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The Brothers York: A Royal Tragedy
Автор: Thomas Penn
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Vicious battles, powerful monarchs, and royal intrigue abound in this "gripping, complex, and sensational" (Hilary Mantel) true story of the War of the Roses—a struggle among three brothers, two of whom became kings, and the inspiration for Shakespeare's renowned play, Richard III.
In 15th-century England, two royal families, the House of York and the House of Lancaster, fought a bitter, decades-long civil war for the English throne. As their symbols were a red rose for Lancaster and a white rose for York, the conflict became known as the Wars of the Roses.
During this time, the house of York came to dominate England. At its heart were three charismatic brothers—King Edward IV, and his two younger siblings George and Richard—who became the figureheads of a spectacular ruling dynasty. Together, they looked invincible.
But with Edward's ascendancy the brothers began to turn on one another, unleashing a catastrophic chain of rebellion, vendetta, fratricide, usurpation, and regicide. The brutal end came at Bosworth Field in 1485, with the death of the youngest, then Richard III, at the hands of a new usurper, Henry Tudor, later Henry VII, progenitor of the Tudor line of monarchs.
Fascinating, dramatic, and filled with vivid historical detail, The Brothers York is a brilliant account of a conflict that fractured England for a generation. Riven by internal rivalries, jealousy, and infighting, the three York brothers failed to sustain their power and instead self-destructed. It is a rich and bloody tale as gripping as any historical fiction.
Thomas Penn
Thomas Penn is publishing director at Penguin Books UK. He holds a PhD in medieval history from Clare College, Cambridge University, and writes for The Guardian, the Daily Telegraph, and the London Review of Books, among other publications. He is the author of The Brothers York and Winter King: Henry VII and the Dawn of Tudor England.
Соответствующие авторы
Jason Fagone
Major Colin Burgess
Anne Sebba
Jennie Bond
Robert L. Beir
Brian Josepher
Nina Willner
Stephanie Storey
Margaret Rhodes
Kate Clifford Larson
Связано с The Brothers York
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The Brothers York - Thomas Penn
For my parents, Alan and Jessica
Note on the Text
I have modernized spellings throughout, including surnames: the family of Edward IV's queen is 'Woodville' rather than the variant 'Wydeville'. All quotations have likewise been silently modernised.
The medieval year started on 25 March; notwithstanding this, people celebrated New Year on 1 January. Dating here is in New Style, with the beginning of the year silently adjusted to 1 January.
Then, as now, the English system of money was based on pounds and pence. There, the similarities end. One pound (liber, abbreviated to l.) comprised 240 pennies (denarii, or d.). Other common values were the shilling (solidus, or s.), worth twelve pence, and the mark, worth two thirds of a pound or 160 pence. Edward IV's recoinage in 1465 introduced two new coins: the rose-noble or ryal (10s.); and the noble-angel, valued at 6s 8d.
The average yearly income for a knight was around £200; the minimum qualification for gentry status roughly £10 per annum. A skilled labourer could expect to receive anywhere between £6 and £9 per year; the day rate of an agricultural labourer was 4d. The website measuringworth provides a detailed approach to the knotty issue of ascribing modern monetary worth to historical currency values.
Three glorious suns, each one a perfect sun;
Not separated with the racking clouds,
But sever'd in a pale clear-shining sky.
See, see! they join, embrace, and seem to kiss,
As if they vow'd some league inviolable:
Now are they but one lamp, one light, one sun.
In this the heaven figures some event.
William Shakespeare, Henry VI, Part 3
These three brothers possessed such surpassing talent that, if they had been able to avoid conflict, their triple bond could have been broken only with the utmost difficulty.
Crowland Chronicle Continuations, c. 1486
Herein may be seen noble chivalry, courtesy, humanity, friendliness, hardiness, love, friendship, cowardice, murder, hate, virtue and sin.
William Caxton, Preface to Malory, Morte d'Arthur, 1485
During the mid-fifteenth century, England was crippled by civil war. The conflict dragged on for three decades and more, successive waves of violence engulfing the country before subsiding again, leaving behind a wreckage of mutual mistrust, suspicion and profound instability. This sequence of vendettas and turf wars became known as the Wars of the Roses: a struggle between the two royal houses of York and Lancaster, red rose against white, for the English crown. This was the story told by the Tudors, the leviathan of a dynasty that professed to unite these two warring houses. It was neater that way.
Yet for most of this period only one of these families dominated England: the house of York. The Yorkist kings – Edward IV, followed by his youngest brother Richard III – ruled the country for just under a quarter of a century, between 1461 and 1485. These years saw the civil wars change in nature. In 1461, the conflict was indisputably between two rival families, the usurping eighteen-year-old Edward taking the crown from the tremulous grasp of the Lancastrian king Henry VI. In the years that followed it began to turn inwards: a destructive chain of rebellion, deposition, vendetta, fratricide, usurpation and regicide, all originating within the house of York itself. The dynasty's end was brutal. It came on 22 August 1485 at Bosworth, with the killing of Richard III, the ritual humiliation of his battered body and his burial in an unmarked grave in a Leicester priory. But whatever the victorious Tudors later liked to say about Bosworth being the victory of the red rose over the white, the battle was also a settling of scores between two factions of the house of York: white on white.
At the heart of this was the relationship between three royal brothers: Edward IV; Richard duke of Gloucester, later Richard III; and, sandwiched between them, the middle brother George duke of Clarence, who wanted to be king but never was. Contemporaries acknowledged that these were three men of unusual gifts: shoulder to shoulder, they were practically invincible. Yet as one Yorkist insider put it in the aftermath of Bosworth, the three brothers could not avoid conflict with each other. This, he implied, was the tragic flaw in the Yorkist dynasty.
The rise and fall of the house of York remains one of the most seductive and contested stories in English history. By the usual dynastic standards, it was over in the blink of an eye, the Yorkists' twenty-four-year period in power lasting as long as their successor Henry VII's reign on its own. The three brothers themselves burned fiercely and died young: Edward at forty; Clarence at twenty-eight; and Richard still only thirty-two when he was killed at Bosworth. Yet the house of York did shake off its usurper origins to establish itself as England's undisputed ruling dynasty. In the process, it achieved a kind of greatness, restoring the monarchy's authority and reforming its finances, creating conditions for renewed peace and prosperity. This all happened under Edward IV's rule. A king of flawed, compulsive magnificence, his manifold excesses and contradictions provoked both admiration and disgust in contemporaries, and have often left historians struggling to reconcile them.
When Edward seized the throne, Clarence was eleven; Richard was eight. The civil turmoil in which the brothers grew up shaped the way they saw the world and their place in it. It was a time of acute insecurity, when political, social and legal norms were bent out of shape by warring protagonists for whom the system had long since ceased to work and who sensed, in its weaknesses, an opportunity to remould the world according to their desires. At times, the centre seemed unable to hold. Politicians urging unity and moderation watched aghast as factions tore at each other, all restraint set aside. This was a landscape littered by murders and executions enacted through fearful self-defence and hungry ambition, and justified with the merest skim of legal process. Speaking the language of populism and clamouring for reform, squabbling elites raised private armies and manipulated widespread public discontent to their own advantage, sparking insurgency and revolt against a battered political establishment. The system of hereditary monarchy itself seemed to teeter on the brink.
These outbreaks of bloody score-settling appalled contemporaries. In trying to make sense of the disorder people reached for the language of sickness, both in terms of explaining what had happened to politics and how it made them feel. Trying to survive in this failing, uncertain system was a matter of political agility, timing and luck – and, in the tangle of extended families and networks of affinity that bound England together, it was all too easy to make the wrong choices. Existing attachments and loyalties became more contingent, quickly dropped in favour of new friendships, only to be abandoned in turn.
All this was especially pronounced for the conflict's leading protagonists. Circumstances had thrust Edward, Clarence and Richard into a place of exceptional power and wealth. For all three brothers, the sense that they could lose it all at an instant was rarely absent. This sense of precariousness and possibility was, at times, overwhelming. It distorted their behaviour and decision-making, their views of the world and of each other.
This is a story that stretches across England and Wales: from London and Westminster, the country's financial and political heart, and the luxurious royal houses of the Thames valley to the north of the country, which it suited some to portray as a very different land – wilder, remote, pricklingly independent, heavily militarized. It moves beyond national boundaries: further north, to Scotland; across the English Channel, to the courts of France and its antagonistic ducal satellites Burgundy and Brittany; to the great entrepôts of Flanders, in whose counting houses, warehouses and ateliers the shockwaves of England's civil conflict made themselves felt; and to the offices of the Medici bank in Florence and the lobbies of the papal curia in Rome.
For if the Wars of the Roses were a domestic concern, fought on English soil, they were inextricably entangled with European affairs. The country's very relationship and attitude to northern Europe were slowly being reshaped. The doubtful glories of the Hundred Years War, with English kings seeking the crown of France, were fading from view; after centuries England was becoming once more an island nation. This was a state of affairs that the Yorkist kings were reluctant to acknowledge, as their entangled, often aggressive, constantly shifting relationships with their northern European neighbours – themselves in a state of flux – made all too clear. These relationships were to play an instrumental role in the house of York's downfall.
Other key players, of course, drove and defined this evolving conflict, among them Richard earl of Warwick, 'the kingmaker', the powerful, manipulative mentor to all three brothers; and Elizabeth Woodville, Edward IV's divisive queen, and her upwardly mobile family. Around them was an equally compelling supporting cast, from men like Edward's loyal friend William Hastings and his legal enforcer John Tiptoft, a man of cultured savagery, to the influential servants and officials, fixers and hangers-on who were the connective tissue of the Yorkist regime and who, ultimately, were involved in ripping it apart. This book portrays a world of household and court that, in its claustrophobic politicking, perhaps resembles the stifling world of the Yorkists' successor Henry Tudor more closely than historians have hitherto allowed.
In putting the three Yorkist brothers centre stage, this book casts the Wars of the Roses in a fresh light: as a conflict between two royal houses that, apparently resolved, in fact re-emerged as a sickness within the Yorkist family. It reassesses the brothers themselves: Edward IV, whose slow transformation from virile teenaged war-leader to bloated, avaricious tyrant – traits that, skipping a generation, found new form in his grandson Henry VIII – remains obscure in the public imagination; the simmering stew of self-entitlement and personal inadequacy that was George duke of Clarence; and Richard III. Richard's notorious reign, of course, needs no introduction. Yet by placing it in the context of his fraternal relationships, we can perhaps arrive at a sharper understanding of why Richard behaved and acted as he did; and to find, if not definitive answers to the controversial questions that hang around him, then at least a hint of smoke.
Appropriately for this disruptive, disrupted age, this is a story reconstructed from fragments. In the surviving written record – itself exceptionally uneven – these extraordinary historical characters are elusive, flickering presences. They are glimpsed in chronicle accounts and diplomats' reports; in the administrative and financial records of government and household; in letters and manifestos. Their ways of thinking are traced, too, through the books and political tracts that people read or absorbed second hand as they sought paths through these crisis-ridden years, clutching hold of ideas and ideals that, all too often, evaporated on their first contact with reality.
In exploring the brothers York and their mutually destructive relationship we can form a clearer sense of why such an ostensibly successful ruling house – and one that, unlike its successors the Tudors, produced in abundance that prerequisite for dynastic succession, legitimate male heirs – should have so suddenly and completely collapsed in on itself. In a consummate historical irony, it was an unlikely offshoot of the Lancastrian dynasty – the house the Yorkists had long since exterminated – that profited from its demise: Henry Tudor.
Surveying the corpse-strewn battlefield at Bosworth, Shakespeare's Tudor pronounces ruefully on the state of his new kingdom. 'England', he declares, 'hath long been mad, and scarr'd herself; The brother blindly shed the brother's blood.' The tragedy of the brothers York was that they destroyed themselves. This book explores how and why they did so.
Blood Royal
Winter 1461 – Summer 1464
'The king has had false counsel, for his lands are lost, his merchandise is lost, his commons destroyed, the sea is lost, France is lost… He owes more than ever did king in England, and yet daily his traitors that be about him wait wherever thing should come to him by his law, and they ask it from him.'
Cade's manifesto, 1450
'I warn you everyone,
for you should understand,
There sprang a rose in Rouen
and spread into England.'
Yorkist verse on the Battle of Towton, 29 March 1461
'Necessity knows no law.'
Yorkist verses on the Battle of Northampton, 10 July 1460
Three Suns
On 2 February 1461, dawn broke clear and freezing over the Welsh Marches. At an obscure Herefordshire crossroads in the valley of the River Lugg an army was deploying in battle formation. Its commanders, whose land this was, had chosen their position well, their flanks protected by an escarpment on the right and, on their left, the river. Behind them, the valley narrowed. Ahead, it broadened into meadow, the Roman road slicing through the frost-encrusted plain. Along that road, from the south, their enemies were coming.
As scouts rode in with updates on the advancing forces, the troops went deliberately through their preparations: knights and infantrymen buckled on armour, swords and daggers; archers in their padded, steel-reinforced jackets strung longbows, staking out arrows in the ground ready for rapid fire. Then, at around ten in the morning, unease swept through the ranks. Either side of the low sun two illusory suns appeared: men looked skywards, aghast. The three suns – an effect of light refracting on drifting ice crystals – climbed higher, drawing closer, their light blinding; finally they resolved, merging into one. As captains tried to restore focus and discipline among the frantic soldiers, their leader, a giant eighteen-year-old, knelt and thanked God; then, getting to his feet, he addressed his men.
If Edward earl of March was scared, he hid it well. Some three months before, at a parliament in Westminster, his father Richard duke of York had been named heir to the throne of England, governing in the name of the incapable Lancastrian king Henry VI. But by Christmas Richard was dead, ambushed near Wakefield on his south Yorkshire estates by vengeful Lancastrian noblemen. The news of his father's killing had reached Edward as he recruited soldiers in the Welsh Marches, too late, too distant to go to his aid. Now, marching towards Edward was an army of Welshmen, bolstered by French and Breton mercenaries, led by a diehard Lancastrian: Henry VI's half-brother Jasper Tudor, earl of Pembroke.
The two royal houses of Lancaster and York were at war. With his father's death, Edward became heir to the house of York; still, his situation was bleak. He was a teenager who had never led an army. Nonetheless there was something about him that was irresistible; his certainty that cold winter morning, faced by his own frightened troops, was total.
The Marches, the patchwork of fiefdoms that bordered England and Wales, was Edward's land. Intimately familiar with the surrounding country, the fortress-studded hills of his youth, he had grown up among the men whose loyalties he now commanded, their affinity to the house of York hardened in the turf wars of recent years – many of which had been fought against Henry VI's relatives. A few miles to the north of Edward's army was Wigmore Castle, the eagles' nest from which his forebears, the Mortimer earls of March, had ruled the surrounding lands since time out of mind.
Royal blood ran in the Mortimers' veins: blood which, if their family tree was to be believed, flowed from Cadwaladr, the great king of British prehistory, through the peerless Edward III to Richard of York and his heirs. But sixty years previously, that line had been usurped. When Henry IV deposed Richard II in 1399, he became the first king of the house of Lancaster. Henry IV's claim to the crown – stemming from Edward III's third son through the male line of descent – appeared robust enough; and, indeed, served to establish the Lancastrian dynasty. But his was not the only claim nor, as some believed, the best. If you traced another line, from Edward III's second son – through the women, this time, rather than the men – you came to Anne Mortimer and her son Richard duke of York. This claim made the Lancastrian kings uneasy. They tried both to explain it away – the presence of women in the direct line of succession, Lancastrian lawyers argued, invalidated it – and to airbrush it from history, omitting the line from their genealogies. Despite their efforts, the idea of Mortimer had lingered: an ancient, imperishable right.¹
The Yorkist Edward was the family's latest hope and, on that unbearably bright winter morning, even the name of the muddy crossroads at which he now awaited Jasper Tudor's army seemed freighted with significance: Mortimer's Cross.²
Once the fighting started, Edward's Marcher men – hard, experienced, in familiar territory, led by the eighteen-year-old who tore with terrifying aggression into the enemy ranks – massacred Jasper Tudor's forces. The battle gave birth to a new myth: of a young noble warrior who, asking for a sign from God, received it in the form of three suns symbolizing the Holy Trinity, and whose God-given victory transformed him into England's king-in-waiting, his inevitable succession long foretold by prophecy. In its aftermath, Edward adopted a new emblem. Taking his father's badge, the white rose, and an emblem of his illustrious forebear Edward III, a sun bursting through cloud, he combined them. From that point on, the badge that his men wore – pinned or sewn into their jackets, on armbands round their biceps – was a sun in splendour, golden sunbeams streaming out from the white rose of York.³
Myth-making aside, the fact remained that the incumbent king, Henry VI, was still very much alive. In pressing his claim, Edward looked to many like a young nobleman simply chancing his arm. In the previous months, moreover, any pretence that England's warring factions might somehow be brought together by an appeal to national unity had evaporated. On the other side of England, the main Lancastrian army, having massacred Richard of York and his men, was moving south at speed, pillaging and plundering, towards an exposed London. In the city were Edward's mother, three sisters and two younger brothers, George and Richard, both still children. If Edward were to prevail, he would need all the fortune that had accompanied him at Mortimer's Cross and more. He would also have to prove to England that he was rather different from his father.
Edward was eight years old and living in Ludlow when in September 1450 his father, returning from a tour of duty as the king's lieutenant in the restive province of Ireland, made landfall on the north coast of Wales. It had been a terrible year for England. During the preceding few decades the bankrupt, broken regime of Henry VI had lurched from one disaster to another. War had proved a massive drain on royal resources, exacerbated by a deepening Europe-wide recession, and Henry had proved an appalling monarch, his vague extravagance a gift to the grasping courtiers that clustered around him. The king's bloated, chaotic, fiscally incompetent household had become a symbol of all that was rotten about the regime, his servants lining their pockets even as trade dried up and revenues dwindled. Throughout the country, civil unrest started to spread.
Across the Channel, things were even worse. Thirty years previously the king's warrior father, Henry V, had conquered swathes of northern France, including Paris, and had claimed the French crown that English kings believed was rightfully theirs. It was a remarkable but fleeting achievement. Soon after, dysentery had killed Henry V. In the following decades a resurgent France regained much of its lost territory, leaving only Normandy in English hands, a colony that provided rich pickings for the country's elites. Nobody was prepared for its capitulation. But in 1449, in the face of a new French offensive, the response of Henry VI's government was incoherent and disastrous. English rule in Normandy collapsed, demoralized garrisons falling like dominoes. Still only twenty-eight years old, Henry VI was proving not just a shadow of his father, but his negation.
Across the country, people struggling to make a living – from the propertied gentry to smallholders and labourers – were sick of a ruling class that had become a byword for venality and corruption: frittering away taxpayers' money; incapable of dealing with the slow collapse in public order; indifferent to even the most modest proposals for reform; ineffective and disunited in every respect – except, apparently, when it came to preserving their own vested interests. The 'common voice' of this increasingly literate and politically conscious public was growing louder. In manifestos and the darkly allusive language of prophecy, it called in the name of the king's 'true liege men' for the removal and punishment of the 'untrue' councillors who had led their sovereign astray, and for financial and political reform. It was a message that England's great noblemen, officers of state and royal household – men in whom 'the might of the land' rested, their own economic and political privileges enmeshed in this dysfunctional system – chose to ignore. In the spring of 1450, as French privateers raided England's coasts, the discontent exploded.⁴
Led by a man named Jack Cade, southeast England rose in revolt. The Kentish commons surged towards London and, as the king and his court fled into the midlands, trashed the city. The insurgency had barely been suppressed and Cade executed when, in August, a ragged English army returned from France, marching through London's gates. Days later, refugees started to arrive from England's lost territories in Normandy: a stream of men, women and children, carts heaped with armour, bedding, household goods and whatever families had been able to seize as they fled their homes ahead of the marauding French – 'piteous to see', noted one onlooker grimly. During these long, disastrous months, Richard of York had been absent from England but not, it seemed, from people's minds.
News of York's sudden return from Ireland in September 1450 panicked the government. During the recent troubles, royal agents had heard 'much strange language' about him, and the insurgents' list of demands had included a call for Henry to put York, a great nobleman unjustly shouldered aside by the king's evil councillors, in charge of his government. York would put things straight, they argued, because he was 'the true blood of the realm': untainted both by association with Henry VI's disastrous government, or – so the implication went – by Lancastrian blood.⁵
For the first thirty-nine years of his life, York had proved a dutiful subject to the Lancastrian kings. He was orphaned by the age of four – his mother dead through illness; his father executed for a plot to seize power – and was brought up a royal ward in a securely Lancastrian environment. The marriage arranged for him bound him even more tightly to the regime: his wife Cecily's family, the Nevilles, were a powerful northern clan with solid Lancastrian connections.⁶
He was appointed regent of France, where his vast hereditary power and wealth were directed to shoring up England's crumbling overseas dominions and to carrying the fight to the resurgent French.
Richard and Cecily had endured 'long barrenness' early in their marriage, but their move to France proved fruitful. Though Richard spent long stretches at the front on campaign, much of the time he was within a day's ride of the great Norman city of Rouen, the capital of England's French territories, and the couple found enough opportunity to be together. There, Cecily gave birth to three children, two boys and a daughter, in quick succession. The first arrived in the early hours of 28 April 1442 and was named Edward, like his illustrious ancestor Edward III. Edward's christening was apparently low-key, yet there was no doubting his parents' relief, pride and ambition for their son and heir. By the time Edward was three years old, his father was in talks to marry him to one of the king of France's daughters. By the end of the year, however, Richard had been recalled to England.⁷
Back home, though he continued to receive a steady trickle of royal favour, he wasn't especially close to Henry VI. Despite Henry's marriage in 1445 to the fifteen-year-old French aristocrat Margaret of Anjou, the king, who had a saintly horror of sex, remained childless. As time went on, the extended Lancastrian family pressed ever more tightly around the hapless monarch. Foremost among them were his Beaufort relatives, descendants of the dynasty's founder, John of Gaunt, and his mistress Katherine Swynford; although subsequently legitimated, the family had, as its detractors liked to point out, been barred from the throne. The Beauforts gobbled up the fruits of royal favour and, in 1447, destroyed the king's de facto heir, his uncle Humphrey duke of Gloucester. Gloucester's death marked a shift in the political landscape. The role of royal heir now passed, unofficially but tangibly, to England's greatest nobleman of royal – though not of Lancastrian – blood, Richard of York. Richard, though, kept his head down, and in July 1449 took up the post of lieutenant of Ireland. In Dublin on 21 October, Cecily gave birth to another son, George.⁸
Like the rest of England, York had been aghast at the loss of Normandy. He had maintained extensive interests and responsibilities there and had grown deeply sceptical of his successor as regent, the king's cousin Edmund Beaufort, duke of Somerset. York himself had an unbending sense of duty and honour: as he wrote fiercely to his brother-in-law that summer, he 'dreaded shame' and would rather die than lose control of a precarious Ireland. Somerset's behaviour in Normandy, York felt, had been unchivalrous, bordering on treasonable, particularly in his ignominious surrender of York's beloved Rouen. Yet following Somerset's inglorious return home – it had been Somerset's dishevelled troops that straggled into London that summer – he had, to York's horror, been instantly rewarded for his failure with a place at the heart of the political establishment, as the king's chief minister.⁹
All York would say, that September of 1450, was that his return from Ireland had been prompted by 'very necessity': with disturbances escalating there, the government had failed to respond to his increasingly urgent demands for military aid and York was anxious about being held accountable for the disorder. He was, though, concerned about his own place in Somerset's new administration, wanting to be at the centre of things as the regime teetered on the brink, to see what happened. Landing in north Wales and dodging an attempt to arrest him, he headed south to London.¹⁰
The prevailing language of political reform gave shape to York's ambitions, and his alignment with the cause of the people that summer allowed him to believe his own rhetoric. In London, he issued a succession of public manifestos demanding 'due reformation' of government, at the same time stressing his loyalty to Henry VI's regime: his concern was purely for the 'surety and prosperity' of the king and the 'welfare' of England. Like a character from a book in his own library, the Roman general Stilicho, York convinced himself of his destiny as a reforming hero, moulding the people's calls for change into his own political programme. By sweeping away the 'traitors' who had led England astray – foremost among them Somerset, the man he loathed – York could take up that position at the head of government to which the rightness of his cause and the purity of his royal blood entitled him. Soon, he had harnessed the people's bitter discontent. York, reported one correspondent, 'desired much thing, which is much after the commons' desire'. And, he added, 'all the king's household was, and is, afeared right sore'.¹¹
An anxious government expected violence. That November, as Westminster's streets and lanes crawled with royal troops, a restive Parliament took up York's demands. As Somerset's apartments at Blackfriars were looted – York's supporters, it was said, urged on an enraged crowd – Somerset himself was hustled to the safety of the Tower and locked up. But in the face of the Commons' attempts to push through wide-ranging reforms, the regime closed ranks, swamping proposed legislation in amendments and obfuscation. While England's establishment might have accepted the odd policy gesture, sweeping and destabilizing change was not what they had in mind. Besides which, there was something about Richard – the sense of high-minded public morality, perhaps, in which he cloaked his personal ambitions – that made them bristle. Their suspicions over York's ultimate aims only intensified when Thomas Younge, an MP in the duke's pay, tried to push a bill through Parliament formally recognizing York as the king's heir presumptive. It didn't succeed. The government closed ranks and, as the popular protests ran out of steam, wrestled back the initiative. Henry VI released Somerset from the Tower.¹²
In the months that followed, York found himself out in the cold. At the king's shoulder, a vengeful Somerset enforced royal authority, made a tentative stab at financial reform, and went after York's key followers. Early in 1452 York made another, more desperate, bid to prise Somerset away from the king. Issuing manifestos and raising men, he was confronted at the Kentish town of Dartford by the combined armies of the lords, then brought to London and forced to make a humiliatingly public pledge of allegiance to Henry in St Paul's Cathedral before being set at liberty. York's release was apparently hastened by the fleeting news that, at barely ten years old, his son and heir Edward earl of March was marching to his aid with a 'great posse' of ten thousand Welshmen. In fact, Edward had not moved from Ludlow in the Marches where, at seven years old – the age when noble children left the female world of the nursery and started their formal education – he had been set up with his own household and council, along with his brother Edmund, just a year younger.¹³
For York, there now seemed little way back into favour. His predicament was exacerbated by his growing family, a further cause for alarm in a Lancastrian regime without an heir. On 2 October 1452, at his family's Northamptonshire home of Fotheringhay, his fourth son was born, named Richard after his father. York himself was not with Cecily at the birth; rather, the picture of a newly dutiful subject, he was slogging round the legal circuit, handing down the king's justice at the Oxfordshire town of Thame.
The following January, he carefully sent the customary New Year's gifts to the royal family which, finally, was also in the process of expanding. Early in 1453, Margaret of Anjou announced that she was pregnant, to general surprise. That spring, Cecily wrote to Queen Margaret; expressing joy at Margaret's pregnancy, she then described her husband's 'infinite sorrow' and 'unrest of heart' at being 'estranged' from the king. She begged Margaret to talk with Henry about York's possible restoration to favour.¹⁴
His prospects, though, looked more remote than ever. Summer came, and little changed.
Then, on Tuesday, 17 July 1453, in southwest France, thirty miles east of Bordeaux at the town of Castillon, English forces were annihilated by an advancing French army. The English kings had held Gascony for almost three hundred years, and suddenly it was gone. With the exception of the prized enclave of Calais, England was solely an island nation – and a vulnerable one at that. It was all too much for Henry VI.
That August the king suffered a 'sudden and unexpected fright' and fell into a catatonic stupor, unresponsive to all external stimuli. Throughout history, English kings had had their physical and mental weaknesses, but never before had a monarch, as it was now said, been so bereft of 'natural sense or intelligence' that he was unable to rule.¹⁵
With the king's mental crisis came renewed insecurity. Noblemen throughout England, wary of what was to come, recruited armed men, distributing their badges and liveries and handing out cash payments. In the north, the mutual and long-standing hatred between the two great regional families of Neville and Percy threatened open war. Unity among England's lords was vital to maintaining order and some semblance of effective government. As the greatest of those lords, Richard of York seized his opportunity.¹⁶
Dusting off his reforming agenda, in the winter of 1453 he seized control of the royal council, had Somerset locked in the Tower, and prepared to make his pre-eminence permanent. Alongside him in London – no rumour now but a solid presence – was the twelve-year-old Edward earl of March and two noblemen whose support had transformed York's prospects: his brother-in-law Richard earl of Salisbury, head of the powerful Neville family, and Salisbury's oldest son, the twenty-five-year-old Richard Neville, earl of Warwick. An exceptionally wealthy man of ruthless political instincts, Warwick had clashed violently with Somerset over some Welsh estates that formed part of his vast inheritance. He didn't like Somerset. Backing York made sense.
With Neville support, Richard of York acquired a new potency as the leader of a power bloc. Still, that January, as Parliament gathered to decide how England should be ruled, he faced a formidable new opponent: Henry's queen and Somerset's ally, Margaret of Anjou. Margaret had given birth to a baby boy. Now, as queen and mother to the Lancastrian heir, she issued a manifesto of her own, demanding 'the whole rule of the land', a parliamentary mandate to wield power on behalf of her insensate husband and their young son.¹⁷
But while there were French precedents for a regency of the kind Margaret sought, England – as political theorists never ceased to point out – was not France. In England, when the king was for whatever reason unable to rule in person, the tried-and-tested model of government was the one that had been used during the minority of Henry VI himself: a unified council of lords, acting collectively on behalf of the king and country, headed by a 'chief councillor and protector'. The obvious candidate was Richard of York.
Behind the closed doors of the council chamber, the atmosphere was palpably hesitant. The council's most urgent task was to balance the differing interests and demands of its two most vocal factions – one led by York, one clustering around Somerset and Queen Margaret – and to make sure their mutual hostility was kept in check. Handing a great nobleman the powers of a protector was always a dangerous move, especially so given the existence of an adult king and a queen who had made her antipathy to York all too clear. So, while York's appointment was made, it was done reluctantly and hedged about with conditions to limit his power. When York and his allies came to form a governing council, many noblemen, unwilling to appear partisan, were suddenly reluctant to get involved. Some remembered pressing business elsewhere; others reported sudden and incapacitating illness. There was no getting away from the fact that few were enthusiastic about the solution, and about York himself – but, given the state of emergency that now gripped England, he was the least-worst option.¹⁸
Throughout 1454, York worked hard to get a grip on the twin problems of national security and internal disorder. His supporters felt he governed England 'nobly and in the best way'; his detractors saw government by a faction for a faction, a stitching-up of vested interests. As he tackled what was by now open conflict in the north between the Neville and Percy clans – favouring, naturally, his Neville partners in government – York kept his two eldest sons in Ludlow up to date with news. In Easter Week, Edward and Edmund wrote thanking him for his latest dispatch. Amid demands for some 'fine bonnets' to go with the green gowns their father had sent them, and complaints about bullying by a pair of older boys being brought up in their household, they offered their heartfelt hopes and prayers that York would prevail against 'the malice of your evilwillers'.¹⁹
Yet by the end of the year, York's official role was redundant. After sixteen vacant months, Henry VI woke from his trance on Christmas Day, apparently fully recovered. York and the Nevilles were stripped of their authority. In their place Somerset, released from his incarceration, took up where he had left off at the head of government, the political clocks reset to the time before the king's illness. As an Italian merchant writing from London remarked, matter-of-factly, Somerset 'ruled as usual'. Quite what part the supposedly functioning Henry played was unclear: not much, was the merchant's implication.²⁰
In mid-April 1455 Somerset's restored government summoned a great council, a meeting of all England's nobility, to Leicester; its purpose, ostensibly, was to make arrangements for the 'surety of the king's person'. To York and his allies, the agenda looked more like a menacing settling of scores. Heading first into Yorkshire to gather troops, they returned south at speed, stressing in a letter how – for the avoidance of 'doubts and ambiguities' – the three thousand armed men at their backs were a purely defensive measure, insurance against Somerset's aggression. Making their leisurely preparations for the journey to Leicester, the king and his advisers were caught out.
Up to this point, the simmering hostility between the two factions had just about been contained. Now, with no political resolution forthcoming, conflict seemed inevitable. Scrambling to mobilize troops, Somerset and his allies, the king in their midst, advanced cautiously out of London. York was marching through Hertfordshire when his outriders spotted the royal army near the abbey town of St Albans. He changed direction to meet it.²¹
Early on the morning of 22 May, the king's forces moved into St Albans and secured the town, barricading and fortifying its approach roads. A stream of heralds and envoys shuttled between the two sides. The king himself – his authority desperately needed to calm an explosive situation – was nowhere to be seen. In fact, York and his allies got the impression that Henry wasn't being shown their letters at all. In response to a peremptory order to disperse, the Yorkists were blunt. They would 'redress the mischief that now reigneth', or they would die trying.²²
The two armies that now faced each other across the heavily defended streets and lanes of St Albans bore the signs of their recent and hasty recruitment. Groups of armed men wore badges and colours indicating their allegiance, 'so that every man might know his own fellowship by his livery'.²³
At about 10 a.m. Yorkist archers, deployed to the northeast of St Albans, started to advance cautiously along the narrow, barricaded lanes into the town. Encountering resistance, they were forced back. It was at this point that Richard Neville, earl of Warwick, made an audacious move. Skirting the town's perimeter, he led his troops across an undefended part of the city ditch and, scrambling through gardens, closes, houses and inns, attacked the densely packed royal forces at the southern end of the marketplace, a cacophony of blaring trumpets and war cries adding to the confusion. As the royal ranks disintegrated, the Yorkists hunted down their enemies. Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland, the Nevilles' great rival in the northeast, was killed as he tried to make his way to a nearby inn where Somerset was holed up. Deciding to take his chances, Somerset tried to hack his way out before being butchered himself with axe blows. Henry VI was found sheltering in a nearby tanner's, bewildered, his neck bleeding from an arrow wound.
With the king in their hands, and their opponents either dead or captured, York and the Nevilles followed up their victory with a display of conspicuous loyalty to the monarch they now controlled. Back in London, Henry's authority was dramatized in a ceremonial crown-wearing at St Paul's, York himself placing the crown on the king's head.²⁴
That summer of 1455, the loose ends were swept up. In Westminster, the streets thick with Yorkist troops, a compliant Parliament extended sweeping pardons to York and his backers for their actions at St Albans – which, seen in another light, had been tantamount to treason, an attack on the king – and placed their loyalty on parliamentary record. With blame for the conflict dumped emphatically at the door of the dead Somerset, the issue of St Albans was firmly closed: 'nothing done there never after this time to be spoken of'.²⁵
As York and the Nevilles resumed control of government, Henry was reportedly 'sick again'. He seemed to inhabit a sort of mental twilight: compos mentis for stretches but listless, the business of ruling apparently well beyond his capacities. York was once more made protector.²⁶
This time, his ambitions were more fully evident. The central plank of his planned fiscal reforms was a far-reaching parliamentary act of resumption. This was the process by which the king clawed back, or 'resumed', royal grants of land and office from their recipients, thereby providing him with an income-generating property portfolio: lands which, judiciously managed by his disinterested councillors, would allow him to fund the royal household without making excessive financial demands of his resentful subjects. A move constantly advocated by political theorists, it was far more difficult in practice than on paper. Great landowners were alarmed by a move that threatened their own fortunes and interests. Their consternation was given a further edge by a new Yorkist genealogy doing the rounds in which the superior descent of the family's Mortimer forebears was conspicuously reinstated, underscoring York's royal bloodline.²⁷
Establishment anxieties over the act of resumption gave York's opponents a new window of opportunity. In the months following St Albans, Queen Margaret who was 'strong laboured', constantly lobbied, by the alarmed elites became the focus of resistance to both York's reforms and his efforts to consolidate his power and authority. In February 1456 Henry VI was brought into Parliament and, surrounded by 'almost all the lords', set about obstructing the act of resumption. Isolated, York resigned his protectorate on the spot.²⁸
With Henry VI manipulated by both sides, England's political community looked on appalled. York and Margaret were apparently irreconcilable, the reciprocal loathing of their two factions infused with spilt blood. Opposing York and the Nevilles, and clustering round the queen, were the sons of those who had been slaughtered at St Albans. Chief among these was the new duke of Somerset, Henry Beaufort, who had seen his father killed and, an aggressive and charismatic twenty-year-old, had scores to settle.
During the months that followed, both sides settled into a phoney war. In mid-1456 Margaret of Anjou and her toddler son left a volatile London for her powerbase, the great duchy of Lancaster estates in the midlands, where she was joined soon after by her feeble husband and increasing numbers of England's nobles. York stayed in his Yorkshire heartlands, watching for her next move. As their proxies fought a vicious turf war in southwest Wales, the Yorkist Sir William Herbert detained the king's half-brother Edmund Tudor, earl of Richmond, who then died soon after his release, leaving his thirteen-year-old wife, Lady Margaret Beaufort, six months pregnant and frantic with worry.²⁹
Margaret of Anjou's influence, meanwhile, was growing. When she attended a great council meeting in Coventry in the spring of 1457, one observer noted, surprised, how the civic authorities attended on her 'like as they before time did before the king'. But she was also high-handed and dismissive and, as she built a new regime in the midlands, existing governmental structures began to collapse. Sensing anarchy at the regime's heart, England's traditional enemies – the Scots and the French – probed the country's flimsy defences. No community felt more anxious, more disillusioned about the lack of national security than England's financial elites, who had extended credit hand over fist to the regime. London's oligarchs, shaken by a succession of riots in the capital, were concerned about the 'great navies' of France that menaced England's export trade; so too were the wool merchants of Calais, whose wealth underwrote the security of this precious English enclave on the north-eastern French coast.
The Yorkists subtly recalibrated. Now, their message of populism and unity was shot through with another kind of appeal. Where Margaret had been deaf to the concerns of big business, the Yorkists lent a sympathetic ear, providing quiet assurances on security and on trade. Nobody was more receptive, more smoothly reassuring, than the man whose appointment as captain of Calais York had managed to push through during his second protectorate, and who now remained in charge of the garrison there – Richard Neville, earl of Warwick. The Calais merchants threw their support behind him.³⁰
Early on the morning of 28 August 1457, national anxieties were catalysed. A French fleet materialized off the Kentish port of Sandwich and disgorged a large raiding force, which overwhelmed the town's defences and went on the rampage, killing, burning and looting. Even to a region inured to French raids, the sack of Sandwich was shocking. The French 'went again unpunished', noted one commentator through gritted teeth. The regime appeared unable to protect its merchants, its own people, England itself.
This was a turning point. In March 1458, amid renewed calls for unity and for the two feuding factions to come together and 'be friends to each other and obedient to the king', London played host to a loveday, a negotiated arbitration that, so it was hoped, would 'eradicate the roots of rancour' and achieve a final peace. As the lords arrived in the capital with their private armies, thousands strong, the authorities tried desperately to prevent an armed standoff in the city's streets. The two groups were kept apart: walls and gates under heavy guard, curfews imposed, squads of urban militiamen on patrol.
Yet the talks, held at Westminster Palace in the wavering presence of the king, progressed with relatively little incident, and after a week, on the morning of Friday the 25th, church bells rang across the city. Crowds crammed into the cavernous interior of St Paul's to give thanks and to watch the reconciliation being acted out. The date was no accident; it was Lady Day, the Feast of the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, and the first day of the new year, pregnant with associations of renewal and rebirth after the winter darkness. Behind a crowned Henry VI came Richard and Margaret of Anjou, hands clasped and 'lovely countenance' between them – even if, to those who looked closely, the smiles were fixed, the 'great familiarity' forced. In the margin alongside his account of events, one chronicler wrote tersely, 'Concordia ficta ': 'False friendship'.
Almost three years had passed since the bloodshed at St Albans. Yet the arbitration was based on an inbuilt assumption of Yorkist guilt and Lancastrian innocence, the Yorkists bound to future obedience. Moreover, in treating the problem as a series of private quarrels, the settlement ignored the wider issue of great public concern that had cast a long shadow over the country: of how to hold government together when the king was clearly incapable of ruling. Despite desperate attempts to bring together the two warring sides, no solution had been found, and this weakness ran through the loveday like a stress fracture. Rather than an incontestable display of impartial royal authority, it was a settlement made by a king squarely in the control of Queen Margaret and her attendant noblemen; obedience to the king, the aggrieved Yorkists felt, meant bending the knee to the faction who controlled him. Rather than addressing the 'roots of rancour', the accord was a fudge. As one commentator put it, 'it endured not long'.³¹
The signs of fresh Yorkist self-assertion were soon evident. From his base in Calais, the earl of Warwick started to establish closer relations with the ruler of the surrounding lands, Philip duke of Burgundy, whose dominions encompassed the Low Countries, northern Europe's industrial and financial powerhouse.³²
If such unilateral diplomacy irritated Queen Margaret, who was close to Burgundy's antagonistic neighbour and overlord, the French king Charles VII, so too did Warwick's other initiative. That summer, he addressed the piracy that plagued the eastern reaches of the Channel – by joining in. From May to September, his ships attacked and overwhelmed fleets irrespective of nationality, provoking international incidents with England's key trading partners, from Genoa to the powerful Hanseatic League of Baltic states, and – inevitably – with France. If the government could not defend England and its interests, it seemed the Yorkists would do so. Warwick's privateering made his reputation – a 'famous knight', people said – and made him and the Calais garrison, their wages perpetually in arrears, a tidy and morale-boosting profit into the bargain.³³
Meanwhile, there were growing whispers about Margaret herself: the corruption of her household, her plans to depose her husband and install her son – who, people speculated, was not even the king's – in his place. The source of these venomous rumours, Margaret suspected, was Warwick who, even more than York, was rapidly becoming the regime's biggest headache. That autumn, years of sporadic harassment against the Yorkist lords came to a head. In the latest of a string of assassination attempts, a pack of household servants, knives drawn, tried to corner Warwick as he left a council meeting in Westminster Palace. His men pressed around him, hustling him out across the Palace Yard and onto his waiting barge on the Thames. He left for Calais immediately. Once there, he sat tight.³⁴
In June 1459, at a meeting of the great council in Coventry, everything finally reached crisis point. With the leading Yorkists and a number of their supporters absent – uninvited, or failing to turn up – Margaret accused them of treason. The council accepted the charges. News of the meeting soon reached York and Salisbury, hunkered down on their estates in the Welsh Marches and Yorkshire, and Warwick, away in Calais. As they had done four years previously prior to St Albans, the Yorkist lords sought a meeting with Henry VI to clarify their position. And, just as before, they brought their combined 'fellowship' of armed retinues – for their own security, naturally.³⁵
Late in September, they managed to rendezvous at Worcester. While Warwick, crossing the Channel with the Calais garrison, dodged a Lancastrian ambush, his father Salisbury almost ran straight into one. As he marched across Blore Heath in Staffordshire his scouts, scouring the countryside, glimpsed banners badly concealed behind a 'great hedge'. Abruptly taking up a defensive position, the earl watched as the waiting Lancastrian army emerged, at some ten thousand men it was twice as large as his own. Pretending to retreat, the experienced Salisbury suckered the Lancastrians into charging across the steep-banked brook that separated the two forces, then mowed them down in a hail of arrowfire.
In Worcester Cathedral, the three lords signed a letter to the king, protesting their loyalty and asking for dialogue. It was met with a counter-offer of a royal pardon – excluding Salisbury, whose fighting against royal forces at Blore Heath automatically triggered charges of treason – provided the lords submitted to Henry VI in person, within six days. They refused.
Pursued by the royal army, the Yorkists reached Ludlow on 10 October. As they put it in a defiant letter to Henry VI, those around the king had, 'out of extreme malice' and in order to get their hands on 'our lands, offices and goods', done everything to try and proclaim them traitors. They had done everything to try and avoid confrontation. At this point, though, it seemed inevitable.³⁶
On the afternoon of 12 October, below Ludlow, the bridge of the River Teme at their backs and the natural defence of the river curling around their left flank, the Yorkist forces drew up in battle order, embedded behind a deep ditch and a barricade of stakes and wagon-mounted guns. Alongside York were his two oldest sons, Edward earl of March, now seventeen, and the sixteen-year-old Edmund earl of Rutland. They watched as Henry VI's massive army, marching in battle formation under its heavy canvas standards, came to a halt a few hundred yards away from their lines. They saw a herald step forward from the Lancastrian ranks, his voice carrying on the air, stating that the king was prepared to give royal pardons to anybody who now joined him.
Enticed by the offer, men soon began to slip away from the Yorkist lines and through the evening, the trickle of deserters became a flood. Hopelessly outnumbered, the Yorkist lords realized there was only one thing for it. Around midnight, they announced that they were going back across the bridge into Ludlow 'to refresh themselves awhile'. Reasoning that Henry's offer of a pardon was hardly likely to apply to them, they fled under cover of darkness, abandoning not only their remaining troops but also York's wife Cecily and their younger children, cooped up in Ludlow Castle.³⁷
The fleeing lords split up. Richard and his second son Edmund, with a small group of retainers, made their way west through Wales, destroying bridges in their wake; reaching the coast, they commandeered a ship and sailed for York's old stronghold of Dublin. Edward earl of March, with Warwick and Salisbury, headed southwest to Devon, where they were given a boat and supplies by a sympathetic local knight named John Dinham. They sailed up the English Channel, hugging the French coast, to Calais. There, they were greeted by the reassuring, diminutive figure of Warwick's uncle, William 'little' Lord Fauconberg, a veteran of the French wars who had held the town and its garrison for Warwick in his absence. Back in England the Yorkist cause was being ripped apart.³⁸
In the aftermath of Ludford Bridge, Lancastrian troops rampaged through Ludlow, drinking the local taverns dry, pillaging and raping. Among those detained were Cecily duchess of York and her two youngest boys: George, nearly eleven years old, and the seven-year-old Richard. Cecily, so one partisan commentator alleged, was badly treated and 'spoiled'.³⁹
In Coventry that December, Parliament assembled in the chapter house of St Mary's Priory, in front of an enthroned Henry VI. The royal case against the absent Yorkists was uncompromising: they were guilty of treason, their titles and lands permanently forfeit, their noble titles erased, their heirs forbidden ever from inheriting.
Orchestrating proceedings were sharp legal and political minds among Henry's councillors, persuasive men committed to the Lancastrian regime. Prominent among them were Sir John Fortescue, a Lincoln's Inn-educated Devonian who had become Henry's chief justice, and another west-countryman whose forensic brilliance and political acuity had led to his appointment as chancellor to the little Edward of Lancaster, Henry and Margaret's son and heir. In his late thirties, John Morton had already come a long way. He would go much further.
During the parliament a piece of Lancastrian propaganda circulated, aiming to harden any wavering consciences. The Somnium Vigilantis, 'Dream of the Vigilant', depicted a courtroom where, in front of a king and his lords, two men were locked in debate. One was a boorish Yorkist lout claiming to represent the 'common weal'; the other a royal orator who, after listening patiently, dissected and refuted his arguments. The Yorkists, the orator retorted, had it the wrong way round. The true 'common good' lay not in taking up the cause of the people – who were in any case irrational, fickle and stupid – but in loyalty to the king, whose supreme authority enabled the rule of law and the functioning of society. Anybody who failed in such loyalty was acting for their 'singular will', in their own self-interest. And anybody, the orator stressed, who claimed for themselves some kind of supreme authority as 'protector of the commonwealth' could not do so 'without lying'. The Yorkists wanted to subvert royal authority. Their very existence presented a threat to the security of the king and the 'universal quiet' of the country as a whole. The time for mercy was over.
In Parliament, Henry reminded people of his 'prerogative to show such mercy and grace as shall please his highness'. But it was little more than window dressing. The Yorkist lords were found guilty of treason, their fate enacted in statute. Richard of York, the Nevilles and their heirs were now legally dead – or, as the royal orator in the Somnium sneered, 'lords of time past'.⁴⁰
Matters had acquired a new and terrible clarity. In the 'parliament of devils', as the Yorkists termed it bitterly, all hope of reconciliation between the warring parties had effectively been destroyed. Cast out into the political wilderness with no route back, they now had no option but to fight against the regime that had put them there. From now on, they would do so not as reformers of that regime, but as its alternative.
That winter, besieging Lancastrian troops ringed the borders of the Calais Pale, trying to get a stranglehold on the Yorkist lords. The earl of Warwick, unruffled, had taken things in hand, securing the town and port with practised efficiency, and smoothing the anxieties of Calais' merchants. Hit hard in recent years, the wool trade was further menaced by war and crippled by the trade embargo that Queen Margaret, suspicious of the merchants' Yorkist tendencies, had slapped on Calais. Warwick did his best to keep trade routes open. But under constant, wearing attack, the Calais garrison's morale began to slump, and deserters trickled away. Something spectacular was needed.
Hours before dawn on Tuesday, 19 January 1460, a seaborne detachment of seven hundred Yorkists landed quietly at Sandwich. Overwhelming the Lancastrian defences, they bundled the commander, Richard Woodville, Lord Rivers, and his son Sir Anthony Woodville, onto a ship and took them back across the Dover Strait. The government's point man in the region, Rivers had been assembling a navy to deal with the Yorkist lords in their enclave across the Channel. Warwick had got in a pre-emptive strike.
Awaiting the captive Lancastrians in Calais harbour, weapons and armour glinting in the light of 160 blazing torches, was a detachment of the garrison and the three Yorkist lords: Salisbury, Warwick and Edward earl of March. Edward was emerging from his absent father's shadow. In his older cousin Warwick he found much to emulate: a man cool under fire but with a nose for the disruptive. As persuasive in front of a crowd as he was negotiating loans with merchants or diplomatic settlements with foreign princes, Warwick was becoming as notorious for his savagery – capturing Lancastrian ships, he had singled out and summarily executed the crewmen who had previously been in his service – as for his freebooting in the Channel's eastern approaches. That winter, there was in the relationship between Warwick, now thirty-one, and York's energetic, charismatic eldest son, something of a partnership – or at
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Maryland's local governments brace for sharp decline in revenues as they fight coronavirus
By Alison Knezevich
Baltimore Sun |
As local governments in Maryland race to contain the spread of coronavirus, they know another enormous challenge is just around the corner —balancing their budgets amid an economic and health crisis.
The outbreak has ramped up just as local budget directors around the state are preparing spending plans for the coming fiscal year that begins in July.
On Friday, Baltimore Mayor Bernard C. "Jack" Young ordered a freeze on nonessential hiring and spending.
Young, a Democrat, said the city must be "fiscally prudent as we navigate this unprecedented emergency." The move does not affect the hiring of police officers, paramedics, firefighters and other public safety workers.
"The hiring and spending freeze represents a pair of necessary first steps to ensure that as revenues continue to decline, we remain in a position to quickly respond to the needs of our residents and first responders," Young said in an announcement.
Coronavirus in Maryland: full coverage »
As businesses shutter and more Marylanders lose their jobs, local finance officials are trying to sort out just how badly the economic fallout will hurt revenue streams — including income and hotel taxes, casino revenues and local fees.
"This has come up so fast and we haven't seen anything like this before," said Kevin Kinnally, associate director of the Maryland Association of Counties, which has been fielding calls from local budget directors this week. "Obviously this is going to have a massive impact on state and local economies."
Adding to the uncertainty is that no one knows how long business closures and travel restrictions will last.
"It's hard for them to predict the timeline here," Kinnally said of local finance officials. "It's really hard right now to be a revenue estimator."
State lawmakers passed an emergency bill that allows Gov. Larry Hogan to take up to $50 million out of the state's rainy day fund to respond to coronavirus. Additionally, lawmakers put a provision in the state budget that allows him to use another $100 million on top of that.
Andrew Schaufele, director of the state's Bureau of Revenue Estimates, said while it's clear the pandemic will have significant effects on tax revenues, it is too early to make specific projections.
"I think it could run a gamut of scenarios," he said.
Maryland's workforce may be somewhat protected relative to the rest of the country because of its higher proportion of employees in the government and professional-services sectors, who can work remotely while offices are closed.
Still, "we are absolutely losing money from lost work,' he said.
The Small Business Administration has approved coronavirus aid for Maryland. How does that help struggling firms? »
For counties around the country, "our costs are going up at the same time that our revenue will plummet," said Matthew Chase, executive director of the National Association of Counties.
In recent years, American counties have already seen "massive demands" on social safety net programs as the middle class struggles and communities grapple with opioid addiction, Chase said. Now local health departments are the "ground troops" in the fight against coronavirus.
The association is pushing for access to personal protective equipment for first responders and health care workers, as well as for federal assistance for small businesses and for vulnerable populations.
This week, the U.S. Conference of Mayors wrote to congressional leaders, requesting $250 billion in federal emergency assistance to cities — from help covering overtime costs of city employees to assistance for residents who can't pay their rent or mortgage.
Baltimore City Councilman Eric Costello, a Democrat and chair of the budget committee, said he expects a briefing from the city finance director early next week. But he's anticipating that the costs associated with the pandemic will be "unlike anything we've seen before."
He's thinking ahead to the impact on the hospitality sector, and how quickly the city's unemployment rate will rise.
"We are in dire need of federal and state assistance, as is every other major city in the country," Costello said.
Baltimore-area banks, hotels temporarily close some locations to limit coronavirus spread »
Baltimore County Executive Johnny Olszewski Jr. said the pandemic will require "an unprecedented response" from government. Even though the focus now is on the health emergency, his staff is contemplating the long-term economic effects.
"Every day the situation is changing," said Olszewski, a Democrat. "We're seeing more cases, and it's hard to tell where this will end."
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It is clear that the crisis will put "tremendous pressure on local jurisdictions," said County Councilman David Marks, a Perry Hall Republican.
"We're going to need to do everything we can to temporarily help businesses that are shut down and individuals that are out of work," Marks said.
Olszewski's budget proposal is due to the County Council in mid-April. Typically, the county executive delivers the budget message in a formal speech at the Towson courthouse, attended by local leaders and county employees.
But with government offices closed and crowds deemed dangerous to public health, this year's could look different.
"Will he deliver an online budget broadcast?" Marks said. "I suspect he will."
Latest Coronavirus
Maryland reports 1,972 new coronavirus cases, 53 deaths on Tuesday
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Pandemic teacher shortages imperil in-person schooling
Baltimore Sun reporters Talia Richman and Pamela Wood contributed to this article.
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The beautiful home fabrics feature a variety of prints inspired by gorgeous paintings which reflect classic designs. Graphic and monochromatic prints are a contemporary interpretation of the famous motives. Alison Gee, a head of design for Morris & Co, said that the company had a great pleasure to work on this series of home decorating fabrics, prints and modern wallpaper patterns.
The beautiful home fabrics draw attention to the black-and-white decorating patterns and create simple combinations of elements from previous collections. The centerpiece of the collection is a painting created by Alison based on the embroidery design The Brook, developed by John Henry Dearle, the artistic director of the company.
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text:
Ayrton – nome proprio di persona
 Ayrton – brano musicale di Lucio Dalla scritto da Paolo Montevecchi
 Ayrton – personaggio dell'anime Nadia - Il mistero della pietra azzurra
 Ayrton – personaggio dei romanzi di Jules Verne
 William Edward Ayrton – fisico e ingegnere britannico
 Edward Russell Ayrton – egittologo e archeologo inglese

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text:
Malini Pandya
Where does our Garbage Go?
You just brought your groceries home. You know the drill- fruits and veggies come out of the plastic bags and into the fridge, snacks are placed in the pantry and the peas go into the freezer. You throw away the extra packaging. All that plastic is gone, right? It's out of the house, so it's not an issue anymore, right? Wrong. In reality, that same plastic will haunt still-developing countries for decades to come.
Here in Canada, waste management seems to be under control. We sort our garbage and it gets collected by the government every week. But after it leaves our driveways, where does all that waste go? 86% of our waste ends up in landfills, while only a scanty 9% gets recycled. The remaining 5%? That gets burned to create energy for our cities.
With such a large amount of the garbage being sent to landfills, we are bound to see at least one of the pyramids of waste in our lifetime. Yet the majority of Canadians have never seen a landfill. This is because our waste is being shipped to smaller, still developing countries. Canada hasn't issued any permits for companies to do this, but in 2018, 44,800 tons of trash was illegally sent away. Most of the litter was sent to the U.S where the rules about sending waste away are looser. From there, large amounts of Canadian and American waste found its way to the shores of south-east Asian countries, especially in Malaysia.
By sending our waste away, it's out of sight, out of mind. But now these poorer countries have to deal with it. Heaps of North American garbage clutter the shores of these countries and pollutes their environment! Not only do these masses take away precious land, but they can cause health problems for locals and animals in nearby areas. Commonly found among the mounds of garbage, is toxic waste. This includes things like old batteries, leftover paints, pesticides, old electronics etc. Toxic waste is a major health hazard. Leaving it out in the open gives chemicals like lead and mercury, the opportunity to seep into water bodies which can poison valuable water supplies. In Jenjarom, Malaysia, many residents complained of skin irritation, headaches and respiratory problems after the area was polluted with other countries' waste. One concerned resident, Pua Lay Peng stated "The sky was always hazy," she said. "I felt so lethargic all the time."
What can we do to help? What can we do to make sure that our waste does not end up in other countries? We, as citizens of Canada, cannot regulate where our waste goes after the government takes it, but we can control what we put in it. Reducing how much garbage and recycling waste we generate will help. If we all try our best to use less plastic, we can drastically reduce the amount of waste Canada produces which would reduce the amount that leaves our country. Another initiative we can all take is to make sure we don't put any toxic waste in our bins. That way, even if the waste does get exported, It will not harm the environment as greatly.