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HMdb.org THE HISTORICAL
MARKER DATABASE "Bite-Size Bits of Local, National, and Global History"
"Bite-Size Bits of Local, National, and Global History"
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Beckley in Raleigh County, West Virginia — The American South (Appalachia)
By PaulwC3, August 23, 2014
1. Wildwood Marker
Wildwood. . Built by John Lilly, Sr. in 1835-36, it was the home of Alfred Beckley (1802-88) and Amelia Neville Craig. Son of John Beckley, first clerk of the House of Representatives, he founded the town of Beckley and wrote the bill proposing formation of Raleigh County. An 1823 West Point graduate, he rose to rank of Brig. Gen. in the Civil War. Listed on National Register in 1971, and opened as a House Museum in 1986. . This historical marker was erected by West Virginia Department of Culture and History. It is in Beckley in Raleigh County West Virginia
Built by John Lilly, Sr. in 1835-36, it was the home of Alfred Beckley (1802-88) and Amelia Neville Craig. Son of John Beckley, first clerk of the House of Representatives, he founded the town of Beckley and wrote the bill proposing formation of Raleigh County. An 1823 West Point graduate, he rose to rank of Brig. Gen. in the Civil War. Listed on National Register in 1971, and opened as a House Museum in 1986.
Erected by West Virginia Department of Culture and History. (Marker Number RA 1.)
Location. 37° 46.298′ N, 81° 10.41′ W. Marker is in Beckley, West Virginia, in Raleigh County. Marker can be reached from Laurel Terrace west of F Street. The marker is located in front of the Wildwood House Museum, next to the visitor parking lot. Touch for map. Marker is at or near this postal address: 123 Laurel Terrace, Beckley WV 25801, United States of America. Touch for directions.
Other nearby markers. At least 8 other markers are within walking distance of this marker. Alfred Beckley / Wildwood (within shouting distance of this marker); Beckley (approx. ¾ mile away); Beckley Mill (approx. 0.8 miles away); Pinecrest Sanitarium
2. Wide view of the Wildwood Marker
(approx. 0.8 miles away); Civil War Site (approx. one mile away); The Attar Center (approx. one mile away); Upper Big Branch Mine Explosion (approx. one mile away); Raleigh County (approx. one mile away). Touch for a list and map of all markers in Beckley.
Also see . . .
1. City of Beckley: Wildwood House Museum. Typifying the mountaineer spirit in the truest sense, the house became know as "Wildwood". (Submitted on September 7, 2014, by PaulwC3 of Northern, Virginia.)
2. Wildwood - National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form. (Submitted on September 8, 2014, by PaulwC3 of Northern, Virginia.)
Categories. • Notable Buildings •
3. Wildwood (1836)
More. Search the internet for Wildwood.
Credits. This page was last revised on June 16, 2016. This page originally submitted on September 7, 2014, by PaulwC3 of Northern, Virginia. This page has been viewed 315 times since then and 4 times this year. Photos: 1, 2, 3. submitted on September 7, 2014, by PaulwC3 of Northern, Virginia.
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E.T. The Extra-Terrestrial Remake Windows game
E.T. The Extra-Terrestrial Remake
namcos | Released 2016
This is a remake of the Atari 2600 version and largely plays just like the original, with some differences. Mainly, the holes do not appear as you have to find them. Once you do, a you can press a key to drop down into them.
The objective is to find the 3 pieces of ET's phone so that he can go home but they are in holes scattered around the 4 areas. Hindering you in this progress is the FBI and the Scientist. The FBI will either steal all your Reese's pieces (which help to replenish your energy) or will steal a phone piece from you and hide it. The Scientist will just take you to the Government building.
To promote E.T. The Extra-Terrestrial Remake and grow its popularity (top games), use the embed code provided on your homepage, blog, forums and elsewhere you desire. Or try our widget.

E.T. The Extra-Terrestrial Remake game - Indie DB

They Are My Presents: The Rematch!
Nov 5 2019 Released 2017 Arcade
Christmas comes once more ... BUT WE FORGOT TO BUY THE GIFTS !. Play in all 3 modes! Collect as many gifts as you can before 12:00!, Good Luck !!! oh...
Qorena
Jan 3 2023 Released Jul 7, 2022 Arcade
Maze Qore Arena is a top-down, bullet hell, arena-arcade shooter bundled with 36 levels of bullet-raining hell, organized into 6 sectors of the entire...
They Are My Presents
Nov 12 2021 Early Access Nov 2021 Arcade
Your objective is to get as many Presents as possible while trying to don't run out of time!.
Kill Him! Online Wars
Jun 3 2018 Released 2018 Arcade
Join the battle! Battle with other players from all over the world. You get cool maps,boss levels,zombie map with single player and online modes.
Feb 22 2019 Released 2018 Arcade
A fun sequel to the popular Short Life. More challenges are waiting.
Afryn Curce
Aug 25 2018 Released 2010 Arcade
Un extraño virus ha convertido a toda la humanidad en zombies. Eres uno de los pocos supervivientes que deberá descubrir el origen de todo este caos...
namcos
Stupendous-stuff.com

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


This is the information page for phone number 317 348 3070. Below you can read comments left by other users for the phone number 317-348-3070. We have a growing database of phone numbers used by telemarketers, scam artists and pranksters. Feel free to leave a comment and let us know if this number is dangerous.
Area code is for Indianapolis, IN.
Recording talks about prices you can afford & then says I'm already pre approved for my area for & started naming companies. Then said press 1 for a hassle free assessment or press 2 to be placed on their do not call list. Be happy & be blessed.
Just scammers as they are not part of the healthcare.gov.
One complaint I found says he works for an insurance company & his work is getting these calls. So it's just a scammer calling.
One person pressed 2 to be placed on the do not call list & he got routed to an Indian sounding person.


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Home Life Lifestyle
These Are America's Fast-Food Strongholds — and They're as Unhealthy as You'd Think
See whether your state is one of the top 10 places where it's easy to get a burger and hard to stay thin.
Syda Productions / Shutterstock
By Caitlin Cochrane
Not all fast food is unhealthy. Armed with serious restraint and charts of nutritional information, it is usually possible to grab a quick bite without ingesting mass quantities of salt, saturated fat and sugar.
That said, we decided to investigate the possibility that having 12 fast-food joints on each city block could be contributing to America's obesity problem. So we cross-referenced state restaurant numbers from the data storehouse site Datafiniti with a map of adult obesity rates from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Lo and behold, the states with the most fast-food restaurants per capita almost always have alarmingly high obesity rates. These are the places where it's easiest to grab a burger and hardest to stay slim.
1. Alabama
Rob Hainer / Shutterstock
The most fast food per residents.
Fast-food rate: 6.3 restaurants per 10,000 people
Obesity rate: over 35%
Fast food is in-your-face in Alabama, both literally and figuratively.
This southern state has the largest ratio of restaurants to residents in the country, and it's not particularly close. Compared to the No. 2 state, every 10,000 residents has an extra McDonald's or Subway to choose from.
The availability of cheap and easy meals is aggravating one of the worst obesity rates in the country. Well over a third of Alabama's residents are considered obese.
That shouldn't come as too much of a surprise, coming from the state that invented "white" barbecue sauce. That's barbecue sauce mixed with mayonnaise, for those unfamiliar. Perfect for fried chicken and hamburgers, deadly for your waistline.
2. Nebraska
Henryk Sadura / Shutterstock
Nebraska is continuing research on fighting obesity.
Fast food rate: 5.4 restaurants per 10,000 people
Obesity rate: 30% to 35%
By some accounts, Nebraska is home to the deliciously unhealthy reuben sandwich. Even without the cheese and Russian dressing, the standard mountain of corned beef alone is packed with fat and sodium.
If you want a taste, one of the largest fast-food chains around, Arby's, serves its own reuben. Unfortunately, this quick-and-easy version contains a distressing 2.4 grams of salt — about your recommended daily salt intake.
Thankfully, this state may be able to undo some of the damage it's brought on the world. The Nebraska Center for the Prevention of Obesity Diseases through Dietary Molecules — say that five times fast — received an $11-million grant last year that will allow it to continue its research in the coming years.
3. West Virginia
Real Window Creative / Shutterstock
West Virginia residents need to eat more fruits and vegetables.
Until recently, if you wanted a Thundering Herd breakfast sandwich from Tudor's Biscuit World or pizza bread from Gino's Pizza and Spaghetti, you had to go to West Virginia. Evidently the state wasn't satisfied with the preponderance of fast-food joints, so it decided to invent some more of its own.
West Virginia's obesity problem is so bad, celebrity chef Jamie Oliver spent the first season of his "Food Revolution" show trying to improve eating habits in the city of Huntington. It's easy to see the problem: a CDC study released in 2017 found that just 7.3% of West Virginians are eating enough fruits and 5.8% are eating enough vegetables — the worst rates in the entire country.
4. Oklahoma
People love cherry limeade.
Oklahoma is the birthplace of Sonic Drive-In, famous for its retro styling and calorie-heavy burgers laden with saturated and trans fats. Founded in 1953, this fast-food restaurant also lets you skip the wearisome, calorie-burning walk to the counter by delivering your meal to your car via rollerskates.
The company boasts that its famous cherry limeade is made with fresh fruit. That may be true, but it certainly doesn't make the drink healthy; just looking at the sugar content is enough to induce cavities.
A small cherry limeade has a whopping 38 grams of sugar; by comparison, a small cup of the infamously sugary Coca-Cola only has 29 grams. That means you're spending your entire daily allotment of sugar all on one small drink.
It's hard to avoid temptation. In 2018, Sonic released a line of cherry-limeade-flavored pudding mixes, ice pops and candy, meaning even grocery stores aren't safe.
5. Tennessee
SannaBlue / Shutterstock
Tennessee needs more accessible grocery stores.
It's trivial to find a quick bite to eat in Tennessee. The state even founded its own chain, Krystal, in Chattanooga back in 1932.
Little known outside the south, Krystal serves bite-sized square burgers — in combos of three or more, of course. The most calorie-packed item on the menu is the junkyard loaded tots (that's tater tots covered in cheese, jalapenos, bacon and ranch dressing) coming in at 540 calories per serving.
It's not so easy to find an actual grocery store. In February, a state senator's bill to combat "food deserts" in Tennessee passed in a Senate sub-committee. According to the bill's sponsor, 1 in 5 residents has to travel for miles just to buy a carrot.
6. Indiana
f11photo / Shutterstock
Pizza is unhealthy.
Fast-food rate: 5 restaurants per 10,000 people
From Indiana comes the fourth-largest pizza chain in the United States. Papa John's opened its first pizzeria in Jeffersonville in 1984.
The chain boasts that it offers "better ingredients, better pizza," but you'll still need to choose wisely and limit your intake to keep your lunch remotely healthy.
A large slice of Mediterranean veggie pizza contains 250 calories and 630 mg of salt. Going for a bacon cheddarburger slice, however, cranks that up to 400 calories and 960 mg of salt — approaching half your daily sodium intake. And are you really going to have just one slice?
7. District of Columbia
Orhan Cam / Shutterstock
The least obese state in this list.
Obesity rate: 20 to 25%
While fast-food and obesity went hand in hand in every other region on this list, Washington, D.C. bucks the trend. "Only" a fifth to a quarter of its residents are considered obese.
That said, the nation's capital is currently home to the world's most powerful fast-food aficionado: President Donald Trump.
During his 2016 election campaign, Trump gushed about McDonald's, Burger King and other fast food chains. He praised the taste and cleanliness of the establishments, saying customers are better off eating at such chains than other types of restaurants.
Then, once in office, Trump started an infamous tradition of feeding fast-food feasts to visiting sports teams at the White House. Only the best!
8. Georgia
Sean Pavone / Shutterstock
Many fast food chains started in Georgia.
On paper, Atlanta is the capital of Georgia, but it's also one of the great fast-food capitals of the world.
Chick-fil-A and taco chain Moe's Southwest Grill both got their start in the city. Arby's, Sonic Drive-In and Jimmy John's subs all have their head office in Atlanta as part of Inspire brands. And of course, no combo meal is complete without a Coca-Cola, and that company is also headquartered in Atlanta.
It's not all about the big city, though. Datafiniti compiled a list of small cities with the most fast-food restaurants per capita, and a staggering six of the 20 were in Georgia — more than any other state.
9. Missouri
Tupungato / Shutterstock
Schools are cracking down on obesity.
A small city in this Midwestern state briefly became the center of national debate on food freedoms. In 2018, the Richmond School District announced a ban on fast food during school hours, saying it was unhealthy and disruptive.
"In an era when so many students are overweight and not physically fit … allowing fast food to be delivered to the school is antithetical to the messages of wellness and nutrition that schools are teaching," officials wrote on Facebook.
The decision upset plenty of parents but was addressing a serious problem in Missouri and elsewhere. The CDC says childhood obesity affects nearly 1 in 5 Americans between ages 2 and 19.
10. South Carolina
The state is trying to address obesity.
The state's fast-food lovers were outraged last year at the revelation that McDonald's was creating a "South Carolina Stack" burger that wouldn't be available in South Carolina. It wasn't available anywhere in the U.S. for that matter — only the U.K.
Once the ingredients were revealed and the reviews came in, however, many decided the burger wouldn't have met the state's high standards for fast food, anyway.
While South Carolina has one of the biggest obesity problems in the nation, it's also received high marks in recent years for its attempts to combat that problem. One long-standing program sees doctors prescribe entry to one of the state's parks, free of charge, so patients can get some fresh air and exercise.
Caitlin Cochrane
Caitlin Cochrane is a staff writer with MoneyWise, and has an educational background in human resource management and professional writing. When she is not writing, she is at home drinking tea and playing with her bunnies.
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Lesley Thoms
Mike Thelwall
Home > Volume 10, Number 12 - 5 December 2005 >	Thoms
Academic home pages: Reconstruction of the self
Previous literature within the postmodern movement typically finds the Internet to be a tool for surveillance and restriction. This is particularly identified in the personal homepages of academics, where the university is considered to marginalise staff through the coercive governing of their identity construction. Using a Foucauldian framework in which to analyse twenty academic homepages, this study looks specifically at identity construction on the Internet via the differences of link inclusion between academics whose homepages have been university–constructed and those whose homepages have been self–constructed, both dependent and independent of the university site. A Foucauldian discourse analysis identifies the marginalisation of academics in all conditions, wherein discursive positions were typically those of disempowerment. A typology of homepages and hence identities of academics is proposed based on the Web sites examined, concluding that whether the homepage is constructed by the academic or by the university, the identities of the individual are ultimately lost to the governmentality of the university.
Reflexivity
Traditional empirical psychology defines identity as singular; a normative label to categorise individuals based on various personal constructs. In this sense, a person is defined by repertoires of their intrinsic traits. However, there is an alternative approach to understanding identity. Essentially, the social constructionist considers rational deduction to be continually constructed out of the culturally and historically tainted discourses that are available in a given period, from which the self–fashioning of personal identities arise (Jackson and Carter, 2000). Put more simply, a person's identities are continually fluxing constructions that arise out of current discourses during communications with other people (Burr, 2003), where experiences and rationalities of the self and of the world are reproduced and are simultaneously reproductive in human communities (Shotter and Gergen, 1989).
Within a Foucauldian framework, through the devices or 'technologies' made available by society's ideologies, the social construction of personal identity is made possible (Foucault, 1988). The Internet is often acknowledged to represent one such technology of the self (Aycock, 1995) and is widely considered to be the most active of technologies to fundamentally alter the nature and possibility of communities, and thus alter identities of the self (Berthon, et al., 2000). More explicitly, the growth of the Internet has provided a gateway that connects individuals to a diversity of others (Gergen, 2001; Pini, et al., 2004). With this potential for increased closeness — albeit digital — the possibility for identity reconstruction is ever present (McNamee, 1996), permitting the cycling through of many flexible selves (Turkle, 1995).
The different narratives in each technology, practice and programme that individuals pass through construct different subjectivities. The person is therefore in constant momentum, passing through different practices that subjectify him/her in different ways (Rose, 1996). Human beings therefore encompass multiple selves, each constructed in multiple practices, rhizomically interconnected and continuously under reconstruction as the connections expand in the 'socially saturated world' (Gergen, 1991). From such movement, 'the self' is destabilised, like Derrida's deconstruction of the self, and Foucault's disappearance of the author — essentially the human being is a terminal in a complex system of interconnected images throughout different paradigms (Gergen, 1996). With the rate of these fluxing subjectivities on the Internet, people are in a constant state of protean (Lifton, 1999) or nomadic (Brown, 1996) wandering. Such nomadic subjects construct and reconstruct their identities from various discursive positions that are encountered, and on the Internet this identity and subjectivity construction expands ever more rapidly.
In non–virtual worlds, discursive positions can often be disempowering and limit possibilities of change or to behave as one wants, but in a virtual world the Internet can sanction self–presentation by the autonomy it provides from traditional time and space barriers (Foster, 1997). For example, the personal homepage typically draws on established print ways of self–presentation, such as curriculum vitas, or advertisements of the focal self (Miller, 1995). Indeed, it has been noted that there is very little variation in the emergence of identity over the Internet, however, and the personal homepage is a tool which is simultaneously the construction of the author. Thus an author's homepage signifies the identities that they have constructed and all the implications attached to these, for which he/she is responsible (Foucault, 1977). The content of the personal homepage is legitimised through publication, which in turn legitimises the identities that have been constructed by the author in that particular period (Chandler and Roberts–Young, 1998).
Taking the metaphor of the personal homepage as literal, its décor, fixtures and fittings are representational of the constructed identity. According to Turkle (1995), its different rooms (or sites) are located within the world–stretching connected nodes, yet are accrued and stored under one address (via a process of bricolage, see Chandler and Roberts–Young, 1998 who elaborate on this term in relation to this paper). These hyperlinked 'rooms' are extensions to the identity of the author to aid in its construction, since such rooms are considered to be of some personal or social importance to the individual author (Erickson, 1996). Thus the personal homepage and its outlinks portray the author's personal perception of salient people, issues and pursuits, and therefore portrays the social logic that gives the visitor the opportunity to meet with the author's multiple personas.
From an information science perspective, link frequencies have been considered to indicate various features of a Web site, from topic similarity (Kleinberg, 1999) to business (Park and Nam, 2002) and social (Garrido and Halavais, 2003; Park, 2003) connections. It has also been noted in this literature that some links are for educational purposes rather or for communicative functions (Thelwall, 2003). However, from a more constructionist perspective, it can be argued that each link presented — whether intended for communication or not — illustrates the evolution of virtual communities amongst authors (Rheingold, 1995) and therefore the evolution of the focal self. Identity emerges from whom a person knows, or is associated with (Turkle, 1995) and so any link can be considered significant no matter what the author's intention; significant in the sense that selves can develop and can be maintained through the very presence of these links (Miller, 1995).
The homepage can become a locus for the cyberself (Miller, 1995) to experiment with the construction and reconstructions of subjectivities via link inclusion (Turkle, 1995). Despite this seemingly positive perspective of an all–empowering tool, it must be argued that the Internet can also represent the ideologies of institutions, which in turn can compromise the individual's autonomy — albeit in a non–obtrusive manner (Brignall, 2002). Although resistance in new forms of subjectivity typically accompanies enforced power (Foucault, 1982), individuals still tend to internalise the conveyed ideology of particular institutions through a process of adaptation to the prevailing norms and ultimately conform to these norms, thus representing 'citizens' of a morally coercive society (Lynch, 1985) — at least within that particular time and space.
Rhetorical devices both reflect and reconstruct these mainstream ideologies (Walters, 1996), yet are not necessarily modes of governance to produce dependent subjects; rather they work upon the capacities of persons to act on their own behalf (Cruikshank, 1999). Therefore rhetorical devices govern persons by enlisting them to govern themselves: working through subjectivity and not in its opposition (Rose, 1994). Based on this understanding, the conduct of conduct is to ethically mould a human being's subjectivities in accordance to the prevailing needs of the social practices that he/she passes through, or links to (Foucault, 1986). For example, official sites could be a device for legitimising the power of an institution; that is for instance, homepages that are constructed in an institution's Web site can be illustrative of the subtle governance that the institution possesses over the individual author (Aycock, 1995).
Based on this sentiment, individual authors whose homepages reside on an institution's server may experience the moral obligation to represent their selves in an already established way in order to sustain the status of a responsible member of that virtual community — conceivably an example of social accountability (Shotter, 1984), where personal homepages reflect the rituals of the institution to satisfy the objectives of its employers (Chandler and Roberts–Young, 1998). In the same sense of Bentham's panoptic–style prison (see Jackson and Carter, 2000 who incorporate this theme in organisational analysis), the Internet can therefore become a tool for surveillance, where the multiple layers of observation result in the unawareness of who is observing whom (Brignall, 2002). In such circumstances, individual authors simultaneously construct and police themselves in the manner that will match the perceived ideologies of the institution at that time.
In an instance where literature shows this to be a consistent theme, academic institutional Web sites have been perceived to marginalise staff through the governing of constructed identities on the Internet (Hawisher and Sullivan, 1999; Hess, 2002). Interestingly, Foucault's (1980) concept of 'knowledge is power' can be identified from the observations made in previous literature, as most homepage creators for academic staff seem to be those with the expertise — this typically being the Webmaster or Web design team. Thus power of identity construction typically lies with the Web experts who can construct the identities of academic staff members in conjunction with the ideology of the university needs. Such needs relate to the advertisements and promotions of the university departments, courses and individual staff via the presence of online student resources and scholarly credentials (Hess, 2002), although this does not seem to be systematic and the personality of the developers can also be expressed (Hine, 2001). Similarly, no release time or compensation for the time spent on staff constructing their own homepages is offered to academics, which allows institutions to construct homepages on behalf of the staff under the illusion of 'ethically' correct behaviour (see Foucault, 1986). To summarise this perspective, the homepages that are built on behalf of the faculty are done so apparently legitimately: in the staff's best interest. However, it can be argued that this is in fact a means of governing the disempowered (Hawisher and Sullivan, 1999).
This governmentality is not isolated to one university; literature has suggested that these constructed cyberselves are simply passed from one university Web site to another once the academic proximally moves institutions (Hess, 2002). Based on this, the uniform portrait photograph, credentials and particularly publications (Harley, 2002) remain ideologically shaped, residing within a different address. Likened to the discursive positions that were mentioned previously, the academic's cyberself can essentially be seen as a nomadic wander whose construction is reconstructed in ways that satisfy the transitory university. It should be acknowledged however that some staff do in fact create their own homepages as a means of self–presentation. However, according to Hess (2002) such pages may still be retrieved from the university search engine, and therefore may still be exploited as a means of advertisement; display 'items' for the university. Pages constructed and maintained by the academic however do appear to contain more multifaceted selves as opposed to the solitary 'academic self' via images, links and so forth (Chandler and Roberts–Young, 1998; Miller, 1995).
It is the links on the academic homepage that is of most interest in this particular research; how their frequency and qualities differ between institutional based homepages and self–constructed homepages that are either independent or dependent of the university site. The research is thus interested in the identity construction of staff through the use and disuse of links. In doing so, this study generates a typology of homepages — nonentities, capitulators and sycophants — based on the observed discursive positions of the academics, as articulated both textually and pictorially in relation to the academic institution. Here, discourses appear to involve aspects of ownership, disempowerment and normalisation, from which academics are considered to have both directly and indirectly lost the autonomy of identity construction through the Internet.
Based on the materials used for analysis in this study (i.e. academic homepages) and based on the social constructionist framework within which the analysis derived, qualitative methods were preferred over quantitative approaches as these are more appropriate for textual and symbolic analysis (Burr, 2003). Unlike statistics and other like measures, qualitative methods are typically more context–sensitive and so highlight factors that may be influential in different scenarios. It should be noted however that quantitative analyses are not necessarily dismissed from all social constructionist work; nevertheless, the generalised assumptions or universal truths that are concluded from such analyses are not appropriate for this type of research (Gergen, 1999). In–depth descriptive analysis was therefore undertaken in this study to gain a more valid perspective of the possible reasoning behind link inclusion in academic homepages.
The research was conducted and interpreted using Foucauldian discourse analysis. This enables thorough analysis of power relations through which subjectivities are constructed, via the written text and the more visual material supplied on the sample of personal homepages (Burr, 2003). Foucault himself neither permitted nor gave any methodological structure to which to adhere, as it would assume presidency and thus a position of 'truth' (Armstrong, 1997). Indeed, any attempt to construct a unified methodology based on the works of Michel Foucault is viewed as a fruitless pursuit (Gutting, 1994). To compound this impediment, Gilbert, et al. (2003) argue discourse analysis to represent an umbrella term to encapsulate the various ways of analysing and understanding social life (Fairclough, 1992). Although some have attempted to define criteria in which to analyse discursive material (Fairclough, 1992; Carabine, 2001), Burr (2003) argues that there are no specific guidelines in which to direct analysis like there are with methodologies such as conversational analysis.
Whilst acknowledging these controversial issues surrounding Foucauldian discourse analysis, the primary concerns of this study were to identify discursive constructions and positions, locating these in the discourse and identifying the effects of these constructions (Willig, 2001). The sample of personal homepages (n = 20) where such stages of analysis were taken consisted of both male and female academics, from across the countries that constitute the European Union. Academics' self–constructed homepages were retrieved through random selection from the Geocities directory of personal homepages (n = 8). Personal homepages residing within the university or institute server were obtained via the Google search engine (n = 8), as were those that were constructed and maintained by the individual academic, but were enclosed within the university Web space (n = 4). The self–maintained homepages residing within the university server are used for direct comparison with the remaining categorised Web pages.
The reliability and validity of social constructionist research as means of legitimating research findings as universal truths is often disparaged (Kvale, 1995); knowledge is not uncovered neutrally and is thus not incontestable (Burr, 2003). However, some have argued for a reconceptualisation of these terms to better suit the qualitative analysis rather than directly rejecting them as inappropriate (e.g. Mason, 1996). In this light, there has been much advancement to enable social constructionists to legitimately justify their work as both trustworthy and sound (see Wood and Kroger, 2000 for an example). Other than the more rigorous empirical techniques such as inter–rater reliability, there is the member check technique where researchers can validate their interpretations on the basis of the participating individual's interpretations. However, not only would such an approach prove ineffective in this type of research owing to the possible delayed responses to e–mail (if there were any responses at all), the e–mail would be unsolicited and potentially unethical (Thelwall, 2003) and so this approach was not pursued in this study.
Although it has been maintained that contacting the Web page authors is not appropriate for this particular research, it must be acknowledged that this lack of action causes a lapse in permitting equal status between the researcher and the researched (Sherrard, 1991). However, since the researcher assumes no authority over the identity construction of the authors, equal status may not necessarily be actively enforced but is personally maintained. Conversely, it is admitted that although this study adopts the social constructionist perspective, it must be argued that the theory is itself a social construction and is taken to be no more than a perspective of social life and its workings. It is not accepted as an authority of reality, nor is it a profound statement of what is true. It is upon this backdrop that the researcher accepts that by way of researching and accounting for the identities on other people's homepages, their identities are again being reconstructed by the constitutive nature of this discourse (Burr, 2003).
This section involves the identification of discursive positions of academics in their homepages, generating a taxonomy on the basis of how academic subjectivities are articulated in each homepage and are thus constructed. However, it is necessary to first disclose the reasoning for the components of the taxonomy; that is, the rationale for the chosen themes of nonentity, capitulator and sycophant. As shown below, each theme has been identified from its underlying discourse, relating to governmental issues of ownership, normalisation and disempowerment. The self–constructed and university–constructed personal homepages, compared to the homepages that are self–maintained yet reside on the university server, all demonstrate junctures of these governmental issues. Overall however, the constructed underlying principle is that academic identity is lost; lost through the university server or lost due to the academics' natural tendency to relinquish their power to the university for reconstructing the self. Thus the Internet is seen to facilitate the process of normalisation and legitimacy of academic institutions. Preceding a more thorough discussion of this, it is imperative to note that the given construct does not stand to represent a universal truth; each theme remains speculative, yet may give insights which with to perceive afresh the phenomenon of personal home pages.
Nonentity
It is hypothesised that the identities of academics whose homepages have been constructed by the university Webmaster or Web design teams have been deprived of individuality; being merely constructed products that have originated from the university assembly line. Those subjectivities that have been constructed are done so in accordance to the model specification of the current ideology, thus the rationalisation that academics' pre–constructed identities have been lost stands proud.
This reconstruction of the academic self is found from the symbolic analysis undertaken on the university–constructed homepages. Based on this analysis, it has been identified that the academics' virtual identities are of a subordinate discursive position. Their names, titles and uniform photographs appear secondary to the insignias of the university and of the department. The academics' credentials are generally far more inconspicuous than the standard format of the homepage. Of all the constructed nonentities, only scholarly profiles are presented in which research interests are confined to brief bullet point lists. Of most importance to the university, however (Harley, 2002), academic publication lists are given considerable space on the homepage. These publications do not solely illustrate the degree of research activity in which the university is engaged (which incidentally is the basis upon which academic institutions are rated), but the publications also represent forms of expertise, and legitimise the expert knowledge and hence the power that the institution appears to produce.
Out of the eight homepages studied, only one included links that were specific to the individual academic's current self. It is not unusual for the homepages to display various interrelated university links; that is, to the main university or departmental homepages, or to courses and staff list pages. Such links were the standard format across all faculty members' homepages. Based on this, the university–constructed homepages were typically void of any links that represented individual saliencies. As suggested by Turkle (1995), links symbolise associations and significance for the individual self, and identity is constructed and legitimised by those associations. Therefore, to implicitly or explicitly prohibit links that are personal to the academic and that can provide the social loci necessary for construction, the institution simultaneously prohibits any identity reconstruction, generating a field of disempowered nonentities. Withholding this empowerment in turn prevents the academic from changing their discursive position, and the page thus signifies a product of the university.
It is apparent to the researcher that the institution merely constructs these nonentities in the model that is ideologically suited in order to promote the institution. Academics are thus denied any autonomous subjectivity construction, and yield to the constructed display items in the university electronic window. This was largely observed by the legitimating university logo that headed all of the Web pages or the copyright symbol that concluded some of the homepages studied, signifying the ownership the university Web site possesses over their constructed nonentities. To illustrate this ownership of academic selves, a randomly selected homepage from the eight that were observed is discussed in more detail below.
Case study 1: pseudonym JP
What is particularly noticeable about JP's homepage is that institutional and departmental names and logos are the predominant features of the entire page, much like a hallmark to brand the site and ultimately its contents. Given these symbols of ownership, in conjunction with the observation that the departmental Webmaster created and maintains the page, it is understood that the university accepts responsibility for the homepage and the identity that is created within (Foucault, 1977). The author of the homepage is thus the university, whose function is to classify expertise through this object of appropriation. To put more simply, the university possesses ownership of the homepage and hence owns the identity that it constructs in which symbols of expertise is signified. Based on this interpretation, the institution not only presents subtle governance through the rhetorical device of the university server (Aycock, 1995), but the branded homepages merely reinforces the ownership and hence governance over JP and consequently marginalising staff (Hawisher and Sullivan, 1999; Hess, 2002).
JP is identified as being further marginalised through the lack of idiosyncratic details presented on her homepage. The homepage includes no more information than is necessary to promote the university (Hess, 2002), such as educational history, professional posts held and holding, and a list of publications (which are common, see Kretschmer and Aguillo, 2004). No evidence of personal information or any links to imply personal saliencies are available, which when referring to Turkle (1995) and Miller (1995) suggests no construction of a personal self. The only links presented to the visitor are those that are standard throughout the staff homepages; that is, links to the university home, courses, contacts and other staff. From this, the homepage merely advertises the university's identity as an institution of expertise (Hess, 2002). With further deduction from this, it is apparent to the researcher that where the Internet is often assumed to provide unrestricted gateways to others (Gergen, 2001), the institutional ethical governance prohibits the wanderings of flexible selves (Foucault, 1986; Turkle, 1995).
Much like Brown's (1996) nomadic subjects and Hess's (2002) observation of a uniform academic self, JP is regarded as simply another academic whose identity merely reflects the ideology of the current university. The absence of links and the homogeneous construction of the self are very much typical characteristics of the remaining seven academics whose homepages were explored. Owing to this, and that the homepage is less of a locus for the cyberself (Miller, 1995) but more of a portal for university promotion, the constructed self appears to be that of the institution and not of the academic; the multifaceted selves found from links from a homepage refer more to the departments and faculties of the university, rather than aspects of the academics' selves. From this, the identities of JP and other academics whose homepages were classified as university–constructed have been reconstructed as Nonentities, where the term 'personal homepage' is clearly inapplicable owing to the loss of any personal identity.
Capitulator
Academics whose homepages have been self–constructed seem to the researcher to have more multifaceted subjectivities on the Web, reconstructing the self at every presented link. However, it is considered that the typical link back to the university Web site simply demonstrates the academics' willingness to surrender their power for self–construction, and legitimate the governance of the university.
The self–constructed homepages that were observed were very dissimilar to the university–constructed homepages in various ways. The authors were able to demonstrate their different selves through the different pages of their Web site. Each page is interpreted as signifiers of other selves, whether a humorous self or a computer game player self. Each page tends to reconstruct the subjectivities through the inclusion of links to other people and/or places on the Web. The animations, various photographs in different contexts, and the personal manner of addressing visitors create a different self to the typical university–constructed academic — the self–constructed identities were idiosyncratic. However, they did not appear to be independent of the pre–constructed academic self, as they themselves acknowledge their academic self as members of a virtual community that is labelled as the university/department faculty.
Although very much a construction of multiple selves via different links, the predominant subjectivity that initially greets visitors is the academic self. Usually, this academic self would refer to the university to which they belonged through the use of symbols and text. By a process of normalisation then, the academics are understood to adopt the university as a means of self–presentation and validation as an academic. However, by simply accepting this and insinuating this on their Web pages, the academics merely legitimise the power of the university. In this sense, the academic alters their constructed discursive positions and simply relegates, losing their identities as a non–academic and an academic to the all–governing institution. Using a second case study to illustrate this understanding, it is clear to the researcher that the academic internalises the university status as a manifestation of expertise, and by simply demonstrating this rationality on his/her personal homepage simultaneously legitimises the university's status, ideologies and governance.
Case study 2: pseudonym SB
SB's homepage typically comprises of several pages of self–presentation (Foster, 1997). Each link and element of bricolage (Chandler and Roberts–Young, 1998) demonstrates a personally salient aspect of the Web, which aids in the reconstruction of SB (Erickson, 1996). However, in accordance with the view that institutions can subtly enforce coercive power over employees and alike (Foucault, 1986), SB ensures that much of what is constructed is his academic self and most aspects of the homepage are directly related to the university to which he belongs. Specifically, heading each page of the Web site is a university logo (which is not an activated hyperlink incidentally) and his name and job title. To further reinforce the researcher's speculations, SB merely demonstrates his acceptance of the university as a sign of expertise and thus as a keen tool for self–presentation through his persistence to make reference to the university. For example, SB includes lists of academic activities previously and presently engaged in, a short academic biography, and detailed descriptions of his research; all of which have been linked to relevant sites such as the university and departmental homepages.
Despite the homepage predominantly representing an academic self, SB does include one page that conveys a more personal self with a list of activities outside of academia and information regarding his engagement. From this, although demonstrating his autonomy on the Internet to construct his self through discourse and external links (Turkle, 1995), SB is simultaneously relegating this autonomy by his compulsive linking and citing material to the university. As a further signifier of having undergone the process of normalisation (Lynch, 1985), SB includes a long list of publications. This not only constructs SB as a professed academic, but also illustrates the degree of research activity undertaken in the university and thus adds to the power and expertise of the institution. Given this, using the university as a means of self–advertisement not solely mutually advertises the university but also justifiably reinforces the institution as a symbol of powerful governance over individuals like SB.
From the discursive narratives discussed, the researcher concludes that in either circumstance — whether the university constructs the academics' homepages or whether the individual academic constructs their own homepage — the subjectivities are very much lost to the university ideology in both cases. However, it is clear that whilst on the one hand identity has been lost to direct governance, in the latter condition identity construction has been abdicated by the internalised assumption that the university is a signifier of expertise to which the individual belongs. Based on this, the academic links (and references) to the university/departments to legitimise their presentation of the self and in turn capitulates their identity as nothing more than a product of the university — a nonentity, whilst simultaneously legitimising this coercive power of the university.
Whilst drawing upon this conclusion, the study also investigated a relatively small selection of homepages that were a combination of the two homepages looked at already; that is, personal homepages that have been constructed and maintained by the academic yet reside on the university server. It is understood that in comparison to the remaining types of homepages, the university still appears to possess some coercive power over the constructed identities of the academics, and in doing so constructs these identities in concordance to the prevailing institutional ideology via ownership, normalisation and disempowerment. Specifically, although these 'sycophants' seemingly possess no restrictions much like the self–constructed homepages analysed previously, such academics incessantly associate themselves predominantly with the university and departmental communities in similar ways to how the identities of academics via university–constructed homepages are constructed. Put more simply, the constructed identities of these academics have the same degree of power over subjectivity construction as the capitulators, but share greater likeness with the nonentities.
Of the four homepages studied that were self–maintained on the university site, it is rationalised that such identities are constructed as being socially accountable to the university ideology despite having full control to compose the homepages and the identities that reside in it. There is some evidence of rebellion against the ideology in subtle ways, however overall these homepages signify to the researcher that the constructed cyberselves are little more than reflections of the university creed.
In concordance with the view the Internet represents a tool for surveillance and hence coercion (Brignall, 2002), these homepages signify how academics seem to be morally obliged to link to the university and departmental sites, and to adhere to the expected customary academic homepage. Essentially, whilst there is some degree of discretion on behalf of the academic such as links to friends and colleagues, the homepages tend to relay usual scholarly credentials such as academic status, qualifications and experiences, research and other profiles alike (Miller, 1995). From this observation, it is interpreted that such academics represent their selves in the 'expected' fashion that constitutes the status of a responsible citizen of the virtual community (to which they link as well as on which their homepages reside). In agreement with Shotter's (1984) concept of social accountability, the researcher assumes that the discursive position that the academics occupy symbolises their self–policing of subjectivities to satisfy the objectives of the university (Chandler and Roberts–Young, 1998; Cruikshank, 1999).
Although the identities in these homepages tend to adhere to the socially–tainted academic self, the academics do illustrate subtle forms of resistance (c.f. Foucault, 1982). It is interpreted that this rebellion is acknowledged as a form of non–conformity to the individual academic, and so results in their preference not to include a photograph of themselves (with one exception; see case study three below). Whilst the nonentities were confined to small head and shoulder portraits, and capitulators used such visuals more freely, the focal academics do not disclose any visual identity. Similarly, whilst nonentities have their pre–constructed academic identity copyrighted to the university and capitulators tend to have their constructed identities copyrighted to themselves, the subjectivities of the sycophants have no declared owner. This lack of ownership and process of normalisation will now be looked at in more detail with reference to the third case study.
Case study 3: pseudonym DT
Although maintained by DT himself, and thus presumably giving plentiful opportunity to promote oneself in any favourable fashion (Foster, 1997), DT in fact provides visitors with eight pages of academic credentials ranging from qualifications to committee memberships. From this case study, the researcher proposes that the university server upon which the homepage is situated symbolises the allusion of institutional governmentality, from which norms are perceived and adhered to in order to remain a moral citizen of that (virtual) community (Lynch, 1985; c.f. Aycock, 1995). Specifically, whilst the Internet sanctions autonomous self–presentation, DT fails to embrace this owing to the social accountability (Shotter, 1984) he perceives and internalises towards the university department, ensuring that any persons surveying the Web site will have no cause to problematise the site as contrasting with the conveyed prevailing norms (see Foucault, 1986).
Given the rhetorical device that instates the university's coercive governance, DT polices his own reconstruction of the self in the manner that matches the ideology of the university and thus reflects its ritualistic objectives; that is, advertisement. Thus two pages of the Web site have been dedicated to publication lists of journal articles, co-authored and authored books/chapters (Harley, 2002). Additionally, the site includes a page solely to disclose information regarding national and international research projects in which DT is occupied. Given these examples, it is understood that the homepage has been designed and is maintained in a socially–tainted way in order to fulfil the standards of being associated with the university, and thus provides information about this constructed self that gives way for exploitation to promote the university and its department (Hess, 2002).
It is interesting that whilst DT is understood to have accepted the ideological norms of the university, he nevertheless occasionally demonstrates a degree of resistance towards these imposed norms. For example, whilst university–constructed homepages were void of any personal links that would identify the academic as having individual selves, DT has included several of these links on his homepage albeit university/research related. Such links include societal and committee Web pages, PhD student homepages, links to full–text articles in the publication list, links to the university and departmental main homepages, and to friends' homepages (of whom work within the same university department). Thus whilst in acknowledgement that these links are all academically inclined, they do nevertheless signify elements of the constructed self that is individual to DT.
DT does not enclose the customary formal photograph; indeed, there is a single, rather unorthodox photograph of an animal with a somewhat indistinct glimpse of DT identified in the background. The researcher interprets this lack of visual identity as a means to hide — or at least to obscure — the overtness of his resistance to the norms of the university. However, overall DT does not provide any other self for review; there is no reference to any other interests outside of the academic institution and no links to suggest any other associations. Thus DT and all other homepage authors alike are constructed as Sycophants, signifying the loss of identities to university coercion.
To summarise these subjectivity reconstructions and interpretations, it appears that academics' personal home pages are clearly a technology of the self (Foucault, 1988); a means of altering an individual's identities (Berthon, et al., 2000) through external links and other forms of discourse. The interconnected spectrum of institutions, practices and programmes can thus subjectify individuals (Rose, 1996). However, in the case of the academic individuals reviewed here, most fail to become a part of the virtual communities available, and so are subjectified by the only practices they link to; that is, the university. Based on this, academics' personal home pages seem to be a tool for governing the identity construction of universities' academics. It could be argued that this may not solely be applicable to universities, but for many other institutions wishing their employees to become normalised as superior, powerful and ethically viable.
Given that academics' identities are subordinated to the university it is logical to ask why this occurs and whether this is an issue. To do this we step out of a Foucauldian framework. From an organisational analysis perspective organisations (whether businesses, religions or clubs) create norms of behaviour and pressure to conform. In this sense, conforming should not necessarily have negative connotations and is a natural human activity. Humans typically confirm in the conscious or subconscious hope of gaining tangible or intangible rewards. The degree to which we conform depends upon organisational factors such as the degree of mutual dependence: the extent to which individuals are dependent upon other to reach their goals (Whitley, 1984). Mutual dependence is very variable in universities (Fuchs, 1992), so it is perhaps surprising that we found no mavericks in our sample, particularly from the humanities and social sciences. An explanation could be that high mutual dependency subjects (hard sciences, psychology) publish online much more than low mutual dependency subjects (social sciences, humanities) (Tang and Thelwall, 2003).
Does it matter than academics' personal pages tend to be 'professional' hiding their other selves? The answer to this question depends upon the perspective from which the question was asked. For an individual academic self–seeking satisfaction through career advancement or group membership, the answer would presumably tend to be 'no'. For creative selves needing more personal expression linked to work, the answer might be 'yes' (of course, these selves could reside within a single person). From an educational perspective, the answer is probably discipline–specific and partly tied to the academic's teaching style. For example, the personal may be important in gender studies but is denied in physics (Knorr–Cetina, 1999). From a social perspective, the presentation of academics as de–humanised guardians of knowledge has clear political implications. Perhaps the ultimate answer lies in whether there will be resistance. In the future, will the publishing of professional personal academic pages be unchallenged and accepted, or will there be a significant movement against it? Perhaps the deciding factor is pragmatism: are personal Web presences important enough to create a fuss about? Humans have to blackbox ideas and actions in order to function effectively, opening the box when external factors question the efficacy of the box. The final issue, then, is if, and when, academic Web presences become important enough relative to other issues to be worth challenging.
Lesley Thoms is at the School of Computing and Information Technology, University of Wolverhampton (U.K.).
Mike Thelwall is a professor of information science and head of the Statistical Cybermetrics Research Group in the School of Computing and Information Technology, University of Wolverhampton, U.K.
E–mail: : m [dot] thelwall [at] wlv [dot] ac [dot] uk
The work was supported by a grant from the Common Basis for Science, Technology and Innovation Indicators part of the Improving Human Research Potential specific programme of the Fifth Framework for Research and Technological Development of the European Commission. It is part of the WISER project (Web indicators for scientific, technological and innovation research, contract HPV2–CT–2002–00015, www.webindicators.org).
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Paper received 11 April 2005; accepted 20 November 2005.
Copyright ©2005, First Monday
Copyright ©2005, Lesley Thoms and Mike Thelwall
Academic home pages: Reconstruction of the self by Lesley Thoms and Mike Thelwall
First Monday, volume 10, number 12 (December 2005),


text:
Атила (406—453), такође познат као Атила Хунски или Бич Божји, је био краљ Хуна од 434. године па до своје смрти. Он је био владар Хунског царства које се простирало од територија данашње Немачке до реке Урал и од Дунава до Балтичког мора. Током своје владавине Атила је био највећи непријатељ Источног и Западног римског царства: два пута је походио Балканско полуострво, прешао је Галију до Орлеана пре него што је заустављен у бици на Каталаунским пољима. Потиснуо је западноримског цара Валентинијана III из његове резиденције Равене 452. године, стигао је до Константинопоља и Рима, али није могао да заузме ни један од ова два града.

У великом делу западне Европе је захваљујући, њему ненаклоњеним, римским изворима упамћен као отелотворење окрутности и похлепности. Насупрот томе, неки историчари га сматрају великим и племенитим краљем.

Биографија

Порекло и почетак владе
Атила, будући вођа Хуна је по изворима рођен око 406. године. Његов отац се, по Приску из Панијума, звао Мундиух и имао је брата Ругу. Руа (или Ругила) је био један од хунских поглавара (432—434). Атила је имао и старијег брата кога извори спомињу под именом Бледа ().

Атилино пустошење градова Источног римског царства

Док је Западно царство било у трпељивом односу са хунским вођом, то није био случај са источним. Источним царством је тада владао цар Теодосије II, који се суочавао са хунском опасношћу. За време двовлашћа код Хуна било је само изолованих инцидената на граници Теодосијевог царства, да би се за време Атиле сукоби пренели и у унутрашњост царства. Источно римско царство је у то време било у сукобу са Вандалима који су освојили Картагину и са сасанидским краљем Јаздергердом II који је напао Јерменију 441. године. Ово је омогућило Атили и Бледи отворен пут кроз Илирик у унутрашњост Балканског полуострва, које су напали 441. године. Хунска војска је опустошила Маргус (Пожаревац) и Виминацијум (Костолац), заузела Сингидунум (Београд) и Сирмијум (Сремска Митровица), пре него што су се зауставили. Затишје је уследило 442. године и за то време је Теодосије II позвао своју војску из северне Африке и наредио ковање велике количине новца да би могао да финансира рат против Хуна. Након што је обавио припреме, помислио је да је у могућности да одбије хунске захтеве.

Атила је на то одговорио обновом похода 443. године. Хуни су опсели Наисус са опсадним овновима и покретним кулама — новим оружјем у свом арсеналу — затим су кренули дуж Нишаве и заузели Сердику (Софија), Филипољ (Пловдив) и Аркадиопољ. Срели су се и савладали римске снаге изван Константинопоља и зауставили се због недостатка опсадне опреме. Теодосије II је признао пораз и послао дворског званичника Анатолија да преговара о условима мира, који су били оштрији него претходни: цар се сложио да плати 6.000 римских фунти (око 1.963 -{kg}-) злата као казну за непоштовање споразума, годишњи данак је утростручен и попео се на 2.100 римских фунти (око 687 -{kg}-) злата.

Године 447. Атила је опет кренуо на југ преко Мезије. Римска војска предвођена Арнегисклусом га је срела на реци Вид и била је поражена, али је нанела велике губитке Хунима. Хуни нису више имали препрека, па су стигли скроз до Термопила. Сам Константинопољ је спасио префект Флавије Константин, који је организовао обнову Теодосијевих бедема, које је претходно оштетио земљотрес, а неким местима је изградио нове утврђене линије испред старих.

Атила је као услов за мир тражио да Римљани наставе да плаћају данак и да се повуку са појаса земље која се протезала око 480 km од Сингидунума, и око 160 km јужно од Дунава. Преговори су трајали око три године. На хунски двор је 448. године као изасланик византијског цара послат Приск. Он је више пута својим дипломатским акцијама успео да разузда Атилу и да отклони опасност од хунског освајања. Међутим, већина његовог дела је сачувана у фрагментима.

Прву дипломатску мисију је Приск је преузео одмах након опустошења Сремске Митровице. Путовао је преко Сердике (Софије) до опустошеног Наисуса (Ниш), да би затим кренуо дуж северних територија, преко Тисе у Атилину престоницу. Приск је описао Атилину престоницу као једно мало село у којима је већина кућа изграђена од дрвета, па и сам Атилин двор. У граду су се могли видети огромни дрвени зидови направљени од дасака, затим комплекси за исхрану хунских ратника и на крају, на сред села огромни круг на коме је изграђено постоље за хунског вођу. Приск је разговарао са Атилом у његовој одаји где је упознао и његову жену скирског порекла. На крају му је предао огромне количине злата и разне драгоцености које је послао цар Теодосије у знак мира.

Приск је нарочито описао дворски живот Хуна. Они су волели да певају, да се веселе, а свако вече су приређивали богате вечере на којима је било свега. Нарочито је описивао Атилину неодољиву жељу за вином и Атилине робиње, које су увек биле поред њега. По речима Приска Хуни су полако превазилазили фазу варварског племена и почињали попримати одлике цивилизованог племена. Томе је сигурно допринео и Атилин боравак у Риму где је упознао прави живот народа високе расе. На Атилином двору је боравио и галски лекар Еудоксије, који је после слома Гала прешао на хунску страну. Такође боравио је и један Римљанин из Мезије који ће се касније оженити варварком, а Атила ће му лично кумовати.

Атила као вођа Хуна

Атилин брат Бледа је већ, као старији, приграбио власт над читавим хунском племенским савезом, али се после повратка Атиле сагласио да владају заједно. Период двовлашћа у Хунској држави био је праћен разним трвењима и неслогама. Бледа је ковао заверу против свог брата неколико пута, али га је Атила осујетио. Бледа је такође имао већи углед међу Хунима као старији владар.

Атила је ојачао свој положај. Оптужио је Бледу да је отровао Ругу и решио га се убиством 445. године. Када је постао једини владар Хуна, ујединио је сва хунска племена и народе од Волге до Германије. Седиште његове државе, која се протезала од Данске до Паноније, од Лапоније и Рајне до Каспијског језера па све до Кине, било је у панонској низији, недалеко данашњег Токаја. Његову власт признавала су многа племена Германа, Сармата, Словена и Турака. По речима Приска, који је једини видео Атилу и његову престоницу, војска му је бројала око 500.000 ратника. Била је наоружана стрелама, копљима, мачевима и ножевима.

По освајању власти Атила је решио да прекине савезништво са Римом, али да у почетку не угрожава територије Западног царства, већ само Источног, тј. Византије. Атили се за помоћ против Визигота обратио вандалски краљ Гејсерих, шаљући му бројне дарове да би га натерао да зарати против визиготског краља Теодориха. То је Атилу покренуло да поново обнови непријатељства са Визиготима. Атила је послао своје изасланике цару Валентинијану III, у чије је име владала његова мајка Гала Плацидија у намери да их одвуче од савеза са Визигота и да се прикључе Хунима у заједничкој борби. Атила је обећавао да ће чувати мир према Западном царству и да ће само ратовати против Теодориха са киме се већ дуго времена налазио у лошим односима.

Теодорих је на време увидео опасност од поновног зближавања Хуна и Римљана, па је писао Атили да се заједно са Визиготима бори против Римљана. После преузимања трона, Атила је за кратко време успео да потчини велики број околних племена: Скира, Туркилинга, Сармата, Херула, Хазаре, и коначно му је пошло за руком да и Остроготе стави под своју власт. Основао је моћно краљевство Хуна са седиштем у Панонији. Саградио је велелепну престоницу која се налазила недалеко од данашњег града Ђера у Мађарској. Скирски краљ му се покорио и дао му је своју ћерку за жену. Према извештајима Приска са Атилиног двора, Атилина жена се звала Крек и родила му је три сина.

Атила је приређивао манифестације на двору, био је обожавалац шамана, а богату трпезу су му украшавале робиње из других племена.

Атилин рат против Западног римског царства

Када је Атила осигурао своју позицију према Византији, која је куповала мир са Хунима, окренуо се Западном римском царству.

Атилина мисао да крене са војском на Рим, никада га није напуштала. Ипак, он је прво напао њене провинције. Крајем 450. године напао је Галију. То је и време развитка Бургундске краљевине у области Мајнца, са главним градом Вормсом на Рајни. Код Бургунда је тада владао краљ Гунтер који се налазио притиснут између отвореног сукоба његових ћерки и Хуна.

Најзначајније сведочанство ових догађаја је био старогермански еп "Песма о Нибелунзима".

Након присаједињења Бургунда, Атила излази пред западноримског цара са јасним намерама. Тражи да се ожени сестром цара Валентинијана III, Хоноријом. Занимљиво је објаснити како је дошло до повезаности Хонорије и Атиле. Хонорија, сестра цара Валентинијана, је 449. године затечена у љубавној вези са својим слугом. Након тога љубавник је погубљен, а Хонорија која је вероватно била трудна, изолована је из јавног живота. Бесна послала је поруку Атили у којој је замолила да постане њен витез. Атила је то протумачио као брачну понуду и затражио половину Западног римског царства за њен мираз. Против овога је нарочито устала Валентинијанова мајка Плацидија која је изјавила да се њена ћерка неће никада удати за варварина. Атила је решио да спор реши силом.

Једини човек који се тада могао супротставити Атили био је западноримски намесник Флавије Аеције. Он је једно време био талац на хунском двору и упознао је хунски начин живљења, њихове обичаје и традицију. Када су га Римљани у замену вратили, покушао је да узурпира место Валентинијана за новог цара Римљана, па је осуђен на доживотно заточеништво. Опасност од Хуна је натерала да се он ослободи из тамнице и да поново командује римском војском. Међутим, Аеције ће после победе над Атилом пасти као жртва чисте политике. Оптужиће га да је поново припремао преврат, па ће бити убијен на улици 454. године.

У међувремену је краљ Салијских Франака преминуо и избио је сукоб за наследство између његова два сина, у који су се уплели и Атила и Аеције, Атила је подржавао старијег сина, док је Аеције подржавао млађег. Атила је окупио своје вазале: Гепиде, Остроготе, Тиринжане, Алане и Бургунде и отпочео је поход на запад. Године 451, стигао је до Белгике.

Флавију Аецију је дата велика војска, а он је поново постављен за врховног заповедника римских легионара. Аеције је на југу формирао јаке војне снаге, примивши у војску Визиготе, Франке, Гале и Бургунде. Пошто је Атила заузео Орлеан, који је Аеције ускоро повратио, Атила је са отпочео да се враћа у отаџбину са богатим пленом, али га је Аеције у стопу гонио. Хунска војска је прешла Рајну низводно од Мајнца, али су их на другом крају сачекале одморне трупе Аеција.

У рано свитање 20. јуна 451. године на равници Каталаунских поља, седам и по километара од града Троа, започела је одсудна битка. У тој бици на једној страни су се борили Хуни и низ германских племена, међу којима и Остроготи, док су на другој страни били Аецијеви Гало-Римљани и такође германска племена, између осталих Визиготи са њиховим краљем Теодорихом I, који је нашао своју смрт на овом бојишту и његовим сином Торисмундом.

Хуни су заузели десну страну поља, а Римљани леву. Када је Атила видео да је његова војска преслаба да би изборила победу, лично је кренуо на Аеција који се налазио на брдашцу одакле је мирно посматрао ток битке. Атила је после великих губитака наредио повлачење у војне бараке, 4 -{km}- од поља. Ту су Визиготи ноћу покушали да препадну Хуне, али су Хуни на време подигли узбуну и отерали Визиготе даље од логора. Идућег дана, Атила се са остатком војске повукао. Аеције је славио своју велику победу у Риму.

Поход у Италију

Атила је искористио дезорганизацију Визигота, па је предузео нови ратни план, како би остварио своју жељу да се ожени Хоноријом. Прешао је Јулијске Алпе и упао у Италију 452. године. Опсео је град Аквилеју, близу Венеције и зидине је тукао катапултима. Кад је град пао, Атила је намеравао да одатле крене на Рим. Валентинијан је побегао из Равене у Рим, док је Аеције остао на бојишту, али није имао довољно војске да се одупре. Атила је заузео је више градова, опустошио долину Пада и стигао до Минциа где му је у сусрет дошао папа Свети Лав I. Само захваљујући папи Лаву I Рим је спашен од разарања. Епидемије и глад присилили су Атилу да напусти Италију.

Атила је намеравао да нападне Константинопољ и да поново присили Теодосијевог наследника Маркијана да плаћа данак који је одбио да плаћа, док је Атила био заузет ратовањем на западу. Међутим, Атила је умро почетком 453. године.

Смрт у брачној постељи
Атила је умро на дан свог венчања. Иако је већ имао велик број жена, узео је нову жену по имену Илдико. Дан венчања протекао је у жестоком опијању и слављу. Пијан и пожудан када је пала ноћ младу је одвео у своје одаје. Нађен је мртав наредно јутро, а нова млада дрхтала је од страха док је поред ње лежао мртав велики хунски вођа. Наводно је умро од прекомерне дозе алкохола и јаког крварења из носа премда постоје и претпоставке како је смрт била насилна. Сахрањен је, према легенди, у три ковчега: златном, сребрном и гвозденом. Након његове смрти хунска се држава распала. У току ноћи, тело му је спаљено по старом хунском обичају, а затим стављено у ковчег, заједно с великом количином опљачканог блага и спуштено у реку Тису. Река је однела Атилино тело у незнане даљине. У више наврата било је покушаја да се открије његов гроб, али је до сада све остало само на покушајима. Хунско царство након Атилине смрти распало врло брзо. Већ 454. године, Остроготи и друга германска племена побунила су се против Хуна, а Атилини синови завађени међу собом нису се могли носити с кризом.

Име
Атила је имао готско име (атила је умањеница од готске речи ата што значи отац). На његовом двору су владали готски обичаји, а спомен му је сачуван и у готској народној причи.
Због својих пустошења и суровости прозван је -{flagelum Dei}- (бич Божији).
То име се први пут спомиње код анонимног писца из -{IX}- века.
Ушао је у приче и легенде многих древних народа. Као легендарна личност Атила се јавља и у Нибелунзима (као: Етзел), Еди (као: Атли) и у народној традицији Јужних Словена као Атил пасоглави.

Легенда о мачу бога Марса
Атила је један од највећих освајача у историји и најчувенији међу варварским вођама у доба сеобе народа а од римских царева је добио надимак бич божији. Постоји легенда која каже како је Атила у ствари био мач Марса и да друге варварске вође нису могле да га погледају право у очи, а да се при томе не поколебају у својим намерама.

Легенда Хуна каже да је Атила од једног чобанина добио на поклон мач бога Марса. Атила је нашао чобанина са својим стадом и приметио крвави траг по трави. Чобанин му је рекао да пажљиво прати тај траг. Атила је пратио траг и из траве извадио бачени мач, кога је уздигао високо. Атила је поверовао да је то предсказање за њега да буде један од великих светских вођа по Божјој вољи. Атили је тај мач дао још веће самопоуздање.

Види још
 Атила — опера Ђузепеа Вердија, романсирана приповест о освајању Италије, сукобу са папом Лавом I и Атилиној смрти.

Референце

Литература
 -{Priscus: Историја,}- доступно на оригиналном старогрчком у -{Ludwig Dindorf : Historici Graeci Minores (Leipzig, Teubner, 1870) и у преводу на енглески језик Џ. Б. Бјурија: Приск на Атилином двору}-
 -{Jordanes: О пореклу и делима Гота}-
 Babcock, Michael A.. The Night Attila Died: Solving the Murder of Attila the Hun (Berkley Publishing Group.  )
 Blockley, R.C.. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire, vol. II.  This is a collection of fragments from Priscus, Olympiodorus, and others, with original text and translation.
 Gordon, C. D. The Age of Attila: Fifth-century Byzantium and the Barbarians (Ann Arbor.  .). This is a translated collection, with commentary and annotation, of ancient writings on the subject, including Priscus.

 Maenchen-Helfen, J. Otto The World of the Huns: Studies in Their History and Culture (Berkeley.  .)

 Thompson, E. A.. A History of Attila and the Huns (London, Oxford University Press.  ). This is the authoritative English work on the subject. It was reprinted in 1999 as The Huns in the Peoples of Europe'' series.  Thompson did not enter controversies over Hunnic origins and considers his victories to have been achieved only when there was no concerted opposition.

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Posted by Joseph in Climate Change, protest.
The most heavily defended power station in the U.K. was breached by a lone eco warrior. Who left a simple and now familiar calling card 'no new coal'.
The intruder shut down one of the massive generators, instantly cutting Britain's emissions by 2%, after scaling the massive electric fences and other assorted security measures.
After a year of growing smearing and contrived story telling about 'eco-terrorists', combined with the audacious protest actions by groups like Plane Stupid, 'Climate Man' as the protester has been dubbed by some, seems to have done the unthinkable and fulfilled the mission of this years climate camp.
No one is quite sure who he is, activists seem perplexed as do the police and the owners of the plant and potential instigators in Britain's first new coal plant in 34 years, E.ON. The power company vigourously assert that it was not an inside job. Speculation has suggested that due to the nature and competency of the action it could have been done by someone who had once worked in a power station.
Accordingly, unspecified rumours have indicated that the perpetrator was in the employment of British Nuclear Fuels (BNFL). The people (apart from everyone who will be affected by climate change) who stand to lose the most by the idea of burning dirty lumps of carbon to create electricity.
Posted by Joseph in civil liberties, Climate Change, protest.
Kent police recently revealed that their activities at this years climate camp cost a cool £5.9 million and rising. This as the camp's legal team prepares to submit evidence about a wide variety of breaches in practice by the police. Incidents included forcibly taking peoples data (illegal under stop and search regulations), violence, sexual harassment and general heavy handedness.
The outcome of any legal proceedings is not likely to get very far. Policing is usually done with impunity, from the annoyances and harassment that protesters receive to the down right heinous murders that are committed.
The incentives for the police commitment are hard to ascertain. Protecting the assets of multinationals does seem an institutional commitment up there with racism. The direct chain of command and prioritisation of this event, a peaceful environmental protest is a mystery. The fact of the matter was however, that nearly as many police attended as protesters. Protesters were further diluted in number by a large contingent of private spies hired by companies to gather intelligence and undermine legitimate protest movements by carbon intensive companies. Claims have been made that as many as 1 in 4 were in the pay of private intelligence firms; a claim made by Russell Corn of Diligence in the New Statesman.
Mussolini once famously said that fascism is achieved when there is a perfect synthesis between government and big business. Anybody witnessing the police here would have to agree that the British police are acting in consummate fashion to protect the interests of big business against the forces of democracy and people's right to protest and express themselves.


text:
Q: Rails 3: Handling privacy features Part of my app is responsible for writing to a feed all the user actions. However, I'd like to allow the user to control his privacy features (stop sending to the feed, only send some actions, etc).
What is the best way to do that? Shall I use Cancan or something similar and give roles to different privacy options?
Thanks

A: I suppose you could use CanCan but, in my opinion, using simple conditional statements would be much simpler.
I would do something along the lines of:
def write_to_feed(user, action)
  unless user.private?
    unless user.private_action? action
      # Write to feed
    end
  end
end

write_to_feed @user, :post
write_to_feed @user, :comment

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You've got the collection, so now you want somewhere to store your beloved timepieces - to keep them safe, but also to display them to be admired at a glance when you aren't wearing them. But why stop there? Why not add a cigar humidor, a place to keep your favourite tipple, and even a built-in HiFi system? With the Buben&Zorway Treasury display cabinet, the sky is the limit.
In July 1955, at the height of the Cold War, a meeting was held to discuss peace. The Geneva Summit, as it became known, was led by the 'Big Four' - USA's President Dwight Eisenhower, Britain's Prime Minister Anthony Eden, France's Prime Minister Edgar Faure and the Premier of the Soviet Union, Nikolai Bulganin. In honour of this meeting to encourage global diplomacy, citizens of Geneva offered the four heads of state timepieces inscribed with the world leaders' names. The watch brand chosen for this great honour? Vacheron Constantin. It was a company that had come to symbolise superior quality, style - and enduring perseverance.
They say that manners maketh the man, and it's true that the traditional English gent lives by a certain code—part of which is being impeccably well dressed. That's the design idea behind Augustus Pili, a new luxury footwear designer that's helping the modern man step out in style.
Perfect sound, without getting tangled up in wires? That's what Earin is offering with its clever and modern wireless earbuds. The lightweight earphones are small, lightweight and discreet - perfect for an immersive music experience, whether you're out for a morning jog or just relaxing at leisure.
The history of Glashutte Original is a long and winding one, and in order to understand how the brand became what it is today, it's imperative to take a look back at the history of a small town deep in the Saxony region of Germany.
Had he lived to see it, 28 April 2016 would have been the 100th birthday of Ferruccio Lamborghini, founder of the supercar company that carries his name to this day. To mark this important date in the brand's story, Lamborghini has built a limited edition supercar in the great man's honour, that has been unveiled at this year's Geneva Motor Show.
High-end watchmaking has always gone hand-in-hand with long-standing heritage - but Richard Mille has managed to earn its place in the ranks of ultra-luxury brands, despite being a comparatively young contender. Although only founded in 1999, the French watchmaker has packed a lot into the last 17 years.
Bugatti has set out once again to top the fastest production car charts with its latest offering, the Chiron - recently announced at this year's Geneva Motorshow. Named after Louis Chiron, who was a race driver for Bugatti in the '20s and '30s, it's a worthy successor to the mighty Veyron.
If you long to mosey on down to the Deep South, but find yourself in Shoreditch, the Blues Kitchen offers the perfect combination of BBQ and blues. With live music every night and a bar stocking a hundred varieties of rare bourbon, prepare yourself for a raucous evening with plenty of soul.
France in the 1800s was a difficult period to start a jewellery brand. Fresh out of a revolution and in the midst of another, with the economy in disrepair and Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte's coup d'etat just around the corner, Louis-Francois Cartier took over his master Adolphe Picard's Parisian workshop, founding Cartier. Fortunately for Cartier, trade grew with the rise of the Second Empire, and from its 1847 beginnings to six years later in 1953, the business managed to generate enough private clientele to require the upsizing of its workshop. A further six years later, and Cartier opens its first boutique.
Combining the best of yachting with sports car technology, the Kormaran is a high-tech watercraft constructed entirely from carbon fibre. With the ability to transform even while in motion, the Kormaran can convert to a catamaran, a monohull boat, or even a large sunbathing platform.
If you're going to set yourself a challenge, you may as well make sure it's a big one. At least, that seems to be the approach of Giles Ellis, founder of the Schofield watch company. Start a new watch brand in the midst of this generation's biggest recession? Check. Singlehandedly try to revive Britain to its former watchmaking glory? Check. Push the limits of design with the use of unusual colours and materials? Check. We fire some questions Giles' way to see what possessed him to attempt such a thing.
The Rolls-Royce Wraith, for those of you unfamiliar with the car company's 'baby' model, is a coupe that borrows much of its styling from the flagship Phantom, but with one big difference: in the Phantom, you sit in the back; in the Wraith, the front's where you want to be. That's where I was going to be. It seems an exaggeration to say that I saw the front of the car arrive quite some time before the rear, but such a behemoth is the Wraith—it's over five metres long—that's really what it was like. Watching the Wraith park is akin to watching a supertanker dock—a sleek, graceful supertanker, naturally.
Until now, modern digital cinema cameras have been large, expensive and unwieldy, but Blackmagic Design has a solution. Its Cinema Camera offers unparalleled professional quality in a manageable, hand-held size, at a price previously unheard of in the film industry. Comes with the much-lauded Da Vinci Resolve software.
Supremely glamorous, the Conservatorium is situated in the very heart of Dutch culture and sophistication: Amsterdam's Museum Square. An architectural landmark on the outside, the inside is elegant, contemporary and easy going, earning it the nickname 'Amsterdam's Living Room'. Don't miss the 1,000 square feet of holistic wellbeing facilities.
Joint Light Tactical Vehicles are the next generation of battlefield transport, replacing the Humvee. Oshkosh Defence has made perhaps the ultimate version of the armoured vehicle based on years of experience in the field. Fitted with cutting-edge technology and intelligent, integrated systems, this is a beast you'd be happy to rely on to save your life in action.


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text:
/**
 * @author Fernando Sanchez Villamil
 */
#ifndef SEQUOIA_PARSEFORMULA_H
#define SEQUOIA_PARSEFORMULA_H

#include "logic/formula.h"

namespace sequoia {

Formula* parse_string(const Vocabulary* vocabulary, const char* string);
Formula* parse_file(const Vocabulary* vocabulary, const char* file);

}

#endif // SEQUOIA_PARSEFORMULA_H

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