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LTCM co-founder launches online investing for world's wealthy
LONDON, Dec 1 (Reuters) - Victor Haghani, co-founder of defunct hedge fund Long Term Capital Management, has launched an online fund management service aimed at the world's wealthy.
Elm Partners, which has $400 million in assets, will invest using low-cost products such as exchange-traded funds and charge an annual management fee of just 0.12 percent a year, it said.
Rather than relying solely on passive index-following products, however, it will also use simple aspects of active management, such as assessing an asset's relative cheapness.
Elm will target U.S. taxable investors with at least $300,000 to invest and keep their money in separate accounts with U.S. fund house Fidelity, it said.
It is targeting $500 million in assets in early 2016 and will look to get to $1 billion "as quick as we can", said Haghani.
Originally set up in 2011 as a family office, Elm Partners now has just over 100 clients, more than 80 percent of whom are financial industry professionals.
Haghani was one of the founders of hedge fund LTCM, which blew-up in the late 1990s after its highly leveraged bets went sour during the Asian and Russian financial crises. (Reporting by Simon Jessop; Editing by Mark Potter)


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Maximilian Karl Joseph Franz de Paula Hieronymus de Garnerin de la Thuile, Count von Montgelas (; 12 September 1759 Munich – 14 June 1838 Munich) was a Bavarian statesman, a member of a noble family from the Duchy of Savoy. His father John Sigmund Garnerin, Baron Montgelas (), entered the military service of Maximilian III, Elector of Bavaria, and married the Countess Ursula von Trauner. Maximilian Josef, their eldest son, was born in the Bavarian capital Munich on September 10, 1759.

Early life
Montgelas was educated successively at Nancy, Strasbourg, and Ingolstadt. Being a Savoyard on his father's side, he naturally felt the French influence, which was then strong in Germany, with peculiar force. To the end of his life he spoke and wrote French more correctly and with more ease than German. Nevertheless, the Munich-born Montgelas always wanted to be addressed as a Bavarian by nationality.

In 1779 he entered the public service in the department of the censorship of books. The Elector Charles Theodore, who had at first favored him, became offended on discovering that Montgelas was associated with the Illuminati, a secret society in Bavaria that held the most anti-clerical propositions of the Enlightenment. Montgelas therefore went to Zweibrücken, where he was helped by his brother Illuminati to find employment at the Court of the Duke, the head of a branch of the Wittelsbach family. From this refuge also he was driven by orthodox enemies of the Illuminati.

The brother of the Duke of Zweibrücken, Maximilian Joseph, took Montgelas into his service as a Private Secretary. When his employer succeeded to the Duchy, Montgelas was named a Minister, and in that capacity he attended the Second Congress of Rastatt in 1798, where the reconstruction of Germany, which was the consequence of the French Revolution, was in full swing.

Minister in Bavaria
In 1799, the Duke of Zweibrücken succeeded to the throne of the Electorate of Bavaria, and he kept Montgelas as his most trusted adviser. Montgelas was the inspirer and director of the policy by which in 1806 the Electorate was turned into a kingdom and was also greatly increased in size by the annexation of church lands, free towns, and small lordships, such as Wallerstein. As this end was achieved by undeviating servility to Napoleon, and by the most cynical disregard of the rights of Bavaria's German-speaking neighbors, Montgelas became the type of an unpatriotic politician in the eyes of all Germans who revolted against the supremacy of France. From his own conduct and his written defence of his policy, it is clear that such sentiments as theirs appeared to Montgelas to be merely childish.

He was a thorough politician of the 18th century type, who saw and attempted to see nothing except that Bavaria had always been threatened by the house of Habsburg, had been supported by Prussia for purely selfish reasons, and could look for useful support against these two only from France, which had selfish reasons of her own for wishing to counterbalance the power both of Austria and Prussia in Germany. As late as 1813, when Napoleon's power was visibly breaking down, and Montgelas knew the internal weakness of his empire well from visits to Paris, he still continued to maintain that France was necessary to Bavaria.

The decision of the king to turn against Napoleon in 1814 was taken under the influence of his son and of Marshal Wrede rather than of Montgelas, although the minister would not have been influenced by any feeling of sentimentality to adhere to an ally who had ceased to be useful. In internal affairs, Montgelas carried out a policy of secularization and of administrative centralization by determined means, which showed that he had never wholly renounced his opinions of the time of the Enlightenment movement.

In the field in interior politics he can be regarded as the most successful German politician of the early 19th century with a long list of achievements. Already in 1796, when the Duke of Zweibrücken (after the French advance towards Zweibrücken) was a landless prince exiled in Ansbach, Montgelas had developed a masterplan for the future modernisation of Bavaria. This lengthy paper, the "Ansbacher mémoire" was rediscovered in the 1960s and published in 1970 by the Bavarian historian Eberhard Weis, who also is Montgelas' biographer. After 1799 when Maximilian Joseph succeeded to the electorate of Bavaria, Montgelas as his primary adviser and leading statesman very much followed his concept throughout the following years in a very uncompromising manner:

Montgelas enforced the taxation of the nobility and the clergy. Taxation went along with a complete economic description and measurement of Bavaria leading to an outstanding cadastral system. Montgelas passed the first modern constitution for Bavaria in 1808, which included the abolition of any relics of serfdom that had survived until then. Montgelas  was responsible for the abolition of the torture in 1812 by introducing a new penal code based on contemporary humanitarian standards. He introduced compulsory school education, compulsory military service, compulsory vaccination. He reorganised the Bavarian administration by a centralised cabinet of modern ministries instead of a multitude of chambers. Montgelas was also responsible for the abolition of all tolls within the kingdom of Bavaria thus enabling free trade within the country. And he designed and passed a regulation for civil  servants, the "Dienstpragmatik", which became a model for civil service in Germany as whole. According to its rules, admission to any service within the public administration was no longer dependent on whether one was Catholic or of noble family, but solely on the quality of one's education. Thus Montgelas broke the preponderance of the nobility in the higher and decisive ranks of public administration. Civil servants were granted a sufficient salary and their widows a pension. Thus Montgelas refounded the civil service on new ethics and created a social group of servants loyal only to the crown and kingdom of Bavaria.

In order to reduce the political and cultural influence of the Catholic Church in Bavaria in favor of the secular state, Montgelas extended civil rights, including citizenship, to Protestants. The Jewish communities were awarded a secure legal status, although there remained a discriminating special registration.

Along these lines, Montgelas secularized—that is seized for the use and benefit of the State—many Catholic land-holdings, most especially the Bavarian monasteries. Montgelas was attempting to sever the Mortmain that had driven the state to the treasury to the brink of financial ruin under Karl Theodor. According to principles of the Enlightenment and the Napoleonic reorganization of Europe, the expropriation of Church property and the suppression of Church institutions were essential steps to the modernization of the State. Since the earliest centuries of the Middle Ages, the monasteries had owned large stretches of land and governed the farmers working that land. Montgelas, again in keeping with principles of the Enlightenment and the Napoleonic reorganization of Europe that favored the establishment of absolute secular authority over against religion, eliminating such exercises of authority by and resources from church institutions was necessary. Monastic life as such was viewed by Montgelas, in keeping with the most religiously hostile forms of Enlightenment thinking, as useless, at best, and as a breeding ground of "superstition."

In Montgelas's eyes, any form of parliamentary representation was as dangerous to the modern state as was the Church. Even the powerless and highly plutocratic Parliament introduced by the constitution of 1808 practically never came into being. Montgelas himself declared, that the repeated wars prevented any convocation of the Parliament. In fact he preferred his status as a benevolent dictator and successfully evaded any control by any form of Parliament. Only after Montgelas' dismissal in 1817, the  second introduced a real bicameral Parliament (to the standards of the era).

His enemies persuaded the king to dismiss him in 1817, and he spent the remainder of his life as a member of the Bavarian House of Lords ("Kammer der Reichsräte") till his death in 1838.

He had married the Countess von Arco in 1803, and had eight children; in 1809 he was made a count. As a typical generous nobleman of the 18th century he allowed his very attractive wife to have her lovers and even invited some of them to his palace.

Honors

In 2005 the Free State of Bavaria and the city of Munich erected a monument at Munich's Promenadenplatz in his honor.

In 2009, his 250th birth anniversary has been celebrated with the creation of honorific "Montgelas Prize" ("Montgelas-Preis" in German), awarded each year to French leaders to acknowledge their actions in favor of French-German cooperation. It has been awarded to Jean Arthuis (Head of the Committee on Budgets in the European parliament), Philippe Richert (President of the Regional Council of Alsace) and Thierry Breton (CEO of Atos and former Minister of the Economy).

Biography
: Montgelas - Zwischen Revolution und Reform 1759–1799, München, Beck Verlag, 2nd edition, 1988,
Eberhard Weis: Montgelas - Der Architekt des modernen bayerischen Staates 1799–1838, München, Beck Verlag 2005,

See also
 History of Bavaria
 List of Minister-Presidents of Bavaria
 Ludwig I of Bavaria

References

External links
 Books and articles on Bavarian history 1777-1848
 an exhibition on Montgelas
 A Bavarian grammar school named after Montegals with information on him
 Kofi Annan and Montgelas (funny shot, unknown where taken)

}

1759 births
1838 deaths
Nobility from Munich
Counts of Germany
Ministers-President of Bavaria
Members of the Bavarian Reichsrat
People from the Kingdom of Bavaria
De Garnerin von Montgelas
M

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


SsangYong Motor Company cruised to Britain's best performance car manufacturer following a survey of over 10,000 car owners. Participants rated the Korean car manufacturers highly on the Honest John Satisfaction Index 2018, praising the company exceedingly for its reliability, practicality and ease of use.
Ssangyong acquired a rating of an impressive 90.3% in customer satisfaction among its owners, notably being the only brand to exceed the 90% mark. Car owners within the survey assessed each vehicle over a number of points including; reliability, ride comfort, fuel economy, practicality and performance. Owners also ranked their cars for build quality, ease of use and safety.
The fantastic result for SsangYong has been a consequence of the excellent work, impressive initiative and technological advancement by the Korean company. Following the acquisition of SsangYong, Indian corporation Mahindra & Mahindra, invested substantial funds and manpower into the Korean company, eager to utilize the brands identity to escalate their potential.
This investment appears to be paying off. Over the last few years SsangYong has quickly re-forged a name for itself on the streets, particularly praised for its excellent range of SUVs and rugged four-wheel drive tech. The Korean company has also impressed drivers with their new Rexton, Tivoli, Tivoli XLV, Korando and Turismo, all being very well received by car enthusiasts and critics alike.
While the award was humbly accepted by SsangYong, the Korean team will be looking to use this acknowledgment of their accomplishments over the last few years, as a foundation to continue building on. With plans already in motion to take the company to even greater heights, it's safe to say that the innovation and creative minds at SsangYong will continue to exceed our expectations in the years to come.
To view the new SsangYong vehicles, visit the SsangYong Motors Malta dedicated showroom in Attard which is open from Monday to Friday between 9am and 6pm, and on Saturday between 9am and 1pm. For more information, call 2339 2340/1 or 7979 8998. You may also send an e-mail to info@smotor.mt for more details. SsangYong Motors Malta is a mobility business unit within Famalco | Building Businesses.


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Q: Large quoted blocks overflow in the 10k tools Browsing the "Excessively long" flagged posts in the 10k tools (with Chrome) I've noticed that large quoted texts seem to overflow and invade the right sidebar.
(Might be related to Layout slightly broken for large strings in questions on Google Chrome)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


NBA All-Star Weekend is less than three weeks away but the preparations are well underway. With fan voting wrapped up this past week, LeBron James and Giannis Antetokounmpo will be captains, drafting their respective teams on February 7th. But more importantly the weekend, held in Charlotte, will feature the Hornet's own Kemba Walker as a starter, and both Curry brothers (Charlotte natives) in the three point shooting contest. Kudos to the fans for recognizing A) the absurd year Kemba is having and B) letting Charlotte have some locals to root for.
That place is a dumpster fire – is a commonly used expression to denote when something is truly a disaster. Usually the thing being referenced is not actually on fire. Unless in this case where it is.
At the halfway mark of the NBA season the Memphis Grizzlies sit 8 games out of the playoffs and with an aging roster the team has finally decided to pull the plug. News came out this week that the team is looking to trade both of their franchise cornerstones, Mike Conley and Marc Gasol. That news is devastating to Grizzly fans because not only have both players spent their entire career in Memphis, but it also signifies that a full rebuild is coming. But on top of all of that – there was an actual fire in the Grizzlies locker room. When it rains – it pours.
Saints season ticket holders have formally launched a lawsuit against the NFL and the debate even made it all the way to the US Senate floor (for some reason). Meanwhile Roger and NFL have remained silent on the matter with their only action being fining Nickell Robey-Coleman of the Rams for his helmet to helmet hit on the very play in question. The NFL is hoping this will blow over eventually.
The problem is eventually may never come.


It is in accounts of history that we find the earliest beginnings of knowledge in the sciences of human action. An epistemology that is today rejected required of the historian that he approach his subject matter without theory and simply depict the past as it was. He has to describe and portray past reality, and, it was said, he will best succeed in doing this if he views events and the sources of information about them with the least possible amount of prejudice and presupposition.
Not until very late was it realized that the historian cannot duplicate or reproduce the past; on the contrary, he interprets and recasts it, and this requires that he make use of some ideas that he must have already had before setting about his work.1 Even if, in the course of his work, the treatment of his material leads him to new ideas, concepts are always logically prior to the understanding of the individual, the unique, and the non-repeatable. It is impossible to speak of war and peace unless one has a definite conception of war and peace before one turns to the historical sources. Nor can one speak of causes and effects in the individual case unless one possesses a theory that treats certain connections between cause and effect as having a universal range of applicability. The reason why we accept the sentence, "The king defeated the rebels and therefore remained in power," but are not satisfied with the logically contradictory sentence, "The king defeated the rebels and therefore fell from power," is that the first conforms to our theories about the results of military victory, while the latter contradicts them.
The study of history always presupposes a measure of universally valid knowledge. This knowledge, which constitutes the conceptual tool of the historian, may sometimes seem platitudinous to one who considers it only superficially. But closer examination will more often reveal that it is the necessary consequence of a system of thought that embraces all human action and all social phenomena. For example, in using an expression such as "land hunger," "lack of land," or the like, one makes implicit reference to a theory that, if consistently thought through to its conclusion, leads to the law of diminishing returns, or in more general terms, the law of returns. For if this law did not hold, the farmer who wanted to obtain a greater net yield would not require more land; by means of an increased expenditure of labor and capital goods he would be able to obtain from even the smallest piece of tillage the same result he wanted to achieve by increasing the amount of acreage at his disposal. The size of the area available for cultivation would then be a matter of indifference to him.
However, it is not only in history and in the other sciences that make use of the conceptual tools of historical investigation that we find universally valid statements about human action. Such knowledge also constitutes the foundation of the normative sciences?ethics, the philosophy of law, and systematic jurisprudence. The primary task of political philosophy, the philosophy of law, and political science is the attainment of universally valid knowledge of social phenomena. If they have failed in this endeavor, the reason is to be sought not only in the fact that they often strayed from their goal and aimed at others, and?like the philosophy of history?instead of seeking the universally valid in the vicissitudes of particular events, began to search for the objective meaning of things. The determining factor in their failure was that from the very outset they made use of a scientifically unfruitful method: they began not with the individual and his action, but with attempts to view the totality. What they wanted to discover was not the regularity prevailing in the action of men, but the whole course of mankind's progression from its origin to the end of all things.
Psychology, in turning to the individual, found the right starting point. However, its path necessarily leads in another direction than that of the science of human action. The subject matter of the latter is action and what follows from action, whereas the subject matter of psychology is the psychic events that result in action. Economics begins at the point at which psychology leaves off.
The scattered and fragmentary insights of the historical and normative sciences themselves achieved scientific status only with the development of economics in the eighteenth century. When men realized that the phenomena of the market conform to laws, they began to develop catallactics and the theory of exchange, which constitutes the heart of economics. After the theory of the division of labor was elaborated, Ricardo's law of association enabled men to grasp its nature and significance, and thereby the nature and significance of the formation of society.
The development of economics and rationalistic sociology from Cantillon and Hume to Bentham and Ricardo did more to transform human thinking than any other scientific theory before or since. Up to that time it had been believed that no bounds other than those drawn by the laws of nature circumscribed the path of acting man. It was not known that there is still something more that sets a limit to political power beyond which it cannot go. Now it was learned that in the social realm too there is something operative which power and force are unable to alter and to which they must adjust themselves if they hope to achieve success, in precisely the same way as they must take into account the laws of nature.
This realization had enormous significance for men's action. It led to the program and policies of liberalism and thus unleashed human powers that, under capitalism, have transformed the world. Yet it was precisely the practical significance of the theories of the new science that was responsible for its undoing. Whoever wished to combat liberal economic policy was compelled to challenge the character of economics as a science. Enemies arose against it for political reasons.
The historian must never forget that the most momentous occurrence in the history of the last hundred years, the attack launched against the universally valid science of human action and its hitherto best developed branch, economics, was motivated from the very beginning not by scientific ideas, but by political considerations. However, the science of human action itself is not concerned with these political backgrounds, but with the arguments with which it has been confronted. For it has also been confronted with arguments and attacked by objective reasoning. Its nature remained problematical as long as no one succeeded in achieving clarity about the question what this science really is and what character its propositions have.
Concurrently with the achievements that stemmed from the foundation of the science of human action came grandiloquent programmatic declarations that demanded a science of social phenomena. The discoveries made by Hume, Smith, Ricardo, Bentham, and many others may be regarded as constituting the historical beginning and foundation of a truly scientific knowledge of society. The term "sociology," however, was coined by August Comte, who, for the rest, in no way contributed to social science. A great number of authors with him and after him called for a science of society, most of them without appreciating what had already been done toward founding it and without being able to specify how one would go about achieving it. Many lost themselves in empty trivialities, the most frightful example of which may be considered the attempt to conceive of society as a biological organism. Others concocted an ostensible science to justify their political schemes. Still others, for example Comte himself, added new constructions to the philosophy of history and called the result sociology.
These prophets of a new epoch, who professed to have developed for the first time a science of the social realm, not only failed in this domain, which they had declared to be the proper field of their activity, but unhesitatingly set out to destroy history and all the sciences that make use of the historical method. Prepossessed by the idea that Newtonian mechanics constitutes the model for all the genuine sciences, they demanded of history that it at last begin to raise itself to the status of an exact science through the construction of "historical laws."
Windelband, Rickert, and their school opposed these demands and brought into clear relief the special and peculiar characteristics of historical investigation. Nevertheless, their arguments are weakened by their failure to conceive of the possibility of universally valid knowledge in the sphere of human action. In their view the domain of social science comprises only history and the historical method .2 They regarded the findings of economics and historical investigation in the same light as the Historical School. Thus, they remained bound to historicism. Moreover, they did not see that an intellectual outlook corresponding to the empiricism that they had attacked in the field of the sciences of human action often went hand in hand with historicism.
In the view of historicism the field of the science of human action is constituted only by history and the historical method. Historicism maintains that it is a waste of effort to search after universally valid regularities that would be independent of time, place, race, nationality, and culture. All that sociology and economics can tell us is the experience of a historical event, which can be invalidated by new experience. What was yesterday can be otherwise tomorrow. All scientific knowledge in the social realm is derived from experience; it is a generalization drawn from past experience that can always be upset by some later experience. Therefore, the only appropriate method of the social sciences is the specific understanding of the historically unique. There is no knowledge whose validity extends beyond a definite historical epoch or at most beyond several historical epochs.
It is impossible to think this view through consistently to its conclusion. If one attempts to do so, one must sooner or later reach a point at which one is forced to admit that there is something in our knowledge that comes before experience, something whose validity is independent of time and place. Even Sombart, who is today the most outspoken representative of the view that economics must make use of the method of understanding, is compelled to acknowledge that also in the "field of culture, and in particular of human society, there is such a thing as logically necessary relationships." He believes that "they constitute what we call the mind's conformity to law; and we call these principles, deduced a priori, laws."3 Thus, unintentionally and unawares, Sombart has admitted all that is required to prove the necessity of a universally valid science of human action fundamentally different from the historical sciences of human action. If there are such principles and laws at all, then there must also be a science of them; and this science must be logically prior to every other treatment of these problems. It will not do simply to accept these principles as they are conceived in daily life. It is absurd to want to forbid science to enter a field and to demand tolerance for received misconceptions and unclear, contradictory ideas. Nor is Sombart able to offer anything more than a few sarcastic remarks in support of his disapproval of any attempt to treat economics as a universally valid theory. He thinks it is "occasionally very amusing to observe how an empty trifle lying concealed behind a great show of words makes its appearance in all its pitiful meagerness and almost arouses our scorn."4 This is, of course, a quite inadequate attempt to defend the procedure adopted by Sombart and other supporters of historicism. If, as Sombart expressly admits, there are "fundamental economic concepts . . . that are universally valid for all economic action,"5 then science may not be prevented from concerning itself with them.
Perhaps it will be objected that it is belaboring the obvious to insist that economics provides us with universally valid knowledge. Unfortunately, such a reproach would have no justification; in the eyes of many people it is not obvious. Whoever has undertaken to present the teachings of historicism in a coherent form has generally been unable to avoid revealing, at some point in the process, the impossibility of systematically developing the doctrine. However, the importance of historicism does not lie in the entirely abortive attempts that have been made to treat it as a coherent theory. Historicism by its very nature is not a system, but the rejection and denial in principle of the possibility of constructing a system. It exists and operates not within the structure of a complete system of thought, but in critical aperçus, in the propaganda of economic and socio-political programs, and between the lines of historical, descriptive, and statistical studies. The politics and the science of the last decades have been completely dominated by the views of historicism and empiricism. When it is recalled that an author who, during his lifetime, stood in the highest regard in the German-speaking countries as a theorist of "the economic aspects of political science," explained the necessity to economize as a specific feature of production in a money economy,8 one will certainly appreciate the need of emphasizing the untenability of historicism before embarking upon the task of setting forth the logical character of the science of human action.
It is indisputable that there is and must be an aprioristic theory of human action. And it is equally indisputable that human action can be the subject matter of historical investigation. The protest of the consistent representatives of historicism, who do not want to admit the possibility of a theory that would be independent of time and place, need disturb us no more than the contention of naturalism, which wants to challenge the scientific character of history so long as it has not reached the point where it can establish historical laws.
Naturalism presupposes that empirical laws could be derived a posteriori from the study of historical data. Sometimes it is assumed that these laws are valid without respect to time or place, sometimes that they have validity only for certain periods, countries, races, or nationalities.9 The overwhelming majority of historians reject both varieties of this doctrine. Indeed, it is generally rejected even by those who are in accord with historicism and who do not want to admit that, without the aid of the aprioristic theory of human action, the historian would be completely at a loss to deal with his material and would be unable to solve any of his problems. Such historians generally maintain that they are able to carry on their work completely free of theory.
We need not enter here into the investigation of whether historicism must lead necessarily to the one or to the other of these two views. Whoever is of the opinion that the doctrine of historicism cannot be consistently thought through to its conclusion will consider it futile to undertake such an investigation. The only point worth noting is that a sharp opposition exists between the view of the adherents of the Historical School and that of the majority of historians. Whereas the former believe that they can discover empirical laws from the data of history and want to call the compilation of such laws sociology and economics, most historians would not be willing to agree that this can be done.
The thesis of those who affirm the possibility of deriving empirical laws from historical data we shall call empiricism. Historicism and empiricism are, consequently, not the same thing, As a rule, though certainly not always, if they take any position on the problem at all, historians profess their adherence to historicism. With few exceptions (Buckle, for example) they are opponents of empiricism. The adherents of the Historical and the Institutionalist Schools take the point of view of historicism, although they find it impossible to maintain this doctrine in its purity as soon as they attempt to state it in a logically and epistemologically coherent manner; they are almost always in accord with empiricism. Thus, a sharp contrast of view generally exists between the historians and the economists and sociologists of the Historical School.
The question with which we are now concerned is no longer whether a prevailing regularity can be discovered in human action, but whether the observation of facts without any reference to a system of aprioristic knowledge of human action can be considered a method capable of leading us to the cognition of such a regularity. Can economic history furnish "building stones" for an economic theory, as Schmoller maintains?10 Can the "findings of economic history's specialized description become elements of theory and lead to universal truths"? In this connection we shall not take up the question of the possibility of universal "historical laws" (which would therefore not be economic laws) that has often been exhaustively discussed.11 We shall limit ourselves to examining whether, by means of the observation of facts, that is, by an a posteriori method, we could arrive at statements of the kind sought for by the system of economic theory.
Hypotheses must be continually verified anew by experience. In an experiment they can generally be subjected to a particular method of examination. Various hypotheses are linked together into a system, and everything is deduced that must logically follow from them. Then experiments are performed again and again to verify the hypotheses in question. One tests whether new experience conforms to the expectations required by the hypotheses. Two assumptions are necessary for these methods of verification: the possibility of controlling the conditions of the experiment, and the existence of experimentally discoverable constant relations whose magnitudes admit of numerical determination. If we wish to call a proposition of empirical science true (with whatever degree of certainty or probability an empirically derived proposition can have) when a change of the relevant conditions in all observed cases leads to the results we have been led to expect, then we may say that we possess the means of testing the truth of such propositions.
With regard to historical experience, however, we find ourselves in an entirely different situation. Here we lack the possibility not only of performing a controlled experiment in order to observe the individual determinants of a change, but also of discovering numerical constants. We can observe and experience historical change only as the result of the combined action of a countless number of individual causes that we are unable to distinguish according to their magnitudes. We never find fixed relationships that are open to numerical calculation. The long cherished assumption that a proportional relationship, which could be expressed in an equation, exists between prices and the quantity of money has proved fallacious; and as a result the doctrine that knowledge of human action can be formulated in quantitative terms has lost its only support.
Whoever wants to derive laws of human action from experience would have to be able to show how given situations influence action quantitatively and qualitatively. It is psychology that generally has sought to provide such a demonstration, and for that reason all those who assign this task to sociology and economics are prone to recommend to them the psychological method. What is more, by the psychological method they understand not what was called psychological—in a rather inappropriate and even misleading sense—in the method of the Austrian School, but rather the procedures and discoveries of scientific psychology itself.
However, psychology has failed in this sphere. With the use of its methods it can, of course, observe unconscious reactions to stimuli in the manner of the biological sciences. Beyond this it can accomplish nothing that could lead to the discovery of empirical laws. It can determine how definite men have behaved in definite situations in the past, and it infers from its findings that conduct will be similar in the future if similar men are placed in a similar situation. It can tell us how English school boys behaved in the last decades when confronted with a definite situation, for example, when they encountered a crippled beggar. Such information tells us very little about the conduct of English school children in the coming decades or about the conduct of French or German school children. Psychology can establish nothing more than the occurrence of an historical incident: the cases observed have shown such and such; but the conclusions drawn from the observed cases, which refer to English school children of a definite period, are not logically justified when applied to other cases of the same historical and ethnological character that have not been observed.
All that observation teaches us is that the same situation has a different effect on different men. The attempt to arrange men in classes whose members all react in the same way has not been successful because even the same men react differently at different times, and there is no means of ascribing unequivocally definite modes of reaction to different ages or other objectively distinguishable periods or conditions of life. Consequently, there is no hope of achieving knowledge of a regularity in the phenomena by this method. This is what one has in mind when one speaks of free will, of the irrationality of what is human, spiritual, or historical, of individuality in history, and of the impossibility of rationally comprehending life in its fullness and diversity. One expresses the same idea in pointing out that it is not possible for us to grasp how the action of the external world influences our minds, our will, and, consequently, our action. It follows from this that psychology, in so far as it deals with such things, is history or, in the terminology of current German philosophy, a moral science.
Whoever declares that the method of historical understanding used by the moral sciences is appropriate also for economics should be aware of the fact that this method can never lead to the discovery of empirical laws. Understanding is precisely the method that the historical sciences (in the broadest sense of the term) employ in dealing with the unique, the non-repeatable, that is, in treating what is simply historical. Understanding is the mental grasp of something that we are unable to bring under rules and explain through them.12 This is true not only of the field traditionally designated as that of universal history, but also of all special fields, above all that of economic history. The position taken by the empiricist school of German economics in the struggle against economic theory is untenable also from the standpoint of the logic of the historical sciences as developed by Dilthey, Windelband, Rickert, and Max Weber.
In the empirical sciences the controlled experiment is indispensable for the a posteriori derivation of propositions whenever experience presents only complex phenomena in which the effect is produced by several interlinked causes. In historical experience we can observe only complex phenomena, and an experiment is inapplicable to such a situation. Sometimes it is said that a mental experiment (Gedankenexperiment) could take its place. However, a mental experiment, logically considered, has an entirely different meaning from a real experiment. It involves thinking through the implications of a proposition in the light of its compatibility with other propositions that we accept as true. If these other propositions are not derived from experience, then the mental experiment makes no reference to experience.
Human thought serves human life and action. It is not absolute thought, but the forethought directed toward projected acts and the afterthought that reflects upon acts done. Hence, in the last analysis, logic and the universally valid science of human action are one and the same. If we separate them, so as to contrast logic and practice, we must show at what point their paths diverge and where the special province of the science of action is to be found.
One of the tasks with which thought must cope in order to fulfill its function is that of comprehending the conditions under which human action takes place. To treat these in their concrete detail is the work of the natural sciences and, in a certain sense, also of history and the other historical sciences. Our science, on the other hand, disregarding the accidental, considers only the essential. Its goal is the comprehension of the universal, and its procedure is formal and axiomatic. It views action and the conditions under which action takes place not in their concrete form, as we encounter them in everyday life, nor in their actual setting, as we view them in each of the sciences of nature and of history, but as formal constructions that enable us to grasp the patterns of human action in their purity.
Only experience makes it possible for us to know the particular conditions of action in their concrete form. Only experience can teach us that there are lions and microbes and that their existence can present definite problems to acting man; and it would be absurd, without experience, to indulge in speculations about the existence or nonexistence of some legendary beast. The existence of the external world is given through experience; and if we pursue definite plans, only experience can teach us how we must act vis-?-vis the external world in concrete situations.
However, what we know about our action under given conditions is derived not from experience, but from reason. What we know about the fundamental categories of action?action, economizing, preferring, the relationship of means and ends, and everything else that, together with these, constitutes the system of human action?is not derived from experience. We conceive all this from within, just as we conceive logical and mathematical truths, a priori, without reference to any experience. Nor could experience ever lead anyone to the knowledge of these things if he did not comprehend them from within himself.
As an a priori category the principle of action is on a par with the principle of causality. It is present in all knowledge of any conduct that goes beyond an unconscious reaction. "In the beginning was the deed." In our view the concept of man is, above all else, also the concept of the being who acts. Our consciousness is that of an ego which is capable of acting and does act. The fact that our deeds are intentional makes them actions. Our thinking about men and their conduct, and our conduct toward men and toward our surroundings in general, presuppose the category of action.
Nevertheless, we are quite incapable of thinking of this fundamental category and the system deduced from it without also thinking, at the same time, of the universal prerequisites of human action. For example, we are unable to grasp the concept of economic action and of economy without implying in our thought the concept of economic quantity relations and the concept of an economic good. Only experience can teach us whether or not these concepts are applicable to anything in the conditions under which our life must actually be lived. Only experience tells us that not all things in the external world are free goods. However, it is not experience, but reason, which is prior to experience, that tells us what is a free and what is an economic good.
Consequently, it would be possible to construct, by the use of the axiomatic method, a universal praxeology so general that its system would embrace not only all the patterns of action in the world that we actually encounter, but also patterns of action in worlds whose conditions are purely imaginary and do not correspond to any experience. A theory of money would still be meaningful even if throughout history there had never been any indirect exchange. That such a theory would have no practical importance in a world that did not use money would in no way detract from the truth of its statements. Because we study science for the sake of real life?and, it should be remembered, the desire for pure knowledge for its own sake is also a part of life?and not as a form of mental gymnastics, we generally do not mind forgoing the gratification that could be offered by a perfect, comprehensive system of the axioms of human action, a system so universal that it would comprise all thinkable categories of the conditions of action. Instead, we are satisfied with the less universal system that refers to the conditions given in the world of experience.
Nevertheless, this reference to experience in no way changes the aprioristic character of our knowledge. In this connection, experience is of absolutely no concern to our thinking. All that we owe to experience is the demarcation of those problems that we consider with interest from problems that we wish to leave aside because they are uninteresting from the point of view of our desire for knowledge. Hence, experience by no means always refers to the existence or nonexistence of the conditions of action, but often only to the presence of an interest in the treatment of a problem. In experience there is no socialist community; nevertheless, the investigation of the economy of such a community is a problem that in our age arouses the greatest of interest.
A theory of action could conceivably be constructed on the assumption that men lacked the possibility of understanding one another by means of symbols, or on the assumption that men—immortal and eternally young—were indifferent in every respect to the passage of time and therefore did not consider it in their action. The axioms of the theory could conceivably be framed in such universal terms as to embrace these and all other possibilities; and it would be conceivable to draw up a formal praxeological system patterned after the science of logic or the science built upon the axioms of, for example, Hilbertian geometry.14 We forgo these possibilities because conditions that do not correspond to those we encounter in our action interest us only in so far as thinking through their implications in imaginary constructions enables us to further our knowledge of action under given conditions.
The method actually employed by economists in the treatment of their problems can be seen with particular clarity in the case of the problem of imputation. Conceivably it would be possible to formulate the theory of the appraisement and pricing of the factors of production (goods of higher order, producers' goods) in the broadest generality so that, for one thing, we would work only with an unqualified concept, viz., means of production. We could then elaborate the theory in such a way that the three factors of production that are enumerated in the customary presentation would appear as special cases. But we proceed differently. We do not bother to furnish a universal imputation theory of the means of production as such, but proceed immediately to the treatment of the three categories of means of production: land, labor, and capital. This practice is altogether warranted by the object of our investigation, of which we must never lose sight.
Our science deals with the forms and patterns of action under the various categories of its conditions. In pointing this out we are not drafting a plan for a future science. We do not maintain that the science of human action should be made aprioristic, but that it is so already. We do not want to discover a new method, but only to characterize correctly the method that is actually used. The theorems of economics are derived not from the observation of facts, but through deduction from the fundamental category of action, which has been expressed sometimes as the economic principle (i.e., the necessity to economize), sometimes as the value principle or as the cost principle. They are of aprioristic derivation and therefore lay claim to the apodictic certainty that belongs to basic principles so derived.
It is in sociology and above all in economics that we encounter the universally valid science of human action. Whatever has hitherto been accomplished in this science is to be considered either sociology or economics in the traditional sense. Names are conventional designations that in no way can directly—that is, without reference to an existing terminolop—express the essence of what is designated, as a still widespread view demands. Consequently, there is no point in examining the appropriateness of the terms "economics" (theory of the economy) and "sociology" (theory of society) as names for the universally valid science of human action. Inherited from the past, they have accompanied the science on its way to the development of a completely comprehensive theoretical system. That is why these terms, in accordance with the way in which words are coined, refer to the historical starting point of the investigation and not to the logical foundation of the developed theory or to the central idea of the theory itself. Unfortunately, this fact has not always been appreciated, and repeated attempts have been made to define and comprehend the scope and task of the science on the basis of nomenclature. In the spirit of a crude form of conceptual realism, society was designated as the subject matter assigned to sociology, and the economy, or the economic aspect of culture, as the theme of economics. And then no pains were spared in the attempt to ascertain what, after all, society and the economy really are.
If today we may take the view that the subject of our science is human action, without fear of thereby arousing more hostility than that which every scientific theory encounters, it is because of the work of several generations of scholars. The investigations of such completely different thinkers as Cairnes, Bagehot, Menger, Max Weber, and Robbins show that they are all guided by this idea. In view of the history of science it is understandable that the claim of economics to be aprioristic and not empirical may still give rise to opposition because the existing literature has only slightly prepared the way for it. The two hundred years in which the development of our science has taken place have not been favorable to the acknowledgment of a new field of aprioristic knowledge. The successes achieved by the use of the empirical methods of the natural sciences and by the careful investigation of sources on the part of the historical sciences have attracted so much attention that no notice was taken of the advances that the aprioristic sciences were making at the same time, although without them the progress made by empiricism would not have been possible. An age that wanted to deny the aprioristic character even of logic was certainly not prepared for the recognition of the aprioristic character of praxeology.
A glance at the theories of Senior, John Stuart Mill, Cairnes, and Wieser will show that, in spite of different terminologies and divergent views of the logical character of economics and of its place among the sciences, the conception of it as an aprioristic discipline was not, in fact, very far from the position taken not only by the economists who adhered to the views of the classical school, but also by the authors of the subjective theory of value. However, in this connection, one should be careful not to draw too sweeping conclusions from their statements, in view of the profound changes that have taken place since then in the conception of the fundamental logical and methodological questions and, correspondingly, also in the terminology of the literature devoted to their treatment.
Here both the observation of the external world and self-consciousness are mentioned as the sources of our knowledge. However, it is said that these propositions, which originate from within, either are immediately evident or follow necessarily from immediately evident propositions. Consequently, they are of aprioristic derivation and are not dependent upon experience, unless one wishes to call aprioristic cognition inner experience.
a fund of experiences that are the common possession of all who practice economy. These are experiences that every theorist already finds within himself without first having to resort to special scientific procedures. They are experiences concerning facts of the external world, as for instance, the existence of goods and their orders; experiences concerning facts of an internal character, such as the existence of human needs, and concerning the consequences of this fact; and experiences concerning the origin and course of economic action on the part of most men.
1. Cf. Rickert, Kulturwissenschaft und Naturwissenschaft (3rd ed.; Tübingen, 1915), pp. 28 ff.
2. Cf. below p. 74.
3. Sombart, Die drei Nationalökonomien (Munich and Leipzig, 1930), p. 253.
5. Sombart, op. cit., p. 247.
6. Sombart, op. cit., p. 298.
7. Knies, Die politische Okonomie vom geschichtlichen Standpunkte (Braunschweig, 1883), p. 24.
8. Cf. Lexis, Allgemeine Volkswirtschaftslehre (3rd ed.; Berlin and Leipzig, 1926), p. 14.
9. For a critique of this second point of view, cf. below pp. 25 ff. and pp. 119 ff.
10. Schmoller, "Volkswirtschaft, Volkswirtschaftslehre und Methode," Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften (3rd ed.), VIII, 464.
11. Concerning historical laws, cf. below pp. 109 ff.
12. a. b. Cf. below pp. 130 ff.
13. Several great economists were at the same time great logicians: Hume, Whately, John Stuart Mill, and Stanley Jevons.
14. Cf. Eugen Slutsky, "Ein Beitrag zur formal-praxeologischen Grundlegung der Ökonomik," Annales de la classe des sciences sociales-économiques (Kiev: Académie Oukraïenne des Sciences, 1926), IV.
15. On this point cf. my Socialism, trans. by J. Kahane (new ed.; New Haven, 1951), pp. 331 f.
16. On the universalist view cf. below pp. 153 f. For a special application of the reasoning outlined in the text to the theory of capital, cf. below pp. 217 ff.
19. John Stuart Mill, Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy (3rd ed.; London, 1877), p. 143.
20. John Stuart Mill, System of Logic Ratiocinative and Inductive (8th ed.; London, 1872), 1, 290 ff.
22. John Stuart Mill, op. cit., pp. 146 ff.
23. Cairnes, The Character and Logical Method of Political Economy (3rd ed.; London, 1888), p. 83.
26. Ibid., pp. 89 ff.
27. Menger's pioneering investigations are still further weakened by their dependence on Mill's empiricism and psychologism. In this connection I wish to emphasize that I employ terms like "empiricism," "historicism," etc. without any connotation of a value judgment. Cf. Husserl, Logische Untersuchungen (3rd ed.; Halle, 1922), 1, 52, footnote.
28. Friedrich von Wieser, "Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft," Grundriss der Sozialökonomik (Tübingen, 1914), p. 133.
29. Friedrich von Wieser, "Das Wesen und der Hauptinhalt der theoretischen Nationalökonomie," <em>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</em>, ed. by F.A. Hayek (Tübingen, 1929), p. 17.
30. Among the most recent works devoted to the logic and methodology of the science of human action are those of Karel Englis: Grundlagen des wirtschaftlichen Denkens, trans. by Saudek (Brünn, 1925); Begrundung der Teleologie als Form des empirischen Erkennens (Brünn, 1930); and Teleologische Theorie der Staatswirtschaft (Brünn, 1933). The opposition between causality and teleology, which is the chief concern of Englis, is not within the scope of the problems dealt with here.


text:
Q: textView wont display decimals I am having an issue with my program, my textveiw will not display any decimals, heres the break down on whats happeneing.  The user enters a number in a textEdit (Also how do i make the textedit only accept numbers AND a decimal point?) that number gets converted to a int, sent to my second activity, diveded by 3600, then displayed in a textveiw box.  The issue is that when that number is displayed it has no decimal value, for example if its less than 1 it will not display anything, how can i go about fixing this? i need it to at least go to the 1000th place.
Here is my code one activity1:
    public void sendMessage(View view) {
    // Do something in response to button
    Intent intent = new Intent(this, PayTracker.class);
    // Gather text from text boxes
    EditText editText = (EditText) findViewById(R.id.hourly_wage);
    //Create String from text
    String message1 = editText.getText().toString();
    //Convert String to Int
    int HW = 0;
    try{
        HW = Integer.valueOf(message1);
    }
    catch(NumberFormatException nfe){
        //do something else here
        //for e.g. initializing default values to your int variables
    }
    // Send Integers to PayTracker.java
    intent.putExtra(MESSAGE_HW, HW);
    // start new activity
    startActivity(intent);

And then this is activity2 where the number needs to be displayed:
    public void sendMessage(View view) {
    // Receive messages from options page
    Intent intent = getIntent();
    int HW = intent.getIntExtra(Options.MESSAGE_HW, 0);
    // Calculate pay per second
    int PPS = 0;
    PPS = (HW/3600);

    // set textView
    TextView textView = (TextView) this.findViewById(R.id.yourpay);
    textView.setText(String.valueOf(PPS));
}

Any help would be appreciated! thanks!

A: Use doubles or floats. From what I see, everything should work except that you forgot that 5 divided by 2 as int is 2, and not 2.5.
so do as gtumca said and use doubles; longs are just bigger ints.
in other words...
activity1
try{
    HW = Double.valueOf(message1);
}

activity 2
//double HW = intent.getIntExtra(Options.MESSAGE_HW, 0);
double HW = intent.getDoubleExtra(Options.MESSAGE_HW, 0);
     // pay is rarely a round number
double PPS = HW / 3600;

A: You are using int as data type  so you are getting int values only
double PPS = 0;
^^^^^^
instead of
int PPS = 0;

A:
that number gets converted to a int

Integers dont have decimals :)
As to the EditText only accepting numbers:
EditText, inputType values (xml)
Set one of those types to your EditText in the Layout xml like:
android:inputType="number"

A: You shouldn't use float or double to keep numbers with such big precision. Float and double cannot represent decimal fractions exactly due to their internal representations. Please, check BigDecimal if you want 1000-digit precission(or more).


India voted to create a 29th state with important political and demographic consequences.
Geography syllabuses are in for a change in India. Students have been learning that there are four Dravidian states in South India but now they will have to memorize a fifth. With the creation of Telangana, the biggest democracy in South Asia has added one more state, thereby taking the total to 29 Indian states.
With the Upper House passing the bill to create a new state by bifurcating Andhra Pradesh on Thursday evening, Telangana became a reality. For almost two weeks, parliament witnessed unprecedented chaos and acrimony over the passage of the bill. Those protesting the bifurcation of the state resorted to all sorts of tactics, including using pepper spray, to disrupt the proceedings and delay the inevitable.
But this was not to be. With the ruling Congress and the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) both in favor, there was no doubt in anybody's mind that the winter session of parliament would give birth to a new state, which it did on Thursday.
The delivery of the new state came after a long labor of over four decades. Hundreds of lives were lost in the process. The first major struggle to carve out a new state started in the late 1960s but the Congress government in Delhi crushed the movement. The Telangana movement did not die down.
The seeds of dissension in Telangana were planted in 1956, when Indian states were reorganized along linguistic lines and South India was divided into four separate linguistic states–Telugu speakers got Andhra Pradesh, Tamils Tamil Nadu, Malayali speakers Kerala and Kannada speakers Karnataka.
But the people of northern Andhra Pradesh, despite being Telugu speakers, were not happy with the division. They feel culturally, historically, and economically separate from the the other part of the state.
History says that the Telangana region–that is, northern Andhra Pradesh–was under the rule the princely state of Nizam. They were not part of British India and as a result modern education and other economic benefits which linguistically contiguous areas witnessed did not reach the princely state. After Independence, when the princely state was merged with greater India, the linguistic similarities did not hide the cultural and economic differences and disparities.
Successive Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh since 1956 failed to develop the laggard region of the state. The people of Telangana felt exploited and deprived in their own region. These historical grievances have been the driving force behind the demand for a separate state.
One wonders why the ruling party decided to take the plunge today, after so many years. No doubt the backwardness of Telangana is the main factor for its creation, but the immediate cause is political.
The predominant political force in the state, the Congress Party, has started losing its clout after the accidental death of its powerful Chief Minister Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy in 2009. A rebellion by the departed leader's son divided the party and subsequent Chief Ministers failed to exercise a firm grip on the state.
Andhra Pradesh has been one of the prime states which has been instrumental in the successive victories of the Congress Party in Delhi. The party won three out of four parliamentary seats in the state in 2004 and 2009 and consolidated its power in the national capital. Then, divisions in the party and a lack of any powerful leadership within the state began to gnaw away at the ruling alliance in Delhi.
By acquiescing to the long-pending demand for a separate state, the party is attempting to stay afloat in a region where it was otherwise facing a complete washout. With the creation of the Telangana Congress Party, the Congress now hopes to garner a majority of 17 parliamentary seats in the new state.
The BJP also senses power in the new territory. It has started wavering on its stand under the influence of its potential regional partner, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), whose support the Hindu right-wing party sees as important in aiding the formation of a government in New Delhi after the 2014 elections. The right-wing party also calculates that in other regions of Andhra Pradesh, the BJP does not have any chance to establish itself, but in Telangana, because of its predominant Hindu demography, it has a chance to gain its foothold in the future.
Political calculations apart, with the birth of a new state, what used to be Andhra Pradesh is now divided into two regions: Seemandhra and Telangana. For ten years, both states will share Hyderabad as a joint capital. The Prime Minister announced a financial package for Seemandhra to compensate for the loss of a huge swath of territory.
The debate in Andhra Pradesh is settled, but in the future, voices for separate states will gain currency in other parts of the country.
A Nepali-dominated region of West Bengal has been pushing for a separate Gorkhaland for more than two decades. The creation of Telangana will give a new sense of urgency to the demand. The Western Indian state of Maharashtra faces a clamor for a Vidarbha state and it will get louder in the years to come. The largest state, Uttar Pradesh, has been beset with voices calling for three separate provinces. The arrival of Telangana will strengthen such voices.


text:
Santander Seek Out 'Big Ideas'
£20k competition is looking for bright, young minds to solve tech issues in finance industry
Santander is offering to share of £20,000 to ambitious young innovators who can help solve some of the key technological issues facing the financial industry. The Big Ideas competition aims to help people identify and develop solutions, with participants retaining ownership of their work.
The Big Idea is made up of 3 challenges:
The future of semantic search – With more and more content and data being generated by both customers and banks it's a challenge for front office staff to find answers to complex queries quickly and efficiently. How would you search for meaning in a sea of data?
The future of digital authentication – How can personal information be protected in the digital age? What do you think is the ideal way to verify your online identity?
The future of virtual banking – Virtual reality is the seamless transition from the physical world to the virtual world. How can Santander use this technology to improve the customer experience?
Applicants with a big idea need to be a UK or international student or recent graduated in the last 5 years. Santander is encouraging people to work in teams since in the second part of the competition they'll be asked to develop a prototype.
The closing date for entries is 15 January 2016, with proposals judged on the basis of creativity, feasibility, viability and credibility.
Prizes worth £20,000 are up for grabs, split into:
Best overall phase 1 submissions: up to 30 prizes of £50
The future of semantic search category winner: £5,000
The future of digital authentication category winner: £5,000
The future of virtual banking category winner: £5,000
Santander creative thinkers award for the most forward-thinking proposal: £3,500
Finalists will also be given the opportunity to:
Develop ideas with engagement from Santander's innovation team.
Present their idea to Santander's senior and executive teams.
Gain valuable experience for their CV.
Apply academic theory to real business challenges.
Find out more about the competition on Santander's Universities Enterprise Portal.
News » Entrepreneurs
News » Finance & Funding
News » Fintech

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Brandon Mitchell and Tech365 were able to recover items from two of my hard drives in a fast and professional manner. After researching a number of other larger organizations in the area, not only was Tech365 the most economical choice, they completed the task within a few days compared to the few weeks everyone else estimated. I will use Tech365 for my future computer needs, and will recommend them to any friend or business partner in the future!
If I was ever asked to describe Mr. Brandon Mitchell and his work I would use these three words: Professional, Creative and Trustworthy! Mr. Mitchell has proved to be an extremely focused and dedicated individual who knows exactly how to get any task done the right way. What would take most companies days or weeks to complete, Mr. Mitchell was able to complete in a few hours. Working at the highest level of efficiency and professionalism have proved to be Mr. Mitchell's great attributes. As an artist, I have had many demanding tasks for Mr. Mitchell. He has been able to digitize my thoughts and ideas and put them on the screen for the world to see. On many occasions I was delighted by Mr. Mitchell's thoughts and insightful comments. His creative suggestions contributed significantly to the development of my product. Mr. Mitchell has shown his unconditional dedication to his work. He has always been available even outside of his regular working hours in all effort and desire to honor my requests. Throughout this time, Mr. Mitchell has proven to be a remarkably responsible person. His quick responses have earned my highest level of trust. Working with Mr. Mitchell over the last several years has been a true pleasure. His work as a programmer and web designer has always been at the highest technological caliber. I can say in all faith that any company or individual who works with Mr. Mitchell will have a professional, creative and trustworthy personality to cooperate with.
I've known Brandon since 2007. he was one of my students when I taught Broadcasting and Video Production at the Walker Career Center in Warren Township. Even as a high school student I could tell that Brandon was on his way to becoming a self-made man. I have re-connected with him since owning Jensen Productions Inc. Brandon has been very instrumental in helping me network my two mac computers so I can have a more efficient post-production facility. Also, he helped me setup a secure router for my office to protect my sensitive data. I would highly recommend Brandon and Tech365!


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Executive Director's Note
Refugee Cities
Expanding the options of displaced people by promoting special-status settlements in which they can engage in meaningful, dignifying, and rewarding work.
Gregory Song
Gregory Song is a Junior Fellow at the Pacific Council on International Policy where he focuses on communications strategy and external relations. Greg has worked closely with premier global membership organizations in California, fostering a professional network with the Asia Society, Berggruen Institute, Los Angeles World Affairs Council, and the Pacific Council. His dedication to Refugee Cities comes from his personal focus on the Korean Peninsula and inter-Korean cooperation in Special Economic Zones. He hopes to work towards an international solution of economic development and opportunity for the potential North Korean refugee crisis.
Greg holds a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and East Asian Studies from Villanova University, where he specialized in the political economy of China, Japan, and Korea. He has studied throughout the Asia-Pacific, speaks Korean and basic Cantonese, and is involved in several Asian-American organizations on the U.S. East and West Coast.


Striker is a strikingly well made movie that showcases the final triumph of the indomitable human spirit against all odds.
The film is set in the Malwani slums of Mumbai during the period of 1980s.Surya (Siddharth) is born into a poor family and dies not have much of education. He becomes a carom champion at the age of twelve. As a youth he tries for a job in Dubai and gets duped. A dejected Surya is then attached to his child hood friend Zaid (Ankur Vikal) who does not care much for ethics and social norms. Zaid introduces Surya to Jaleel (Aditya Pancholi). Surya becomes a member of Jaleel's carom club. But Jaleel is a dreaded gangster of Malwani and he does every illegal business that is conceivable.
Noorie (Nicolette Bird) comes into Surya's life like a breath of fresh air when her family becomes his neighbours. Surya frequents a local bar run by Madhu (Padmapriya). She is a fisherwoman, who effectively deals with the various sorts of customers that visit her bar. A mature friendship develops between Surya and Madhu. Surya decides to take on Jaleel on his own turf. Then there is Inspector Farooque (Anupam Kher) who is unlike any other cop and he is honest, tough and smart. Posted in Malwani his job is to eliminate criminals one by one.
All hell breaks loose on December 6, 1992 when the Babri Masjid is demolished leading to widespresd communal riots in Mumbai. Through the trauma of frightful existence, Surya discovers himself and cements his friendships.
Siddharth gives a strikingly impressive performance. Aditya Pancholi gives a spirited performance as the gang leader. Ankur Vikal essays his role with ease. Padma Priya entices with her rustic actions. Vidya Malvade and Seema Biswas are convincing. Nicollete Bird is charming. Anupam Kher is as usual brilliant as the police officer. All others are more than adequate in their roles.
Producer-director Chandan Arora comes out with another out of the box story and makes a credible film with realistic characters. The dialogues add spice and the screenplay grabs your attention to the narration. Cinematography by P S Vinod is superb adding to the various moods of the story. Music is good and lyrics are apt. Sound design adds to the narration style.
Striker is a thought provoking film that emphasizes the human values and the value of maturity of human mind while struggling against indomitable odds. The film is worth a look.


Alemtuzumab injection is used to treat the relapsing forms of multiple sclerosis (MS). This medicine will not cure MS, but it may slow some of the disabling effects and decrease the number of relapses of the disease. It should only be used when 2 or more other medicines to treat MS did not work well.
This medicine is available only under a restricted distribution program called the Lemtrada® REMS (Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy) Program.


You may have heard the name hard and soft water. Sometimes you will be wondered what they exactly mean. What kind of water is needed for your home? Do you have water better than the others? What kind of water would you like to get at your home? Do you know the difference between hard vs soft water?
Surely, you cannot create all tap water equally. To make the idea more allusive, hard water is not better than the soft. Moreover, soft water is not a preferable option always.
The normal way to determine the hardness of water is looking at sud information with the soap. The latter information is less compared to the soft water. Rather than the hard water produces a white precipitate. The other way of detecting hardness is scaling. The scale is white in color as there are magnesium and calcium in the hard water. The presence of muddy and cloudy or milky appearance of the swimming pool indicates the hardness of water.
Hard water is a kind of water that has a concentration of dissolved minerals like magnesium and calcium. The water that does not contain minerals is called soft water. The minerals are taken out from water at the time of passing it through materials which hold magnesium and calcium like limestone. Sometimes hard water is chosen to drink for its taste, not for its minerals.
There are extra elements in a water softener. This may be occurring in the water treatment to remove hardness from water. The taste of the soft water is salty, and this water is not good for drinking. If the taste of the hard water is more than the soft water, why people would like to drink soft water? There are some who like to think about the usefulness of soft water, the duration of appliances, the power of cleaning detergents, the outweigh the downside. Now we consider the positive and negative sides of the water softener.
We may choose rainwater for our example. The taste of the rainwater is acidic. The reason is that there are carbon compounds found in the air for pollution. Now we think the rain waterfall in the area where there are lots of limestone rocks. We find calcium carbonate in limestone. As the water soaks to the limestone layers, calcium compound mixes with the acidic rainwater. The water turns into hard water as magnesium and calcium are found in water.
For various factors, the hardness depends on. It mainly depends on the rock types. By outside looking, you cannot detect hard or soft water. It needs to test. By looking some signs in your home's water, you may guess the water is soft or hard.
The scale is the kind of mineral that you get the deposit in the external and the internal part of the plumbing. So you need to clean the parts that come contact with water. If there is scale build up, it will reduce the efficiency of the system. The scale is inconvenient, but it is not harmful to the health issue.
The hardness that you cannot remove by boiling is called the permanent hardness. Normal hardness may occur in the presence of bicarbonate minerals. Permanent hardness may take place for the presence of magnesium and calcium in the water. Permanent hardness is not a permanent issue. Water softening process can remove it. Boiling causes carbonate to form bicarbonate on the soft water.
The water hardness depends on some factors like the Ph temperature, minerals of the water, etc. The U. S Geological Survey state the range of measurements to detect the hard and soft water. We cannot define scale by considering only one factor.
There are various minerals in the hard water such as magnesium and calcium. Everyone needs a certain amount of these minerals in their body. Calcium makes your bones healthy and strong whereas magnesium performs the same activity. This will help to process the protein and fat at the same time.
The appropriate amount of these things makes the body fit. The excess amount of these may cause a problem such as vomiting, tiredness, and diarrhea. The people who are living in this kind of hard water area may face the problem. You need to think about it.
People who are encountering this kind of problem should know what kind of damage they may do. The contaminant may stick to the surface of your water pipes and build up around the faucets. They may cause some other problems for the appliance.
If you see any white spot on the chrome sink or the surface of an appliance, be sure there is the presence of hardness in your water. Though there is no limescale in it, soon it will build up. You must have to use a lot of greases to escape the buildup. I have faced this kind of problem, and sometimes people use a sharp knife to remove the buildup.
If you see the limescale on water, think what may happen to your water pipes. You may notice the pressure of water has reduced. You may see that one or more of water pipes may be encrusted from inside for the building of limescale.
Hard Water Treatment: How is water softened?
If you reduce magnesium, calcium and other minerals from hard water, it turns into soft water. The normal hardness of water can be removed by adding lime or boiling it. Permanent hardness can be removed by ion- exchange resins where the hardness ions are transmitted to sodium ions. Celator is used to make the water softener. Sometimes citric acid that is used in shampoo, or soap or laundry detergent can be used to make the water soft.
When you know the water is hard to your home, there will be the problem with your hair. I have no knowledge that Wisconsin offers great mineral water. Since you like to make a tour to the US in this summer, the map will help you to remove hardness of water in your locality.
Just know that this softening system will affect the result of the hotel and in your home. So you may use a ballpark instead of legally binding arbitration.
For the hard water affected area, you may use the Chelating shampoo. You may use other shampoos which have a compound like EDTA, and this will remove excess minerals such as calcium plus magnesium from your dear locks.
The chelating shampoo is the best drying, and it is not suggested for everyday use. It may be that you are using the best conditioner to put the moisture back to your hair again.
I would like to use the Organix Anti- Breakage Keratin Oil Conditioner as it contains a good scent and washes well and makes my beautiful hair looking and attractive.
Some of my friends like to use very hard water by using vinegar cider rinses. Again the shampoo dries the hair much, so don't overuse it.
My hair is very blonde, and I like to swim for a long time. So I use Joico K-Pak Chelating Shampoo. It removes the green tones from my locks and left wonderful feeling. If I go to the hard water territory for my trip, I would suggest it for packed it.
When you do not wash your hair with the soft water, you may feel it take forever to wash out your shampoo. This may seem that the volume of the hair may be less, you have less curl body.
I lived in an apartment where there is soft water. I think that I never wash my hair well and so the back of my hair is always gross and oily. To fight with it, I would like to part lock differently, to rinse it from ear to ear, would rather than plodding shampoo to the top of my head.
I use shampoo to lather the part of my hair and right where the build up is the worst. I do not sue to get my eyes; this truly does its function well. The oil patch of my hair will remove and will never come back.
Shampoo wise is formulated to use in the soft water. This is made by the Seanik Solid Shampoo Bar, which contains suitable salts as well as minerals.
I have never used it with the soft water. My water is safe now, and once you used the bar format, the hair will be more beautiful and healthy looking.
You may fight with the effect of soft water by a clarifying shampoo or with an ACV rinse once to be sure the other product or the shampoo is not building up on your hair.
If you get the hair is bit dreary, you may get to skip the conditioner for some time. Over conditions may affect the beauty of your hair if you bunch between water types.


If you have questions about publicity, or just want to talk about it, you can meet other people who are interested in this topic through discussion forums.
Discuss Public Relations, Publicity, etc.
These are other forums where publicity may be discussed.


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A free 2-day Training Event for general practice nurses and health professionals new to immunisation practice who administer / promote / advise about vaccines in the Thames Valley.
Immunisation update training for General Practice Nurses and other registered healthcare practitioners who administer/advise about immunisations within the Thames Valley.
Hot Topics In Infection And Immunity In Children - The ESPID-Oxford Course is a residential training course covering topics in paediatric infection for paediatric infectious diseases trainees and trainers, and for all those who manage children with infections.
Free 2-day Training Event for general practice nurses and health professionals new to immunisation practice who administer / promote / advise about vaccines in the Thames Valley.
Influenza vaccination update training covering the childhood and adult national programmes. A summary update will be included on pneumococcal (adult), shingles and pertussis in pregnancy vaccination.


European stock markets sold-off heavily yesterday as a mixture of economic and political fears weighed on sentiment.
Recently, US-China trade relations have been strained due to allegations that Beijing-backed hackers targeted US technology companies, and the possible extradition of a Chinese businesswoman to the US. To add fuel to the fire, the latest Chinese trade figures showed that China's trade surplus with the US reached a record-high, and that is likely to put extra strain on the relationship. The official figures from Beijing also showed that imports, PPI and CPI showed declines, and that points to weak demand. The disappointing export number suggests that global demand is in decline too.
The Italian budget situation still rumbles on and traders haven't forgotten about, even though tensions have simmered. Luigi Di Miao the joint deputy prime minister said the government can't let up on the key reforms of the budget. To balance it out, Matteo Salvini, the other joint deputy prime minister, said he wants to reform the EU from within.
US stocks are still experiencing high levels of volatility and yesterday we saw the major indices lose a lot of ground in early trading only to finish higher on the session. The wild swings suggest that traders are still uncertain about which way to turn. Apple are engaged are in legal battle with Qualcomm as the latter received an injunction to halt some iPhone sales in China. Despite having a choppy session, Apple shares eked out a small gain yesterday.
News that US and Chinese trade officials spoke overnight to discuss getting trade talks back on track helped calm investors' fears in Asian markets.
Sterling took a dive yesterday after Prime Minister May deferred the vote on the Brexit withdrawal agreement and announced that she intend to see an improvement in relation to the Irish backstop. Traders did not react well to the news, and it sent the pound tumbling.
The pound continues to be in focus as today at 9.30am (UK time) the following reports will be announced: unemployment, average 3 month earnings and average earnings excluding bonuses, and the consensus estimates are 4.1%, 3% and 3.2% respectively.
At 10am (UK time) the German ZEW economic sentiment will be revealed and economists are expecting a reading of -25.
US PPI and core PPI will reported at 1:30pm (UK time). Traders are expecting the headline reading to drop to 2.5% from 2.9%, and he core figure is tipped to fall to 2.5% from 2.6%.
EUR/GBP – surged in mid-November and if the bullish trend continues it might target 0.9100. A drop below 0.8837 – 200-day moving average, might bring 0.8800 into sight.