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Report | Jobs and Unemployment
The Unfinished March for Jobs: Focus of U.S. Fiscal Policy Must Shift Back to Full Employment
Report • By William E. Spriggs • November 20, 2013
This paper lays out the historical context for understanding the demand for jobs made by the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The marchers' demands inarguably led to economic policies and laws that improved the lives of millions of Americans, particularly African Americans. But while many civil rights gains in educational attainment and electoral successes have been sustained through the decades, the economic gains were comparatively short-lived. Today, the economy struggles to reach the levels of black male median income, black child poverty, and black unemployment that were reached less than a decade after the march, in 1969.
As this paper explains, American economic policy from the Employment Act of 1946 to the Volcker "revolution" of October 1979 shifted from prioritizing maximum employment to prioritizing low rates of inflation and high rates of profit. A major result, for example, is that current economic policy planning documents like those from the Congressional Budget Office assume full employment is 6 percent, while President Kennedy's Council of Economic Advisers' stated policy was to get unemployment below 5 percent. The paper calls for the creation of automatic fiscal policies to resuscitate the fiscal policy mandates proposed by the Full Employment Act of 1945. A new "Social Trust Fund" financed by a financial transactions tax would provide financing for these programs as well as others that could ensure society against the high costs of asset depreciation and financial speculation. These proposals would ensure that fiscal policy always leaned hard against disastrous levels of unemployment. In so doing, America would be reordering its fiscal priorities in line with what the marchers called for 50 years ago.
In summary, this paper finds:
The 1963 March for Jobs and Freedom called for America to clearly make employment and family incomes the primary metric of American public policy.
It was clearly anchored in a long debate on whether American policy is to serve businesses and elites that might benefit people, or to benefit the people who elect the government.
The current crisis clearly highlights the difficulty in shifting policies to restore economic health to families and restore full employment in a timely way.
We need to look at creating stronger automatic policy levers aimed at holes we see now in state and local finance, public pensions, income support, and job creation.
We cannot privatize the benefits of economic risk-taking without also putting in place policies that better mitigate the costs of economic failures; so if financial gambling can help boost our investment and growth, a financial transactions tax must cover the costs of economic collapse.
This is part of a series of reports from the Economic Policy Institute outlining the steps we need to take as a nation to fully achieve each of the goals of the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Visit www.unfinishedmarch.com for updates and to join the Unfinished March.
The 1963 March for Jobs and Freedom, as its name suggests, placed huge importance on the issue of jobs. Modern observers (having lived through more than five years with unemployment exceeding 5.7 percent during and after the Great Recession) may have some trouble in viewing the 5.7 percent unemployment rate in early 1963 as a crisis calling for action. It may also be hard to understand today why the jobs demand was placed at the very front of the march ahead of civil rights, given that civil rights standards in 1963 were so extraordinarily poor compared with modern civil rights. This paper puts the demand for jobs in its historical context, shows how degraded many people's expectations of what the economy can realistically deliver have become, and proposes a policy to respond to the demand for jobs today.
1963's labor market in historical context
The current "memory" of the 1950s is of an American idyll: prosperity and peace. Real (i.e., inflation-adjusted) median family income grew by 38 percent over the decade for all families. Black median family income rose 41 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census Historical Statistics). In contrast, from 1981 to 2011, median family income rose just 14.8 percent, making the 1950s clearly remarkable (U.S. Bureau of the Census Historical Income Tables: Families).
However, while black and white median family incomes in the era of the march grew in line with overall averages, the gap between them remained stubbornly large; by the end of the 1960s, black median family income was a mere 55 percent of white median family income. The black median family income of $21,466 (in 2011 dollars) in 1960 actually sat below the poverty threshold for a family of four (U.S. Bureau of the Census Historical Income Tables: Families; U.S. Bureau of the Census Poverty Data). So, despite living in an era of prosperity, black Americans saw there was unfulfilled promise. Clearly, the 1950s and 1960s were more complex than the times depicted in "The Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet" television show that came to define the times.
The seeds of this ongoing disparity were sown as World War II wound down and fears grew that reduced demand for war goods would sink the economy back into the Great Depression. Driven by the agreed-upon need to avoid the high unemployment that had scarred the U.S. economy in the decades before the war, Congress debated a change in policy perspective, from using fiscal policy to counter fears of inflation to using fiscal policy to ensure full employment.
The fight began in earnest with the (ultimately failed) effort to pass a Full Employment Act in 1945. Section 2(b) of that proposed legislation read, ''All Americans able to work and desiring to work are entitled to an opportunity for useful, remunerative, regular, and full-time employment'' (Santoni 1986).
This goal was to be achieved by setting fiscal policy—the tools of federal government tax and spending levels—to reach a national output target sufficient to maintain full employment. If the economy was below full employment, fiscal policy would be expansive (cutting taxes or increasing spending); if the economy was projected to exceed full employment, then fiscal policy would be contractive (increasing taxes or cutting spending). The bill overwhelmingly passed the Senate in September 1945, 71 to 10. But, in December 1945, in the House of Representatives, the bill failed 242 to 136, with Democrats voting strongly against it, 16 for and 195 against (Civic Impulse, LLC).
The passage of the Employment Act of 1946 was a compromise, with the Senate diluting the language, objected to by opponents in the House, that called opportunity for full-time employment an entitlement for all Americans and that required the federal government to spend and invest at levels sufficient to drive the economy toward full employment (University of Illinois Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations 1947). Accordingly, the name and purpose of the legislation was changed from "Full Employment" to "Employment." The watered-down Employment Act of 1946 reads:
The Congress declares that it is the continuing policy and responsibility of the Federal Government to use all practicable means consistent with its needs and obligations and other essential considerations of national policy, with the assistance and cooperation of industry, agriculture, labor, and State and local governments … for the purpose of creating and maintaining, in a manner calculated to foster and promote free competitive enterprise and the general welfare, conditions under which there will be afforded useful employment opportunities, including self-employment, for those able, willing, and seeking to work, and to promote maximum employment, production, and purchasing power.
While the act created enduring economic institutions—the Council of Economic Advisers inside the White House and the Joint Economic Committee in Congress—it did not settle the fundamental debate between those who feared inflation more than unemployment, or reconcile partisan views about the role of the government in the economy. And full employment could only be guaranteed with the resolution of these debates in favor of using fiscal policy to pursue maximum employment.
Despite dramatic gains in family incomes measured over the decade's endpoints, the economy—and particularly the labor market—of the 1950s was a roller coaster. The economy slumped badly in the immediate post–World War II period: With declining output and returning veterans looking for work, the unemployment rate climbed to 7.9 percent in late 1949. To some, it may have looked like a return to the Depression would soon follow. But America's entry into the Korean conflict in 1950 remobilized young men into the military and increased war production, pushing unemployment down to 2.5 percent by the conflict's end in 1953. As the military again demobilized, the economy slumped again, with unemployment climbing back up to 6.1 percent in 1954 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Labor Force Statistics).
A Republican president coupled with Republican control of Congress posed an interesting test of Republican opposition to the New Deal and Keynesian stimulus to the economy. But the newly created Council of Economic Advisers under Arthur Burns advised a mild stimulus package to fight the 1954 slump, and the advice was championed by the Eisenhower administration (Engelbourg 1980). The resulting measures, extending some tax cuts and stepping up the timing of federal spending, helped push the unemployment rate back down to 3.7 percent by March 1957 when the next downturn began.
If the 1954 recession was primarily the result of the drop in federal procurement when the Korean conflict ended, the downturn of 1957 was primarily the result of the Federal Reserve tightening the reins of the financial sector to fend off what it interpreted as growing inflationary pressures. While Raymond Saulnier (the new chair of the Council of Economic Advisers) wanted to respond to the recession with fiscal stimulus (similar to Arthur Burns's approach in the last downturn), the conservatism of Republican Party politics and economic policy made the policy response slow and compounded the contractionary policy stance of the Federal Reserve (Gable 1959). The result was a steep recession, with unemployment peaking at 7.5 percent in July 1958. After fiscal measures finally wound through Congress, there was a heavy reliance on speeding up federal construction projects already underway and accelerating defense procurement already budgeted. Further, federal housing policy encouraged home construction and the Federal Reserve finally changed its policy course (Council of Economic Advisers 1959). The economy started to grow again, and unemployment edged down to 5.1 percent in May 1960. But the recovery was again short-lived; economic growth slowed and unemployment rose to 7.1 percent by May 1961.
Walter Heller, the chair of the Council of Economic Advisers appointed by President John F. Kennedy, pushed for a range of policies to respond to the downturn consistent with a clear change in policy toward full employment (Council of Economic Advisers 1962). The 1962 Economic Report of the President read:
The prospect for 1962 is a continuation of the favorable trend of 1961. Whether the current expansion is sufficiently strong and durable to carry the economy to "maximum employment, production, and purchasing power," no one can now foretell with certainty. Current and proposed government actions will continue to give strong support to economic expansion. If these are coupled with continued strength in the private economy, the current expansion would reduce unemployment to 4 percent of the labor force by mid-1963. But, given the inevitable uncertainties,
government policy must be alert and flexible, ready to promote the achievement of full recovery within the coming fiscal year and to counteract developments which might threaten its attainment. (Council of Economic Advisers 1962, 38–39)
So, in many ways, the demand for jobs of the 1963 March on Washington was a firm call to honor an existing pledge from macroeconomic policymakers to keep fiscal policy oriented firmly toward full employment. It must be viewed in the context of the clear macroeconomic debates of the time—debates characterized by a back-and-forth between prioritizing low rates of unemployment or low rates of inflation, and by insufficient attention to full employment (leading to "recoveries" in the 1950s that were short and ended with rising levels of unemployment—2.5 percent in 1953, 3.7 percent in 1957, and 5.1 percent in 1960).
So, it is possible to see the call for jobs in the context of the ups and downs of the labor market in the 1950s, the optimism that the new Kennedy administration and the Heller-led CEA were going to continue to push to get unemployment lower than 5.7 percent, and the broader fight to push federal policy toward the language of the proposed, but failed, Full Employment Act of 1945.
In their own words, the demands of the March on Washington
A. Philip Randolph opened the march on August 28, 1963, with these words:
We are the advanced guard of a massive, moral revolution for jobs and freedom. This revolution reverberates throughout the land touching every city, every town, every village where black men are segregated, oppressed and exploited. But this civil rights revolution is not confined to the Negro, nor is it confined to civil rights, for our white allies know that they cannot be free while we are not.
And we know that we have no future in a society in which 6 million black and white people are unemployed and millions more live in poverty. Nor is the goal of our civil rights revolution merely the passage of civil rights legislation. Yes, we want all public accommodations open to all citizens, but those accommodations will mean little to those who cannot afford to use them. Yes, we want a Fair Employment Practice Act, but what good will it do if profit-geared automation destroys the jobs of millions of workers black and white?
…It falls to us to demand new forms of social planning, to create full employment, and to put automation at the service of human needs, not at the service of profits—for we are the worst victims of unemployment. (Randolph 1963)
While the unemployment rate in 1963 averaged 5.7 percent nationally, it was lower for whites (5.0 percent) but much higher for African Americans—10.9 percent (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Labor Force Statistics). Later in the program that day, Walter Reuther, president of the United Automobile Workers of America (UAW), said:
And the job question is crucial, because we will not solve education or housing or public accommodations as long as millions of Americans, Negroes, are treated as second-class economic citizens and denied jobs. And as one American I take the position if we can have full employment and full production for the negative ends of war then why can't we have a job for every American in the pursuit of peace?
And so our slogan has got to be, "Fair employment, but fair employment within the framework of full employment, so that every American can have a job." (Reuther 1963)
Reuther and Randolph both described a more fundamental readjustment of economic priorities than a March for Jobs and Freedom might suggest. They argued for a different target to guide economic policy: a decent living for the vast majority of people instead of a hospitable environment for business and profits. Their demand for jobs was implicitly a demand for a new metric of economic success: not business profits or even growth in overall gross domestic product (the measure of all goods and services produced), but growth of jobs and incomes to support families. Too often when these targets conflicted, the interests of the vast majority of working Americans had to give way. The recession of 1957, for example, had been created by the Federal Reserve putting inflation and business profits ahead of jobs and incomes for families.
The march forward
Several key policy changes in the aftermath of the March for Jobs and Freedom in 1963 grew out of the demands for a new economic script. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 included provisions making employment discrimination illegal. Prior to the passage of the act, newspapers openly advertised positions by race, clearly identifying jobs where blacks need not apply (Darity and Mason 1998). The force of the act and President Lyndon B. Johnson's Executive Order 11246 ensuring enforcement of its antidiscrimination sections among federal contractors brought about dramatic changes for black men in Southern industry (Wright 1999; Donahue and Heckman 1991). Integration in schools, another demand of the 1963 march, and the subsequent increases in the quality of education for black workers also contributed to improved earnings for African Americans (Card and Krueger 1992).
And there were additional, often overlooked, changes in labor regulation. In 1966 the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) was amended, extending coverage to some farmworkers and covering state and local public-sector workers. The changes included a boost to the minimum wage from $1.25 an hour to $1.60. The fight against discrimination meant increased access for black workers to local public-sector jobs, though many were low-wage positions (Gardner 2012). The coverage of some farmworkers and public-sector workers meant a boost to many black workers who previously worked outside the protections of the FLSA. And, the boost in the minimum wage to $1.60 in 1968 left it at its highest value ever—equivalent to $10.70 today.
As economic recovery gained steam, the unemployment rate fell rapidly from its 5.4 percent level in August 1963 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Labor Force Statistics). It dipped below 4 percent by December 1965, reached a low of 3.4 percent in September 1968, and stayed below 4 percent until January 1970. Since then, the only period when unemployment remained at 4 percent or below was the single year between December 1999 and December 2000.
The result of actively fighting discrimination, raising the minimum wage and expanding its coverage, and holding the unemployment rate near 4.0 percent for four years was an increase in the median income of black men from $16,052 (in 2011 dollars) in 1963 to $21,064 by the time of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s assassination in 1968 (U.S. Bureau of the Census Historical Statistics). Given the 1963 poverty threshold for a family of three with two parents and one child ($18,106 in 2011 dollars), it is little surprise that when the median black male earnings jumped from below to above that line by 1968, the poverty rate for black children fell dramatically (from 65.6 percent in 1965 to 39.6 percent in 1969). To appreciate the magnitude of that achievement in less than a decade, compare it with the 41-year period between 1969 and 2010, when black child poverty fell only from 39.6 percent to 39.0 percent. The income gains for black men continued until 1973, when the median income for black men peaked at $23,135 (in 2011 dollars). Thirty-eight years later, the median income for black men was just nearly the same, at $23,475.
Clearly, the changes that the Civil Rights movement unleashed and the progress that accelerated with the passage of key legislation after the 1963 March for Jobs and Freedom made a difference. It also very much mattered that the Council of Economic Advisers took the unemployment rate target of 4 percent seriously, and issued a clear policy goal to that effect. This real commitment to full employment led to historically good labor market outcomes for blacks. For 1969, the unemployment rate for blacks averaged 6.4 percent. Compare that with its best performance since—its 7.6 percent average in 2000, or its performance in July 2013, when it was 12.6 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census Historical Income Tables: People).
While a lasting legacy of the Civil Rights movement was a dramatic increase in the quality and quantity of education achieved by black Americans, the more progressive hopes for economic change have largely faded. Despite dramatic education gains, black Americans are less likely to have "good jobs" with access to health insurance, pensions, and high wages than in 1979 (Jones and Schmitt 2013), and much of this regress is driven by larger economic policy changes that have degraded job quality for the vast majority of Americans of all races.
This policy regress began in the late 1970s and accelerated in the 1980s. The clearest outcome of this policy regress was sharply growing inequality (Mishel et al. 2012, 5–51). The most important policy shift was the clear decision to put price stability and the defeat of (even just anticipated) inflationary pressures ahead of full employment as the guiding principle of economic policy. This shift was driven in part by the experience of the 1970s, when the presumed trade-off between unemployment and inflation seemed to break down, signaling that policymakers perhaps could not buy lower unemployment rates by tolerating higher rates of inflation. The oil embargo by OPEC during 1973 led to spikes in oil prices, the overall price level, and the unemployment rate. Unemployment rose from 4.9 percent in early 1973 to 9.0 percent in 1975, while inflation accelerated from 3.6 percent in early 1973 to 12.1 percent by the end of 1974 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Labor Force Statistics). A new phrase was coined, "stagflation," and a view grew that the traditional economic policies of stimulating the economy to get unemployment down would only exacerbate inflation without lowering unemployment. And, just as the unemployment rate fell to 5.6 percent in June 1979, the Iranian oil crisis prompted another spike in oil prices, sending inflation and unemployment up.
Inflation causes interest rates to rise; lenders need to be compensated for the risk of default on the loan and for the devaluation of future payments because inflation lowers the purchasing power of those payments. High interest rates choke off investment (often financed by debt) by raising the costs of borrowing for new machinery, plants, and equipment. So, the fear of uncertainty around inflation and future interest rates could dampen investment. Some economists believed that the expectation of inflation was being built into the economy and economic decisions, lowering investment and hurting employment. The antidote was to make a strong policy commitment to end inflationary pressures. Oddly, the "medicine" was to raise interest rates, drive investment down, drive unemployment up, and push demand down to erase pressures on firms to raise wages and prices. In October 1979, Paul Volcker, as chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, shifted the key target of economic policy to "restore price stability" (DeLong 1997).
On October 8, 1979, Volcker raised the federal funds rate from 11.5 percent to 13 percent and then again in late October to 15 percent. The federal funds rate is the interest charged among banks to borrow funds from each other. In 1980 and 1981 Volcker would take the rate higher, to 17, 18, 19, and then 20 percent. Inflation fell from 14.6 percent in 1980 to 2.4 percent by August 1983. But unemployment reached double digits in September 1983 and remained above 10 percent until June 1983 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Labor Force Statistics and Databases, Tables & Calculators); the longest sustained period of such high unemployment in the postwar era.
And, the war against inflation became a war against workers' demands for higher wages, as well. The federal minimum wage, which has to be continually increased by law just to keep its real purchasing power from being eroded by inflation, remained unchanged from 1981 to 1990, at $3.35 an hour. This nominal freeze meant that its inflation-adjusted value (expressed in 2011 dollars) declined from $8.61 to $5.99. The Air Traffic Controllers (PATCO) strike in August 1981 was met with a new hostility toward workers and unions by the federal government. President Ronald Reagan's firing of the PATCO workers signaled a turn in labor–management relations from tough bargaining to outright scorched-earth hostility. The share of American workers in unions fell from 24.1 percent in 1979 to 15.8 percent by 1992 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Labor Force Statistics: Union Membership). So, not just high unemployment levels and loose labor markets were used to lower wage demands, but the institutional underpinnings that kept wages in line with overall economic growth and productivity were also dismantled.
With wages stagnant for the vast majority of American workers, the resulting economic growth was increasingly tilted toward profits, interest, and high-end compensation. So, while the economy continued to grow (albeit at a slower rate) the well-being of too many American families lagged further and further behind overall growth. Between 1979 and 1986, the overall economy expanded by 21.5 percent. Yet the median family income for African Americans did not grow at all during this same spell, falling during the Volcker recession (reaching 1968 levels by 1982) and just recovering its 1978 peak in 1986 (U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis NIPA Tables; U.S. Bureau of the Census Historical Income Tables: Families).
The 1980 downturn was so severe it bankrupted the state unemployment insurance system, leading to massive borrowing from the federal unemployment insurance trust fund. The result was that to rebuild their trust funds, states adjusted their benefit formulas, lowering both the chances unemployed workers would get unemployment benefits and the value of the benefits they received (Baldwin and McHugh 1992). This cutback in a key plank of American social insurance was replicated across many other income support programs, as conservatives mounted a concerted attack on them. Ronald Reagan famously quipped that the government had "a war on poverty and poverty won" (Lemann 1988). By demonizing "welfare queens" he attacked the New Deal social insurance programs and safety nets of American workers. These attacks bore political fruit for conservatives even far after Reagan left the political spotlight. President Clinton famously eliminated the entitlement of Aid to Families with Dependent Children from the Social Security Act and turned the program into a block grant given to states, with huge (and often disastrous) discretion as to how the funds were to be spent. This shredding of income supports and safety-net programs put more risks of economic downturn on workers and led to a sharp disconnect between overall American growth and progress in reducing poverty. Since 2005, through growing and shrinking economies, the share of American families with children living in poverty has been growing because families are much more vulnerable during downturns and cannot easily right themselves during rough economic storms (U.S. Bureau of the Census Historical Poverty Tables: Families).
The need for a new full employment act
The stagnating recovery from the current Great Recession shows how hard it is to marshal the political will to address economic downturns. The president will always want to declare victory over a recession as quickly as possible, and we have now learned that the president's opponents will be too quick to kill attempts at recovery in pursuit of partisan political gain. The proposed Full Employment Act of 1945 aimed to force the president to respond to economic downturns with fiscal policy to address rising unemployment. This recession proves it must be done through greater automatic stabilizers that will kick in to prevent excessive rises in unemployment. It also proves that even already-existing automatic stabilizers should have their "triggers" reformed so that their effect will not fade away too quickly.
Since rising unemployment and falling family incomes mean more demands on state and local governments to deliver services to those in need, the most direct way to address downturns is to ensure that these governments (local governments, in particular) promptly receive additional resources, both to maintain their existing employees as well as to hire additional workers for additional needs.
While the demand for private, market-delivered goods may wax and wane with the rise and fall of incomes, the need for quality public education, safe streets, first responders to health and fire emergencies, and waste disposal do not vary with economic expansion or contraction. But, the revenues of state and local governments rise and fall with income, meaning that public investments falter when the economy slows. Severe downturns lead to disastrous downward spirals in the provision of public goods and public revenues—for example, cuts in school quality and police on the streets lead to outmigration of high-income families, leading to more cuts in public services that lead to more outmigration of higher-income families and more cuts in public services.
Economic downturns are closely associated with drops in asset prices, and housing construction and business investment fall. The Federal Reserve has become adept at lowering interest rates even in anticipation of downturns, largely to protect financial markets and asset values from this dynamic. These low interest rates, combined with high unemployment in the cyclically sensitive construction sector, make accelerated public investment in construction projects ideal macroeconomic stabilization, even if it does admittedly have more lags—planning both the architectural and engineering aspects and the financing—than simply hiring public-sector workers to provide services.
What a new full employment act could include
The trigger for public investments and aid to state and local governments needs to be something that is measured in as near real-time as possible, so that the fiscal stimulus will be timely. One straightforward, real-time trigger could be a consecutive three-month decline in national payroll employment. It is at that point that an automatic response could be triggered to prevent further erosion of employment, incomes, and aggregate demand.
The first element of the stabilizer could allocate an amount equal to two-thirds the difference between the number of payroll jobs in the last peak month prior to the downturn and the "triggered" month, multiplied by the median total compensation of state and local government employees. This fund would be given to local governments and would first be used to restore all teaching positions to the level in the peak month, then to restore all public safety positions to the level in peak month, then to hire individuals to work at the equivalent wages and benefits for their assigned duties either with the county or city government or with local nonprofit organizations that perform services according to the county or city plan approved by the secretary of labor. While these funds are being used, the county must maintain the employment, wages, and benefits of all county and city employees as of the most recent peak month.
The length of employment for the workers paid by the program would be guaranteed for at least one year, and the program would continue until the total payroll employment of the United States reaches the level reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) in the peak month prior to the downturn. Priority for hiring must go first to those who have been receiving unemployment benefits for six months or longer, or to veterans who have been honorably discharged for more than six months, or to parents of children supported by Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (whether the parent also is a beneficiary or only the child is a beneficiary). Priority then is to hire recent graduates—of college, then community college, and then high school—who have been unable to find a job for more than six months since graduation.
This downturn also showed the great difficulty young workers have when the economy fails to produce jobs. This was the case during the 1980 downturn and again now. The long-term damage done to the work readiness of young people is a huge cost to the economy. A meaningful automatic stabilizer must be in place to guard against the effect being too large.
So, additionally, a youth jobs program for those age 16 to 24 would make money available for summer jobs, for in-school youth, and for full-time work for out-of-school youth age 21 to 24. The funds would be equal to two-thirds the difference between the number of young people age 16 to 24 employed in the last peak month before the downturn and those employed during the "triggered" month, times the median weekly earnings of 16-to 24-year-olds in the quarter of the peak before the labor market downturn. The money would be appropriated at the local (city and county) level in proportion to their share of the nation's 16-to 24-year-old population. The jobs would be through local nonprofit organizations whose work did not replicate any public-sector employment. The program would remain in effect until total national payroll returned to the level reported by the BLS in the peak month prior to the downturn.
The second element of the automatic stabilizer could address the pressures placed on state and local governments by the collapse in asset prices associated with most downturns. The U.S. Department of Labor would be given a fund that allows them to provide one-third of the lost value of state and local pension funds from the previous peak. To be eligible, each public pension must file with the secretary of labor a plan according to regulations the secretary will devise. The plan must demonstrate how the pension fund will demonstrate 75-year solvency after receipt of the funds, and must satisfy such maintenance of effort and benefit level as designated in the secretary's regulation.
The third element could boost public construction investment when private demand for construction and borrowing costs are low. The Department of Transportation would be given authority to accelerate federal matching funds and expenditures on all transportation infrastructure projects immediately after the third straight month of job loss in the BLS payroll data. Congress would, in addition to passing annual appropriations for transportation construction, also include in reauthorization of funding for the Department of Transportation, stipulated appropriations that may be accelerated within a four-year horizon of planned projects. This means that both the federal and state partners would have plans ready for accelerating construction should the timing and need arise while remaining within long-run fiscal targets.
The fourth element could address the failure of the unemployment insurance system. It is the best automatic stabilizer currently in the fiscal policy toolbox. But, as the 1980s downturn and the Great Recession highlighted, it is not properly designed for huge spikes in unemployment—particularly those that persist for extended periods of time. The system needs to be fully integrated with the Social Security Act. As it currently operates, it is a hybrid of the act, with a very large state role, leading to great unevenness across state labor markets. Its funding is also troublingly pro-cyclical. As state unemployment trust funds lose money during downturns, and borrow from the federal unemployment trust fund, the state funds must then raise taxes or cut benefits to restore solvency while the nation is beginning recovery. Unemployment on the scale for which the unemployment insurance system is meant to be a stabilizer is a macroeconomic phenomenon, and therefore not a state responsibility or a risk that an individual state can insure against. Further, because state benefit levels are not in sync with federal benefits in Social Security, there is little incentive for older long-term unemployed workers to remain in the labor market if they can be better off seeking disability or retirement benefits under Social Security.
Given all of this, in the event of a three-straight-month decline in payroll employment, the fourth element of the automatic stabilizer would require that all eligible unemployment benefits be paid by the U.S. Department of Labor until the U.S. payroll jobs reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics returns to its pre-downturn peak. The federal unemployment tax base would be set equal to the Social Security tax base of $113,700, and the tax rate lowered to ensure revenue neutrality. The federal unemployment benefit formula would be calculated based on the benefit formula used for Social Security disability benefits. While payroll employment remains below the level it reached in the peak month prior to the downturn in payroll employment, the maximum duration of benefits would be 18 months. After the payroll level is restored to the peak level before the downturn, the maximum duration would be nine months. And, after the payroll employment level has risen by 10 percent above the peak level before the downturn, the maximum duration would be 26 weeks. At that point, the federal unemployment tax rate would be adjusted until it can provide a substantial buffer against even steep downturns, to be established by regulations from the secretary of labor. While all benefits would be federal, all benefits would be administered by the current state employment services. Employers would have their federal unemployment tax rates lowered by one basis point for each additional net increase of 100 employees. Going forward, states would be allowed to supplement the federal benefits, or add to the federal unemployment tax to support state employment services as approved by regulations established by the secretary of labor. States would be relieved of all existing debt to the Federal Unemployment Tax Trust Fund as of their balance on December 31, 2013. Any states with surpluses would be given their trust fund balance as of December 31, 2013, to use for state employment services as approved by regulations established by the secretary of labor.
The entire Social Security Act was meant to be a strong automatic stabilizer. As such, the safety net program that was Aid to Families with Dependent Children lost its ability to be a counterweight when it was transformed into the state block grant of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). During a downturn in the number of jobs available, TANF must take on the role of an automatic stabilizer. So, under new automatic stabilizer legislation, a portion of TANF would once again include automatic eligibility requirements. Given the structure of unemployment insurance, women would be disadvantaged in accessing benefits. To protect the children of mothers who lose jobs, or who are entering the labor force and ineligible for unemployment benefits during downturns, two things must happen. First, a means test must be devised. Second, during economic downturns, single parents receiving TANF would become eligible to receive a benefit equal to the minimum Social Security benefit of survivors with children under age 12, and children receiving TANF benefits would receive the same benefits as children who receive survivor benefits. These benefits would be in place until payroll employment returns to 10 percent above the peak level before the downturn and the benefits will last at least 18 months.
It is equally clear that key elements of the safety net, like Medicaid, are too great a burden for state governments that must balance their budgets and cannot simultaneously respond to drops in revenues and increases in demands for services. So, when there is a three-straight-month decline in employment, the federal government must pick up the costs of the Medicaid program for the states. And, when employment returns to its peak level before the downturn, the federal government would return the funding of the program to the states.
Finally, it is clear that asset depreciation costs the economy a lot. It pushes up unemployment, causes losses to state and local government revenues, and creates untold hardships for too many Americans. The policy response to the Great Recession is, at best, to ignore these costs and, at worst, to push them onto American workers. This cannot be. The financial sector must absorb the cost of the outcome of its recklessness. So, a tax on all financial transactions, including derivatives, equal to 0.01 percent of the value of the financial transaction, would be imposed, and the proceeds would accumulate in a special Social Trust. The balance of the fund would invest in only state and local revenue bonds dedicated to building or maintaining public roads, bridges, highways, schools, libraries, colleges, and universities. And, whenever the payroll employment of the United States declines for three consecutive months, it would trigger automatic disbursements to states and counties according to the provisions for public-sector employment, unemployment insurance, TANF, Medicaid, and the compensation of lost value of public pensions.
Making this program automatic would prevent the gridlock currently penalizing American working families. Taxing the financial sector ensures that the costs of financial recklessness are not borne by America's working families. The Social Trust ensures that the services needed by American workers would not go down when their needs go up, and it would protect their incomes from economic decisions outside their control. It is a reversal of a policy view that all the gains go to those with the most money, while the downside risks are held by those who do the most work. This is the type of economic priority reordering that A. Philip Randolph meant when he called for Americans to be part of a moral revolution for jobs and freedom.
William Spriggs is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute. He is a professor in, and former chair of, the Department of Economics at Howard University and serves as chief economist to the AFL-CIO. Spriggs served as assistant secretary for the Office of Policy at the United States Department of Labor from 2009 to 2012. He has a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Baldwin, M., and R. McHugh. 1992. Unprepared for Recession: The Erosion of State Unemployment Insurance Coverage Fostered by Public Policy in the 1980s. Economic Policy Institute Briefing Paper No. 29. http://www.epi.org/publication/epi_virlib_briefingpapers_1992_unpreparedf/
Card, D., and A. Krueger. 1992. "School Quality and Black-White Relative Earnings: A Direct Assessment." The Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 107, no. 1, 151–200.
Civic Impulse, LLC. (n.d.). GovTrack. Retrieved November 1, 2013, from www.govtrack.us: https://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/79-1945/h98
Council of Economic Advisers. 1959. Economic Report of the President. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
Darity, W., and P. Mason. 1998. "Evidence on Discrimination in Employment: Codes of Color, Codes of Gender." The Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 12, no. 2, 63–90.
DeLong, J. B. 1997. "America's Peactime Inflation: The 1970s." In C. Romer, and D. Romer, eds., Reducing Inflation: Motivation and Strategy. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press. 247–280
Donahue, J., and J. Heckman. 1991. "Continuous versus Episodic Change: The Impact of Civil Rights Policy on the Economic Status of Blacks." Journal of Economic Literature, XXIX, 1603–1643.
Engelbourg, S. 1980. "The Council of Economic Advisers and the Recession of 1953–1954." The Business History Review, vol. 54, no. 2, 192–214.
Gable, R. 1959. "The Politics and Economics of the 1957–1958 Recession." The Western Political Quarterly, vol. 12, no.2, 557–559.
Gardner, T. 2012. The Racial and Ethnic Composition of Local Government Employees in Large Metro Areas, 1960–2010. Urban Institute commentary. http://www.metrotrends.org/commentary/race-and-local-government.cfm
Jones, J., and J. Schmidt. 2013. Has Education Paid Off for Black Workers? Center for Economic Research and Policy.
Lemann, N. 1988. "The Unfinished War:" Atlantic Monthly. December. http://www.theatlantic.com/past/politics/poverty/lemunf1.htm
Mishel, Lawrence, Josh Bivens, Elise Gould, and Heidi Shierholz. 2012. The State of Working America, 12th Edition. An Economic Policy Institute book. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.
Randolph, A. P. 1963. The March Begins. Retrieved November 1, 2013. http://openvault.wgbh.org/catalog/march-592217-the-march-begins
Reuther, W. 1963. The March Begins. Retrieved November 1, 2013. http://openvault.wgbh.org/catalog/march-592217-the-march-begins
Santoni, G. 1986. "The Employment Act of 1946: Some History Notes." Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review, 11, 5–16.
United States Code. n.d.. Title 15, Chapter 21, Section 1021. Retrieved November 1, 2013. http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/15/1021
University of Illinois Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations. 1947. The Employment Act of 1946, I.L.I.R. Publications Series A, Vol. 1, No. 1. Retrieved November 1, 2013. https://ia700309.us.archive.org/31/items/employmentactof111univ/employmentactof111univ.pdf
U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. n.d. National Income Product Account (NIPA) Tables: Table 1.1.6. Real Gross Domestic Product, Chained Dollars. Retrieved July 29, 2013. http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1#reqid=9&step=3&isuri=1&903=6
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statisitcs. n.d.. Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey: Access to Historical Data for the Tables of the Union Membership News Release. Retrieved July 29, 2013. http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpslutabs.htm
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. n.d. Data Retrieval: Labor Force Statistics (CPS). Retrieved November 1, 2013. http://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab1.htm
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. n.d. Databases, Tables & Calculators by Subject. Retrieved July 29, 2013. http://www.bls.gov/data/
U.S. Bureau of the Census. n.d. Historical Income Tables: Families. Retrieved November 1, 2013. http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/income/data/historical/families/
U..S Bureau of the Census. n.d. Historical Poverty Tables – Families. Retrieved July 29, 2013. http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/data/historical/families.html
U.S. Bureau of the Census. n.d. Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970. Retrieved November 1, 2013. https://ia600407.us.archive.org/4/items/HistoricalStatisticsOfTheUnitedStatesColonialTimesTo1970/us_historical_statistics_colonial_times_to_1970.pdf
U.S. Bureau of the Census. n.d. Poverty Data: Poverty Thresholds. Retrieved November 1, 2013. http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/data/threshld/thresh62.html
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Historical Income Tables: People. Retrieved July 29, 2013. http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/income/data/historical/people/
Wright, G. 1999. "The Civil Rights Revolution as Economic History." The Journal of Economic History, vol. 59, no. 2, 267–289.
See related work on Jobs
See more work by William E. Spriggs


text:
VIDEO: When Gigi Hadid hugged One Direction members except for Harry Styles post Zayn Malik leaving the band
During a red carpet interview at the 2015 AMAs, Gigi Hadid had a very awkward encounter with One Direction post Zayn Malik leaving the boyband. Watch the video below as Gigi hugs all members except for Harry Styles who settled for just a handshake instead.
Written by Karishma Shetty | Updated on May 07, 2020 | 06:11 PM IST | 1.4M
Gigi Hadid had a very awkward encounter with One Direction, especially Harry Styles, at the 2015 AMAs.
2015 was definitely a dark period for Directioners and with valid reason. First, March saw Zayn Malik quitting 1D and leaving the boyband after being together for four glorious years with four chart-topping albums as evidence. Moreover, towards the end of 2015, Directioners had to say goodbye to the band as the remaining four members - Harry Styles, Liam Payne, Louis Tomlinson and Niall Horan - made the collective decision to go on an indefinite hiatus after the release of their fifth album, Made in the AM.
In November 2015, love blossomed between Zayn and supermodel Gigi Hadid as they became the young power couple fans could not stop obsessing over. At the 2015 AMAS, while doing a red carpet interview with E! News, One Direction quite literally ran into their ex-bandmate's girlfriend. "Have you ever met One Direction, Gigi?," the host quizzed to which Hadid said, "Kinda!" In what seemed like an extremely awkward interaction, Gigi and Harry just shook hands and then, the 25-year-old supermodel proceeded to hug Niall, Liam and Louis, while saying, "Nice to meet you!," along with a courtesy, "Hello darling," from Tomlinson. However, while saying their goodbyes, Harry made sure to wave at Gigi.
Watch the awkward encounter between Gigi Hadid and One Direction below:
What do you have to say about this awkward encounter between Gigi Hadid and One Direction? Let us know your views in the comments section below.
ALSO READ: 4 times Zayn Malik was there for his One Direction bandmates which prove he's going to be a caring father
Meanwhile, in a 2016 interview with Entertainment Tonight, Gigi had subtly shaded One Direction and shared how Zayn being solo is the best decision. "I'm so excited for him. He is so talented and comes from such a genuine place of loving music," Hadid had confessed and added, "The more that he is on his own, the more that he is finding the soul in the music and what's making him really happy to sing and genuinely makes him want to be on the stage. The music that he is starting to do more now is showing how much more he is learning about himself."
During the 2016 AMAs, Zayn had won the award for New Artist of the Year and shaded One Direction in his acceptance speech. "This one just has my name on it, right?," the Pillowtalk singer quipped, paused for a few seconds and added, "I can't thank the people that have been with me every day the past year enough. Being stood on this stage is crazy. My mum, my dad, everybody in my family that's been supporting me the past year, especially my dad. Thank you, Dad. Also, big, big thank you to you guys. I didn't expect anybody to still vote for me. So thank you, and I'll put the award on my fireplace."
ALSO READ: Gigi Hadid: Studying Criminal Psychology to her real name; Check interesting facts about Zayn Malik's partner
After a few ups and downs in their relationship, things are definitely bright for ZiGi, as they will be welcoming their first child in September 2020. Moreover, One Direction sans Zayn Malik is reportedly planning a reunion for their 10th anniversary, which is on July 23, 2020, as revealed by Liam.
Karishma Shetty
A writer - with 6+ years of experience - who loves to scribe! Currently curating content for Hollywood and jumping th...rough the 'paradox' world of all things entertainment. A movie and TV show buff, you can talk K-dramas, MCU and WWE to her.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Imagine you're an executive in San Jose, Calif., and your assistant is in Richardson, Texas.
Cisco Systems, Inc. senior vice president of software strategies and operations John Brigden doesn't need to imagine that scenario because he lives it every day – his assistant Hollye Taylor, known around Cisco's San Jose headquarters as "Virtual Hollye," is based in Richardson, and collaborates with Brigden using Ava 500, their company's remote teleconferencing robot, a collaboration between Cisco and Roomba developer iRobot.
Brigden and Taylor aren't the only Cisco employees who enjoy having a robot around, either. Read on.
Social media communications specialist Brittany Coletti uses the Ava 500 to walk around Cisco's headquarters during National Hug Day (Jan. 21).
Cisco senior vice president and chief marketing officer Karen Walker gives the Coletti-controlled Ava a friendly wave.
Senior vice president and chief human resources officer Fran Katsoudas gives it a high-five.
Executive assistant Hollye Taylor rolls through a kitchen at Cisco's San Jose headquarters, controlling Ava from Texas.
Speaking to Cisco editorial producer Stephanie Chan, Taylor says that Ava can feel so human, sometimes her supervisor Brigden forgets the robot lacks arms and legs.
What do you think about the prospect of a robot coworker at your office? Are the teleconferencing benefits (and reported $69,500 USD price tag) worth it?


text:
import { NgModule } from '@angular/core';
import { PagerComponent } from './pager.component';
import { PagerTargetComponent } from './pager-target.component';
import { TemplateModule } from '@qgrid/ngx';

@NgModule({
	declarations: [
		PagerComponent,
		PagerTargetComponent
	],
	exports: [
		PagerComponent,
		PagerTargetComponent
	],
	imports: [
		TemplateModule
	]
})
export class PagerModule {
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Comcast digital phone service offers subscribers many features, including the ability to block their number from detection from caller identification. Call blocker service replaces the number displayed on caller ID and marks your outgoing calls as either private or anonymous. You can block caller ID per call or for all calls from your phone line. Caller ID blocking per call is a free feature with your Comcast digital phone service and must be activated each time you place a call. Caller ID block per line blocks the caller ID from a phone number for all calls and can be cancelled at any time.
Dial "*67" from your phone.
Dial the number you would like to call after you hear the second dial tone.
Listen for the ringing to ensure your call is connected. Your Comcast phone number will be blocked for the current call.
Caller ID per line must be set up through Comcast customer service at 1-800-COMCAST.
You can not complete an anonymous call if the person you are trying to contact has anonymous call rejection set up on their phone line.


text:
What Does LLC Stand for in a Business Name?
The Advantages of Corporate Ownership Over Sole ...
The Best Business Structure for a Bookkeeping and Tax Practice
by Steve Lander
The Advantages of Corporate Ownership Over Sole Proprietorship
The Advantages and Disadvantages of the Different Types of Business Entities
An S Corporation Vs. a Partnership: Pros & Cons
The Pros & Cons of a Sole Proprietorship & Corporation
Compare the Tax Benefits of Sole Proprietorship Vs. Sub S Corporation
One of the first decisions that any type of business has to make is the structure under which to organize itself. This decision is especially weighty for a bookkeeping and tax practice for two reasons. First, the nature of the business means that the business owner could be exposed to a great deal of liability for any mistakes. Second, since a bookkeeping business is selling its financial expertise, a bad choice could reflect poorly on it.
The limited liability company is a relatively popular option for a small business. LLCs offer a blend of the best parts of a corporation and a sole proprietorship. Like a corporation, the LLC's owner isn't personally liable for what his business does, so if the business gets sued, his property is usually safe. Like a sole proprietorship, an LLC reports its income on the owner's personal tax return and it gets taxed only once, as personal income.
C Corporation
The C corporation can be a good structure for a large bookkeeping and tax practice. C corporations are separate legal entities. The owners of C corporations enjoy liability protection from what their business does. Usually, they get paid as employees of the corporation, and the corporation can distribute additional profits to them as dividends for the shares that they hold. The key drawback to a C corporation, other than the record keeping requirements, is that a C corporation's income is taxed twice. First, its profits get taxed under the corporate income tax. Second, they get taxed as personal income when and if they are transferred to the corporation's owners.
S Corporation
An S corporation functions like a hybrid between an LLC and a regular C corporation. When a bookkeeper sets his business up as an S corporation, the income and losses flow through to his tax return just like they would with an LLC. One of the benefits of an S corporation is that while the corporation must pay a fair market wage to its owner, the balance of the company's profits can be paid through as dividends, avoiding self-employment tax. S corporations also require the structure and responsibilities of a corporation, including holding scheduled meetings of directors and keeping minutes.
Sole Proprietorships and Partnerships
Sole proprietorships and their multiperson counterparts, general partnerships, have common benefits and common challenges. They're both very easy to set up and, for tax proposes, are pass-through entities whose income is treated as personal. This can make them suitable for small practices that just want to set up a business, make some money and pay the legally required taxes. The problem with these businesses is that they have no separation from the owner. This means that if a bookkeeper makes an error on someone's taxes and the error costs the client $150,000, the client can take the business's $25,000 worth of assets, then get the next $125,000 from the owner. Given the amount of money that can be involved in even a small bookkeeping and tax practice, this risk potentially makes a sole proprietorship or general partnership dangerous. While a limited partnership offers protection to the limited partners, the one general partner retains personal liability. One way to reduce these risks would be to purchase professional liability insurance.
SBA.gov: Limited Liability Company
SBA.gov: Corporation
SBA.gov: S Corporation
SBA.gov: Sole Proprietorship
SBA.gov: Partnership
Journal of Accountancy: Start Your Own Practice
How to Open and Operate a Financially Successful Bookkeeping Business; Lydia Clark
Steve Lander has been a writer since 1996, with experience in the fields of financial services, real estate and technology. His work has appeared in trade publications such as the "Minnesota Real Estate Journal" and "Minnesota Multi-Housing Association Advocate." Lander holds a Bachelor of Arts in political science from Columbia University.
Jupiterimages/liquidlibrary/Getty Images
What Does P.C. Stand for in a Corporation?
Differences Between Sole Proprietorship, Partnership & Corporation
Similarities Between Sole Proprietorships and Partnerships
S Corp Vs. LLC for a Painting Business


The differences I know are it's 24ah instead of 17.5ah. It has the extended carbon handlebars (+5cm height) and that the tyres are now 10.25 instead of 10. Thats all i know so far. KWK has 5 more listed if anyone is looking for one. I'm not affiliated with them btw.
@ akayareal , I got the last 1 from KWK on aliexpress. There were 5 available, 4 sold in this last week and I pulled the trigger on the last one a few days ago. I was torn between the Spider and the new Compact not yet available.
Good video Alien Rides, I've got the 24.5ah version Spider on the way. I'll review mine when it lands, supposedly it has slightly wider tyres at 2.25 on the new version. Anyone know of any carry / tow handle for the Spider? The carbonrevo one looks like it won't line up on the rear but I don't know for sure.


text:
Official Name: Holy See (Vatican City State)
Type: Nation
Italian Arts
As Noted In: World Heritage List, UNESCO
Colonnade of St Peter
1001 Bld
St Peter's Basilica
1001 Hist
1000 DA
Southern Europe, an enclave of Rome (Italy) - The World Factbook
Particulars for Vatican City:
Locale Type Nation
Religion, Cultural Affiliation Roman Catholic Church
Historic Centre of Rome, the Properties of the Holy See in that City Enjoying Extraterritorial Rights and San Paolo Fuori le Mura
Popes in their secular role ruled portions of the Italian peninsula for more than a thousand years until the mid 19th century, when many of the Papal States were seized by the newly united Kingdom of Italy. In 1870, the pope's holdings were further circumscribed when Rome itself was annexed. Disputes between a series of "prisoner" popes and Italy were resolved in 1929 by three Lateran Treaties, which established the independent state of Vatican City and granted Roman Catholicism special status in Italy. In 1984, a concordat between the Holy See and Italy modified certain of the earlier treaty provisions, including the primacy of Roman Catholicism as the Italian state religion. Present concerns of the Holy See include religious freedom, international development, the environment, the Middle East, China, the decline of religion in Europe, terrorism, interreligious dialogue and reconciliation, and the application of church doctrine in an era of rapid change and globalization. About 1 billion people worldwide profess the Catholic faith. - The World Factbook
Creative Works »
Hadrian the Seventh Novel
1000 Nv
Frederick Rolfe One day George Arthur Rose, hack writer and minor priest, discovers that he has been picked to be Pope.


In order to be tax-exempt under Section 501(c)(3), an organization must file Form 1023, an application for exemption, with the IRS.
The IRS allows 2 exceptions to this requirement.
An organization that is not a private foundation and the gross receipts of which in each taxable year are normally not more than $5,000*.
Receiving $7,500 in gross receipts or less during its first tax year.
Receiving a total of $12,000 in gross receipts or less during its first 2 years.
If in existence for less than 3 years, receiving $15,000 or less in gross receipts during the immediately preceding 2 years plus the current year.


The Under-17 World Championship in Egypt in September 1997 was used by FIFA to introduce a standardised system of timing goals, substitutions and other incidents during football matches.
This system was then applied during the FIFA/Confederations' Cup and continues to be used for all other official FIFA competitions.
For example, if the player Bernis scores a goal after 32 minutes and 15 seconds, it is recorded as "in the 33rd minute" and not "after 32 minutes". Thus, the goal would be recorded Bernis (33) and not Bernis (32).
There is also a new way to distinguish when a goal is scored in the time added on for stoppages at the end of the first half or second half. This is done by adding a "+" sign.
If a goal is scored after, for example, 46 minutes 30 seconds of the first half, before half-time, this is recorded as Bernis (47+).
If a goal is scored in the second minute of the second half, this is recorded as Bernis (47).
In the time added on for stoppages at the end of a match played without extra time, a goal scored after 92 minutes 45 seconds is recorded as Bernis (93).
However, if the match goes then to extra time, that goal must be recorded as Bernis (93+), to show that it was scored before a goal scored in the first minute of extra time (91).


Ah, the first birthday! Never anything as completing the first year. Congratulations, Simran. Wishing the Foodie many more such celebrations.
HAPPY HAPPY BIRTHDAY TO BOMBAYFOODIE.WISHING YOU MANY MANY MORE.Mine is younger by 4 months.
Happy b'day Bombay Foodie. wising you many more celebrations of this kind.
That was a nice presentation.
Congrats simran, on ur blog's 1st b'day, mine is still to come..


text:
Q: Many to many with outer join and dapper I have three tables

*

*Users (id, firstname, lastname)

*Modules (id, name)

*Users_modules (id, u_id, m_id, secret, token) (many-to-many. Represents modules that are authorized for users)

What would be the query to get the following data back for a specific user:

*

*User (id, firstname, lastname)

*Authorized modules (id, 1 as isAuthorized) from users_modules

*Unauthorized modules (id, 0 as isAuthorized) outer join with modules

for the sake of me, couldn't figure this out.
This is my try:
Select u.firstName, u.lastName, u.id, m.id,m.name
From modules m
Left Outer Join users_modules uc On uc.m_id = m.id
Left Outer Join users u On
    u.id = uc.u_id And
    u.id = 120

Then I want to map the results back to my User class using dapper so that user object will have all modules authorized and unauthorized in Modules list property
public class User
    {
        public int Id { get; set; }
        public string FirstName { get; set; }
        public string LastName { get; set; }
        public List<Module> Modules{ get; set; }

        public User()
        {
            Modules= new List<Module>();
        }
    }

[Table("modules")]
    public class Module
    {
        public int Id { get; set; }
        public string Name { get; set; }
        public string AuthorizationBaseUri { get; set; }
        public bool IsAuthorized { get; set; }
        public string LoginUrl { get; set; }

        public Module()
        {
            LoginUrl = string.Empty;
            AuthorizationBaseUri = string.Empty;
            IsAuthorized = false;
        }
    }

I had to get the authorized modules for a user first (using dapper multiple mapping), then get all modules, and then finally do the subtraction manually at my business layer. I know there is a smarter way to do it, yet to find out.

A: You have almost solved the problem, but you missed one thing, if a user doesnt have a connection to a module, the left outer join with the left side being the "modules" wont result in anything. To solve this problem you only have to change the side of the "left" side of the left outer join or switch it for a right outer join:
Select u.firstName, u.lastName, u.id, m.id,m.name
From users u
Left Outer Join users_modules uc On uc.u_id = u.id
Left Outer Join modules m On m.id = uc.m_id
where u.id = 120 and uc.u_id = 120

A: Try this:
select u_m.id,firstname,lastname,m_id, secret, token,name from
(select u.id,firstname,lastname,m_id, secret, token from
(select id, firstname, lastname from users where id = 120) as u
left join
(select id, u_id, m_id, secret, token from users_modules) as um
on u.id = um.u_id) as u_m
left join
(select id,name from modules)  as m
on m.id = u_m.m_id

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Category Archives: Incubus – Succubus
Zmej
Other names: zmaj (Serbian) змај, (Croatian and Bosnian), zmaj (Slovene), zmey, змей (Bulgarian, Russian), zmiy (Old Church Slavonic), змеj (Macedonian), żmij (Polish), змій (Ukrainian)
It should be noted that most of these words are the masculine forms for the Slavic word "snake." In Russian, the feminine is zmeya. Other names include zmajček or zmajić that is used as a diminutive form of endearment.
Etymology – Dragon, Snake or Serpent
In the Slavic language, a dragon is called a Zmej. It appears as multi-headed dragon with three, seven or nine heads that are capable of breathing fire. The Eastern Slavic dragons are believed to be able to regrow their heads like a hydra if one head is chopped off. In all cases, their large size makes them fearsome foes. Also, among the Southern Slavic countries, the Zmej appears more as an anthropomorphic draconic of fishlike humanoid.
The Zmej is primarily associated with fire, like a good many other dragons of European folklore. It either breathes fire or it can throw fiery arrows or lightning bolts. It is exceedingly strong and the Zmej's strength can be taken by a person who eats the dragon's heart. That puts a whole new light on the movie Dragon Heart. The precise abilities of the Slavic dragons vary by locality and country.
The male Zmej were often portrayed in a positive light, acting as protectors of their family and tribe. He was seen as a good demonic force, using the power of weather in the way of hail, storms and strong winds to protect crops and harvests from getting ruined. Among the Southern Slavs, it's very common to see the imagery of a dragon representing a good demonic force.
While I note the use of the word and spelling demonic to describe the Zmej; given the context and influence of Christianity upon an older Pagan religion, beliefs and traditions; it is very likely that the Greek term and usage of daimon is more appropriate.
You Called Him A Daimon!
Yes, as in the Greek term and meaning for the word spirit. It is Christianity that takes and twists the word and meaning to Demon, for an evil spirit or being.
Among the ancient Greeks, the word daimon means spirit or "replete with knowledge." They recognized both good (eudemons) and bad (cacodemons). The word or term daimon also means "divine power," "fate," or "god." And in Greek mythology, daimons could also include deified heroes.
Daimons functioned as messengers or intermediary spirits between men and gods. The good daimons were viewed as guardian spirits who gave guidance and protection to those they watched over. The bad daimons, naturally, weren't so nice and could mislead people, getting them into trouble.
Romanian Similarities
Sometimes the Zmej also appears as an anthropomorphic dragon man, much like the Romanian Zmeu, seen as very intelligent, wise and knowledgeable with great magical proficiency, breath fire and superhuman strength. Like the Romanian Zmeu, the Slavic Zmej was also known for being very wealthy with castles and realms in otherworlds. They too lusted after women with home they could bear children. Respect was always given to these Zmej as one never knew what to expect in terms of behavior.
National And Folk Heroes
A good many heroes were considered dragons or the son of a Zmej. A number of these heroes include:
Husein-Kapetan Gradaščević – A successful Bosniak general who fought for the independence of the Ottoman Empire from Bosnia. He is known as "Zmaj od Bosnia," or "The Dragon of Bosnia."
Vlad III Dracula – A Romanian Hero and more infamously known as Count Dracula in Bram Stoker's book Dracula and depicted as a Vampire. Among the Romanians of Wallachia, Vlad is a hero, having been inducted into the Order of the Dragon by the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund to defend a Christian Europe against the Ottoman Empire.
Vuk Grgurević – A Serbian Despot known as "Zmaj-Ognjeni Vuk" or "Vuk the Fiery-Dragon" due to the vicioness of his rule and his many battles against the Turks.
Bulgarian Folklore
In the folk songs of Bulgaria, the Zmej appears as a popular motif as a Draconic Lover. Most of these songs featuring a Dragon Love, have a male Zmej. More heroic songs involving a Zmej will be female.
It's interesting to note a very stark contrast and distinction male and female dragons in Bulgarian folklore. For one, the male and female dragons were seen as brother and sister. Yet for all this, they were very staunchly opposed to each other. The female dragons were known for representing the destructive weather that would destroy crops and agriculture. Whereas, the male dragons protected the fields and crops for harvest. Such that the two often fought each other, representing the dueling, opposing forces of female/water with male/fire symbolism.
Macedonia, Croatia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Serbia, Slovenia and Montenegro Folklore
In these Southern Slavic countries and areas, a dragon is known by the name of zmaj, zmej and lamja. Similar to the Russian dragons, it has three, seven or even nine heads, all of which breathe fire. Additionally, in Serbia the dragon is called aždaja or hala and in Bosnia is called aždaha.
Polish And Belarussian Folklore
In both of these cultures, aside from Zmej, they also have the word smok, coming from the Indo-Iranian word for swallow. Other spellings for smok are: смок and цмок.
Romanian Folklore
As previously mentioned, there is a very similar dragon-like creature in Romania with an equally similar name called the Zmeu. It is distinguished from many of the Slavic Zmej as it is anthropomorphic in nature and always a destructive force.
Russian And Ukrainian Folklore
Representing the Eastern Slavic people, there are a few different dragons found in their folklore. A number of prehistoric sites such as the Serpent's Wall near Kiev have associations with dragons and act as symbols for foreign people. The Russian dragons are known to have heads that come in multiples of three and will grow back if every single head isn't chopped off or promptly covered in ash or burnt.
Zmey Gorynych – This green colored dragon has three heads and walks on two back paws with two smaller front paws. Like many dragons, it breathes fire. The hero Dobrynya Nikitich is who killed this dragon.
Tugarin Zmeyevich – This dragon very strongly represented the Mongols and other Steppe peoples who often threatened the borders of Russia. Tugarin's name is Turkic in origin. He was defeated by the hero Alyosha Popovich.
Saint George And The Dragon – It is without question that the hero Saint George symbolizes Christianity and that his killing of the Dragon symbolizes the Devil or Satan. It is a motif often portrayed on the coat of arms for Moscow.
Serbian Folklore
The Serbian folklore for dragons is very similar to that of Bulgarian folklore. Essentially the differences come down to the different countries and regions' name for them. Here, the Zmaj or Zmey is seen as very intelligent with superhuman strength and well versed in the use of magic. Like many European dragons, they breath fire and lust over young women. An image that sounds very much so like the Romanian Zmeu. The big difference here is that the Zmaj or Zmey are defenders of the crops and fight against a demon known as Ala that they attack using lightning.
Slovenia Folklore
The Slovene word of zmaj is of an uncertain, archaic origin. Another word used for dragons is pozoj. Like many European dragons, the zmaj are often seen in a negative light and associated with Saint George in his slaying the dragon.
There are other Pre-Christian Folk Tales involving dragons.
Ljubljana Dragon – This dragon features on the city of Ljubljana's coat of arms that it guarded over and protected.
Wawel Dragon – This Polish dragon is often defeated by tricking it into eating a lime. It should be noted that this dragon isn't always harmful towards people.
Aždaja
Also known as aždaha, ala or hala in Persian mythology. Some Southern Slavic countries will mention Aždaja as a type of dragon. Its true nature is considered to be drastically different than that of a real dragon and considered separate. While the Zmej is often seen as a positive force, the Aždaja is seen as a negative force and woefully evil. Ultimately the nature of the Aždaja seems contradictory and should be a type of dragon as it shares all of the hall marks of the European dragons that are often sinister in nature. After all, the Aždaja is draconic in appearance, they live in dark places such as caves. Like many other Slavic dragons, the Aždaja is frequently multi-headed with three, seven or nine heads and breathes fire. In some of the Christian mythologies of Saint George, he is shown slaying the Aždaja and not Zmej.
Lamya
While the Zmej is male, the Southern Slavic folklore makes mention of a female version known as Lamya. This name derives from the name Lamia, a Queen and former lover of the god Zeus who turns into a daemon that devours children and in some versions of her story, Lamia becomes more serpentine. Later stories will equate Lamia to vampires and succubae.
In Bulgaria and Macedonia, there is a Bulgarian legend about the hero Mavrud who succeeds in cutting off all of the heads of Lamya; who appears in this story as a hydra-like dragon. It has been commented that this story seems to symbolize the pruning of grape vines. Further, there is a variety of Bulgarian grapes known as Mavrud.
Posted in Belarussian, Bosnia, Bulgarian, Cannibalism, Children, Christian, Clan/Tribe, Croatia, Deity, Demigod, Demon, Dragon, European, Evil, Family, Fire, Folk Lore, Foreign, Gold, Good, Grapes, Greek, Harvest, Heart, Heroes, Herzegovina, Hydra, Incubus - Succubus, Intelligent, Knowledge, Lightning, Lime, Ljubljana, Love, Lust, Macedonian, Magic, Mongolian, Montenegro, Negative, Offspring/Descendants, Other World, Persian, Polish, Positive, Protector, Queen, Regeneration, Romanian, Russian, Serbian, Serpent, Slavic, Slovia, Spirit, Storms, Strength, Turkish, Ukrainian, Vampire, Weather, Wind
Zmeu
Other names: smeu, zmei (plural) and zmeoaică or zmeoaice (feminine)
The Zmeu is a draconic being found in Romanian folklore and is often compared to other supernatural creatures such as the balaur, a type of dragon and the vârcolac, a werewolf. Due to the similarity of names, the Zmeu resembles the Slavic dragons, Zmej in their ability to fly and breathe fire.
Unlike other dragons, the Zmeu is often described as having anthropomorphic features as it is very human-like having arms and legs and is able to use or create human-like tools. It is also anthropomorphized due to the Zmeu's desire to marry human maidens.
Dacian Etymology, Origins & Disputes
The biggest problem with trying to prove a connection to the Dacian-Thracian languages is due to a lack of written language from them and only a handful of words are known for certain. And it gets argued that Zmeu is not of Dacian origins. Instead, the word "Zmei" or "Zmeu" is of Russian, Bulgarian and Serbian origins. In all of these languages, "Zmei" means "snake." The argument further continues that "Zmei" is of Slavic origin and comes from the Slavic word for earth, "Zemia." The Proto-Slavic root is "zm" or "zum" So Zmei means a snake or an animal that lives close to the ground or earth, "Zemia."
Paliga – The linguist, Sorin Paliga, believes that the word Zmeu and the very similar Slavic word Zmey may have come from the Dacian language. He even tries extensively to connect the word to the Romanian word for Earth and Subterranean features. Since then, Paliga's idea have become contested and disputed.
English – Not really a linguist connection other than how the word translates. The name Zmeu is sometimes translated to refer to a type of ogre or giant due to the Zmeu's tendency to kidnap a young maiden to be his wife in an otherworldly realm.
Romanian – Another source for the etymology of Zmeu is suggesting a relation to the Romanian word zmeura, meaning "raspberry." It has been suggested that this may indicate a double meaning for the name Zmeu and is indicator of its true nature and color as a red colored dragon. Additionally, the name Zmeu also refers to a children's kite. The folklore for Zmeu is also very similar to folklore found in Bulgaria.
Folklore And Legend
In many of the Romanian and Bulgarian stories, the Zmeu is a fierce being known for its cunning, intelligence and dangerous, destructive levels of greed and selfishness. Some of the stories told about the Zmeu, they appear in the sky like a dragon, flying and breathing out a gout of fire. Other stories make mention of the Zmeu having a magical gemstone in its head that shines as brightly as the sun. Aside from its tremendous supernatural strength, the Zmeu is also capable of great feats of magic that can allow it to steal the sun and moon from the sky.
The stories also go on to tell how the Zmeu can shapeshift into human form or as various, different animals. The Zmeu's natural form is that of a dragon, specifically an anthropomorphized dragon man.
Like many dragons in European folklore, the Zmeu is particularly fond of beautiful young maidens, whom it kidnaps and carries way to its otherworldly realm. And also like in much of European folklore, the maiden is often rescued by a brave prince or knight-errant who manages to defeat the Zmeu.
Many Romanian stories depict the Zmeu as the destructive forces of greed and selfishness incarnated. The Zmeu will steal something of immense value that only the Romanian "Fat-Frumos" or "Prince Charming," a literal translation is "handsome youth" who will be the only one who that can retrieve this valuable object back through his acts of great, selfless bravery. Often times, the Zmeu lives in an otherworldly realm, Celalalt Tarâm where Fat-Frumos must travel to in order to battle with the Zmeu. With descriptions of the Zmeu's lair being dark, its often thought to imply that the Zmeu lives underground.
Ballad Of The Knight Greuceanu – In this story, the Zmeu steals the sun and moon from the sky and thus envelopes all of the earth and humankind under a cloak of darkness.
Prâslea The Brave And The Golden Apples – In this story, the Zmeu robs a king of his golden apples. This story that has been remarked to bear similarities to the German Fairy Tale of "The Golden Bird," the Russian story of "Tsarevitch Ivan, The Fire Bird And The Gray Wolf" and the Bulgarian folktale of "The Nine Peahens And The Golden Apples." In the later stories, the thief is a bird, though in some retellings of the Romanian tale, the Zmeu transforms into a bird in order to steal the apples.
Moldavian Vampire!?!
In Moldavia, the Zmeu is a vampiric or Incubus type figure. It will take the form of a flame and enter the room of a young woman or widow. Once in the room, the flame then becomes a man who seduces the woman.
Posted in Bird, Bravery, British, Bulgarian, Challenge, Dacian, Darkness, Destruction, Dragon, Earth, European, Evil, Fire, Flying/Flight, Folk Lore, Gems-Gemstones, German, Giant, Gold, Golden Apples, Greed, Heroes, Incubus - Succubus, Journey/Travel, Kidnapping, Magic, Marriage, Moldavian, Moon, Power, Romanian, Russian, Seduction, Selfishness, Serbian, Serpent, Shape-Shifter, Sky, Slavic, Strength, Sun, Supernatural, Thief, Thracian, Trickster, Underworld, Vampire, Virgin, Youth
Deer Woman
Also Known As: Deer Lady, Deer-Woman, Deerwoman
The Deer Woman is a familiar figure in many Native American legends and mythology of Oklahoma, Western United States and Pacific Northwest. Notable tribes are the Creek, Lakota, Omaha, Ponca and Potawatomi.
Deer Woman is a shape-shifting spirit who often takes the form of a young woman except that her feet are hooved like those of a deer and her brown deer eyes. Sometimes, Deer Woman is described as having the upper half of a human women and the lower half of a deer. As a shape-shifter, Deer Woman can also appear as an old woman or a deer.
In the legends surrounding Deer Woman, she is often just off the trail or behind a bush, calling men over to her, particularly unfaithful or promiscuous men. It is frequently too late, when men are enchanted and drawn to her, that they notice she isn't all she seems and find themselves trampled to death beneath her hooves. A more "luckier" man might find himself pining away, longing for a "lost love." In the more malign interpretations of Deer Woman, she is often presented as a bogeyman, seducing men before she kills them.
More violent versions of Deer Woman's story say she was a human woman transformed into a deer after being raped or she was brought back to life by the original Deer Woman spirit after being murdered. Further stories say it is the still the original Deer Woman, she has just changed her cause and is even more vengeful.
She is sometimes seen as a form of succubus or vampire, draining her victims of their life force. The Deer Woman legends certainly do seem to hold a certain familiarity to the Irish stories of the Fae, who have sex with a mortal man and who is then never satisfied with a human lover.
In the Lakota versions of Deer Woman, she doesn't kill men, instead she takes their soul so that he will be lost for the rest of his life. As to the women, Deer Woman spirits them away so that they are never seen again. In these, stories, Deer Woman is described as a black-tailed deer.
Other stories surrounding Deer Woman, describe seeing her as sign of warning or a time of personal transformation. She is very fond of dancing and has been known to join in on communal dances; leaving when the drumming stops. More benign interpretations of Deer Woman's myth connect her to fertility and love who help women during childbirth.
Banishing Deer Woman
According to Ojibwe traditions, Deer Woman can be banished by the use of tobacco smoke, prayers and chanting.
Deer Woman's spell or enchantment can also be broken by looking at her feet. Once Deer Woman realizes she has been found out, she runs away.
Similar Folkloric Figures
There are a few other, similar figures found in other cultures from around the world.
Baobhan Sith – Scotland, a female vampire said to have goat legs. She seduces travelers and drinks their blood.
Fiura – Chile, a goblin seductress who drives her victims insane.
Iara – Brazil, a siren-like entity who leads men to their death. Descriptions place her as being a fish woman with a blow hole in her neck.
La Llorna – Hailing from Mexico and the Southwestern United States. Descriptions often cite her as having no feet.
La Patasola – Colombia, a siren-like entity, leading men to their death. Descriptions often cite her as having deformed feet.
Naag Kanyas – India, serpent women. In some areas of Northern India, there are stories of people who are surprised to discover that a woman traveling with them, has cow hooves instead of human feet. A slight version to this is the woman's feet being on backwards. These were clearly signs that the woman traveling with them isn't human.
Sirens – Greek & Rome, Aquatic females, infamous for luring men to leap from their ships to a watery death by their hypnotic songs.
Tunda – Colombia, a siren-like entity, leading men to their death. Descriptions often cite her as having deformed feet.
Xana – From Asutrias, Spain, a siren-like entity who leads men to their death.
Posted in Beauty, Crime, Dance, Death, Deer, Fertility, Incubus - Succubus, Love, Murder, Native American, Rape, Revenge/Vengecence, Seduction, Shape-Shifter, Soul, Spirit, Transformation, Vampire


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SOA specs firming up
No standards yet, but…..
Martin Banks
Thu 27 Jul 2006 // 12:23 UTC
That old cliché – the trouble with standards is that there are so many of them – could also be applied to the world of Service Oriented Architectures (SOA) with real justification. There are many software vendors out there claiming to offer SOA solutions so the coming together of some leading players, towards the end of last year, in an attempt to generate some specifications (if not yet official "standards") to which they could all work arguably fell into the bracket of being "a good thing".
Now that original group, which consisted of BEA Systems, IBM, IONA, Oracle, SAP, Sybase, Xcalia and Zend has grown with the addition of Cape Clear, Interface21, Primeton Technologies, Progress Software (Sonic Software as was), Red Hat, Rogue Wave Software, Software AG, Sun Microsystems and TIBCO Software. In addition, the group – they are so far declining the sobriquet "Consortium" – has sprouted a website which gives details of the specifications it is working on. These are expected to form the basis of future standards.
The group's work falls into two main categories - Service Component Architecture (SCA) and Service Data Objects (SDO). The former describes a model for building applications, while the latter is designed to simplify and unify the way in which applications handle data. The latest SCA specifications can be found here , while SDO specifications can be found here.
Two significant names are missing from the group – Microsoft and HP. As SOA is all about the potential for users to build their own services from composites of loosely-coupled applications that may come from a variety of sources, and the specifications seem aimed at making that an easier task, it will be interesting to see how long they stand outside.®


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W4WN Radio > Uncategorized > A Better Life
Join Isabella Stoloff this Tuesday April 24, 7pm Pacific and 10pm Eastern for A Better Life. Be prepared to fall in love with her guest, Dr Sarah Larsen!
Dr Sarah is a 3rd Generation Palm Reader, a Psychic Counselor, Medical Intuitive, Medical Doctor, the founder of Organic Health Mastery, and a Certified NLP and EFT Practitioner.
Her education as a healer began with her grandmother in rural Pakistan where she was born. She went on to receive a degree as Medical Doctor from Medical University of the Americas. Her approach to healing using hand analysis, intuition and healing is described as merging ancient wisdom, science, and spirituality for optimal living.
Sarah lives in Los Angeles, CA and in Linwood, MN with her husband and two children. Sarah says she's grateful for the life she is able to live and wants to give back.
"I was born in Pakistan to my mother who married my father at 13 years old. My parents immigrated to the land of the free to educate my brothers, sister and me. Everyday I thank God, the universe, and them for that decision. Being in the states allows me the ability to express myself and my full potential. Being of eastern heritage has allowed me to stay connected to ancient wisdom and truth. I have been given so much and I know so much. I intend to contribute in a deep and meaningful way to you and all beings that have been guided here."
Dr Sarah says, "my wisdom in medicine began with my grandmother, who gave me a knowing of the Mind, Body, and Spirit Connection. I went to medical school to make sense of the "knowing" I had about that connection." Later she began her journey into medicine after discovering a love for it as an undergraduate at Louisiana State University. She felt fortunate to be accepted into the fourth best medical school in India, Kasturba Medical College.
"I studied, volunteered, and worked in various capacities in India, Trinidad, Miami, Washington D.C., Atlanta, and rural cities in Louisiana. I completed medical school at Medical University of the Americas, an off shore medical school that allowed me to work with some of the most prominent doctors in their fields. The approach I learned in India focused on anatomy (two years of dissection alone), physiology and biochemistry, with a focus on nutritional biochemistry, physiology and the body's intelligence."
"I have passed United States Medical Licensing Exams on the road to practice in the US and discovered I heal outside of the traditional allopathic (western) scope."
You can learn more about Dr Sarah Larsen at her web site https://drsarahlarsen.com/
Visit Isabella Stoloff's website at ochealingcenter.com to find out about her Shamanic healing work, watch videos, see pictures.
Meet Souper Woman- Soupelina's Elina Fuhrman
What Advocacy Means To You- Joni Aldrich and Chris Jerry Join Fearless Fabulous YOU! Jan 18
INNER LATELY-REV.SHARON &SPECIAL GUEST STEVE SMITH ON TUE. OCT.27TH @10AM ON W4WN.COM
Inner Lately w/Rev.Sharon Shaw-MhD./Merging Spirit Tue. @ 10am EST on w4wn.com
One thought on "A Better Life"
Natalie Koltz says:
I am so excited for Dr. Sarah to be on the show! I love all the amazing wisdom and insight she has to offer! 🙂


Felicia Hoshino is an illustrator and designer in San Francisco. Her focus includes children's book illustration, editorial illustration assignment, and commissioned portraits.
Performance artist, dancer/choreographer and puppeteer Erica Mott had an underperforming site with images that didn't truly capture her beauty as an artist and the scope of her work. Plus her old site didn't allow her to update her posts effectively and often enough. Erica invested in some excellent new photos and with her new site, we were able to truly highlight each of her distinct projects and collaborations while separating and showcasing her News and Events.
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Composer Peter Flint came to us with two older web sites that he wanted to modernize – one for himself as a composer and one for his ensemble – Avian Orchestra. We worked with Peter to combine the two into one new web site.


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Lately I've had a huge crush on ponchos, and I fell in love with this one the second I saw it online. I loved that the print was mixed with navy instead of black. I also loved the cowl neck and the chunky texture. It was backordered for a bit, but arrived last Friday and I was super excited to try it on. Based on how it looked on the model, I didn't think it would be *that* long on me. Long, but not ridiculous.
If you follow me on Snapchat, these images should look familiar to you. The poncho doesn't have any arm holes, you literally just stick your head through the neck hole and you're done. So, I was a bit discombobulated when I first tried it on. I thought I was putting it on straight, but apparently I had it turned just a bit and the poncho ended up being the perfect length vs. the dress length that I originally thought it was! I blame the glass of wine I had at dinner!
After I saw these photos, I decided that next time I wear them, I will just skip the OTK boots and go with some booties. Looking at the Snapchat photos, I just felt like my legs looked a lot longer with the booties + poncho combo. Regardless, ponchos and capes are definitely an acquired taste and I think I've definitely crossed into the "love them" bucket. I'm not going to be adding a ton of these to my collection as I already have a handful and they're such a trendy piece, but they definitely come in handy when you just want to throw something on and be both comfy and warm!
Such a lovely piece and it looks amazing on you!
I don't have any ponchos, just never got into them. They do look better with booties, and extremely cozy.
I do, however, think you were very clever to ensure that your leggings matched your boots because your legs? They appear to go on forever :) which always a lovely thing.
I like the idea of ponchos but I feel like they dont look great on me. They definitely suit you and those boots are amazing, Caryl!
I love that this poncho is so flattering on you! I often feel like they swallow me whole, but this one looks so good!! They are just always so comfortable. I think it looks fine with the OTK boots, but booties would be cute too!
LOL I have totally worn a poncho and cussed it out because I was like Wtf how do I wear you?!??!


I saw the value add of the meeting less as encouraging people to donate more (although that's great) and more about donating more effectively. I went in knowing how much I would donate but needing to research which charities I wanted to support and how much, and I think that was true for a number of people. The amount of opinion and behavioral change in response to new information was really kind of astonishing.


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The weather lately has me gagging for spring, so what did I do? I changed my wallpaper. Something about a pretty, spring or floral wallpaper makes it seem like warmer weather isn't that far away.
I thought I'd post some of my favorite finds with you. They're all saved on my Pinterest at the moment. If you want to use them, just click the link & it'll take you to my Pinterest board where you can save them. Then set them as your wallpaper as you would normally.


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Puerto Vallarta Jalisco Mexico Puerto Vallarta Mexico Hotels Tours and Vacations
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Enjoying Puerto Vallarta
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All About Puerto Vallarta
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"The Good Fortune Unicorn" by Aníbal Riebeling (2011)
This recent sculpture on the Malecon will bring good luck to the city and all those that touch it, at least if we are to believe the old superstitions...
Puerto Vallarta's Malecon is a great place to relax and stroll along enjoying the views nature provides and the art that various famous artists have decorated the boardwalk with.
The Good Fortune Unicorn (El Unicornio de la Buena Fortuna) is one of the newer pieces you'll find in town. It's inspired by the ancient legend that unicorns are good luck charms and bring good fortune to those that possess one. The sculpture is about 10 feet tall and 4 feet long sculpted in bronze using the lost-wax casting technique by Aníbal Riebeling and was unveiled on January 14th, 2011.
Aníbal Riebeling was born in Guadalajara in 1970, Jalisco and has since his childhood been interested in the arts. He studied industrial design at the University of Guadalajara and in September 2010 was awarded the prestigious Salinas Award.
This stylish sculpture is found where Guadalupe Sánchez street crosses the Malecon.
Author: M. A. Gallardo
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