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Army Base Directory
Aberdeen Proving Ground, MD (Maryland)
Anniston Army Depot, AL (Alabama)
Camp Murray, WA (Washington)
Electronic Proving Ground, AZ (ARIZONA)
Fort Belvoir, VA (VIRGINIA)
Fort Benning, GA (Georgia)
Fort Bliss, TX (TEXAS)
Fort Bragg, NC (North Carolina)
Fort Buchanan, PUERTO RICO
Fort Campbell, KY (KENTUCKY)
Fort Carson, CO (Colorado)
Fort Detrick, MD (Maryland)
Fort Devens, MA (MASSACHUSETTS)
Fort Dix, NJ (New Jersey)
Fort Drum, NY (New York)
Fort Eustis, VA (Joint Base Langley-Eustis)
Fort Gordon, GA (Georgia)
Fort Greely, AK (Alaska)
Fort Hamilton, NY (New York)
Fort Hood, TX (TEXAS)
Fort Huachuca, AZ (ARIZONA)
Fort Irwin, CA (California)
Fort Jackson, SC (South Carolina)
Fort Knox, KY (KENTUCKY)
Fort Leavenworth, KS (KANSAS)
Fort Lee, VA (Virginia)
Fort Leonard Wood, MO (MISSOURI)
Fort Lewis, WA — **Now Joint Base Lewis-McChord [JBLM]
Fort McClellan, AL (Alabama)
Fort McCoy, WI (WISCONSIN)
Fort Meade, MD (Maryland)
Fort Myer, VA (Joint Base Myer – Henderson Hall)
Fort Polk, LA (Louisiana)
Fort Richardson, AK (ALASKA)
Fort Riley, KS (KANSAS)
Fort Rucker, AL (Alabama)
Fort Sam Houston, TX (Texas)
Fort Sill, OK (OKLAHOMA)
Fort Stewart, GA (Georgia)
Fort Wainwright, AK (ALASKA)
Hunter Army Airfield, GA (Georgia)
Picatinny Arsenal, NJ (New Jersey)
Pine Bluff Arsenal, AR (ARKANSAS)
Presidio of Monterey, CA (California)
Pueblo Chemical Depot, CO (COLORADO)
Redstone Arsenal, AL (Alabama)
Rocky Mountain Arsenal, CO (COLORADO)
Schofield Barracks, HI (Hawaii)
U.S. Army BasesHistory, Locations, Maps & Photos
Map of Joint Base Langley-Eustis
The Joint Base Langley-Eustis was formed and unified in January 2010. The two military facilities were joined together only recently but each one has existed for quite some time already. The 633rd Air Base Wing and Joint Base Langley-Eustis was formed to conform to the Base Realignment and Closure Commission.
633rd Air Base Wing
The 633rd Air Base Wing goes all the way back to March 14, 1966, when it was first established. It was then part of the 13th Air Force that was part of the Pacific Air Forces designated in South Vietnam and Guam. The 633rd Air Base was very active in the campaigns and air offensives during the Vietnam War. It was very visible in Operations Arc Light, the deployment of bombers from US bases to Guam. The Operation Arc Light was mobilized to support the heated war in Vietnam. The conventional bombs were initially deployed at around June 18, 1965. Operation Bullet Shot was executed in 1972 to counter the influx of North Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. Operation Linebacker was also conducted around the same time, to deter the flow of supplies needed to invade South Vietnam.
The 633rd Air Base Wing aligned under the 13th Air Force in October 1, 1989 and moved on to become the host unit. Its personnel were involved in shipping at least 37,000 tons of munitions to the Persian Gulf as part of the Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm. Operation Desert Shield was launched to prevent the invasion of Saudi Arabia in Kuwait. Desert Storm was a U.S.-led operation to help Kuwait from the invasion for forces of Iraq. The 633rd Air Base Wing successfully shipped more than 30,000 tons of munitions and sent 2,200 of cargo aboard at least 200 aircraft. 633rd Air Base Wing was also involved in helping out in the relief operations in the Philippines in 1991, when Mt. Pinatubo erupted. They helped about 20,000 American citizen evacuees and 1,100 pets.
The 633rd Air Base Wing as inactivated in 1994 but was reactivated in 2010 by the 9th AF to become a host unit for Langley AFB in Virginia The 633rd Air Base Wing played a major role in joining Langley Air Force Base and U.S. Army Fort Eustis. It is the link of the Joint Base Langley-Eustis.
Interesting Link between Langley AFB and Fort Eustis
A bright future was brewing ahead when Langley Air Force Base and Fort Eustis were combined to become Joint Base Langley-Eustis. The Joint Base Langley-Eustis accommodates more than 18,000 people from the Air Force and Army. They are responsible for various missions involving, transportation, fighting, and training missions.
However, even before 2010, there was already a prominent link between Langley AFB and Fort Eustis. According to historical records, Langley used Fort Eustis as a bombing range. Langley AFBs AAF Antisubmarine Command dropped bombs in Fort Eustis (located north of Langley). There were some casualties in the Second World War that threatened to disrupt the populate sections of Eustis. One entry in a World WII diary stated that in November 15, 1945, some bombers dropped several 100-lb. bombs near the storage section of ammunitions. There were some bombs that exploded near a farm along the outskirts of the post. Bombs were also dropped accidentally from a Langley plane on a particular Barracks T418 and Tactical Motor Pool. Frequent bomb runs caused damages to several buildings in Fort Eustis. This compelled Fort Eustis post commander Col. A.C. Gardner to ask commanding officer Col. Eugene A. Lohman of Langley field to stop the bombing runs. The bombing finally stopped in 1944. Currently, a restoration program is surveying the munition areas in Fort Eustis to do a clean-up of the almost 70-year old remains of the bombs and their remnants.
Organization of Joint Base Langley-Eustis
The support unit of the 633rd Air Base Wing is accommodated by the Mission Support Groups and Medical Group. They also support units on the base such as the 1sr Fighter Wing, 192D Fighter Wing, and the 480th Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnoissance Wing.
The 633rd Air Force Base is answerable to both Air Force and Army units. The responsibilities of this Air Force Base are a product of the joint-basing initiative by the congress. It has its own staff, medical group (e.g. medical operations squadron, dental squadron), mission support group (e.g. civil engineering squadron, contracting squadron, logistics readiness squadron, force support squadron), and the 733rd mission support group.
The Joint Base Langley-Eustis also has a 1st Fighter Wing, which was a host unit at the Langley Air Force Base from June 30, 1975 to Jan. 7, 2010. The 1stFighter Wing is responsible for maintaining the F-22 Raptor, a fighter aircraft with versatile capabilities. The Wing stands by their mission to: Train, organize, and equip expeditionary Airmen; deploy, fight, and win; provide world class support to Team Langley. It has two groups: the 1st Operations Group and the 1st Maintenance Group. You will find eight squadrons that are divided into two 1 FW groups. the 27th Fighter Squadron (Fighting Eagles) and the 94th Fighter Squadron (Hat-in-the-Ring Gang).
The 480th Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance Wing, or the 480 ISR Wing, is considered the Air Force leader in ISR operations. This wing operates the Air Force Distributed Common Ground System or AF DCGS. It has at least 45 networked sites that are separated geographically. They are responsible for processing, analysis, and dissemination of data in their area of responsibility. However, weaponry can be maneuvered outside the area of responsibility accurately too. The ISR group has several units in the country and in some parts of the globe Virginia, Georgia, California, Hawaii, Germany, and South Korea.
The 192D Fighter Wing flies the F-22 Raptor in the base. They have four main groups 192D Operations group, 192D Maintenance group, 192D Medical group, and 192 Mission Support Group. Finally, there are different subgroups for the Langley Associate Units Air Combat Command, Air Force Office of Special Investigations Detachment 201 (criminal and counterintelligence services), and Langley Composite Squadron.
Video of F-35 Taxi – Joint Base Langley-Eustis
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Find your next read
Our top fireside reads
Is it really December already? The festive season is approaching fast and if, like us, you're still yet to get into the festive mood, we've got just the ticket. Everyone knows snuggling up in a cosy chair with a brilliant book is the best part of the holiday season, so we've compiled a list of our top fireside reads to get you into the Christmas spirit (comedy reindeer jumper optional).
Burial Rites by Hannah Kent
This hauntingly beautiful novel was shortlisted for the Baileys Women's Prize for Fiction in 2014. If you're feeling chilly in the UK, this will make you count your lucky stars; transporting you to the bleak and icy landscapes of nineteenth century Iceland to bear witness to the fate of Agnes Magnusdottir, awaiting the death sentence for the murder of her lover.
On Beauty by Zadie Smith
Settle down into a comfy chair and absorb this staggering family saga from Zadie Smith, which won the Orange Prize for Ficton in 2006. Each helmed by warring academics, the lives of the Belsey and Kipps families become increasingly intertwined with disasterous consequences. A meditation on beauty, academia, race and family, it'll keep you absorbed as the nights draw in.
Room by Emma Donoghue
During the festive season, sometimes all you need is a riveting read to make the outside world melt away. Shortlisted for the Baileys Women's Prize for Fiction in 2011, Room will grip you and not let go. Jack and his Ma are locked in a Room and don't have the key. What will happen if they make a bid for freedom?
The Lowland by Jhumpa Lahiri
Need warming up? How about a wander in the sweltering heat of the suburban streets of Calcutta? Jhumpa Lahiri's 2014 Baileys Women's Prize for Fiction shortlisted book follows two Indian brothers as politics, and eventually an ocean, divides them and challenges their bond.
Wolf Hall by Hilary Mantel
What better time to sink into Hilary Mantel's Baileys Women's Prize nominated Tudor saga than mid-winter? Make yourself a hot drink, get comfortable and immerse yourself in Mantel's richly drawn characters as she reveals the murky underbelly of sixteenth-century life through the eyes of the low-born but wildly ambitious Thomas Cromwell.
What's your favourite book to curl up with in winter? Head to our Twitter to join in the conversation.
Sticky toffee pudding with Baileys salted caramel sauce
Baileys Chocolate Cheesecake

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text: Community Script for Musiqpad from MuseDJ

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
cask 'pingplotter' do
  version :latest
  sha256 :no_check

  url 'https://www.pingplotter.com/downloads/pingplotter_osx.zip'
  name 'PingPlotter'
  homepage 'https://www.pingplotter.com/'

  app 'PingPlotter.app'
end


Tallahassee Estate Sale is owned and operated by John & Erin Barnett of Betton Place Antiques LLC. Serving the Estate Sale & Liquidation needs of North Florida and South Georgia.
John and Erin posses more than 60 years of Knowledge, Understanding and Expertise in the World of Estate Sales and Auction Services. They are well versed in the necessary organization, valuation, marketing, advertising and sales techniques to maximize the results in estate sales they conduct.
A husband and wife team: John, a 70 year resident and native of Tallahassee Florida, together with Erin, a native of New Zealand, apply their diverse knowledge to each estate. They are keenly familiar with evaluating and valuing complete estates, from General Household Goods to Antiques & Collectibles, to include Art, Jewelry, Glassware & Pottery, Furniture, Memorabilia, Sterling Silver, Precious Metals (Gold, Silver & Platinum), Coins & Currency, Militaria, Jade, Ivory and Statuary.
Always a no obligation consultation to understand and discuss their needs, and then offering our advice and knowledge on creating a plan to match the customer's needs while providing the best results.
Creating a customer experience unequalled in this Estate Sale Business.
It would be our privilege to speak with you and understand your needs - please call today for a no obligation, no cost consultation .


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Randsman Artists Management
An elite roster of distinguished musical artists
to help you realize your operatic vision
400 West 43rd Street Apt. # 18E
email: randsman@aol.com
"All I've Ever Known"
Approaching Ali:
Artist's website: jenniferdawnhines.com
Career highlights have included a debut with the Metropolitan Opera as both Fourth Naked Virgin and Alto Soloist in MOSES UND ARON, conducted by James Levine; Flosshilde in DAS RHEINGOLD with Washington National Opera and Seattle Opera; Rossweisse in DIE WALKÜRE and Flosshilde in GÖTTERDÄMMERUNG with Seattle Opera; Schwertleite in DIE WALKÜRE with Seattle Opera and Hawaii Opera Theatre; Mercedes in CARMEN, Third Lady in DIE ZAUBERFLÖTE, Siren in RINALDO, and Isabel Wentworth in THE
Jennifer Hines
"Contralto Jennifer Hines has a voice that is sonic butterscotch, dark and buttery, thick yet pliable, and she has the acting skills to match."
--Sally Valongo,
Toledo Blade
MOTHER OF US ALL with New York City Opera; Hermia in A MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM and Mercedes in CARMEN with Milwaukee's Florentine Opera; Bertarido in RODELINDA with Portland Opera; Suzuki in MADAMA BUTTERFLY with New York City Opera, Atlanta Opera, Florentine Opera, Opera Grand Rapids, Nashville Opera, Opera Tampa, and Dicapo Opera Theatre; the title role in CARMEN with Annapolis Opera, West Bay Opera, and Longview Opera; Maddalena in RIGOLETTO with Palm Beach Opera; Carilda in Handel's ARIANNA IN CRETA with Gotham Chamber Opera; Olga in EUGENE ONEGIN with Opera Festival of New Jersey; Hermia in A MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM and the Voice of Antonia's Mother in LES CONTES D'HOFFMANN with Aspen Opera Theatre; and the American premiere of Phillip Glass's WHITE RAVEN with the Lincoln Center Festival. Concert highlights have included the title role in CARMEN with the New Jersey Philharmonic; Suzuki in MADAMA BUTTERFLY and Cherubino in LE NOZZE DI FIGARO with the New Jersey Symphony; Page in SALOME with the National Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Leonard Slatkin; Mezzo-Soprano in Janacek's THE DIARY OF ONE WHO VANISHED with New York's Bard Festival; Prokofiev's ALEXANDER NEVSKY with the Reno Philharmonic and the San Antonio Symphony; de Falla's EL AMOR BRUJO with the Florida Orchestra and the Toledo Symphony; Mahler's THIRD SYMPHONY with the Sarasota Orchestra; the VERDI REQUIEM with the Hartford Symphony and the Richmond Symphony; Beethoven's MISSA SOLEMNIS with the National Philharmonic; Beethoven's NINTH SYMPHONY with the Philadelphia Orchestra; MESSIAH with the Minnesota Orchestra, the Pacific Symphony, the New Mexico Symphony, and the American Bach Soloists; Mendelssohn's ELIJAH with the Cathedral Choral Society; Bernstein's JEREMIAH SYMPHONY with the Cascade Music Festival; Bach's CHRISTMAS ORATORIO and SAINT LUKE PASSION with the Washington Bach Consort; featured artist with the Marlboro Music Festival; and an OPERA GALA with the New Haven Symphony. Her discography includes the title role in Astor Piazzola's MARIA DE BUENOS AIRES on the Koch label.


Currently in the midst of achieving my goal of reading 30 books this year. As of today, I have read 24 books. The latest one is Bagaikan Puteri by Ramlee Awang Murshid. This novel is different than other Malay novels which have crappy love-storyline.
An academic, looking for an intelligent, good conversationalist, someone who is established, happy and emotionally free to meet people. I'm intelligent, good looking and very self confident.
Am, someone if only you talk to then you understand me better, and for me Action speaks louder than voice.
I'm happy go lucky, talkative and love to make friends and accept a person who accept as for who I am. Me...myself and I ..oh well Im only human, Want to know more...?? just talk to me and you'll know me.
Hazel my name..from phil..44 y old ( ages does not matter importznd attitude. Single mom..at the moment here kl.
A women who wants a simple but productive and contributing life..


Another post about the Japanese and their cars - isn't this a strange name for a car?
But it seems that the meaning isn't actually very important; many people don't speak english so they don't understand it. But it is important that the name comes from a foreign language or at least sounds like that, because this is fancy.
There are lots of other strange names, maybe I'll show you some occasionally.


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Q: C program loop input I'm working on a project for my C programming class for a program that takes user input either from the keyboard or a text file and then prints out the number of each character in the file.
I've managed to get it to output to the console using stdout but am having difficultly getting it to output to a file when the user uses "-o".
It keeps giving me BADFILE (NULL) whenever  I use ./counts apple.txt or ./counts apple.txt -o appleresults.txt
        if(argv[i] = "-o")
        {
            fp = fopen(argv[i+1], "w");
            if(fp == 0)
            {
                BADFILE(argv[i+1])
            }
        }
    }
}

I think it has to do with the if(argv[i]="-o") loop but I can't seem to solve the error.

A: As mentioned by Yu Hao, your string compare is wrong (you are actually assigning the value "-o" to argv[i])
You might want to check the argv[i+1] is a valid string.
I can't see you declaration of fp but I'm assuming it's a FILE*.
To write output into the file use fputs(char* , FILE*)
And finally don't forget to close the file when you're done.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Streaming services in talks to release movies in IMAX theaters
By sahaskrit • On September 17, 2018 • In Technology	Technology Comments Off on Streaming services in talks to release movies in IMAX theaters
Outside of Netflix's Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon sequel, streaming movies haven't really had a chance to shine on IMAX screens. They might make a regular appearance before long, though. IMAX chief Richard Gelfond told investors that his company is in "active discussions" with "all" streaming services about IMAX releases.
It's not certain how close the two sides are to a deal, but Gelfond saw it as just a matter of time. If streaming firms were going to have a giant "opening day" for their releases, the executive argued, the best way to do it was on an equally giant IMAX screen.
It was "inevitable" that theatrical releases would be more common given the money involved, Gelfond added.
There's little doubt that Amazon, Netflix and others are pouring lots of cash and publicity into blockbuster movies — you just need to look at Bright or the new Coen brothers movie as proof. Moreover, IMAX's willingness to support limited theatrical runs is well-suited to online services that might not need their movies in theaters for several weeks or more.
The question is whether or not movie theaters will play ball. Many of them refused to screen Crouching Tiger on IMAX, and they see simultaneous theater-and-internet releases as threats to their bottom line. Unless there's a shift in attitudes, internet services may have to be content with modest debuts that are more symbolic than anything.
Source:- engadget
Amazon's Fire TV Stick is down to just $25 right now for Prime members
AT&T says 5G is going to bring carrier-locked phones back in a big way


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Onkyo Electronics v. Global Technovations
Vorys Sater Seymour and Pease LLP
USA September 17 2012
Jeffrey Marks, a partner in the Vorys Cincinnati office and a member of the commercial and finance group, authored this column about the decision from U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit in Onkyo Electronics V. Global Technovations. The column originally appeared in the September 17, 2012 edition of Bankruptcy Law360.
Case Study: Onkyo Electronics V. Global Technovations
On Sept. 13, 2012, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit became the first circuit court to opine on whether Stern v. Marshall, 131 S. Ct. 2594 (2011), permits a bankruptcy court to fully adjudicate and enter final judgment in a fraudulent transfer action.
In Onkyo Europe Electronics GMBH v. Global Technovations Inc. No. 11-1582, the Sixth Circuit concluded that the bankruptcy court had constitutional authority to enter a money judgment, for $6.1 million, against the defendants in an action brought by a Chapter 11 debtor to avoid a fraudulent transfer under section 544(b) of the Bankruptcy Code and the Uniform Fraudulent Transfer Act (UFTA) as enacted in Florida.
Background and Lower Court Decisions
Boiled down to their essence, the facts of the case are rather simple. Prior to seeking Chapter 11 relief, the debtor, GTI, purchased from the three defendants (sellers) the common stock in Onkyo America Inc. The purchase price was $25 million, paid $13 million in cash and $12 million in three-year promissory notes. The notes went unpaid.
When GTI entered bankruptcy some 16 months after the transaction, the sellers filed proofs of claim for the $12 million unpaid purchase price. GTI subsequently brought an action in the bankruptcy court, under section 544(b) of the Bankruptcy Code, to avoid the $12 million obligation and recover the $13 million payment. Section 544(b) permits the trustee to avoid transfers and obligations incurred by a debtor that are voidable under applicable law by an unsecured creditor.
Here, applicable law was the Florida UFTA, which would render GTI's transfer (the $13 million in cash) and obligation incurred (the $12 million in notes) an avoidable fraudulent transaction if GTI did not receive reasonably equivalent value in exchange and was insolvent when the transaction occurred or became insolvent as a result of the transaction. GTI also sought disallowance of the sellers' proofs of claim under Bankruptcy Code Section 502(d), which authorizes disallowance where the claimant is subject to an avoidance action and has not satisfied its liability to the estate.
From expert testimony and other evidence over a 17-day trial, the bankruptcy court found the fair market value of the OAI stock to be $6.9 million, for which GTI paid $21.6 million in value (the court discounted the $12 million face value of notes to a present value of $8.6 million). The court determined the $6.9 million stock value not to be reasonably equivalent to the $21.6 million consideration because Florida law generally requires the debtor to receive value of at least 70 percent of the value the debtor transferred before there can be reasonable equivalence.
As a result, and because the insolvency element of the Florida UFTA was satisfied, the court ordered that the obligation to pay the $12 million in notes was avoided; that GTI was entitled to a $6.1 million money judgment, being the difference between the $13 million in cash paid by GTI and the $6.9 million value of the stock; and that the sellers' proofs of claim were disallowed unless and until the $6.1 million judgment was paid.
Importantly, the sellers were entitled to the credit of $6.9 million against their liability only because the court determined that under the Florida UFTA, the sellers were "good-faith transferees." The U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan affirmed the bankruptcy court's rulings. Both the bankruptcy and district court decisions were issued before the Supreme Court's Stern v. Marshall ruling in June of 2011.
Fraudulent Transfer Decisions Post-Stern
After Stern, many bankruptcy and district court decisions have examined whether a fraudulent transfer action is among those "core" proceedings under 28 U.S.C. § 157(b) as to which the bankruptcy court may constitutionally enter a final judgment, or alternatively, whether the court has the authority only to submit proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law to the district court for de novo review.
The courts have applied varying analyses — some construing Stern broadly and some narrowly — and reached divergent results, often depending on whether the action is brought under Bankruptcy Code Section 544(b)(1) in conjunction with state fraudulent transfer law or under section 548, and particularly whether the defendants had filed proofs of claim in the bankruptcy case.
For example, in Official Comm. of Unsecured Creditors of Appalachian Fuels LLC v. Energy Coal Res. Inc. (In re Appalachian Fuels LLC), (Apr. 18, 2012), the court held that the bankruptcy court had authority to enter final orders and judgments on Section 544 and 548 claims. However, several district court decisions have held to the contrary, at least where the defendants had not filed proofs of claim. See, e.g., Kirschner v. Agoglia (S.D.N.Y. May 9, 2012); Stettin v. Centurion Structured Growth LLC (S.D. Fla. Dec. 19, 2011).
The Sixth Circuit's Ruling
The Sixth Circuit framed the Stern issue narrowly — "whether the bankruptcy court had jurisdiction to require Onkyo to pay GTI $6.1 million."
Interestingly, while the Sixth Circuit characterized the issue as one of subject matter jurisdiction, most courts have viewed Stern as dealing only with the authority of bankruptcy courts either to enter final judgments or proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law, i.e., an issue of the proper allocation of authority between the district court and the bankruptcy court. See, e.g., Dev. Specialists Inc. v. Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP (S.D.N.Y. 2011) ("Stern makes clear that the issues of jurisdiction and final adjudicative power are distinct").
Because the sellers had filed proofs of claim, the case was "fundamentally unlike" Granfinanciera S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33 (1989), upon which the court in Stern relied to a significant degree and where the Supreme Court had determined that the defendants in a fraudulent transfer action were entitled to a jury trial because they had not filed proofs of claim.
Here, however, Onkyo had "voluntarily" entered the bankruptcy case, and GTI's defense to that claim was the fraudulent transfer cause of action. The Sixth Circuit stated Stern's "limited" holding as follows: "when a claim is a 'state law action independent of the federal bankruptcy law and not necessarily resolvable by a ruling on the creditor's proof of claim in bankruptcy,' the bankruptcy court cannot enter a final judgment."
As such, the court easily concluded that there was no constitutional defect with the bankruptcy court's fully adjudicating whether the sale was a fraudulent transfer — it was not possible for the bankruptcy court to rule on the sellers' proofs of claim without first resolving the fraudulent transfer claim.
The more difficult question for the Sixth Circuit was whether the bankruptcy court could properly make the additional finding, a state law issue, that Onkyo was a "good-faith transferee" and "good-faith obligee" under Florida law because that finding might not have been necessary in resolving the proofs of claim. The court noted that in many cases, it will be necessary for the bankruptcy court to make the good-faith determination in order to determine how much of a proof of claim should be disallowed.
In this case, however, the finding turned out not to be necessary as a factual matter because the value of the stock was ultimately determined to be only $6.9 million — far less than the $13 million in cash. Thus, the $12 million claim had to be disallowed in its entirety.
Nevertheless, the court concluded, "[w]e do not believe that Stern requires a court to determine, in advance, which facts will ultimately prove strictly necessary to resolve a creditor's proof of claim." Accordingly, the court affirmed the district court's judgment affirming the bankruptcy court's ruling.
The Sixth Circuit's analysis in GTI is noteworthy for several reasons. First, it construed Stern narrowly, focusing on limiting language in Stern holding that the matters beyond the bankruptcy court's final adjudicatory powers are those that involve state law, are independent of federal bankruptcy law and need not be resolved in the claims allowance process.
Post-Stern, many courts have noted this and other limiting language in the Stern opinion, but have determined that the court's underlying rationale requires the case to be construed broadly. Courts adopting this approach have viewed avoidance actions as quintessentially suits at common law that must be decided by an Article III judge (at least where the defendant has not filed a proof of claim). Thus, GTI may assist those litigants who advocate for a constricted view of Stern's reach.
Second, the court's analysis in GTI is interesting because it did not approach the Stern issue as whether a bankruptcy court is empowered to enter final judgment in fraudulent transfer actions categorically. Rather, the court examined the issue on a more granular level and focused on whether a particular finding or issue in the action was beyond the bankruptcy court's authority to enter a final money judgment — namely, the "good-faith transferee" issue.
It is difficult to assess how this approach might impact future litigation involving Stern issues in the Sixth Circuit, but one may reasonably conclude that if Stern is applicable on an issue-by-issue basis, then the potential exists for even more litigation of Stern issues.
Finally, in future cases involving the particular issue in GTI — whether a bankruptcy court has authority to make the good-faith transferee finding under the UFTA and enter final judgment — it is submitted that a litigant is not foreclosed from the position that the bankruptcy court may not enter final judgment if, at the conclusion of the trial, the facts are such that the good-faith determination was not necessary for purposes of resolving the defendant's proof of claim.
It is true that the court states that the bankruptcy court is not required to determine in advance which facts will be necessary to the claims allowance process. However, if the bankruptcy court ultimately need not have made the state law good-faith determination in order to resolve the defendant's proof of claim, the defendant may reasonably argue that the court should not enter final judgment but rather, issue proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law.
Vorys Sater Seymour and Pease LLP - Jeffrey A. Marks
Debtor
Fair market value
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Checklist Checklist: Reviewing a confidentiality agreement (receiving party) (USA)
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How-to guide How-to guide: How to draft and negotiate limitation of liability clauses (USA)
Chris Heaphy
The Taubman Company
"I enjoy your publication and read it religiously."


text:
Setting the Record Straight on Success, with Andy Frisella - MFCEO14
Setting the Record Straight on Success
Success is realizing your own full potential. That's how you should measure success, and that's Andy Frisella's bedrock principle. In this episode of the MFCEO Project, he explains that success is a very misunderstood concept--and he sets the record straight. Joining him in the studio are Ben Newman, Vaughn Kohler, and special guest, "Big Jim" Frisella, Andy's MFDAD.
You are the Measure of Your Own Success
Andy says that it is unwise and unfair to compare yourself to other people. You don't know what advantages they have had in their lives. You don't know what unique gifts they possess. And you don't know how long they've been working on your goals. It is not about how much other people have accomplished. It is about what you can accomplish. You are the measure of your own success. In addition, success is not ultimately about money or cars or the wealthy lifestyle. The true measure of success is realizing your own full potential.
Success is always present tense
Andy says this: "I think people think that that once they get rich or famous or build a business, they are successful. That's not true. They WERE successful. But they currently ARE NOT successful. Success is a noun that only has a present tense – at least that's what it has to have for it to be successful. You used to be successful? You will be successful? Bullshit. The only thing that matters is the present tense. Are you successful today? If you worked hard, if you realized your potential TODAY, you are successful. Imagine telling your wife or girlfriend, "yeah, I used to be a great husband. Um yeah, who the fuck cares?" Or "I will be a great spouse in the future." So what? You act today. You are a successful spouse. Period. Sure, past success can build up a little equity and goodwill, and the momentum is helpful. But in the end, if it's all in the past, it doesn't mean shit. Don't even get me started on the future. Let me say it again: Success is not a one-time accomplishment. It is an ongoing process. It never stops. It's not static. It's dynamic. It's always a forward motion. The moment you stop or go backward, you're not successful anymore." The idea that success is a journey and not a destination is the truth.
Success is Cumulative
Andy says "Success is cumulative. You can be successful today—if today you are doing everything you can to maximize your potential. But that's not to say that increasing your levels of success doesn't take time. It does. For you to be the best you can possibly be, you've got to put in the work, day in and day out. There are too many people in the world who are ADHD about their work and goals. If they continue to jump from one thing to the next, they won't be successful. But the guys I've met who are just killing it in life found a way to focus on a goal, a path, a dream—and then consistently get on it. The people who are successful stick with a plan—for the long haul. If you think of success this way—as something that is already, but not yet, as something you can claim now but still have to pursue—you'll find there are two huge benefits. First, you can be happy right now, knowing that today you worked to maximize your potential. You can feel good about yourself because—at this moment—you are successful. And that encouragement will keep you going. Second, by also thinking about it as something you haven't yet attained, you can motivate yourself. You can give yourself a purpose to pursue, a goal to seek. And that will keep you humble and hungry. That will help you always keep yourself open to learning, getting better, improving, and keep your taste for winning sharp and alive."
Success requires honesty
Andy says this: "Most people will tell you they are "doing their best" (usually in a nasally whiny tone) but 99% of the time it just isn't true. Don't lie to yourself and tell yourself you are putting in a Herculean effort when you're really just doing things half-ass. Don't let yourself off the hook by cutting corners. Get up every morning, look yourself in the mirror and say, "I'm going to give this day everything in me." Then before you go to sleep, look in the mirror and ask yourself, "Did I do my best?" If the honest, no bullshit, from the heart answer is "yes," then you were successful—and I have no doubt things will work out for you. If you're answer is anything else, like a "uh, kinda" or "maybe" or "sorta" or "no," then don't get pissed off when life doesn't go the way you want. And don't get envious or sad comparing yourself to other people, because ultimately it doesn't matter if you fell short of their standards. What matters is that you fell short of your own. Bottom line: You're the only one who knows—in your heart of hearts—if you are really giving it all you have. You are the only one who knows what you're capable of—and the only one who can evaluate your effort relative to your own standard. So don't lie to yourself. Don't give yourself a halfass effort. Do everything you can to live up to your won potential. And you'll be a winner. You'll be successful."
Your Peer Group Largely Determines Your Success
Andy has said it before and he will say it again: "while you are ultimately responsible for your own success, your chances of success are profoundly affected by your peer group. In other words, who you hang out with will influence what you accomplish. Let me ask you a simple question: If you're an alcoholic seeking to stay sober, which group should you hang out with: A bunch of teetotaling senior citizens or party-crazy college kids? Obviously, the old people You'd be an idiot to hang out with the sorority or frat kids because their actions and attitudes are going to transfer to you. No doubt about it. In the same way, if you want to be successful, if you want to maximize your own potential, you need to surround yourself with other people who want to do the same thing. You can't expect to hang around with lazy, half-ass people who do nothing but get drunk and watch television and expect to over-achieve. It's not going to happen. So go find yourself other people who have a desire to better themselves. And together you'll kill it. I guarantee it. I've learned from experience that the most successful people hang around other successful people. They feed off each other. It's cliché, but true. "Birds of a feather flock together." Fuck yeah!"
Also in MFCEO Project Podcast
The End, with Andy Frisella - MFCEO318
And now...the final episode of The MFCEO Project podcast (which, by the way, has language and adult humor that is not suitable for kids. Use your brains. Be a good parent.)
Foreword to the Final Episode, with Andy Frisella - MFCEO317
Preview of the final episode.
What Makes Your Work Worthwhile?, with Andy Frisella - MFCEO316
What makes your work worthwhile? Is it only worldwide influencers who make 9-figures that should feel good about themselves & their lives? Or can you feel great about life if you're a blue collar worker, a teacher, or someone who doesn't even earn $45,000 in income? Whether it's people who think "happiness is the new rich" or people who equate being famous with being impactful, there's a lot of confusion out there about how to evaluate the worth of a job & the value of a human life.


Cult Taiwanese tea brand YiFang is launching its first two permanent UK sites in central London this summer.
The group opened its debut permanent location earlier this month in Shaftesbury Avenue, coming off the back of its well-received pop up in Old Spitalfields Market.
Its second restaurant will open at 13 Moor Street in Soho, and will be slightly bigger than the Shaftesbury kiosk, which comprises just 100sq ft.
YiFang has opened over 600 stores across the globe since its inception in 2016.
The group makes all-natural teas, inspired by recipes from the founder's grandmother, the namesake of the brand.
The tea itself is harvested from the group's own mountain plantations, all sugar used is from fresh sugarcane, and any fruit that is not sourced from the group's farms comes from New Spitalfields Market.
Property agency Shelley Sandzer acted on behalf of YiFang on the deals for the two sites. The same agency has also been involved with the UK launches of other well-loved East Asian brands, including Old Chang Kee and Duddell's.
"We are excited to open our first permanent location in the UK and look forward to opening the second site shortly," says Pokai Wang of YiFang.


The Seattle Sounders Women teams have announced their tryouts for the 2015 season. One of the top destinations in the spring and summer for the aspiring college age players, the Sounders Women offer opportunities for players looking to continue their development while home from college or working their way up the development pyramid.
As the women's game evolves in the United States, the Sounders Women team has been a mainstay in the northwest for players aspiring to make the professional ranks. Four former Sounders Women players were drafted this past week in the NWSL Draft and the Seattle Reign (NWSL) and Sounders Women (W-League) will work together to offer developmental opportunities for players looking to take their game to the next level in 2015.
"The tryout process is very important to the creation of our teams," said Darren Sawatzky, Sounders Women U23 GM. "We need to make sure we find the very best local talent and combine it with the top players from around the country. We are competitive each year, but helping these players take that next step is the most important thing we do".
Tryouts for the Sounders Women are March 28th and 29th. Players will tryout from 1pm to 3pm on March 28th and will be informed of the next day opportunities at that time.
All players must register and pay online in order to tryout at www.sounderswomen.com. Please send all questions to DarrenS@SoundersU23.com.


The function Script "GetFile" is a simple way to always follow best practices for file downloads as well as enabling advanced functionality. A sample script showing how to use it is included, plus two Scriptlets to insert the script steps needed to use this in two clicks. Previously this script was known as GetLTFile.
At its minimum, you can use this by defining two variables (the source and destination for the download) and calling the script. The script will test if the file already exists and skip downloading automatically. It will verify the target folder exists before attempting to download, and create it if needed. If a download fails it will try again by default, and will automatically enable verbose logging after two failures from the same script. Compressed file contents are automatically extracted (.ZIP under Windows, OSX, Linux if unzip is installed. .TGZ under OSX, Linux). By defining additional variables you can require that the file meets Minimum or Maximum size limits or verify the MD5 Checksum is valid (all three options supported under Windows, OSX, and Linux). You can require the file to always be re-downloaded, specify the number of retries allowed, and can even support automatic failover by specifying multiple sources.
Supported download protocols are ones supported by the "File Download" function (LTShare\Transfer\*) and "File Download URL" function (HTTP, HTTPS for all agents plus UNC paths for Windows Agents). With the optional WINSCP binary, SFTP:// is also a supported protocol (Windows only).
To import the Scripts, select Tools -> Import -> XML Expansion. After import the scripts should appear in the root Scripts folder.
Fixed XML tag that was breaking import. Big Thanks to @zfx0 for MENTIONING THAT IT WAS NOT IMPORTING!


text:
Cantonul Guingamp este un canton din arondismentul Guingamp, departamentul Côtes-d'Armor, regiunea Bretania, Franța.

Comune

 Coadout
 Grâces
 Guingamp (reședință)
 Moustéru
 Pabu
 Plouisy
 Ploumagoar
 Saint-Agathon

Cantoane în Côtes-d'Armor

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Advantage Engineering, Inc. - Advantage offers a full line of fluid circulating machinery to support all areas of your processing facility.
HMC, Inc. - Our services include Engineering, Large Component Fabrication, CNC Machining, Maag Gear Cutting/Hardcutting, Heat Treating, and Large Gear Box Rebuilding/Upgrading.
Welcome To Sefac.com - For more than 30 years, Sefac has been manufacturing heavy duty Mobile lifts.
Technical Change Associates - Lean Manufacturing consulting and implementation, value stream mapping, leadership development, Kaizen & 5S training, facilities planning, recruiting, Lean ERP, Lean Six Sigma and quality management.
Plastic Extruder and Extrusion Machines Manufacturers - Shang Ta Chia was founded in 1984 as a professional manufacturer of plastic extruder.
Yoketan Saw Filter - Maker specializing in crystal oscillator, saw filter, crystal resonator, ceramic resonator, ceramic filter, ceramic discriminator and inductors.
Portec Flomaster Custom Conveyors - Manufacturer of Power Belt Curves, Spiral Conveyors, Spiral Chutes, Merges, Powered Face Diverters and other Specialty Conveyors.
Uno Resourcing Inc. - UNO RESOURCING INC. venture has been more than 20 years, the air impact wrenches, air grinder has had more than 30 years of experience.
YI ZUO Hose Nozzle Manufacturers - YI ZUO ENT.CO., LTD. Started as a Hose Nozzle manufacturer and Garden Hose exporter of household cleaning products.
Window Blinds And Tile Manufacturers - At Window Blinds Chalet HV Apollo carry the highest quality window treatments at discount prices.
Manufacturers of Professional Sound Isolation Booths & Noise Reduction Materials - Manufacturer of professional sound isolation booths & acoustic products. We can customize our products for any application or industry plus noise reduction materials, sound blocking & sound absorption.
Rayotek Scientific Inc. - Single-source facility for designing, engineering and manufacturing sapphire, glass and fused quartz and silica products. Providing creative solutions for the scientific and commercial industries.
Dry Ice Blasting Solutions - Dry ice cleaning. We deliver fast, effective, and environmentally responsible cleaning solutions. DIBS provides nationwide dry ice cleaning services and equipment.
VECO Paper Corporation - Philippine-based manufacturer of paper products like folders, notebooks, pad papers, photo papers, copy paper, specialty papers and more.
VSL: Post-Tensioning, Structural Strengthening - VSL designs, manufactures and installs post-tensioning and structural strengthening systems.
Yitai Foam Factory - EVA Foam Mat - Offers ethylene vinyl acetate (EVA) materials and foam related products, includes toy building blocks, sporting goods, marine fenders, foam mat, swimming floating board, yoga block, and others.
Safety Gloves, Work Gloves, Rubber Gloves Manufacturer - Manufacturer of safety gloves, rubber gloves, rubber overshoes and work gloves, long sleeve gloves, household and industrial gloves.


UHC2030 welcomes OECD as a new signatory, and OECD shares its own perspective about being part of the global movement to build stronger health systems for UHC.
"The OECD has become a partner of UHC2030 at the World Health Assembly in May 2017. Our core mission to promote policies to improve the economic and social well-being of people around the world brings much relevant experience to the work of UHC2030.
Our work has shown that UHC contributes to promoting more inclusive growth; improves health outcomes; and is affordable for countries especially if implemented through equity driven approaches on a path to progressive realization.
Fundamentally, our work has shown that achieving and sustaining UHC requires the right policies. Most OECD countries have already achieved UHC. Their experiences – both positive and negative – provide huge learning opportunities for other countries. For example, efforts to secure health coverage must go hand in hand with policies to deliver safe, effective, and responsible health systems.
The effective use of health human resources and skills to meet the demands of health future systems has been recognised by our joint work with WHO and the ILO implementing the recommendations from the UN Secretariat General High-level Commission on Health Employment and Economic Growth.
Effective UHC can benefit from appropriate use of digital and other health technologies. The importance of dialogue between health and budget officials to deliver sustainable health financing is yet another area where learning from OECD experience can be beneficial to others. These policies can help make health systems more people-centred, as highlighted by OECD Health Ministers at their meeting in January 2017.
The OECD has a unique capacity to work horizontally, bringing together in depth experience in areas beyond health, including science and innovation, fiscal policies, labour markets, education and social policy. Our Development Co-operation Directorate retains a close interest in the aid effectiveness work already done by IHP+.
Our Development Centre, whose membership includes 25 developing and emerging economies, is actively working in areas relative to UHC policies notably through the "pro-poor UHC" research stream which sheds light on how UHC policy trade-offs relate to equity and poverty reduction goals in developing and emerging countries.
The OECD is delighted to have joined UHC 2030. Our analytical capacity, horizontal perspective, and close partnerships with governments and wider stakeholders give us the opportunity to build strong political momentum around a shared vision for health system strengthening. We stand ready to help countries achieve and maintain UHC in line with Sustainable Development Goals, and look forward to work with partners to achieve this fundamental goal."


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Q: Is there an actual reason behind the author's using the number four in "value meal number four" This is from a book [1]:

Here, the choices of efficiently standardized America are not available. The most popular restaurant has honey-stung chicken on the menu instead of value meal number four.

Would you please tell me if that bold part is a pun or something? Is it meant to evoke something? Is there an actual reason to use the number four or it's just a random thing?

[1] Miller, David. AWOL on the Appalachian Trail (p. 46).

A: Many fast-food restaurants offer numbered value meals on their menu boards (#1, #2, and so on.) Under each numbered item will be a description of what it is. It can be ordered either by its number or by its description, but it's more common to order it by number (simply because it means speaking less).
Without knowing anything about the context of the book, it seems to be implying that the most popular restaurant is classier because it doesn't refer to menu items by number. So, ordering food from this classy establishment requires more thought and diction than ordering food from a fast-food restaurant.
Also without knowing anything more about the context of the book, it seems to me that it's a backhanded tongue-in-cheek insult of the town being discussed. The inference I make is that high-class dining in town is the single place (or one of the few places) that isn't a fast-food restaurant. It's akin to saying that the most popular restaurant actually provides metal cutlery and plates that aren't made out of plastic.

A: The choice of "four" in particular has no special relevance. The idea is more that it's some arbitrary, "random" selection off of a fast-food restaurant's value menu (which are numbered, and typically ordered by number—this is faster, more efficient, and less likely to be misheard. It's also less personal, less "human," and more arbitrary and mechanistic).
There are a few potential considerations for the number used:

*

*Those menus vary in size, but most of them have a fairly limited number of options, so only a small-ish number would fit.

*#1, #2, or #3 might have connotations associated with sporting competitions (gold, silver, bronze) that are too positive for the statement the author is making.

*Besides, choosing something too near the beginning weakens the sense that the choice is arbitrary: the whole point is how impersonal and arbitrary the fast-food system is. There's no real reason #1 couldn't have been just as "arbitrary" as #4, but humans are bad at "random" and tend to read too much into things. So ideally, the number used would be as "un-special" as possible to hammer home the point that we are dealing with something arbitrary.
So 4 may have just been chosen as the first number that didn't have those problems.
More likely, though, the author did not think very hard about the number they chose, though. Most likely, they just picked the first number that came to mind—which may have come to mind because the author is human and has similar tendencies to read connotation and pattern into things that don't necessarily have them, and so subconsciously avoided #1, #2, or #3.
Alternatively, it's plausible that the author was referring to an actual value meal #4 that actually was the most popular meal in America, or some American town, or whatever. Say, for example, that McDonald's value meal menu at the time had three types of hamburger as #1, #2, and #3, and then #4 was a Chicken McNugget meal—and for whatever reason, their McNuggets were more popular than their Big Macs—then maybe #4 actually was the most popular meal at the time. McDonald's and other fast-food restaurants change up these menus from time to time, and popularity changes too, and besides the author may well have had popularity in a particular town or anecdotal popularity based on those they personally knew, so short of asking the author, it's unlikely we'd ever be able to confirm that.
But again, I doubt that's it. I am pretty convinced it was just an attempt by the human brain to choose a "random" small-ish number.

A: I am not 100% sure, since the context is not very clear.
It can be sometimes difficult to order in a restaurant because of the fancy menu entry names. That is even more true if the customer is a foreigner, not knowing the language.
It can be faster and more efficient to order:

I want a 4 and a 7

instead of:

smoked chicken quesadilla with a garnish of cheese and fried potatoes

A: Here's a picture of the inside of a Taco Bell/KFC/Pizza Hut:

Source: Flikr
It's not very clear to see, but all the items on the Taco Bell sign in the middle are labeled T1 through T8. One of the Pizza Hut signs has menu items labeled P1 through P4. Here's an example of a similar online menu for Taco Bell. I've been to a Taco Bell/KFC just like this where all the menu items have an alphanumeric code next to them. You can just go up to the counter and ask them to get you a "T4".
There is no significance to why the example used "four" specifically; it was just a number chosen at random. Not only do multiple places use numbering, the numbering isn't always consistent between places. Compare this list, this one, this other one, and this last one. all from McDonald's.

A: The way I understand the writer's intention is to contrast a chef cooked meal and a production line meal.
Value meal four does not even say what it is. It's cheap and cheerful. It's filling no doubt, but that might be its greatest feature..
Honey spiked even sounds interesting, ever so slightly intriguing because of the evocative word 'spiked'.


Zamora Chinchipe has been one of the provinces most affected by the country's mining industry. It is located in the Condor Mountain Range (Cordillera del Condor), home to several indigenous communities, an area particularly rich in biodiversity, surrounded by dense cloud forest. But the region is also rich in minerals, where small-scale gold miners and Ecuador's largest open pit mines operate. This includes the Chinese-owned Mirador copper mine, the region's first open pit mine.
Last year, indigenous communities marched for nearly two weeks from the Amazonian city of Puyo to Quito to demand an end to oil extraction in the rainforest. President Moreno, who met protesters, agreed to stop all new oil and mining concessions that failed to receive the prior and informed consent of local communities. The move was praised by environmentalists and considered a small win for indigenous rights.
The government also continues to promote foreign investment in its mining sector, aiming to double its mining GDP by 2021. Both initiatives, according to the government, are meant to boost Ecuador's economy, which is still struggling since the drop of international oil prices in 2014 that also caused major divestment in its oil industry.
Responses to "Ecuador's indigenous march over 600km to demand an end to mining"


text:
import { createRule } from 'jss';

var now = Date.now();
var fnValuesNs = "fnValues" + now;
var fnRuleNs = "fnStyle" + ++now;
function functionPlugin() {
  return {
    onCreateRule: function onCreateRule(name, decl, options) {
      if (typeof decl !== 'function') return null;
      var rule = createRule(name, {}, options);
      rule[fnRuleNs] = decl;
      return rule;
    },
    onProcessStyle: function onProcessStyle(style, rule) {
      // We need to extract function values from the declaration, so that we can keep core unaware of them.
      // We need to do that only once.
      // We don't need to extract functions on each style update, since this can happen only once.
      // We don't support function values inside of function rules.
      if (fnValuesNs in rule || fnRuleNs in rule) return style;
      var fnValues = {};

      for (var prop in style) {
        var value = style[prop];
        if (typeof value !== 'function') continue;
        delete style[prop];
        fnValues[prop] = value;
      } // $FlowFixMe

      rule[fnValuesNs] = fnValues;
      return style;
    },
    onUpdate: function onUpdate(data, rule, sheet, options) {
      var styleRule = rule;
      var fnRule = styleRule[fnRuleNs]; // If we have a style function, the entire rule is dynamic and style object
      // will be returned from that function.

      if (fnRule) {
        styleRule.style = fnRule(data);
      }

      var fnValues = styleRule[fnValuesNs]; // If we have a fn values map, it is a rule with function values.

      if (fnValues) {
        for (var prop in fnValues) {
          styleRule.prop(prop, fnValues[prop](data), options);
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export default functionPlugin;


Palin Has Political Meeting in N.H.
Sarah Palin took a break from her history infused vacation to have a political meeting. Palin met with Republican Senator Kelly Ayotte who the former Alaskan Governor had backed in the 2010 election. Ayotte, known as one of Palin's "mama grizzlies," had the early morning chat with Palin at the Golden Egg Diner in Portsmouth.
This was only the second time the two women had met in person. Ayotte said Palin did not say whether or not she would run for office. The NH Senator remained non-commital was asked if she would endorse Palin for President, since Palin had once endorsed her. Ayotte said she would sit down with anyone considering running for President and hear them out but has not made a decision yet.


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Cabinet audit: what do Boris Johnson's new hires mean for government?
We look at the politics and policy behind the new Prime Minister's cabinet appointments.
LONDON, ENGLAND - MAY 24: Larry the Downing Street cat walks towards the door of number 10 before Prime Minister Theresa May makes a statement outside 10 Downing Street on May 24, 2019 in London, England. The prime minister has announced that she will resign on Friday, June 7, 2019. (Photo by Leon Neal/Getty Images) (Photo by Leon Neal/Getty Images)
Sajid Javid, Chancellor of the Exchequer
So far optimism has been the watchword of Boris Johnson's time in office, and no department will be quite as central to translating it into a coherent programme for government – or election – than the Treasury, where Sajid Javid has taken the reins.
That the former home secretary has been given the nod over the likes of Liz Truss, who backed the new Prime Minister earlier, is a testament to the strong account he gave of himself in the early stages of the leadership contest, which saw him make a much more convincing and articulate pitch for the frontrunner's policy of tax cuts for high earners than Johnson ever managed to.
It also comes despite his provenance as a protege of George Osborne, under whom he served as a junior Treasury minister, and a decision to back Remain in 2016 that inspired such a visceral reaction among Brexiteers that, to some, he remains persona non grata. But since then he has made his peace with a no-deal Brexit, a potential economic catastrophe that will dominate his first 100 days at No 11.
How might Javid prepare? It is clear, both from his and Johnson's rhetoric, that their solution will involve not only an emergency budget to lay the fiscal groundwork for no-deal in the Autumn, but a significant loosening of the spending straitjacket that constrained both George Osborne and Philip Hammond. (Hammond, incidentally, criticised Javid and Johnson's failure to explain how they would fund their expensive pledges during the campaign.)
The broad contours of the new Prime Minister's plan for spending on infrastructure, health, education and the police are broadly aligned with measures that Javid has advocated in the past: a £50bn fund for new housing, a £100bn infrastructure fund – for spending on superfast broadband and new transport links – and 20,000 new police officers. Then, of course, there is Johnson's casual pledge to fix the social care crisis "once and for all" – which may well prove to be the most expensive sentence will utter as Prime Minister.
As well as that hefty programme of new spending, Johnson and Javid have also made clear their desire to cut taxes – which will only exacerbate their fiscal headache. But that's optimism for you. If they are willing to abandon Philip Hammond's budgetary rules – namely his target to keep public sector borrowing at two per cent of GDP and his commitment to keep public sector debt falling every year – then they will have much more headroom to do so.
Will Javid be so bold as to do so? Interrogate the sunny rhetoric a little and it isn't entirely clear. His deputy Rishi Sunak, the new Chief Secretary to the Treasury, said this morning that the government would keep debt falling every year – a commitment neither Johnson nor Javid made as leadership candidates. If Javid stays true to that promise, then it is hard to see where the optimism is going to flow from: Johnson likes to talk of the £39bn divorce bill as "lubrication" for a no-deal scenario, but its payment is phased and some has already been given to Brussels. There is also the small matter of the government's lack of a majority, which makes any serious tax and spending commitments very difficult indeed.
We might also note that almost every Eurosceptic minister to have been given a job in a delivery department – Philip Hammond, don't forget, started life as one of them, and Michael Gove was another – comes out the other side warier of no-deal than when they arrived. Faced with the institutional might of the Treasury and the brute economic reality of a no-deal Brexit, there is no guarantee that Javid's bolder pledges will survive – especially given that he is not a personal or, in normal times, even a political ally of Johnson (compare their relationship to that of Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell, or David Cameron and George Osborne).
But all of these questions will be moot, of course, if Javid's real role is to prepare an economic programme for a snap election.
Dominic Raab, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs and First Secretary of State
Boris Johnson's approach to assembling his first cabinet bore one similarity with how Theresa May put together hers in 2016: both unceremoniously dismissed those they deemed to be most tainted by association with the previous regime. But on Brexit, the defining mission of each government, Johnson has departed from a personnel strategy that was ultimately his predecessor's undoing: attempting to strike a balance between Leavers and Remainers. Instead, Johnson has assembled a team that, with perhaps one or two exceptions at the very most, is completely reconciled to his embrace of a no-deal Brexit.
Nowhere is this clearer than in the very top jobs, and particularly at the Foreign Office – where Dominic Raab, his former leadership rival and the one-time Brexit secretary, replaces the sacked Jeremy Hunt. He has worked at the department before, albeit as one of its team of lawyers.
The fundamental reason why Raab takes up Johnson's former post as foreign secretary, and not Amber Rudd, Penny Mordaunt, Liz Truss or indeed Hunt, is his hard line on Brexit. He was the only serious contender to outflank Johnson on the question of no-deal during the leadership election – and in the process introduced a grateful Westminster to the concept of proroguing parliament.
So as far as the politics of his new role are concerned, Raab's primary duty will be to spread and reinforce the message that Johnson is serious about his Brexit position in the chancelleries of Europe and beyond. In that respect, his appointment is an attempt to ensure that the identity of the Foreign Secretary has no bearing on the government's defining policy, or how it is seen abroad, at all. That was very much not the case when Johnson served under May. (A cynic might also note that it limits his opportunities to schmooze MPs ahead of another leadership bid.)
Raab's appointment as First Secretary of State – a role that will see him deputise for Johnson at Prime Minister's Questions – is clearly intended to serve an analogous purpose at Westminster. On the occasions where Remainer's Remainer David Lidington stood in for May at PMQs, identifying points of divergence between his Brexit stance and the then prime minister's was an easy and destabilising sport. But it is away from Brexit where Raab will face his toughest challenges, particularly on Iran. He will have to decide whether or not to depart from Jeremy Hunt's response to the tanker crisis in the Gulf, which was to attempt to assemble a European taskforce to defend commercial shipping. Johnson may prefer to follow Donald Trump's lead, a course Hunt fiercely resisted.
Then, of course, there is the case of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, which Raab's predecessor made his own. Johnson has always insisted that it is the Iranian government and not he that is responsible for her imprisonment, but Zaghari-Ratcliffe's family disagree. The politics of mediation will be tricky for Raab – and trickier still if he follows his Atlanticist instincts and rows in behind the Trump administration elsewhere in the Middle East (Raab, like Trump, is staunchly pro-Israel).
While acting as a salesman for Johnsonism in Europe might make the prime minister's life easier when it comes to Brexit, it has the potential to complicate the foreign policy picture elsewhere. The FCO hierarchy and its staff, meanwhile, view Raab's appointment with an air of trepidation – not least because of his reputation as a prickly, demanding and often pretentious taskmaster.
Priti Patel, Secretary of State for the Home Department
Of all the appointments Boris Johnson has made to his first Cabinet, few have been the source of quite as much controversy – and derision – as that of Priti Patel, the new Home Secretary.
Not only has the appointment of the former International Development Secretary, who quit in disgrace over secret meetings with the Israeli government in 2017, raised serious concerns among some Tories who disagree with her militancy on Brexit – she was, after all, one of only 28 Eurosceptics to vote against the withdrawal agreement three times – but also because of her reputation for hardline positions on law and order.
Labour have made much hay out of her previous support for the death penalty – a position she resiled from in 2016 but is nonetheless still dogged by. If there is one appointment that speaks to the likelihood that Johnson's administration will repel socially liberal voters and Remainers, then it is almost certainly that of Patel.
But what will her appointment mean for the Home Office, a department that has spent the past year mired in controversy over the Windrush scandal, its handling of the settled status scheme for EU citizens and rising knife crime?
In his inaugural speech on the steps of Downing Street, Johnson promised to increase police numbers by 20,000. The following day, in his first statement to the House of Commons, he suggested he would fight knife crime by increasing police stop and search powers. The politics of both will be tricky enough, but implementing – and paying for – policy changes while keeping the police onside is a big ask at a department as big and dysfunctional as the Home Office, whose budget has been cut by nearly a quarter since 2010.
But in Patel he will have a Home Secretary who will be more than willing to pursue the sort of tough line he is sketching out. Earlier this year she called for knife offenders to be given longer sentences and denied early release. Her authoritarian disposition sets up a potential clash with Robert Buckland, the one-time Remainer just promoted to Justice Secretary. His predecessor, David Gauke, had been a liberalising influence, and Buckland's politics are cut from similar cloth.
As far as the really big political priority of Johnson's administration is concerned – Brexit – Patel's most important job will be to help devise and implement a post-Brexit migration regime, or rather rebrand the existing points-based regime for non-EU migrants along the lines that Vote Leave sold it in 2016: an Australian-style system. As the daughter of Ugandan Asian immigrants, Patel is the ideal saleswoman – a role which she played in the referendum campaign, and will doubtless play in an election not too far in the future.
Michael Gove, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
Even Michael Gove's detractors agree that he is one of, if not the most talented ministers and departmental administrators of his generation. So why has Boris Johnson moved him from Defra, a department he transformed from an antechamber for MPs on their way out of government to one of the few genuine success stories of Theresa May's administration, to the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster?
The sinecure position is whatever the Prime Minister of the day makes of it. The last holder of the office under May, David Lidington, was her de facto deputy – responsible for managing the powerful backroom Cabinet sub-committees where the work of government actually gets done, and liaising with the devolved administrations and Dublin over Brexit.
Gove's iteration of the role bestows him with even more power than Lidington. He has been given a roving brief to oversee preparations for no-deal across Whitehall , and as such will act as Johnson's ministerial enforcer on the policy that will define his government. Tories also expect him to act as a representative on earth for Dominic Cummings, his former special adviser at the Department for Education, the campaign chief of Vote Leave, and Johnson's senior adviser.
That Johnson has picked his sometime nemesis for the job that will quite possibly make or break his administration after a leadership campaign that was not without its fair share of ad hominem and acrimony tells us two things: that he trusts in Gove's abilities, and that he is determined to prepare for a no-deal Brexit in the serious and coordinated way that so many Leavers feel has never been attempted.
His biggest challenge, then, will be balancing the political demands of that role with his sincerely-held anxieties about the impact of a no-deal – not to mention the need for realpolitik in dealing with Edinburgh and Dublin.
Robert Buckland, Secretary of State for Justice
The new groove of appointing a former lawyer as Justice Secretary continues, following the successful tenure of David Gauke – the first solicitor to hold the post. Robert Buckland, a QC and former solicitor general, with experience as prisons minister, is likely to follow in Gauke's reforming footsteps. The main next policy step would be following through with the proposal to scrap prison sentences under six months.
Buckland served under Gauke at the MoJ, so should have a clear idea of Gauke's unusually liberal prison agenda for a Conservative administration. Also, like Gauke, he was a Remainer – but unlike his predecessor, who resigned before Johnson became PM, he supported Johnson's leadership bid early on.
Buckland will also be Lord Chancellor – the first trial judge to fill this post as far back as the MoJ's permanent secretary Richard Heaton can remember. There is a bit of a grumble in one corner of the legal world, however – barrister and Labour's shadow foreign secretary Emily Thornberry is questioning his fitness for the job, given he was found guilty of professional misconduct in 2008.
Ben Wallace, Secretary of State for Defence
Few of Boris Johnson's close circle of personal allies were rewarded with full Cabinet posts. Ben Wallace, who has been promoted from Security Minister to Defence Secretary, is an exception – though only got the nod as a result of Jeremy Hunt turning it down.
The most immediate political challenge Wallace, a former Scots Guard who saw active service in Northern Ireland, will face is in the Gulf, where Johnson's administration has a huge strategic call to make about its strategy on Iran: to Trump, or not to Trump?
At Westminster, the prosecution of veterans over historical allegations of battle crimes – an issue that animates Conservative backbenchers almost as much as Brexit. Johnson has pledged to end what many Conservative MPs consider to be unfair prosecutions – particularly of those who, like Wallace, served in Northern Ireland.
That, as weary Northern Ireland Office mandarins point out to those MPs demanding an amnesty, statute of limitations or something similar. As a veteran, Wallace is by nature on board with their cause – and Johnson has promised a beefed-up Veterans Minister post too. He could well become embroiled in a Whitehall scrap.
Spending will be another source of tension: while Johnson has promised the increase a certain kind of Conservative demands ad infinitum it is not a given that the Treasury – or indeed the economy – will provide it.
Matt Hancock, Secretary of State for Health and Social Care
Following the failed leadership candidate and Remainer's embarrassing sycophancy towards Johnson during the campaign, Matt Hancock has stayed in the cabinet – but missed out on a promotion. The MP for West Suffolk since 2010 stays at the Department of Health and Social Care.
This continuity comes with policy challenges, however. Johnson has expressed an aversion to "health fascism" such as sin taxes, and Hancock has already reportedly tried to prevent the publication of a new green paper featuring proposals that include eradicating smoking by 2030, and restricting energy drinks to under-16s. It was published anyway, buried at 7.22pm on Tuesday night, with no press release or advance notice.
If Johnson is serious about starting a war with "nanny", then Hancock will have a job on his hands steering the Department around from its achievements in areas such as the sugar tax to please his new boss. It will also feed into his lickspittle reputation.
The second half of his job title presents his other big crisis: social care. Johnson has said warm words on the subject with not much substance – giving nothing away but hinting at a "clear plan" in his first speech as Prime Minister. And Hancock himself had his own plan for £3.5bn extra for social care and the creation of an insurance system to cover costs, which will make selling any different proposals from Johnson tricky.
"Any plan which relies mainly on private insurance will not work, even with a pensions-style auto-enrolment scheme," says the House of Lords Economic Affairs Committee, which has done the most recent and detailed report on funding social care. This means lots of extra spending and probably general taxation – something Johnson's newly appointed libertarians may not be so keen on. Expect this to become a political issue, and a headache for Hancock.
He will also continue to face questions on the perpetually delayed green paper on funding adult social care. Will Johnson's "clear plan" make this moot?
Andrea Leadsom, Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
The promotion of Andrea Leadsom from self-imposed backbench exile to a full Cabinet post as Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy is a surprising one, though not for the reasons you might think.
BEIS was a creation of Theresa May – the interventionist ring of "Industrial Strategy" is the big clue – and there are plenty in Johnson's camp, most notably Liz Truss, who would have preferred to seen it broken up or reduced in size. Its survival is most likely a sign that this administration is not intended to be long for this world: with an election looming, there is simply not enough time for a sweeping – or even modest – reorganisation of Whitehall.
Leadsom is only the second BEIS Secretary, and on Brexit – the issue causing businesses anxiety more than any other – she could not be further away from her predecessor, Greg Clark. Whereas Leadsom was one of the earliest ministerial converts to no-deal, Clark repeatedly defied the whip to oppose it.
He and his ministers saw their job as protecting the "wings and wheels" of the UK economy: its just-in-time supply chains and manufacturing industry. Leadsom will not only have to square her advocacy for a no-deal Brexit with the demands of business, but she must also convince them that the government could and would go through with the threat. Given the opposition of a Commons to no-deal, that could well prove tricky.
Before that, however, Leadsom has an even trickier job at the top of her in-tray: finding a buyer for British Steel. Should she fail, it may well damage the reputation of Johnson's government among the voters in Leave areas that it is trying so desperately to woo.
Liz Truss, Secretary of State for International Trade and President of the Board of Trade
Does the Department for International Trade have a future? Boris Johnson's embrace of a no-deal Brexit, the composition of his cabinet and his decision to appoint as its Secretary of State Liz Truss, the hawkish Chief Secretary to the Treasury, suggests it does.
Truss was among Johnson's most energetic outriders during the leadership campaign, and was among the earlier converts to a no-deal Brexit in Theresa May's last Cabinet. In many respects, her arrival won't really change the job Liam Fox had done since May established DIT in 2016 – though many MPs will hope his successor speeds up the process of agreeing trade deals with third countries, particularly the US.
Arguably, however, her biggest challenge is domestic. The politics of international trade can be toxic, as Boris Johnson discovered during his first appearance at the dispatch box. Challenged to rule out the NHS ever being included in a US-UK trade deal, Johnson enthusiastically obliged.
The demands of electoral politics may clash with Truss's free market instincts. In the immediate term, however, Truss's role in Johnson's administration will be as his optimism-peddler-in-chief – making the case for free trade on the airwaves ahead of an election, and weaponising DIT in a way the May government never really attempted to.
Amber Rudd, Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, and Minister for Women and Equalities
Amber Rudd, MP for Hastings and Rye since 2010, was a Jeremy Hunt supporter and ardent Remainer – until the last days of the leadership contest when she suddenly had the epiphany that she could cope with no deal. Apparently her last-minute manoeuvre was enough to keep her in the cabinet though, where she stays as Work and Pensions Secretary and has also been handed the Women and Equalities brief.
Rudd has been credited in the press and within government as heralding a "reset" on the disastrous new welfare system Universal Credit. She has certainly made the right noises and tweaked a few bits and bobs to suggest she understands more how terrible the reforms are than any of her predecessors did.
But, as I've written before, her rhetoric is rather different from the reality of what's actually changed in that Department.
It had become a theme in the dying days of May for ministers to simply announce things that they had absolutely no means (and sometimes even no intention) of actually doing. Indeed, I've heard that at least one secretary of state felt frustrated because they were well-behaved when they could have just been employing this cavalier tactic to look good like their colleagues – with little scrutiny from a Brexit-fatigued press.
That won't be as easy in a brand new cabinet, you'd hope. Although Brexit will be in a sharper spotlight, so will the few Remainer cabinet ministers like herself, so she will need to tread carefully on policy as well as politics.
She has, however, so far avoided the villain status of DWP secretaries before her, like Iain Duncan Smith and Esther McVey. If the worst scandals of Universal Credit are already well-told, and the benefits freeze ends when it's scheduled to end next year, then this may continue.
In terms of the women and equalities brief, this is becoming an area where ministers feel they can make proper progress and leave good legacies (May often mentioned its work in set-piece speeches). Rudd may find she can do her best work in that area.
Gavin Williamson, Secretary of State for Education
The appointment of Gavin Williamson as Education Secretary continues a remarkable journey from the backbenches to the Cabinet table twice over. Having been sacked as Defence Secretary over an alleged leak from the National Security Council in March, Williamson's return is a reward for his central role as a parliamentary organiser for Boris Johnson's leadership campaign.
What does he intend to bring to his new office? The one-word answer is money. Schools funding was a running sore for ministers throughout Theresa May's tenure, and may well have helped cost her a majority in the 2017 election. Johnson and Williamson have pledged to increase per-pupil funding by at least £5,000 per child. During his leadership campaign, Johnson went even further and appeared to suggest that he would reverse all previous reductions to school budgets – a move that would cost £4.6 billion.
There is also the question of university funding. The Augar Review into tuition fees and further and higher education, commissioned by May, recently recommended a reduction in university fees to £7,500 a year – which would require a direct cash injection into the sector from the government – and a new programme of funding for vocational training. The job of responding will now fall to Jo Johnson, the new Universities Minister, and Williamson.
Such is the nature of minority government, and the likely lifespan of this particular one, that much of what Williamson intends to do – or could plausibly do – will only be feasible after an election
Robert Jenrick, Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government
This is a big promotion for the young Remainer (the first cabinet minister ever to be born in the Eighties) who had been serving as Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury. Despite his stance on Brexit, Robert Jenrick – MP for Newark since 2014 – backed Boris Johnson early on in the leadership campaign and was an enthusiastic advocate for him on the airwaves.
With the housing crisis and crippling underfunding of local government after a decade of austerity, this is a tough brief. Much will depend on the amount Johnson's cabinet will let him spend – and how genuine Johnson was about turning the taps on spending and borrowing for infrastructure projects during his leadership campaign. As a Treasury alumnus, Jenrick may have picked up some tips on how to persuade them to open the coffers; his instincts are to increase supply of houses.
Yet Jenrick will be particularly vulnerable to Labour attacks as the Housing Secretary with multiple expensive houses for himself; his £5m property portfolio made headlines in 2014.
Julian Smith, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
One of the stranger subplots of Boris Johnson's march to the Conservative leadership was the sheer number of his supporters who were said to covet the job of Northern Ireland Secretary.
The post is not a Cabinet position many of its holders, or indeed the prime ministers who appoint to it, have looked upon kindly: Reginald Maudling spoke for many when he described his new domain as a "bloody awful country" after his first visit. David Cameron, meanwhile, treated the Northern Ireland Office as a dumping ground for ministers he did not like but could not dispense with.
Yet Brexit and the government's confidence and supply arrangement with the DUP have given the job a certain lustre – and importance. Gavin Williamson, Conor Burns, Michael Fallon, and Michael Gove were all tipped, but in the end Boris Johnson chose a minister widely assumed to have come to the end of his time in government: Julian Smith.
Having ultimately failed to keep one government from disintegrating, the former Chief Whip's immediate task will be to revive – or more likely wind down – the latest, stalled set of talks to restore another: the power-sharing executive at Stormont, which has not sat for two and a half years.
Both Karen Bradley and James Brokenshire failed to pull it off. Can Smith, a Remainer in 2016, succeed where they failed? It seems unlikely. Though neither of May's Northern Ireland Secretaries was particularly well regarded at Stormont, the lack of a devolved government ultimately reflects the unwillingness of Sinn Fein and the DUP to return to office. Each party has a veto over the other, and the passage of legislation to legalise same-sex marriage and abortion from Westminster by October should the impasse continue means Sinn Fein have little incentive to return.
In that respect, Smith won't be able to defy gravity. But his knowledge of the parliamentary numbers (especially on contentious issues like Troubles legacy prosecutions), procedure and the DUP's 10 MPs means he would be better-placed than most to administer direct rule from Westminster – a demand Nigel Dodds et al are making with increasing impatience.
Should Johnson want to keep his majority, heeding that call would be advisable. The DUP believe that the Commons' decision to legislate for equal marriage and abortion from Westminster sets a precedent that demands ministers to act on other issues. Without a hint of irony, Bradley used her first question from the backbenches to ask Johnson to legislate to compensate survivors of historical institutional abuse – a running sore that unites every party at Stormont – despite having been begged to do so for months. That bill will sit at the top of Smith's in-tray.
A no-deal Brexit will demand direct rule too. For Smith, balancing the need for impartiality with the government's political self-interest – and not to mention salvaging the reputation of his office after Bradley's calamitous tenure – will be just as difficult as his last job.
Alister Jack, Secretary of State for Scotland
Before Boris Johnson's Cabinet purge, one supporter of Jeremy Hunt who was widely assumed to be safe was David Mundell, the Scotland Secretary.
Mundell – for seven years the only Conservative MP in Scotland – had been in the post since 2015 and, despite his opposition to no-deal and history of personal attacks on Johnson, was considered by most of his colleagues to be the only person in the Commons with sufficient experience to do the job. As the race to succeed Theresa May crawled towards its inevitable conclusion, Mundell appeared to make his peace with a Johnson premiership – and, crucially, did not rebel over no deal in the week before his election as Tory leader.
Yet even that very public change of heart could not spare Mundell the chop. He has instead been replaced with Alister Jack, one of the 12 Scottish Conservative MPs elected for the first time in 2017. It is a huge promotion for the former whip, a wealthy Lowland landowner who was the first of his intake to get a full ministerial post and is now its first Cabinet minister.
When it comes to his brief, Jack's priorities will be no different from Mundell's: his most important responsibility will be to manage relations with the Scottish Government and hold the government line against a second independence referendum. As legislation for a new plebiscite makes its way through the Scottish Parliament, Nicola Sturgeon – who scents opportunity for nationalism in a Johnson premiership – is taking an increasingly belligerent approach.
As the demands for a new vote get louder, the job of Scotland Secretary will not change. Though Jack's Scottish colleagues are confident in his ability, others worry that now is no time for a neophyte, especially given the unpredictable electoral consequences Brexit could have in Scotland (one Scottish Tory MP joked on Johnson's first night as prime minister that they hoped they SNP successor had as much fun in Parliament as they had).
Though Johnson began his term by appointing himself Minister for the Union – and eulogising the UK as the "awesome foursome" – it is Jack's hiring that could prove just as consequential.
Nicky Morgan, Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport
Nicky Morgan returns to cabinet as one of the few Remainers given a look in by Boris Johnson, albeit one who has come round to compromise with the Brexit cheerleaders of the European Research Group.
Yet her destination at the Department for Culture Media and Sport suggests she has been parked somewhere with limited scope for change under this government.
There are some live issues at DCMS. Morgan will have to navigate the blame game over BBC's decision to stop funding free TV licences for the over 75s, a decision it was forced to make after Cameron's culture secretary John Whittingdale shifted the cost to the corporation in 2015. New regulations on fixed odds betting terminals are also being heavily resisted by the gambling industry, though it's unclear whether that is a "sin" that the Johnson government sees mileage in giving more leeway.
Yet the real impact of Morgan's appointment may have more to do with who she isn't.
Culture select committee chair Damian Collins swung behind Johnson's campaign for the leadership, but unlike Whittingdale before him was not rewarded with the job of running rather than scrutinising the department.
That may have had something to do with the way Collins doggedly pursued the issue of misinformation and opaque political advertising on Facebook, targeting not only the tech giant but also those who manipulated its systems in a bid to influence voters, most notably during the Brexit Referendum. One of those was Vote Leave's Dominic Cummings, who, when summoned to give evidence to Collins and his fellow committee members refused, leading to his being found in contempt of parliament.
Cummings is now a senior adviser to Boris Johnson, whose team within hours of getting into government flooded Facebook with ads laying the groundwork for an election campaign. Friends of Collins believe that the presence of Cummings explains his absence from the top table.
Alok Sharma, Secretary of State for International Development
The former employment minister Alok Sharma, MP for Reading West since 2010, backed Remain ahead of the referendum but helped out in Boris Johnson's leadership preparations. According to Politico, he played the part of Jeremy Hunt in preparatory mock-debates.
Once a place where politicians would be put out to pasture, Dfid has become something of a stepping stone for some – with previous incumbents Penny Mordaunt moving up to become defence secretary (since sacked by Johnson), and Priti Patel promoted to Home Secretary (via a sacking-in-disgrace by May).
The role is a strange one in a minority government, as foreign trips are kept brief and less frequent because of the need to be present to vote, meaning Sharma will struggle to get stuck into the work.
Another challenge will be the hostility to Dfid around the cabinet table. Johnson himself has said he thinks it should be merged back into the Foreign Office, and that aid should "do more to serve the political and commercial interests" of the UK – views that will find sympathy among fellow cabinet members, not least Patel, who had called for Dfid to be scrapped and replaced with a trade department.
Within Dfid itself, there hasn't been much sign of a looming merger, however, and Patel never pushed for it when she was at the helm. Whitehall restructures are messy and expensive, and May received a lot of stick when she shifted things around and created new departments (most obviously the Department for Exiting the European Union) upon becoming PM.
It's also not that easy for the UK to redefine aid. The definition of aid is set out by the OECD's development assistance committee. Plus, the International Development Act makes it illegal to tie aid to trade, and it'd be difficult to find a majority in this parliament for repealing the commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of GDP on international development.
Theresa Villiers, Environment Secretary
Theresa Villiers, MP for Chipping Barnet since 2005, served both as transport minister and Northern Ireland secretary under David Cameron. She has benefited from the disastrous performance of her successor but one, Karen Bradley, overshadowing negative views of her time in the latter role. Plus, she's a genuine Leaver, as one of the six cabinet ministers to support Brexit during the EU referendum campaign.
Villiers place at a department that will be crucial to delivering Brexit with or without a deal is telling of Johnson's intentions – she is a cheerleader for no deal, and has commented that the UK could flourish by trading on WTO terms.
She did, however, table a debate in 2017 on animal welfare in farming, and wishes to keep animal welfare standards at the same level at least to what we have within the EU. Can she maintain this position if we leave without a deal?
That Michael Gove made what was once a rather unglamorous department into a place where a minister can enact real change, set the agenda and attract headlines suggests Villiers' role will be a relatively high-profile one. Climate change is also now higher up the public agenda. She may, however, struggle to gain such traction in the role as her predecessor, who is loved by many in the media for reasons other than his environmental ideas.
Grant Shapps, Transport Secretary
In Westminster, Grant Shapps' name (or many names – his business pseudonyms landed him in trouble back in 2015) is usually a punchline. His false denial that he had a second job as an MP, his "get rich quick scheme" using the name "Michael Green", and a story about changes to his Wikipedia page (though it transpired there was no evidence he was behind them) have all made him a figure of fun in UK politics.
However, it's unlikely he could do much worse in the role of Transport Secretary than his notoriously incompetent predecessor, Chris Grayling. And Shapp is now that rare thing – a former Remainer running a department that would be severely tested by a no-deal Brexit. This suggests a level of trust from Johnson – whose leadership campaign benefited from Shapps' spreadsheeting of MPs and their votes – but it could later harm Shapps.
Notably, the new Transport Secretary has long been an advocate of Heathrow expansion – perhaps signalling where Johnson now stands on a third runway, which would heavily impact on his Uxbridge & South Ruislip constituency. Previously, Johnson has opposed the expansion and conveniently missed a Commons vote on the issue by flying off to Afghanistan as foreign secretary.
Shapps has also consistently voted in favour of High Speed 2, and is a supporter of infrastructure projects in general, as chair of the British Infrastructure Group of MPs.


text:
// <copyright file="UILogServiceTest.cs" company="Logikfabrik">
//   Copyright (c) 2016-2018 anton(at)logikfabrik.se. Licensed under the MIT license.
// </copyright>

namespace Logikfabrik.Overseer.WPF.Test.Logging
{
    using System;
    using Moq;
    using Moq.AutoMock;
    using Overseer.Logging;
    using WPF.Logging;
    using Xunit;

    // ReSharper disable once InconsistentNaming
#pragma warning disable S101 // Types should be named in camel case
    public class UILogServiceTest
#pragma warning restore S101 // Types should be named in camel case
    {
        [Fact]
        public void CanLogInfo()
        {
            CanLog(uiLogService => uiLogService.Info(null, null), LogEntryType.Information);
        }

        [Fact]
        public void CanLogWarn()
        {
            CanLog(uiLogService => uiLogService.Warn(null, null), LogEntryType.Warning);
        }

        [Fact]
        public void CanLogError()
        {
            CanLog(uiLogService => uiLogService.Error(null), LogEntryType.Error);
        }

        private static void CanLog(Action<IUILogService> action, LogEntryType type)
        {
            var mocker = new AutoMocker();

            var uiLogService = mocker.CreateInstance<UILogService>();

            var logServiceMock = mocker.GetMock<ILogService>();

            action(uiLogService);

            logServiceMock.Verify(m => m.Log(It.IsAny<Type>(), It.Is<LogEntry>(entry => entry.Type == type)), Times.Once);
        }
    }
}


Formerly called Eucharistic Ministers, Extraordinary Ministers of Holy Communion are acolytes or lay persons who have been commissioned to distribute Holy Communion. The term "extraordinary" distinguishes such a person from the ordinary minister of Holy Communion, namely a bishop, priest or deacon. Eucharistic Ministers serve the community by helping serve the Body and Blood of Christ during the liturgy. They present the Body and Blood of Christ to those who approach for Holy Communion. Eucharistic Ministers are appointed for a given parish community to aid in the distribution of Holy Communion at Mass and to the sick and home-bound when ordinary ministers of Holy Communion are unavailable.
Please contact Vincent and Laura Paceleo for Our Lady of Sorrows Church at lectorsessex@stocpct.org.
Contact Charlene Janecek for St. Joseph's Church at lectorschester@stocpct.org.


The functional parts of the ladle are securely cemented into the handle. Includes a practical eyelet for storage on a rack with hooks.
The WMF kitchen helper is essential for all coated cookware and pans and perfect for ladling soups and stews.
WMF's well-proportioned ladles let you ladle, pour and serve soups, stews and chillis with style and without spillages. When preparing dishes such as risotto, where you need to gradually keep adding liquid, the ladle is an indispensable kitchen utensil. You can also use it to strain fruit or serve punch. The practical and versatile ladles are available in various models and designs from WMF.