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Chabot: Pols bank $67G from eliminated travel perk
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State Rep. Joseph Wagner speaks to the Herald when he comes out of the Statehouse garage in Boston, Tuesday, July 17, 2012. Photo by Chitose Suzuki
(Boston,MA 10/12/16) State Senator Marc R. Pacheco speaks to reporters after an anti MBTA privatization rally on Wednesday, October 12, 2016 at Faneuil Hall. Staff photo by Patrick Whittemore.
Heisman Trophy winner and former NFL and CFL quarterback Doug Flutie signs footballs for state Senators after they proclaimed him a "Hometown Hero" during a ceremony in the Senate's chambers at the statehouse in Boston, Thursday afternoon, May 25, 2006. Senators Harriette Chandler, center, D-Worcester, and Pam Resor, D-Acton, hold footballs to be signed as they wait in line. (AP Photo/Stephan Savoia)
By Hillary Chabot | hillary.chabot@bostonherald.com | Boston Herald
PUBLISHED: August 7, 2017 at 12:00 am | UPDATED: November 17, 2018 at 12:00 am
Summer break-bound Beacon Hill lawmakers, who failed to pass a popular sales tax holiday last week, collected $67,000 in taxpayer-funded travel stipends this year despite eliminating the perk when they voted themselves a multimillion-dollar pay increase in February.
Legislators immediately began pocketing their pay hike — and they can still take the so-called per diems until 2018, thanks to little-known rule that gives them a full year to collect.
"This is the reason why the public is skeptical of elected officials. First legislators rushed to approve this pay raise and then they continue to collect this taxpayer-funded stipend," said Republican state Rep. Marc Lombardo, who refuses to take per diems. "It's insulting and voters should be outraged."
Fifty-eight state representatives and senators pocketed $67,000 since January, according to state records. The largest payouts went to state representatives Joseph Wagner (D-Chicopee), who took $7,440 and Rep. David T. Vieira (R-Falmouth) who collected $4,700. Sen. Marc Pacheco (D-Taunton) put in for nearly $4,000 and Senate President Stan Rosenberg got $600.
The stipends are meant to reimburse legislators for travel, meals and lodging, with amounts varying depending on how far the elected official lives from the State House. But lawmakers eliminated per diems when they voted to give themselves their $18 million salary package, which increased the stipends most lawmakers receive for "leadership roles" on top of their $62,500 base salary.
"This clearly demonstrates that lawmakers have very little regard for taxpayers," said Paul Craney, executive director of the Massachusetts Fiscal Alliance. The right-leaning advocacy group has targeted lawmakers who voted for the pay hike, which boosted the salaries of Speaker Robert DeLeo and Rosenberg from $97,547 to $142,547. The measure also raised the pay of Gov. Charlie Baker and other constitutional officers — the governor, the AG and treasurer declined to accept the hike — as well as the judiciary.
"Just recently legislators scuttled any attempts for a sales tax-free weekend because the state needs the revenue. But given the opportunity to save taxpayers money by sacrificing their own perks, they choose to take as much as they can," said Craney.
Lawmakers left the State House Friday, kicking off an unofficial break without taking up legislation that would give Bay State shoppers a sales tax-free weekend on Aug. 13 and 14. It's the second year in a row without a sales tax holiday, and disgruntled small business owners have responded by pushing to establish a permanent tax-free weekend in Massachusetts.
Meanwhile, the MassFiscal Alliance is blanketing communities with flyers that slam at least 10 lawmakers for approving "a 40 percent pay raise."
The tactic appears to be working.
Several lawmakers declined to comment when reached about the per diems. One lawmaker shrugged off the issue of the stipends, but then asked not to be named.
"They've been around for so long, and they were a part of state law," he said anonymously.
Craney plans to make sure Bay State residents remember the pay grab come Election Day.
"Those lawmakers are going to have to question if they really want to run for re-election, because you'd be hard-pressed to find any voter who believes this is the way to conduct themselves," he said. "If they are that concerned about enriching themselves, there's plenty of private jobs out there."
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If you aren't one to give gifts just for the sake of it, here are some presents that aren't just thoughtful — they're charitable, too.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The Graphite Series 760T full-tower PC case starts with a visually stunning design that's a match for its stunning performance potential. The beauty begins on the outside with its sculpted shapes and ingenious, full-windowed hinged side panel with flush-mount latches. The front panel has two massive 140mm intake fans bathed in soft LED light, and there's a dual-speed fan selector for performance or silence. Inside, there's ample cooling potential, with eight fan mounting locations and room for multiple radiators for self-contained liquid CPU coolers, or even custom liquid cooling. The AF140L fans are custom-engineered by Corsair to deliver high-volume airflow with less noise and turbulence. The extra-large diameter allows them to run at a lower RPM, and they're positioned to deliver cool air directly to your GPUs. A front panel switch allows you to toggle between silent and performance modes.
Dual AF140L fans are custom-engineered by Corsair to deliver high-volume airflow with less noise and turbulence.


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Posted on May 1, 2015 February 16, 2021 by mag9l
Review: Ah, Wilderness!, Young Vic
"You don't suppose he's been…
'No, that's love not liquor'"
It's a little surprising and indeed disheartening to see that not even the cachet of two multi-award-winning productions in the last year can guarantee bums on seats on a Friday night at the Young Vic. We must have had 8 empty seats on our row for Eugene O'Neill's Ah, Wilderness! which is sad to see though to be fair, it wasn't anywhere near that bad in the rest of the theatre. It just goes to show the unpredictability of the British theatre audience, especially when the lure of a Hollywood star isn't there.
Personally, I rather enjoyed Natalie Abrahami's production of this precursor to Long Day's Journey Into Night, an imagined idealised version of his childhood that is given a further push into a dreamworld by the presence of an adult author-figure interwoven into the action, filling in minor roles where necessary, a persistent reminder that this is the realm of the memory play. It's a gently intriguing choice, one underlined by the imaginative slant of Dick Bird's sand-strewn set design and Charles Balfour's evocative lighting, but it is one which works.
For the play is something of a slight thing, set at an Independence Day family dinner at which 17 year old Richard is coming of age as a son, as a boyfriend, as a creative soul. Abrahami bolsters it with some cracking performances – Janie Dee (starting off what will be a busy summer for her) radiates fretful maternal love even as she worries what will come of reading all those books, Dominic Rowan delivers some of the best drunk acting I've ever seen as permanently sozzled Uncle Sid (prefiguring the addiction that dominates LDJIN), Martin Marquez's brusque but loving father also impresses at being drunk amongst other things.
And as Richard, George Mackay continues a rich vein of form that surely marks his as one to watch. His idealism could so easily be arrant nonsense but as he spouts poetry, flounders in heartbreak, appals himself as his treatment of his mother, experiences a saucier side of life and then works hard at redemption, there's no doubting the utter sincerity behind his every action, even as we chuckle at the lengths to which he stretches himself. It's a richly detailed performance in a richly humane production, wistfully seductive in its nostalgic dreaminess.
Running time: 1 hour 50 minutes (without interval)
Booking until 23rd May
CategoriesEugene O'Neill, Theatre, Young Vic TagsAshley Zhangazha, David Annen, Dominic Rowan, Eleanor McLoughlin, George Mackay, Georgia Bourke, Janie Dee, Lucas Pinto, Martin Marquez, Rory Stroud, Susannah Wise, Yasmin Paige
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As designers of the built environment, we at KPF understand the importance of developing strong relationships with our local and global communities. One of the ways we aim to do this is through our volunteer work.
KPF employees engage in a variety of volunteer programs, and have formed long-lasting partnerships with Chunhui Children in China, which provides care and support to orphaned children through the country, and with Habitat for Humanity, both in the US and abroad.


As anyone who has gone to college can attest, the University of Arizona and Pima Community College students are in for a real adventure. Leaving home for the first time to begin this new adventure or chapter in your life can bring with it not only excitement but many challenges as well. None more so than the initial move in. Taking the necessary Student Housing Move-In tips to ensure your move is as smooth as possible is essential to starting your student housing experience the right way.
The key: preparation. Preparation in advance of your move will help you navigate your student housing move-in day as smoothly as possible. The following steps will help you with that preparation.
As you prepare for your student housing move-in experience, you may find yourself inundated with checklists and supply lists. Consolidate your lists, weeding out what is unnecessary and what you can do without or pick up at a later date. To help with the necessary items you will need for your time while staying at Sahara Apartments, we have provided a list of what to bring with you when you come to live at Sahara Apartments.
When you arrive, plan to spend a few hours getting your room set up. It might be beneficial to purchase or borrow a hand-cart or Moving Dollie to help move your boxes in. Be sure to bring dusting rags, sanitizing wipes and other cleaning items to make sure your room is the state of cleanliness that you prefer. Be sure to visit our What to bring with you list referenced above.
Should you forget something on your list, we provide nightly shuttle grocery runs as well as trips to the local shopping malls free to our residents. Click here to learn more and see the grocery shuttle schedule.
A week or so in advance, find an area in your home to stage everything so you can group similar items for packing.
Large plastic containers with tight-fitting lids are ideal for transporting clothes, personal items, room decorations, and books. Beware of making them too heavy, in case your room is located on the second floor. Note: Sahara Apartments has elevators available to make your move in easier.
If you are traveling to Sahara Apartments by vehicle, be sure to purchase a clothing rod for the back seat of your car, especially if you have a large quantity of clothing on hangars. You will need to make a few trips carrying armloads of clothing, but they will be a cinch to hang inside your closet.
Hang up any curtains, lanterns or string lights, and bulletin boards and frames. If you brought an area carpet or throw rug with you, place it on the floor before you moving anything else into your apartment or studio. Note: All apartments at Sahara Apartments come with wall to wall carpeting in all living spaces except for bath and kitchen areas.
It's also a good idea to test all of the electrical outlets as well as the water faucets, sink, and shower. If there are any issues with any of these items be sure to contact our front desk immediately.
It might be a good idea to Bring a small toolbox with you to help with the assembly and installation of your personal items. Remember, all of our student housing apartments come fully-furnished so there is no need to buy any additional furniture or appliances.
Some items are either too large to bring with you or are often forgotten such as Vacuum cleaners, brooms, and dustpans. As a service to our residents, Sahara Apartments provides such items at no cost to our residents. There is a small deposit required that is returned to you upon the return of the item(s). For more information as well as a list of the items we provide, be sure to visit our Items We Loan Out Page.
If you are planning to have your own vehicle while you live at the Sahara, you must rent a parking space (We have only open air parking spaces available.). These spaces are behind our locked auto gates and are surrounded by a perimeter wall with security cameras monitoring the areas; our infrared perimeter alarm system is in place to protect against intruders entering the parking area unnoticed.
Parking spaces are rented at only $25 a month. You will be assigned a specific parking space reserved for your use only.
For those not bringing a vehicle with them, we provide a shuttle service to and from the UofA campus. Be sure to visit our Parking and Transportation Page for all of the details.
By the time everything is said in done with your student housing move-in experience you may be exhausted. Take comfort and rejoice that you have reached this stage of independence in your life. Our goal here at Sahara Apartments is to offer you the best very off campus student housing experience in Tucson possible.
Your student may insist that they don't need anything else and that you should leave. Even your offers to go to the grocery store and grab snacks may be rebuffed. Know that this is normal.
With the availability of internet shopping and excellent cafeteria food these days, sometimes all you can do for your child is pray for them. And that may be plenty.
And ask them to promise to call or text you at least once a day until classes begin – just because you are interested, not worried.
You may be exhausted when you get back home ó or to your hotel room if the college is far from home. Take comfort in the fact that you did your best to help, and rejoice that your child has reached this stage in their independence!


The March 2006 issue of the journal Ethnos contains four excellent and important articles on aspects of animism.
Click here for the publisher's information about the journal.
Click here for the publisher's information about the specific issue, including click throughs to article information (abstracts).
Animism is often described as the imputation of life to inert objects. Such imputation is more typical of people in western societies who dream of finding life on other planets than of indigenous peoples to whom the label of animism has classically been applied. These peoples are united not in their beliefs but in a way of being that is alive and open to a world in continuous birth. In this animic ontology, beings do not propel themselves across a ready-made world but rather issue forth through a world-in-formation, along the lines of their relationships. To its inhabitants this weather-world, embracing both sky and earth, is a source of astonishment but not surprise. Re-animating the 'western' tradition of thought means recovering the sense of astonishment banished from official science.
Animistic or 'relational' ontologies encountered in non-Western (i.e. premodern) settings pose a challenge to Western (i.e. modern) knowledge production, as they violate fundamental assumptions of Cartesian science. Natural scientists who have tried seriously to incorporate subject-subject relations into their intellectual practice (e.g. Uexküll, Bateson) have inexorably been relegated to the margins. Surrounded by philosophers and sociologists of science (e.g. Latour) announcing the end of Cartesian objectivism, however, late modern or 'post-modern' anthropologists discussing animistic understandings of nature will be excused for taking them more seriously than their predecessors. It is incumbent on them to analytically sort out what epistemological options there are, and to ask why pre-modern, modern, and post-modern people will tend to deal with culture/nature or subject/object hybridity in such different ways. Animism, fetishism, and objectivism can be understood as alternative responses to universal semiotic anxieties about where or how to draw boundaries between persons and things.
This paper addresses the question of why certain hunter-gatherers (of the 'immediate-return' type in Woodburn's terms) have little interest in visual art. Their lack of interest is striking in comparison with the elaborate traditions of painting and carving in Australia and the circumpolar North, which Ingold (2000) compares, showing that they correspond to totemic and animic ontologies respectively. The 'immediate-return' class of hunter-gatherers is examined in relation to Ingold's typology, using the Nayaka of South India as a specific example. It is argued that their lack of interest in depictions corresponds to an ontology which is inseparable from their animistic epistemology (Bird-David 1999). This ontology differs from Ingold's animic and totemic types and can be added to his scheme.
The multi-vocality of the black bear as a category in Cree hunting entails a melding of practical-empirical rationality with ethical and 'spiritual' understandings. On one level of attention in the hunter's world, the bear functions as a postulate in indigenous scientific ecology. It does so by assimilating the consequences of both efficiency and restraint in hunting, as hunters strive to maintain good relationships with others in the world (summarized and abstracted in the bear). At the same time, reflection on these issues via the bear as a spiritual 'alter-' endows hunters with profound senses of identity, value and personal meaning, so that action in the world is at once practical, social, ethical, and self-motivated. This outcome is a combination of cultural learning and life experience. As the weft of experience entwines the warp of culturally available categories, narrative is the weaver.
I'm tempted to pick out a couple of favourite / important / provocative sentences from each article ... but I'm resisting reviewing each article. They're all good, especially in the sense that they all require and reward further thinking (and other responses).
Finally, for now, thanks to Rebecca Vickerstaff and Kate Arthur (Taylor and Francis) for sending me a copy of this issue. I'll be making much more use of it in my future writing and citing!


After an inspiring visit to the world's highest outdoor observatory, The Cafe is the perfect spot to unwind with the finest flavours. Combine your visit to At the Top, Burj Khalifa with a treat THE CAFE, Including a tempting pastry and a signature hot beverage.
A standard visit to At the Top lasts approximately 2 hours, allowing ample time for you to relax and enjoy the Dubai skyline at your leisure. Experience the thrill of a lifetime as high-speed elevators whisk you 124 floors above the ground for an awe-inspiring view from the Burj Khalifa Observation Deck.
Make the most of your visit to At the Top, Burj Khalifa and save on the cost of admission with reserved General Admission tickets. Buy your tickets for a specific date and time, then enjoy other attractions in Downtown until your scheduled visit . When it's time for your tour, go to the General Admission queue and experience At the Top with a minimal wait. General Admission bookings can be made at the ticket counter at anytime or online up to thirty days in advance, based on availability.
Admission intervals is 30 minutes from openning to closing.


The McGill Leather sandals in natural and navy. Available for men & women.
Treehugger were nice enough to include our leather sandals on their round up of ethical and sustainable brands trying to make a difference with their products. Check out their review here.
Another fantastic brand doing some great work in the ethical shoe space is Po Zu. They have released bettershoes.org which allows you to geo locate brands that are ethical, sustainable and transparent. Check them out here.
We find it inspiring to see so many brands who are making choices that impact the world positively but still make business sense. We believe that these choices are not mutually exclusive but make sense for the 21st century.


Planetfall is the name of the science fiction roleplaying campaign I have recently begun. With the setting decided upon, it was time for players to create their characters. We had already decided that it would be human-centric, and we didn't want to go down the "transhuman path" (we had done that with Eclipse Phase already), but humans and mutants were fine. Before we met to create characters I put together a short document that explained how characters would be generated (everyone has their preferred method, right?), and outlined the race and class options. As well as a core group of players, it was likely that we would have other people drop in and out of play, and it is just easier for me to keep notes like this so everything is "fair". As I was putting the campaign material together and delving deeper into the d20 Modern rules I decided to make a couple of tweaks, the most significant being to the action points rules. I wanted players to to use and regain their action points on a regular basis, in a similar fashion to the "fate point economy" of games like Spirit of the Century. So I outlined those changes in the document too.
When we got together to create characters we spent a good portion of the time talking about the setting, what Earth might have been like, why thecolonists might have left Earth, what nations still existed and what languages were common, and the kinds of roles that would most likely be needed in the fledgling colony. We decided soldiers, medics, scientists and engineers were likely candidates, as were politicians, explorers, horticulturalists, support personnel, and their less skilled family members. Then, we rolled dice and things went pair shaped! At some point in our group's history we got in the habit of making everyone roll their characters up with the same set of dice. (For instance, when we play D&D, we use Jason's decade old purple dice.) I decided to bring along the GenCon Oz dice I picked up a few years ago, forgetting why I had relegated them to a bottom draw. After Brendan and Mark had rolled their characters, and the top result was 14, I realised I may need to make an adjustment! In the end the players rolled their set of 6 attribute scores twice and chose which set they wanted to keep. This meant most of the characters had scores ranging from about 8 to 16, with the notable exception of Brendan who had a 4.
The character generation document also provided equipment "kits" for the players to choose from. This was to speed up play, and to stop payers buying everything on the equipment list. The d20 Modern rules allow you to "take 20" when making wealth checks (rather than track currency, credit rating, etc. the wealth system abstracts it all). This means that it is possible for wealthy character's (like Michael's rich nobleman, Dexter), to start really loaded up with gear. And that just didn't seem right for a bunch of people that fund themselves in a new colony with limited resources.
You can get the character generation and equipment info here.
I also created a custom character sheet for the campaign.
What kind of character would you play in the Planetfall campaign?


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← JIM KABLE. Oz not even a footnote to US victory in the Pacific.
ABUL RIZVI: Is our Visa Processing System in Crisis? →
ROBERT KUTTNER. The crash that failed.
Review of "Crashed: How a decade of financial crises changed the world" by Adam Tooze, Viking.
The historian G.M. Trevelyan said that the democratic revolutions of 1848, all of which were quickly crushed, represented "a turning point at which modern history failed to turn". The same can be said of the financial collapse of 2008. The crash demonstrated the emptiness of the claim that markets could regulate themselves. It should have led to the disgrace of neoliberalism—the belief that unregulated markets produce and distribute goods and services more efficiently than regulated ones. Instead, the old order reasserted itself, and with calamitous consequences. Gross economic imbalances of power and wealth persisted. We are still experiencing the reverberations.
In the United States, the bipartisan financial elite escaped largely unscathed. Barack Obama, whose campaign benefited from the timing of the collapse, hired the architects of the Clinton-era deregulation who had created the conditions that led to the crisis. Far from breaking up the big banks or removing their executives, Obama's team bailed them out. None of the leading bankers whose fraudulent products caused the economy to crash went to jail; criminal prosecution took a back seat to the stability of the system. Obama's tepid program provided just enough stimulus, via a modest public-spending program and cheap unlimited credit for bankers, for a slow recovery. But the economic security of most Americans dwindled, and the legitimacy of the system was called into question. One consequence has been the rise of the far right; another is Donald Trump.
In Europe the aftermath was worse. Fragmented into twenty-eight member states, the EU could not pursue even the minimal policies of Obama. Germany had already spent some E1.3 trillion on the economic integration of the former DDR and was in no mood to underwrite the recovery of the entire continent. Germany insisted that the struggling countries had to practice austerity in order to restore the confidence of private financial markets. In a deep recession, even orthodox economists at the International Monetary Fund soon recognized that austerity was a perverse recipe for economic recovery.
But the German demands dictated policy for the continent. In addition, the European Central Bank (ECB) had neither the formal powers nor the political consent of its national masters to become a lender-of-last-resort, as the Fed has been in the US since 1932. After the crash, the Fed kept interest rates down and made credit easily available to the financial industry, which prevented the collapse from becoming a general depression. The US government took on debt to pay for services without having to raise taxes (a policy known as fiscal stimulus), and it could extend credit to keep markets liquid. But Europe, because of Germany's worries that these policies would lead to inflation, had no way to extend credit to struggling nations or to raise money through the sale of bonds, which would have allowed the ECB to provide debt relief or to invest in public services.
The political result was the same on both sides of the Atlantic—declining prospects for ordinary people, animus toward elites, and the rise of ultra-nationalism. In the US, there is at least a left-wing opposition in waiting, with a coherent explanation for what went wrong and a progressive alternative to Trumpism. Progressives have been gaining influence in the Democratic Party, and it's possible that a neo-Rooseveltian left that supports financial regulation, public investment and redistribution will come to power in 2020.
Not so in Europe. Parties such as the German Social Democratic Party, the British Labour Party and the French Socialists disgraced themselves as co-sponsors of the neoliberal formula that brought down the economy. The European left today is weaker than at any time since World War II. There is just one EU member nation with a left-wing government and a working majority in the national parliament—Portugal—and it is a tricky three-party coalition. In Greece, the radical left-wing party Syriza ostensibly leads the governing coalition, but its sovereignty has been crushed by Athens's minders in Brussels; today Syriza's policies are indistinguishable from those of the center-right. In nation after nation, the main opposition to the party of Davos is neofascism.
There have been hundreds of illuminating books on the great financial collapse. Crashed, written to mark its tenth anniversary, will stand for a long time as the authoritative account. In his masterful narrative, the economic historian Adam Tooze achieves several things that no other single author has quite accomplished. Tooze has managed to explain a hugely complex global crisis in its multiple dimensions, and his book combines cogent analysis with a fascinating history of the political and economic particulars.
In Tooze's account, the survival of neoliberalism is one of several related ironies. Before the crash, economists had thought that the next crisis would be caused by America's budget deficit and its trade deficit, as well as the shakiness of its co-dependency with China, which both benefited from the trade deficit and bought Treasury bonds to offset it. But when the collapse came, it was "a financial crisis triggered by the humdrum market for American real estate".
The US housing bubble was pumped up by subprime mortgage derivatives that allowed lenders to sell off high-risk loans homeowners were unlikely to pay back. These were invented on Wall Street beginning in the 1980s, accepted by US regulators, and disseminated like financial toxins globally. And this raises a further irony. The crisis was thought by many Europeans to have shaken American financial hegemony and the dominant status of the US dollar. Tooze begins his tale at the annual convening of the UN General Assembly in New York on September 23, 2008, a week after the collapse of Lehman Brothers. "One after another, the speakers at the UN connected the crisis to the question of global governance and ultimately to America's position as the dominant world power," he writes. French president Nicolas Sarkozy poured scorn on the Americans: "It's a multipolar world now." Yet as Tooze explains, the collapse reinforced the financial supremacy of Washington and New York. "Far from withering away," he writes, "the Fed's response gave an entirely new dimension to the global dollar."
Distilled to its essence, the crisis was an implosion of bank balance sheets. Commercial and investment banks had gotten overleveraged—carrying too much debt—and were borrowing money in overnight markets to invest in exotic securities that were themselves overleveraged. When the entire structure of borrowed money collapsed, the losses more than wiped out all the capital of the banking system—not just in the US but in Europe, because of the intimate interconnection (and contagion) of American and European banks. Had the authorities just stood by, Tooze writes, the collapse would have been far more severe than the Great Depression: "In the 1930s there was no moment of such massive synchronization, no moment in which so many of the world's largest banks threatened to fail simultaneously."
Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke, a scholar of the Great Depression, understood the stakes. While insisting to Congress that the emergency response was mainly to shore up US finance, Bernanke turned the Fed into the world's central bank. "Through so-called liquidity swap lines, the Fed licensed a hand-picked group of core central banks to issue dollar credits on demand," Tooze writes. In other words, the Fed simply created enough dollars, running well into the trillions, to prevent the global economy from collapsing for lack of credit. This response, he observes, "contradicted the conventional narrative of economic history since the 1970s," which claimed that markets thrived when states refrained from regulating them. Bernanke instigated government action on an unimagined scale to prop up a private system that supposedly did not need the state. How to explain the contradiction? The state had been hijacked by private finance—both in the permissiveness that caused the crash and in the subsequent policies that contained it but did little to spoil the bankers' party.
Tooze is especially good at explaining the many Fed inventions that pumped trillions of dollars into every obscure corner of the financial industry. He demystifies the impenetrably technical contrivances used by both private companies and central banks. Tooze computes the staggering sums, running into the tens of trillions of dollars. Using deposit guarantees, loans to banks, outright capital transfers, and purchases of nearly worthless securities, the Fed and the Treasury recapitalized the banking system. To camouflage what was at work, officials invented unlimited credit pipelines with disarmingly technical names.
The Term Auction Facility, for instance, provided banks with funds they could no longer get in the frozen market for commercial paper—unsecured, short-term corporate loans—eventually committing a total of $6.18 trillion. To restart that market, the Fed invented the Commercial Paper Funding Facility, which pumped $737 billion into it. The largest beneficiary was the Swiss bank UBS. Virtually unlimited capital also guaranteed funding for retail stockbrokers and much more. The blandly named policy of quantitative easing, which drove interest rates down to almost zero, was a euphemism for Fed purchases of immense quantities of private and government securities.
The crisis, Tooze writes, "was a devastating blow to the complacent belief in the great moderation, a shocking overturning of the prevailing laissez-faire ideology." And yet the ideology prevailed. Homeowners, both those defrauded by subprime mortgages and millions of others whose houses were suddenly worth less than their debt, were the real victims of the collapse. But they got little help. In a reversal of New Deal priorities, most of the relief went to the biggest banks, while smaller banks and homeowners were allowed to go under. Obama's $75 billion mortgage-restructuring programs, known as HAMP and HARP, were used to benefit bank balance sheets, not hard-pressed homeowners, as intended by Congress. Banks were permitted to invent complex provisional loan "modifications" with opaque terms that favored lenders, rather than using their government subsidies to provide refinancing to reduce homeowner debts.
The Dodd–Frank Act, passed in 2010 and meant to limit abuses in the financial industry, was too weak to begin with, and its implementation was largely crippled by the industry's influence, years before Donald Trump's deregulatory crusade. Long before the recession was over, the budget hawks around Obama, who opposed government spending, succeeded in prematurely changing the administration's priority from recovery to deficit reduction. So compromised was the administration that the financial commentator Rick Santelli, speaking from the Chicago Board of Trade in 2009, could depict the bailout program as a corrupt alliance between the liberal rich and the undeserving poor meant to defraud middle-class Americans, and then issue the first call for a new Tea Party.
How did a nominally center-left administration, elected during a financial crisis caused by right-wing economic ideology and policy, end up in this situation? Tooze reminds us of the Hamilton Project, a small unit at the Brookings Institution created in 2006 by Robert Rubin, former co-chairman of Goldman Sachs and Clinton's treasury secretary, and his protégés. The project, which had substantial influence on Obama's thinking, his program, and his appointees, promoted budgetary orthodoxy, no interference with Wall Street, and small-scale social investment initiatives such as retraining programs and support for small business. "When the economists linked to the Hamilton Project envisioned disaster," Tooze writes, "they worried about excessive public debt, underperforming schools and a Chinese sell-off. What they did not put in question was the basic functioning of the American economy, its banks and financial markets."
Turning to Europe, Tooze explores the fatal combination of Germany's demands for austerity with the structural weakness of the ECB and the vulnerability of the euro. In Europe, because of bad policy, the implosion of private financial assets led to a crisis of sovereign debt. Before the collapse, cheap debt caused risky investments to flow into Southern Europe. Countries such as Greece and Italy had, before the introduction of the euro in 1999, been prone to inflation because of high deficits, and the governments, corporations, and citizens of those countries had been made to offset the risk of devaluation by paying higher interest rates to lenders. But in the 2000s there was no risk of devaluation; Portugal or Greece now enjoyed interest rates that were only slightly higher than Germany's, and markets failed to take account of the risk of default, which was more serious than that of devaluation.
After the crisis began, misguided responses compounded the damage. In Ireland, a badly corrupted government took bank losses onto the state's own balance sheet, suddenly putting Ireland in receivership to Brussels and Berlin, which provided capital in exchange for stringent conditions. In Greece, before the crash, the budget books had been altered by a center-right government (with help from Goldman Sachs, which created special securities that allowed Athens to disguise the increased public debt). In 2009 the newly elected social-democratic government of George Papandreou and his Pasok party dutifully reported the faked books and the real numbers to Brussels and the world. Greece's budget deficit was not 3.7 percent, as the outgoing government had falsely claimed. It was more like 12 percent, or four times the permitted limit under EU rules.
Financial markets responded by speculating against Greek sovereign debt, requiring Greece to pay much higher interest. But instead of treating the Greek situation as a crisis to be contained and helping a genuinely reformist new government find its footing, Brussels and Berlin treated Greece as an object lesson in profligacy and an opportunity to insist on punitive terms for financial aid. This mainly served to bail out Greece's creditors and pushed the Greek economy deeper into depression. To qualify for the meager program of what Tooze terms "extend and pretend" from the EU, the ECB, and the IMF, the Greeks were made to pursue excruciating cuts in public services and pensions as well as auctions of public assets at fire-sale prices. At one point in the austerity bargaining with the Greek government, Tooze reports, the German finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, "suggested that perhaps it would be better for the Greeks not to hold elections." Schäuble knew how unpopular these policies were. His words suggested that he would sacrifice Greek democracy in order to get the Greek government to accept the austerity demands. This was a coerced version of the neoliberalism that had already been discredited by the collapse.
A central player in this tragedy was the European Central Bank. Tooze does a fine job of explaining the delicate dance between the bank's leaders and its real masters in Germany. Since Germany opposed continent-wide recovery spending, the bank could only pursue monetary policy. The model was the Fed. Yet while the Fed has a congressional "dual mandate" to target both price stability and high employment, the ECB's charter allowed for price stability only. In the Maastricht Treaty, which was signed in 1992 and created the euro, Germany's requirement for giving up its cherished deutsche mark was an agreement that the euro would be protected from inflation. The ECB inherited the Germans' fear of inflation. The treaty was made even more austere by the 2011 fiscal compact demanded by Merkel, which added more penalties to enforce the limits placed on debts and deficits. Thus Greece, a nation hit by severe recession and loss of private investor confidence, had no choice but to pursue austerity to reassure creditors.
A central bank with the prerogatives of the Federal Reserve might have prevented this outcome. But the ECB could not legally purchase the sovereign debt of member nations. The first two presidents of the ECB, the Dutchman Wim Duisenberg and Jean-Claude Trichet of France, took pains to be more German than the Germans. In 2011, however, Mario Draghi of Italy got the job. Draghi was far from a radical. He was trained at MIT and had spent three years as a managing director at Goldman Sachs. Draghi, a foe of inflation, had been viewed as the most "German" of the available candidates. But as the crisis deepened, he gradually expanded the boundaries of the ECB's remit, cutting interest rates and making two rounds of loans to European banks. In 2012, Tooze recounts, Draghi, speaking off the cuff in an urgent effort to reassure markets, declared that the ECB "is ready to do whatever it takes to preserve the euro."
Nobody was sure what that meant, not even Draghi. "As usual, the inflation hawks at the Bundesbank were aghast at the idea of ECB bond buying," Tooze tells us. "But for Merkel it was the better of two bad options." The ECB, with the consent of the Germans, came up with one of those bland-sounding names, Outright Monetary Transactions, for its direct purchases of government bonds. But the program, at the insistence of the Germans, was restricted to nations in compliance with Merkel's rigid fiscal terms, which limited national deficits and debts. In other words, the money could not go to the very nations where it was needed most, since the hardest-hit countries had to borrow heavily to get themselves out of the recession. And so, despite Draghi, Europe continued to tread water rather than make progress toward recovery. The banks, however, survived.
Tooze excels at explaining the byzantine political bargaining that led to policy compromises that avoided outright depression but stifled the European economy. These were the consequences of shifting alliances among national leaders, with the French, Italians, and Spanish, who were less opposed to inflation, against the conservative Germans and Dutch, as well as complex infighting within the political leadership in individual nations. The infighting was compounded by the interests of different national and international politicians and institutions, above all the banks. Much of the pressure was on Merkel, whipsawed between her own fiscal conservatism, the hostility of the German electorate to bailing out the supposedly profligate southern nations, and her need to hold the EU together. At one excruciating all-night negotiation at which she felt ambushed by other national leaders, Tooze reports, Merkel broke down and declared, "Ich will mich nicht selbst umbringen." (I do not want to kill myself.) Reading Tooze, you realize that it's a miracle that the EU and the euro survived at all—but they did so at terrible human cost.
Crashed does have some minor blemishes. One is its structure. Tooze generally proceeds chronologically. For the most part, this strategy works. However, because he picks up, drops, and then resumes several important subplots—such as the euro, the Fed, and China—the text occasionally loops back on itself, leading the reader to wonder, "Didn't I read this before?" Conversely, there are some aspects of the story that are omitted or glossed over. For example, the ideal of liberalized trade, and the use of trade treaties to promote deregulation or privatized regulation of finance, is a major element of the story of how neoliberal hegemony promoted the eventual collapse. But except for a passing reference, trade and globalized deregulation get little mention here.
Similarly, while Tooze writes extensively about the central bankers Ben Bernanke and Mario Draghi, he has almost nothing to say about Janet Yellen. Her nomination as Fed chair in 2013 to succeed Bernanke was an epochal event and an improbable defeat for the proponents of austerity, deregulation, and bank bailouts who influenced Obama's policymaking. Yellen, a left-liberal economist specializing in labor markets, was the only left-of-center Fed chair other then FDR's chairman Marriner Eccles. She also believed in tough regulation of banks. The extension of quantitative easing well beyond its intended end was substantially due to Yellen's concern about wages and employment, and not just price stability, since low interest rates can also help promote recovery.
The story of how Yellen got the job is also emblematic of deeper power struggles. Obama had all but promised the Fed chair to Larry Summers, who dearly wanted it. But the newly elected progressive senator Elizabeth Warren, who had tangled repeatedly with Summers in her previous position as chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel for the bank bailout program, organized fellow Senate Democrats to warn Obama that Summers would not be confirmed. Warren and the liberals also openly lobbied for Yellen. In Tooze's book, we first meet Yellen in passing on page 503, in a brief reference to the gradual phase-out of quantitative easing, with no explanation of how she got to the Fed or who she was, and not much on her subsequent work.
Another odd omission is the savings and loan scandal of the 1980s. Tooze writes only that many savings and loans went broke in that decade because, while they lent money at fixed rates, they had to pay rising interest rates on deposits from consumers. But far more important were their reckless speculative investments, which had nothing to do with mortgages, plus their excessive borrowing, allowed by the Garn–St. Germain Act of 1982, for which the savings and loan industry had lobbied. The folly was compounded by extensive corruption, for which hundreds of savings and loan executives were criminally prosecuted. The scandal prefigured the deeper corruption to come.
What, finally, are we to make of this saga? Tooze ends the book with a short chapter called "The Shape of Things to Come," mainly on the ascent of China, the one nation that avoided all the shibboleths of economic and political liberalism, though it also, of course, does not have a political democracy. But as Tooze reminds us, coalitions in the US that fought for government oversight of capitalism prevented the disasters of laissez-faire policies, making "The difference between the Treaty of Versailles and the Marshall Plan, or Herbert Hoover's and FDR's responses to the Great Depression." He aptly adds, "The political in 'political economy' demands to be taken seriously."
Robert Kuttner is cofounder and coeditor of The American Prospect, and a professor at Brandeis's Heller School.
First published in the New York Review of Books, 22 November 2018.
This entry was posted in Arts and Reviews, Economy. Bookmark the permalink.
One Response to ROBERT KUTTNER. The crash that failed.
Jandra Beeston says:
30 November 2018 at 5:20 PM
Professor Kuttner's review and Adam Tooze's book should surely be of disturbing concern to those optimist hoping that the Royal Commission into Misconduct in the Banking, Superannuation & Financial Services Industry will drive substantive behavioural change in this ethically dismal business sector. According to the professor's review, Tooze's evidence is that it (almost) certainly won't.
Which must surely lead one to ponder; is there any event or action which might be sufficiently catalytic to force change. Or is "business-as-usual banking" now a corporate variety of societal herpes – contagious and incurable. There's some probative evidence it has infected the food industry:
http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/2018/11/07/what-is-the-financialisation-of-food-and-why-should-we-care/


I need this project done today! ASAP!
You are required to code in a hidden meaning into a logo that has my initials "AD" or my name "Arthur" or "AJ"
I am interested in business, programming, and love to learn. Any other ideas regarding a hidden meaning are fine, but let me know it beforehand.


text:
package com.streamsets.datacollector.main;

import com.codahale.metrics.MetricRegistry;
import com.google.common.collect.ImmutableList;
import com.streamsets.datacollector.execution.EventListenerManager;
import com.streamsets.datacollector.http.WebServerTask;
import com.streamsets.datacollector.metrics.MetricsModule;
import com.streamsets.datacollector.util.Configuration;
import com.streamsets.lib.security.http.RemoteSSOService;
import com.streamsets.pipeline.api.impl.Utils;
import dagger.Module;
import dagger.Provides;
import org.slf4j.Logger;
import org.slf4j.LoggerFactory;

import javax.inject.Singleton;
import java.io.File;
import java.io.FileReader;
import java.io.IOException;
import java.util.Collections;
import java.util.List;
import java.util.Map;

@Module(library = true, injects = {
    BuildInfo.class,
    RuntimeInfo.class,
    Configuration.class,
    EventListenerManager.class,
    UserGroupManager.class
}, includes = MetricsModule.class)
public class RuntimeModule {
  private static final Logger LOG = LoggerFactory.getLogger(RuntimeModule.class);
  public static final String SDC_PROPERTY_PREFIX = "sdc";
  public static final String PIPELINE_EXECUTION_MODE_KEY = "pipeline.execution.mode";
  private static List<ClassLoader> stageLibraryClassLoaders = Collections.emptyList();//ImmutableList.of(RuntimeModule.class.getClassLoader());

  public static synchronized void setStageLibraryClassLoaders(List<? extends ClassLoader> classLoaders) {
    stageLibraryClassLoaders = ImmutableList.copyOf(classLoaders);
  }

  @Provides @Singleton
  public BuildInfo provideBuildInfo() {
    return new DataCollectorBuildInfo();
  }

  @Provides @Singleton
  public RuntimeInfo provideRuntimeInfo(MetricRegistry metrics) {
    RuntimeInfo info = new StandaloneRuntimeInfo(SDC_PROPERTY_PREFIX, metrics, stageLibraryClassLoaders);
    info.init();
    return info;
  }

  @Provides @Singleton
  public Configuration provideConfiguration(RuntimeInfo runtimeInfo) {
    Configuration.setFileRefsBaseDir(new File(runtimeInfo.getConfigDir()));
    Configuration conf = new Configuration();
    RuntimeInfo.loadOrReloadConfigs(runtimeInfo, conf);
    return conf;
  }

  @Provides @Singleton
  public EventListenerManager provideEventListenerManager() {
    return new EventListenerManager();
  }

  @Provides @Singleton
  public UserGroupManager provideUserGroupManager(Configuration configuration) {
    String loginModule = configuration.get(
        WebServerTask.HTTP_AUTHENTICATION_LOGIN_MODULE,
        WebServerTask.HTTP_AUTHENTICATION_LOGIN_MODULE_DEFAULT
    );
    switch (loginModule) {
      case WebServerTask.FILE:
        return new FileUserGroupManager();
      case WebServerTask.LDAP:
        return new LdapUserGroupManager();
      default:
        throw new RuntimeException(Utils.format("Invalid Authentication Login Module '{}', must be one of '{}'",
            loginModule, WebServerTask.LOGIN_MODULES));
    }
  }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub