts by other U.S. military services, aims to improve America's military advantage and its deterrence capability against Moscow's and Beijing's increasing aggression in Europe and East Asia.
It is important to understand how America's adversaries are perceiving and planning to counteract ACE. This article analyzes the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) publicly available assessment of ACE. Although there is a dearth of sources, the available information shows that the PLA perceives exploitable weaknesses in ACE.
Unmanned Ships and the Future of Deterrence
James Wirtz
Although the origins of contemporary naval strategy are often shrouded in the mists of time, the notion of a "bimodal" Navy, whereby the fleet is divided into one force specializing in sea control and the other in sea denial, can be traced to a 2007 article published by retired Navy Captain Wayne Hughes in the Naval War College Review. In his essay, Hughes mostly concentrated on explaining how the U.S. Navy contributed to the Cold War strategy of containment; nevertheless, his analysis eventually turned to the prospect of great power competition looming on the strategic horizon and what that competition would mean for the fleet:
The existing Navy comprises large, efficient ships to project power ashore, principally in the form of air strikes, missiles, and Marine Corps elements. Against China, the need to threaten air and missile strikes will not change, but China has developed the means to attack large ships at sea. The Navy must now explore building a more distributed fleet that is offensively disposed yet can suffer losses and fight on, for no defense at sea can be perfect against a skilled opponent.1
China's Military Is Bouncing Back Rapidly
Here's What You Need To Remember: Perhaps it's fear that the population can't be controlled without the backing of the military. Perhaps it's fear that the military itself could take over.
China has a plan: to expand Chinese power globally -- and to overtake the United States.
These are the tenets of a leaked Chinese military document obtained by Japan's Kyodo News.
The internal document, circulated within the Chinese military by the Central Military Commission in February, was intended to convey President Xi Jinping's desire to strengthen the armed forces.
The document paints a dark worldview, with China confronting "antagonistic blocs of the Western world" that are encouraging separatists in Tibet, Xinjiang and Hong Kong, as well as terrorists and Falun Gong practitioners.
Grand Strategy Question: Is It Time to Scrap the U.S. Air Force?
Here's What You Need to Know: The United States military is all about redundancy.
With the Iraq War over and the fighting in Afghanistan winding down, why does the United States need to maintain two large land armies, the Army and Marine Corps? The question seems perfectly reasonable given the apparent absence of large terrestrial threats, but it leads us down the wrong path.
The United States military is all about redundancy; in addition to two armies, it also fields two navies — the Navy and the Coast Guard — and five or six air forces, depending on how you count the aerial arms of the various branches.
The real problem isn't that the Army is marginally more or less useful that it was 10 years ago, but rather that the institutions that were designed in 1947, when the Army and Air Force split, are insufficiently flexible to negotiate the modern security landscape.
Soviet Failure in Afghanistan Was Very Different From American Failure
Key Point: To pave the way for the invasion, Soviet advisers with the Afghan Army tricked their clients into incapacitating themselves.
In late 1979, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan was torn apart by a civil war pitting the weak Communist government of Hafizullah Amin against several moderate and fundamentalist Muslim rebel armies. The war had been brought about by Amin's incompetence and corruption, his vicious program of political repression, the massacre of entire village populations, and a ham-handed agrarian "reform" program that disenfranchised tribal leaders. Fearing that Amin would be defeated and replaced by a government of Muslim fundamentalists or—even worse—pro-American intellectuals, the Soviet Union launched an invasion on Christmas Eve aimed at removing Amin and replacing him with a more reliable strongman.
To pave the way for the invasion, Soviet advisers with the Afghan Army tricked their clients into incapacitating themselves. In one case, the Soviets told an Afghan armored unit that new tanks were about to be delivered but that, due to shortages, the gas in the old tanks would have to be siphoned out. The Afghans obligingly siphoned gas out of their tanks, rendering them useless. In another instance, Soviet advisers told an Afghan unit to turn over all their ammunition for inspection, something that likewise was done without question.
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https://filmnerd.club/wp-login.php?action=logout&redirect_to=https%3A%2F%2Ffilmnerd.club%2F&_wpnonce=cd95aa2021
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: How use Azure Artifacts Credential Provider for Nuget feeds, with VisualStudio 2022, Linux Docker container? I'm running C# unit tests in Visual Studio 2022, for native Linux system calls, in Linux .NET 6.0 SDK containers. In the first attempts, I had a PAT (Personal Access Token) in plain text in the Dockerfile, which I want to replace by ARG FEED_ACCESSTOKEN, taken from environment variable.
There is basically just the .csproj and the Dockerfile, no docker-compose.yml. Optional launchSettings.json in the project.
I don't get any value for FEED_ACCESSTOKEN, trying either variable $(FEED_ACCESSTOKEN) or $(VSS_NUGET_ACCESSTOKEN), test with RUN echo. Visual Studio shows both with blue underlines, "Property '...' is not defined".
How can I get an access token? I found a NuGetAuthenticate task under Azure DevOps, docker-compose.yml examples. I'm not even sure whether I shall use it as docker build or  run parameter (therefore I left both in the example).
The project file:

<Project Sdk="Microsoft.NET.Sdk">
  <PropertyGroup>
    <TargetFramework>net6.0</TargetFramework>
    <ImplicitUsings>disable</ImplicitUsings>

      <IsPackable>false</IsPackable>

    <AssemblyName>xxx.UnitTests</AssemblyName>

    <RootNamespace>xxx.UnitTests</RootNamespace>

      <DockerDefaultTargetOS>Linux</DockerDefaultTargetOS>
      <DockerfileContext>../..</DockerfileContext>
      <DockerfileRunArguments>-e FEED_ACCESSTOKEN=$(VSS_NUGET_ACCESSTOKEN)</DockerfileRunArguments>
      <DockerfileBuildArguments>--build-arg FEED_ACCESSTOKEN=$(VSS_NUGET_ACCESSTOKEN)</DockerfileBuildArguments>
  </PropertyGroup>

<!-- ... -->

    <PackageReference Include="Microsoft.VisualStudio.Azure.Containers.Tools.Targets" Version="1.17.0" />

<!-- ... -->

</Project>

The Dockerfile:
FROM mcr.microsoft.com/dotnet/sdk:6.0 AS base
RUN curl -L https://raw.githubusercontent.com/Microsoft/artifacts-credprovider/master/helpers/installcredprovider.sh  | sh
ARG FEED_ACCESSTOKEN
RUN echo "Feed access token: $FEED_ACCESSTOKEN"
VOLUME "C:\Users\<me>\AppData\Local\Temp" "/tmp/hostuser"
WORKDIR /app

FROM mcr.microsoft.com/dotnet/sdk:6.0 AS build
WORKDIR src
COPY ["src/xxx.UnitTests/xxx.UnitTests.csproj", "src/xxx.UnitTests/"]
COPY ["nuget.config", "."]
# [add credentials to feed endpoints, redacted]

RUN dotnet restore "src/xxx.UnitTests/xxx.UnitTests.csproj"
COPY . .
WORKDIR "/src/xxx.UnitTests"
RUN dotnet build "xxx.UnitTests.csproj" -c Release -o /app/build

FROM build AS publish
RUN dotnet publish "xxx.UnitTests.csproj" -c Release -o /app/publish

FROM base AS final
WORKDIR /app
COPY --from=publish /app/publish .
# ENTRYPOINT ["dotnet", "xxx.UnitTests.dll"]

A: You do not have VSS_NUGET_ACCESSTOKEN assigned in the project file, so asuming you have it created as a environment variable? I would remove the =$(VSS_NUGET_ACCESSTOKEN) from your --build-arg, and then set a user defined environment variable named FEED_ACCESSTOKEN. If you pass just --build-arg FEED_ACCESSTOKEN to docker build, it will prorogate the existing user environment variable value as the argument. Be sure to start visual studio AFTER creating the environment variable, else it will not be known to the already running application.
You can also use this method for publish profile (pubxml) files. As they they tend to not get included in source control commits, you can just type in the PAT in the file. Then use the project's publish menu option in visual studio.
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<Project>
  <PropertyGroup>
    <WebPublishMethod>Custom</WebPublishMethod>
    <DockerPublish>true</DockerPublish>
    <RegistryUrl>https://my.container.registry/</RegistryUrl>
    <UserName>admin</UserName>
    <PublishImageTag>latest</PublishImageTag>
    <PublishProvider>ContainerRegistry</PublishProvider>
    <LastUsedBuildConfiguration>Release</LastUsedBuildConfiguration>
    <LastUsedPlatform>Any CPU</LastUsedPlatform>
    <ProjectGuid>....</ProjectGuid>
    <PersonalAccessToken>my-personal-access-token</PersonalAccessToken>
    <DockerfileBuildArguments>--build-arg nuget_pat=$(PersonalAccessToken)</DockerfileBuildArguments>
  </PropertyGroup>
</Project>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
What Childish Gambino's 'Awaken, My Love!' Owes to the Godfather of Funk George Clinton
Childish Gambino's acclaimed new album owes a lot to George Clinton's musical collective P-Funk, and the spirit of creativity and liberation it brought to popular music.
Stereo Williams
Updated Apr. 13, 2017 12:34PM ET / Published Dec. 18, 2016 12:00AM ET
Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast
"Funk is anything you need it to be at any given time. It's something that saves your life, or it's an attitude, or it's that attitude that helps save your life when you feel like it's not worth it anymore. You get to a place where you just want to jump out the window. Funk is that comical voice that comes to you and says, 'Why brother, ain't anybody gonna miss you.' It's an attitude." –George Clinton
P-Funk is a pillar of popular music. The crazy, hazy brew that is George Clinton & Co.'s brand of funk can be heard in almost every kind of significant music from the past 35 years. P-Funk is in rock bands like the Red Hot Chili Peppers and Rage Against the Machine, P-Funk is in hip-hop acts like Dr. Dre, Digital Underground and Public Enemy. The quirky grooves of '70s Herbie Hancock and Lonnie Liston Smith are informed by it; the funky revivalism of Lenny Kravitz, Organized Noize and D'Angelo are indebted to it. P-Funk is virtually everywhere, and there may not be a more definitive album in Parliament-Funkadelic's stunning oeuvre than 1975's Mothership Connection.
Clinton would describe the musical collective as "like Motown, Jimi Hendrix, James Brown, Eric Clapton, The Beatles. We were all of them at once." That "we can do everything" vibe defines so much of their best work. This is a group of musicians working together to deliver a run of albums on par with any in the history of music.
There are arguably Parliament and Funkadelic albums that are more directly groundbreaking (1971's Maggot Brain) or more ambitious (1977's Funkentelechy vs. the Placebo Syndrome). But no album captures the sound and attitude of P-Funk in as accessible and potent a fashion as Mothership Connection. Released on December 15, 1975, Mothership… featured a legendary lineup of musicians who all seemed to be clicking at the same time: Ray Davis, Fuzzy Haskins, Calvin Simon, Grady Thomas and Clinton of the original Parliaments, keyboard maestro Bernie Worrell, and new recruits in former JB hornplayers Fred Wesley and Maceo Parker, and vocalists Jeannette Washington and Debbie Wright. Guitar duties were shared by the all-star lineup of Gary Shider, Glen Goins and Michael Hampton, and saxophonist Michael Brecker contributed to "P-Funk (Wants To Get Funked Up)."
Bass guru Bootsy Collins' contributions to Mothership Connection are impossible to understate. Collins, along with his brother Billy "Catfish" Collins, had joined the P-Funk family in 1972 after a well-known stint with James Brown's JBs and Collins's own band The House Guests. He would become Parliament-Funkadelic's second-most iconic figure after Clinton. On Mothership Connection, Bootsy's talents aren't only featured on bass, but also on drums and guitar.
Legendary Parliament-Funkadelic guitarist Eddie Hazel was noticeably absent from the Mothership Connection sessions. Hazel had made something of a triumphant return to the collective in 1974 as a guiding force on the stellar Funkadelic album Standing On the Verge of Getting It On. In 1975, Hazel would be incarcerated after an indictment for drug possession and assaulting an air marshal and airline stewardess. While he was in jail, Clinton recruited the teenage Michael Hampton to be the new lead axman for P-Funk. Hazel would sporadically return to the collective throughout the 1970s, but Hampton's emergence on Mothership Connection coincides with the most commercially successful and visible lineup of Parliament-Funkadelic.
Alongside the emergence of Hampton and the additions of Parker and Wesley, the late Bernie Worrell's musical gifts are on full display throughout Mothership… Worrell, who died in June, contributed keys and horn arrangements, and has often been cited as the most distinctive musician within Parliament-Funkadelic, a keyboard wizard whose synths shook the foundation of funk and popular music. Undoubtedly, Worrell's whirring and loopy leads gave P-Funk its trademark sound, and where artists like Stevie Wonder had used synths as warm layers for their recordings, Worrell's approach revealed that synth leads could stand out and reshape a song. Along with the Afrofuturistic lingo and aesthetic Parliament fully embraced on Mothership Connection, Worrell's sound seemed to chart a course for the future of Black music, and artists as disparate as Roger Troutman and DJ Quik would follow that course over the coming decades.
The songs on Mothership Connection have been sampled, covered and referenced in countless ways, but none are more iconic than the hit single "Give Up the Funk (Tear the Roof Off the Sucker)." A song that channels the energy and attitude of Black house parties and projects them a million light years away, it stands as one of Parliament-Funkadelic's most indelible songs and an standard-bearer for funk music overall. This was loose and uninhibited in a way that surpassed James Brown and even Sly Stone; this was the sound of funky people doing funky things and not giving a shit who saw or told. "We're gonna turn this mutha out!" sounded like a declaration of freedom for a generation embracing its own unique ideas and letting its freak flag fly.
One of the great powers of classic funk bands is the emphasis on the collective. Unlike so many popular rock bands of the same era—which were typically made up of four to five famous members and an uber-famous frontman a la Mick Jagger or Robert Plant—funk bands tend to feature an army of musicians. The guitarists, bassists, horn players, keyboardists and background singers are all a part of the band, the lineups tend to change often, and the leader is often seen more as a musical conductor like Maurice White as opposed to a swaggering, preening extrovert like Jagger. In the case of George Clinton, perhaps he was a little bit of both, but the fact that P-Funk was a collective of musicians was always emphasized as much as Clinton's own outlandish persona. It hearkened back to a sense of Blackness-as-community, a shared perspective through shared experiences that, while not necessarily uniform amongst each individual involved, were undeniably culturally connected. Parliament-Funkadelic took the historical spirit of Black community and planted it squarely on a new planet that was even Blacker and funkier than their forebears could have imagined.
"Funk is the absence of any and everything you can think of, but the very essence of all that is," Bootsy explained to NPR in 2012. "And saying that, I'm saying funk is anything that we create in our minds that we want to do, what we want to be, but we don't have the resources. We don't have the money to get these things. But it takes the belief, it takes her mama's prayers, it takes a community, it takes all of that to help build a mug's confidence in himself."
And George Clinton was the driving force. Shock G, the super-producer who fashioned 1990's rap collective Digital Underground as a contemporary, hip-hop version of P-Funk, wrote about the significance of George Clinton as a guiding force for all of these talented musicians. "George's gentle guidance liberated the musicians around him and drew the best out of them," he wrote in 2010. "George is the glue that held Parliament Funkadelic together, the mediator/referee who provided the 'space' for Bootsy, Bernie, Gary, Michael, Junie, Eddie, Fuzzy, Glen, Fred and Maceo to create and be their freest. The best leaders leave the people thinking they did it themselves, and inspire them to their highest potential; precisely George's role in P-Funk."
"[Shock G] is one of the few that makes sure the people are taken care of and is concerned that people are getting paid for their samples," Clinton said of his disciple in an interview with WaxPoetics. "Same with Ice Cube. A lot of people don't know, they just make the record and they don't know nothing about the business and business form. They don't care about your relationships with other people, so they don't care about paying the other people. But Shock G is one of those ones that the paperwork was clear right from the get go."
"When I got started," he continued, "Smokey Robinson and Berry Gordy were my models and they were turning out shit so fast. That's what I was trying to do. I was trying to get a crew of people to be like the Miracles with Smokey, like Mickey Stevenson, you know, all the teams. I really did love that concept. And we modelled P-Funk after that, you know with Bootsy and the Horny Horns. More or less. A body of work that goes on and on. And it's still going on."
Mothership Connection is 41 this year and its influence, as well as the overall influence of Clinton's P-Funk, still permeates popular music. Another iconic album celebrated an anniversary this past week—Dr. Dre's 1992 opus The Chronic. That influential and impactful album wouldn't exist as we know it without George Clinton, P-Funk and Mothership Connection. Dre's "Let Me Ride" features a sample and interpolation of of "Mothership Connection (Star Child)"; Bernie Worrell's beautiful synth arrangement forms the foundation for Dre's hit; and "Wants To Get Funked Up" was sampled on "The Roach," the famous Chronic outro.
Rapper Childish Gambino's latest album Awaken, My Love! owes a lot to Parliament-Funkadelic and that spirit of creativity and liberation. One of the most encouraging aspects of that album's acclaim is the realization that a generation of Black artists are currently defining themselves in as many new and exciting ways as the P-Funk generation did in the late '60s. The emergence of that collective coincided with the wildness of glam and punk. But with Black artists who were old enough to remember firehoses in Birmingham, riots in Watts and gunshots at the Audubon Ballroom, this was more than a breaking of the shackles of conservatism in popular culture. This was Blackness announcing itself with abandon, a freeing of minds in the hopes that asses would follow. P-Funk was revolutionary. The playful digs at Rare Earth, David Bowie and the Doobie Brothers that open Mothership Connection subtly hinted at how the freedom white artists were exhibiting at the time had been somewhat denied—or at the very least, delayed—for Black acts like those at Motown and Stax in the '60s. Black people were still fighting to be recognized as people and citizens—and Black artists had labored under that weight. But that wasn't the case anymore. By the time Parliament released Mothership Connection, Blackness would no longer be denied or downplayed. It was amplified until it busted yo damn speakers. This was a sonic boom of soul and the world still feels the aftereffects.


text:
Last edited by Mell
Sunday, August 2, 2020 | History
3 edition of South Carolina State Greats! found in the catalog.
South Carolina State Greats!
Carole Marsh
A Book of Biographies on Our State"s Heroes and Heroines
by Carole Marsh
Published December 1990 by Gallopade Intl .
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This is either really cool or really terrifying. Thor just went to the Wild Animal park for the first time this week. I wish I would have seen this video sooner so I could have showed it to him to scare him! Two rhinos went after a car full of people at a safari park. I hope those seats in the car are stain proof!


text:
Research article | 30 May 2022
A phase separation inlet for droplets, ice residuals, and interstitial aerosol particles
Libby Koolik et al.
1,143 391 36 1,570 134 17 17
Supplement: 134
Views and downloads (calculated since 18 Mar 2021)
Mar 2021 114 34 2 150
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Apr 2022 63 31 9 103
Cumulative views and downloads (calculated since 18 Mar 2021)
Apr 2021 143 47 4 194
Oct 2021 345 126 9 480
464 102 12 578 36 5 10
Supplement: 36
679 289 24 992 98 12 7
Total article views: 578 (including HTML, PDF, and XML) Thereof 550 with geography defined and 28 with unknown origin.
A new inlet for studying the small particles, droplets, and ice crystals that constitute mixed-phase clouds has been constructed and is described here. This new inlet was tested in the laboratory. We present the performance of the new inlet to demonstrate its capability of separating ice, droplets, and small particles.
A new inlet for studying the small particles, droplets, and ice crystals that constitute...


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text:
El lanzador Livens era un sencillo mortero que podía lanzar grandes cilindros llenos de mezcla incendiaria para lanzallamas o de gases venenosos.

Durante la Primera Guerra Mundial, el lanzador Livens fue el equipo estándar del Ejército Británico para lanzar ataques de gas y se mantuvo como armamento de reserva hasta las primeras etapas de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Historia
El lanzador Livens fue creado por el Capitán William H. Livens de los Royal Engineers del Ejército británico. Livens diseñó una serie de armas novedosas, inclusive un lanzallamas pesado para incendiar las trincheras alemanas (el lanzallamas de túnel Livens), que fue desplegado en el Frente del Somme en 1916. Después, durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, trabajó en armas incendiarias tales como la mina incendiaria y diversos modelos de lanzallamas.

Antes de la invención del lanzador Livens, las armas químicas eran soltadas directamente desde sus cilindros, o disparadas por la artillería dentro de obuses químicos. Los ataques "tipo nube" inicialmente se hacían enterrando los cilindros de gas delante del parapeto de la trinchera atacante, para después abrir sus válvulas cuando el viento soplaba en la dirección adecuada; más tarde los británicos solían montar los cilindros sobre vagones plataforma de un ferrocarril de vía estrecha, construido paralelo al frente, abriendo las válvulas de los cilindros sin retirarlos de los vagones. Esto permitía la liberación de una cantidad de gas adecuada, pero siempre estaba presente el peligro del cambio de la dirección del viento, que llevaría el gas contra los atacantes. Los obuses químicos eran más sencillos de dirigir al enemigo, pero no transportaban tanto gas como un cilindro.

Livens estaba al mando de la Compañía Z, la unidad encargada de desarrollar y utilizar armas incendiarias y armas químicas. Los lanzallamas y diversos mecanismos de dispersión de armas químicas demostraron tener una eficacia limitada. Un día, durante un ataque en el Somme, la Compañía Z encontró a un grupo de soldados alemanes que estaban muy bien atrincherados. Las granadas de mano no lograron desalojarlos de su posición, por lo que Livens improvisó una especie de cóctel Molótov gigante usando dos barriles de aceite automotriz de 5 galones. Cuando estos fueron lanzados en la trinchera alemana, resultaron tan eficaces que Harry Strange, camarada de Livens, se preguntó si no sería mejor usar contenedores para transportar el fuego contra el enemigo en lugar de un complejo lanzallamas.

Reflexionando sobre el incidente, Livens y Strange consideraron cómo un mortero podía lanzar un gran proyectil lleno de combustible. Livens empezó a desarrollar un mortero grande y sencillo que podiá lanzar un barril de 3 galones de aceite automotriz que estallaría al impactar, esparciendo aceite en llamas sobre el blanco. El trabajo de Livens atrajo la atención del General Hubert Gough, que impresionado por sus ideas le suministró todos los materiales necesarios para su gran lanzador.

El 25 de julio de 1916, durante la Batalla del Somme en Ovillers-la-Boisselle, la Compañía Z utilizó 80 lanzadores cuando los australianos iban a atacar Pozières. Las primeras versiones tenían un corto alcance y era necesario situar los lanzadores a 183 m en la tierra de nadie. El bombardeo resultante fue muy exitoso al neutralizar los nidos de ametralladora alemanes.

La Compañía Z rápidamente desarrolló el lanzador Livens, incrementando su alcance a 320 m y finalmente creando una versión con disparo eléctrico y un alcance de 1.189 m. Esta versión fue empleada con éxito en la Batalla de Messines en junio de 1917.

Entonces se modificó el lanzador Livens para disparar cilindros de gas venenoso en lugar de barriles de aceite automotriz. Este sistema fue probado en secreto en Thiepval en setiembre de 1916 y en Beaumont-Hamel en noviembre. El lanzador Livens era capaz de disparar una alta concentración de gas a una distancia considerable. Cada cilindro transportaba tanto gas como varios obuses químicos. Se podía iniciar con rapidez un bombardeo sin necesidad de recargar, tomando por sorpresa al enemigo. Aunque cada lanzador solo podía dispararse una vez durante un bombardeo, el arma era lo suficientemente barata como para ser desplegada en cientos o miles de unidades.

El lanzador Livens también fue empleado para disparar otras sustancias. En algunas ocasiones, los barriles contenían explosivo de alto poder, aceite y residuos de algodón, thermita, fósforo blanco y "hedores". Empleado como una bomba fétida gigante para engañar al enemigo, los "hedores" eran sustancias malolientes pero inofensivas, tales como el aceite de hueso y el acetato de amilo, empleadas para simular un ataque de gas venenoso y obligando al enemigo a ponerse sus voluminosas máscaras antigás (que reducían la eficacia de los soldados alemanes) cuando no se podía emplear con seguridad el gas venenoso. Además, los "hedores" podían ser empleados para prolongar artificialmente la escala, duración e incomodidad de un verdadero ataque de gas, por ejemplo alternando cilindros que contienen "hedores" con cilindros de fosgeno, adamsita o cloropicrina. Incluso se diseñó un cilindro que contenía doce bombas Mills, similar a una bomba de racimo.

El lanzador Livens quedó como armamento de reserva en el arsenal del Ejército británico hasta las primeras etapas de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Descripción

El lanzador Livens fue diseñado para combinar las ventajas de los cilindros de gas venenoso y los obuses químicos, al disparar un cilindro de gas contra el enemigo. Consistía en un sencillo tubo de metal que era enterrado en un ángulo de 45°.

Sus especificaciones variaron durante la guerra. Las primeras improvisaciones de campaña se hicieron en julio de 1916, cerca de La Boselle, usando como cañón un barril de aceite automotriz de 300 mm de diámetro y su proyectil era una lata de aceite. El modelo de serie se concretó en diciembre de 1916, después de varias pruebas en combate exitosas en el Somme. Estaba hecho con un tubo de acero de 200 mm de diámetro, que tenía uno de sus extremos sellado mediante soldadura autógena.

El cañón de 200 mm pasó a ser estándar y por primera vez fue utilizado en gran número cuando 2.000 dispararon una andanada en la Batalla de la Cresta de Vimy en abril de 1917. Los cañones eran suministrados con tres longitudes distintas, según el alcance requerido: 840 mm para corto alcance, 910 mm para medio alcance y 1.300 mm para largo alcance.

Un cilindro de 190 mm de diámetro y 510 mm de longitud que contenía 14 kg de gas venenoso, era disparado mediante una carga propulsora detonada eléctricamente, teniendo un alcance de unos 1.500 m. Al impactar contra su objetivo, una carga explosiva esparciría el gas venenoso sobre el área.

También fue empleado para lanzar aceite inflamable, disparando 1.500 barriles antes de la Batalla de Messines en junio de 1917. El aceite también fue probado el 20 de setiembre de 1917, durante la Batalla de la Carretera Menin, cuando 290 lanzadores fueron empleados para apoyar el intento de capturar la Trinchera del Águila al este de Langemark. Esta incluía búnkeres de concreto y nidos de ametralladora, pero los barrilles no cayeron en las trincheras y no eliminaron a los defensores alemanes.

Historial de combate
Como regla general, los lanzadores eran emplazados a campo abierto, a corta distancia detrás de la línea del frente, para que su excavación, apuntamiento (ya sea por observación directa o mediante brújula) y conexión de los cables eléctricos fuese más sencilla. Cuando eran camuflados, sus posiciones serían desconocidas al enemigo, que a pesar de ser capaz de reconocer la dirección del emplazamiento por el fogonazo, no podría precisar su alcance. Por tales razones, los lanzadores solamente podían ser emplazados durante la noche. La excavación de las estrechas trincheras no precisaba mucho esfuerzo y posteriormente, los lanzadores solamente eran enterrados a una profudidad de casi 30,5 cm en lugar de hasta la boca de sus cañones.

El lanzador no era muy fiable. A fin de salvaguardar a las tropas aliadas de "cortos", se retiraban todas las tropas del área situada delante de la batería de lanzadores antes de su disparo. Esta área permitía que los cilindros que solamente lograban el 60% de su alcance estimado y se desviaban a 20° de la línea de disparo por el viento u otras causas, cayesen sin producir bajas al atacante.

También era impreciso:
"Se ha planteado como un principio que, debido a la imprecisión del arma, los blancos más adecuados son áreas fuertemente defendidas o que contienen refugios subterráneos donde sus ocupantes están a salvo del fuego de artillería."

Un manual de entrenamiento británico de 1940 lo describe como:

"una sencilla arma que no aspira a una gran precisión. Su alcance está limitado a unas 1.800 yardas; el ruido del disparo es muy fuerte, siendo acompañado de noche por un brillante fogonazo.Los lanzadores son el principal armamento de las compañías C.W., RE."

La poca fiabilidad e imprecisión del lanzador no eran tan apremiantes ante sus principales ventajas: era barato, sencillo y un método sumamente eficaz de desplegar armas químicas. Usualmente, cientos o hasta miles de lanzadores Livens eran disparados al unísono durante un ataque para saturar las líneas enemigas con gas venenoso.

Contraparte alemana
El lanzador Livens inspiró a los alemanes la creación de un aparato similar, conocido como Gaswurfminen. Más de ochocientos de estos morteros fueron empleados contra el Ejército italiano en la Batalla de Caporetto.

Ejemplares sobrevivientes
Varios cañones con sus bases están expuestos en el Museo del Bosque Santuario y la Colina 62, en Zillebeke, Bélgica.
Museo Memorial de Passchendaele, en Zonnebeke.
Varios lanzadores emplazados en el Museo de la Trinchera Yorkshire y su refugio, en Ypres.
En el Museo de los Campos de batalla de Flandes, en Ypres.

Véase también
Gas venenoso en la Primera Guerra Mundial

Notas

Referencias

 General Sir Martin Farndale, History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery. Western Front 1914–18. London: Royal Artillery Institution, 1986
 Palazzo, Albert. Seeking Victory on the Western Front: The British Army and Chemical Warfare in World War I. University of Nebraska Press, 2002 .
 United States Department of War (1942). Livens Projector M1 TM 3-325

 "History of the Ministry of Munitions", 1922. Volume XI, Part I Trench Warfare Supplies. Facsimile reprint by Imperial War Museum and Naval & Military Press, 2008

Enlaces externos

Worldscapes : Chemical & Biological Warfare
Royal Engineers Museum, First World War - Livens Projector

Morteros
Armas químicas de la Primera Guerra Mundial
Armamento británico de la Primera Guerra Mundial
Artillería del Reino Unido
Artillería de 200 mm

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Heat oven to 350 F. Spray a 2-quart baking dish with vegetable cooking spray.
In a large bowl, combine Egg Nog, sugar, eggs, nutmeg, and vanilla. Blend until smooth. Fold in bread cubes.
Pour into prepared dish. Bake for 40-45 minutes, or until knife inserted comes out clean.
Serve warm, topped with whipped cream topping.


Amongst essentially the most widespread electrical wiring concerns is on how to wire a swap. When making use of switches at your home is quite effortless, wiring a single may not be that simple for everybody. An ON-OFF switch is in fact quite simple to wire. There are different kinds of switches, but for this example, let's say you are setting up a single-pole toggle switch, a really typical switch (as well as most straightforward).
You'll find 3 colors of wires in the common single-pole toggle switch: black, white, and environmentally friendly. Splice the black wire in two and hook up them within the terminal screws - one on top rated as well as the other within the bottom screw with the change. The white wire serves for a source of uninterrupted ability and is particularly commonly linked to some light-weight colored terminal screw (e.g., silver). Link the inexperienced wire to your ground screw of your switch.
These steps would normally be ample to make an average switch work and not using a difficulty. However, if you are usually not self-confident you can execute the job correctly and safely you far better permit the professionals get it done instead. Soon after all, you can find a cause why this job is amongst the most commonly encountered electrical wiring questions questioned by plenty of people.
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There are reasons why they are probably the most commonly requested electrical wiring thoughts. A single, lots of assume it can be straightforward to perform, and two, these are typically the popular electrical duties in your own home. But then you definitely should not place your protection in danger in your intention to save money. The stakes could even be a great deal higher when you try and save cash and do an electrical wiring position without the need of enough understanding or knowledge.


text:
Not Vital
Not Vital was born in 1948 in Sent in the Swiss Lower Engadine. From 1968 to 1969, he studied at the Centre universitaire expérimental de Vincennes in Paris before moving to New Your in 1974. In the 1980s, he created his first three-dimensional works. Vital currently divides his time between Beijing, China, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil and Sent, Switzerland.
His works are inspired from his encounters, impressions and collaborative projects amongst different cultures around the world. Working in diverse media across sculpture, installation, paintings and drawings, Vital's works frequently blur the boundaries between reality and the surreal.
His works are shown in major museums and galleries as well as in public spaces worldwide. In his Parkin Not dal Mot in Sent, for example, the works Eselsbrücke, Turm der Stille, Eishaus, and other works are installed.
His foundation Not Vital (fundaziun Not Vital) in Ardez aims to return prints, in particular from the 17th and 18th century, to their origins, as part of a Rhaeto-Romanic library. The foundation also includes an art collection with works by Not Vital and others. In 2010, he took part in the competition for the redesign of the chancel of St. Gallen Cathedral. He won the Art-et-Architecture competition with his No Problem Sculpture for Zurich's Mobimo Tower, a high-rise building completed in 2011. In March 2016, Vital acquired Tarasp Castle from the Hessen family.
The artist's work was featured in Plateau of Humanity at the 49th Venice Biennale. Recently, he has had solo exhibitions at Hauser & Wirth Somerset (UK), Wilde (Basel, Switzerland) and Yorkshire Sculpture Park (Wakefield, UK) among others. Recent group shows include ones at the Kunstmuseum St. Gallen (Switzerland), Kunstmuseum Basel (Switzerland), Louisiana Museum of Modern Art (Humblbæk, Denmark), Mori Art Museum (Tokyo, Japan) and Peggy Guggenheim Colletion (Venice, Italy). In 2013, 700 Snowballs was on view on the Isola di San Giorgio Maggiore (Venice Italy). Further group shows include ones at the Bass Museum of Art (Miami Beach, USA), Ullens Center for Contemporary Art (Beijing, China), MoMA New York (USA), Victoria and Albert Museum (London, UK), Galerie Guy Bärtschi, now Wilde (Geneva, Switzerland), Philadelphia Museum of Art (USA), 49th Venice Biennale, Guggenheim Museum New York (USA), Kunsthalle Basel (Switzerland), Kunsthaus Zürich (Switzerland), Brooklyn Museum (USA), National Gallery of Art Washington (USA), The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, USA) and Kunstmuseum Lucerne (Switzerland). Vital's works are featured in collections around the world: Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum New York (USA), Kunstmuseum Bern (Switzerland), Kunstmuseum Luzern (Switzerland), Museum of Fine Arts (Boston, USA), Philadelphia Museum (USA), The Museum of Modern Art (New York, USA) and The Brooklyn Museum (New York, USA).
No, 2009
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stainless steel with PVD coating
edition of 3 + 1 AP
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Genève
Rue du Vieux-Billard 24
CH — 1205 Genève
geneve@wildegallery.ch
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Tue - Fri 2pm - 6pm
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© 2021 Wilde. All rights reserved.


PUNE: India Inc lags in adequate cyber incident response strategies, according to an EY Fraud Investigation & Dispute Services report, Responding to cybercrime incidents in India. According to the report, two thirds of businesses were unable to detect a cyber incident in real time due to insufficient understanding of the motive behind the attack. Almost 89% stated a need to enhance cyber laws - 55% said laws need to be strengthened and 34% said they need to be more clear.
Employees emerged as the weakest link in the organisation's defence mechanism according to a fifth of the respondents.
While most companies focus on mitigating external threats, the impact of internal threats is often undermined. 90% said social media was an area of concern.
72% respondents said that their company's IT security team did not have enough specialists to deal with cybercrime while 40% felt that their techniques around proactive monitoring are adequate. 44% said that they had robust data protection programs. Inspite of this, less than half the organisations surveyed planned to increase cybersecurity spends.


text:
This Ice Cream Shop Is Selling a Gelato Burger
This Ice C...
An international ice cream shop is turning heads in the United States with an unlikely new mashup, but the Gelato Burger isn't as rank as it sounds. Curious cats can find it at Amorino, a big European chain with tons of locations abroad and a handful stateside. People who've visited certain locations in New York City apparently keep assuming the Gelato Burger is made with a few scoops of ice cream on a meat patty between buns, but that would be an insult to both gelato and burgers.
The World's 50 Best Ice Cream Parlors
"They ask questions because it's a little confusing," the owner of one Amorino shop in Manhattan told West Side Rag. "They think it's a hamburger, but it's not."
This obviously isn't your standard burger. (If someone just put gelato on a Big Mac-type situation, we'd have to have words.) The soft bun in this case is made with chocolate, and instead of a patty, customers get two scoops of gelato and a choice of caramel, dark chocolate or hazelnut chocolate sauce. See? That doesn't sound so bad.
Over the phone, an Amorino employee told The Daily Meal that a lot of people are surprised by and curious about the new menu item, but she wouldn't exactly call it popular. There's still time for people to warm up to it, though. It's unclear whether or not this is a limited-time-only item, but it's only been in stores for about three weeks.
A post shared by Amorino Official Page (@amorinogelato) on Mar 25, 2019 at 1:18pm PDT
The crazy hybrid costs $7.18 (cheaper than most other burgers in the city), but make sure you call ahead before heading to your local shop, because it hasn't rolled out at all U.S. locations just yet. At the time of this writing, only two of four Amorino locations in New York City confirmed that they are currently serving the Gelato Burger; those two are in the Upper West Side and Times Square, while the locations in Chelsea and Greenwich Village sadly appear to be Gelato Burger-less. Most of the chain's locations are in Europe, including the flagship in Paris, but other American outposts exist in Boston, Kalamazoo, Chicago, Raleigh, Atlanta, New Orleans, Plano, Fort Worth, Houston, Beverly Hills and San Francisco.
A post shared by Biting Away (@bitingaway) on Jun 5, 2018 at 3:53am PDT
If you're like us, you turned up your nose at the thought of a Gelato Burger, but it's not as wonky as you think. The idea really isn't that uncommon worldwide - there are tons of renditions on this frankenfection, but most are in Australia or the U.K. People in Sicily literally eat ice cream sandwiches for breakfast all the time (must be nice). Bring your own bun and make one of your own with a couple scoops from the best ice cream stand in your state.
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