The memories of the genocides in Rwanda and Bosnia Herzegovina in the mid-nineties must never be extinguished from our hearts. The reason why the ending of one was successful, and the failure to end the other is the darkest page in post-war US foreign policy, is banally simple. Bosnia stirred the conscience of the West, and Rwanda – at the heart of Africa – did not.
While both genocides took place during the presidency of William Jefferson Clinton, the US's foreign policy must be evaluated within the context of her changed role in the post-Cold War era, and before the September 11, 2001 terror attacks in the US.
A successful combination of the use of force and diplomacy, private and public, brought an end to the Bosnia genocide in which the late Richard Holbrooke played the star role. He and his team were allowed to "engineer" the process to serve a clearly defined interest of the US to halt the violence as quickly as possible.
In Rwanda, more Tutsis died in the three-month massacre than in the five-year former Yugoslav war. There was no outside military intervention or Richard Holbrooke. The US chose to abdicate any responsibility to lead or galvanise the international community. In the uncompromising words of British historian Niall Ferguson: "Those who are sentimentally attached to the United Nations should be forced to study its abject failure to respond to the ghastly events that unfolded in Rwanda." Ferguson lists the litany of America's failures: the Clinton administration's insistence that any UN force be kept small; delaying tactics over proposals to send forces; the requirement that any deployed US troops be paid by the UN in advance and the refusal to jam Hutu radio broadcasts for cost reasons.
Far away from Rwanda, communism, albeit of a benign variety, had been the adhesive that had held Tito's Yugoslavia together. Yet, as David Halberstam wrote, the ingredients of civil war were present. "In retrospect, it was not a surprise that the first great test of the post-Cold War era would take place in Yugoslavia … an uneasy composite of smaller, tribal factions rather than one true nation".
President George Herbert Bush was in the last lap of his faltering presidency when his national security adviser, Brent Scowcroft, briefed the president as Serbia's aggression gathered pace against neighboring Croatia and particularly upon Bosnian Muslims. Jim Baker aptly expressed the Bush administration's policy after he undertook a trip to Yugoslavia in June 1991 when he infamously said "we don't have a dog in that fight".
Bush lost the 1992 election and was replaced by America's first baby boomer president, Clinton. The new president was focused on reviving the moribund economy. His spin doctor, James Carville, coined the legendary soundbite "it is the economy, stupid". Domestic policies were Clinton's priority. In this he read the nation's mood correctly, after the "long twilight struggle" of the Cold War. He also lacked any significant foreign policy experience and his predecessor's diplomatic savoir faire.
David Gergen of the Harvard Kennedy School of Government said that under normal circumstances a president spent 60% of his time on foreign policy matters. Bush because of his passion for it, and because of the historical events taking place during his administration, had upgraded that to about 75%. But Clinton, Gergen believed, because of his lack of interest, brought it down in the early years of his administration to 25%.
Clinton had intermittently exhibited interventionist tendencies in the 1992 election campaign. He excoriated Bush's inaction in the Balkans and committed himself to intervention in Bosnia by pledging to arm the Bosnian Muslims, and to even sanction airstrikes against Serbian targets. It was an inescapable reality that the Serbs were committing the worst crimes in Europe since the Nazis in Holbrooke, the broker of the Dayton Accords, urged an end to the arms embargo that punished the Bosnians but not the Serbs. He asked the pointed question if the West would respond faster if the religious convictions of the combatants were reversed and a Muslim force was trying to destroy 2 million beleaguered Christians and Jews. Margaret Thatcher of Great Britain made an impassioned plea on British television, but the Conservative government remained as indifferent as the US Administration.
Clinton, the Svengali of opinion polls and focus groups, was ever sensitive to the fragile lacework of public opinion, which had become weary of military adventures, especially after the Somalia debacle, which was immortalized in the motion picture Blackhawk Down. Was this Clinton's (and Bush's) Munich?
It is not difficult not to recall Prime Minister Neville Chamberlin's homespun description of Nazi Germany's invasion of Czechoslovakia as " a quarrel in a far-away country between people of whom we know nothing". The Clinton administration was deterred by the specter of body bags and casualties.
Within the context of the schizophrenic uncertainty about America's new role as the remaining superpower, there was an understandable belief in the White House that, after underwriting the peace (or absence of war) in the cold war, it was time for the Europeans to assume responsibility for their House.
Adding to the complexity of Bosnia was the role of the UN that had seen its role change from protecting humanitarian convoys to protecting entire Muslim communities, including Sarajevo, known as "safe havens". The cloak of "humanitarianism" was compelling governments', like America, to intervene, while also providing a cover for inaction and a lack of political will. Paradoxically, in the law of unintended consequences, this meant that while UN humanitarian aid provided relief to some, intervention was prolonging the conflict.
The siege of the Mitteleuropa town of Sarajevo came to symbolize the war, and even inspired the opera singer Luciano Pavarotti to record the haunting Miss Sarajevo. Especially in times of war, people require an easy-to-follow narrative. After all, was not Sarajevo's Latin bridge where Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria was assassinated plunging an entire continent into WWII.
While the world was transfixed by the pathos of Sarajevo, the Bosnian government reported that seventy-two hundred people were known dead and some thirty thousand more were missing. The real campaign was taking place elsewhere in small villages across Bosnia, where a well-organized campaign of ethnic cleansing was under way. This was the modus operandi of the Serbs. While the West focused on Sarajevo, Bosnia was literally disappearing off the map.
Clinton had, apparently after reading Robert Kaplan's Balkan Ghosts, come to his predecessor's view that the Balkans crisis was unsolvable. Clinton knew that few Americans had passionate feelings one way or another about the Serbs, Croats, or Muslims, and that the politics of the Balkans was either too remote or too complicated to understand. Unfolding events of barbaric savagery, however, made inaction more and more untenable by the day. By the end of 1994, the Serbs had divided Bosnia up and had taken nearly 70 percent of the country.
Then came the massacre of Srebrenica. There are watershed moments in the history of mankind when public opinion crystallizes around shared values of justice and decency, and military intervention becomes inevitable. This was one such moment. "Srebrenica was about genocide", Halberstam succinctly observed, "but it was also about the very fabric of the West".
Nicholas Burns, Richard Holbrooke's spokesperson, cites the Dayton Accords as the culmination of "the right combination of diplomacy and the use of force". In his Diplomacy class at Harvard, Burns describes this process as the husbanding of a clear strategy and brilliant tactical maneuvering. One country, the US, took the lead and all the risks. Holbrooke's energy, drive, determination, self-confidence, and more than a touch of the theatrical, made all the difference. Within a timeframe of six weeks, America had launched military action; lifted the siege on Sarajevo; negotiated a cease-fire; agreed the principles for settlement, and set up a peace conference.
On August 30 1995, NATO began the heaviest bombing campaign in its history, bombarding Serbian targets with Tomahawk missiles. This weapon had not only produced a devastating effect on the ground, taking out the Serb communications centre for the entire region, but a devastating psychological effect as well. The Tomahawk might have done more to focus Milosevic's mind than tactical reasoning. The military intervention transformed the balance of power on the ground and prescribed the conditions for the upcoming peace conference; the offensive made the conference possible. When the peace process began, the Serbs occupation of Bosnian territory had been reduced to only 45 percent. The real negotiating had already been done on the battlefield. The artfully crafted myth of Serb invincibility had finally been shattered.
On 21 November 1995, after three and half years of war in which 200, 000 people were killed and millions were left homeless, Holbrooke brokered a peace agreement: the Dayton Accord. Bosnia, the Accord stated, would be divided into two almost equal parts: a Muslim Croat federation and a Serb Republic. Milosevic, however, like Saddam Hussein in Iraq after Gulf War I, soon reverted to type as a violent ethnic entrepreneur.
What caused the change in policy in the Clinton White House? The administration dealt with Bosnia because it had the potential to morph from foreign policy disaster to a domestic political problem. Public opinion shifted the debate. However, to be fair, the president took a big political risk in sending more than twenty thousand American soldiers to Bosnia on the eve of the 1996 mid-term elections. When he committed American troops to peacekeeping in Bosnia, the polls were running roughly 70 percent against the idea. He, perhaps, discovered the distinction between a short-term politician and a statesman. But, with characteristic luck, he was able to chalk up his first major foreign policy success.
Neither prose nor epic motion pictures like Hotel Rwanda can capture the magnitude of Rwanda's genocide. In the three months following the shooting down of President Habyarimana's plane on its descent to Kigali airport, as many as 1 million Tutsis were shot in cold blood, burned, starved, tortured, stabbed or hacked to death by machetes. America and the international community did nothing.
Samantha Powers' blood curdling Bystanders to Genocide establishes that not only did the US government know enough about the genocide early on; it also passed up many opportunities to intervene. Non-intervention was an "explicit" U.S. policy objective, not the byproduct of incompetence, although incompetence characterized the decision-making process. Moreover, the US not only failed to intervene, it actually worked to block the subsequent authorization of UN reinforcements. US officials steadily resisted the term "genocide", so as to avoid being compelled to intervene.
Here precise definitions are important. America's and the international community's reluctance to use the term 'genocide', like early on in Bosnia, was easy to explain. The 1949 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide requires it signatories, which included the US, all permanent members of the Security Council and, perversely, Rwanda itself, to "prevent and punish" genocide – defined as acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group – as "a crime against humanity".
Powers avers: "The story of US policy during the genocide in Rwanda is not a story of willful complicity with evil. US officials did not sit around and conspire to allow genocide to happen. But whatever their convictions about "never again", many of them did sit around, and they most certainly did allow genocide to happen". The US in October 1993 had suggested a paltry force of five hundred for the establishment of the UN Assistant Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR).
The Mission was a poor relation of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in Bosnia, which in itself revealed that Rwanda did not even lie in the narrow margins of the West's strategic interests. While Rwanda was of little concern in the State Department, "the testimony of U.S. officials who worked the issue day to day indicates that the plenty was known" about the Hutu designs on Rwanda's Tutsi. To add insult to injury, the decision to send two hundred US troops to Kigali airport in 1994 was based on the repugnant hyper realist calculation that "one American causality is worth about 85, 000 Rwandan dead".
Even though less than two decades has passed, it is difficult to now comprehend the efficient speed with which the Hutu militia were able to butcher their fellow countrymen in acts of Hobbesian regression: despicable acts that were prosecuted faster than those in the Nazi concentration camps.
Thus, speed and political leadership were of the essence and outside intervention would have had to take place by the end of April 1994. Powers concurs, "If the major powers had reconfigured the thousand-man European evacuation force and the U.S. Marines on standby in Burundi, and added them to the peacekeepers in Rwanda, Major General Dallaire [the Canadian mission head] would have had the numbers on his side". While the responsibility lay with the entire international community, the force could not have created without the willingness, at least, of the US to take the lead in generating resources and transporting the troops to Rwanda. It had no interest in doing so.
It was the leader of America's closest ally, Great Britain, not an American President, who first articulated the 'Doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect' on American soil in 1999. "We are witnessing the beginning of a new doctrine of international community," Prime Minister Tony Blair boldly informed a well-heeled Chicago audience. "We are all internationalists now, whether we like it or not. We cannot turn our backs on conflicts and the violation of human rights within other countries [my italics] if we still want to be secure".
In this schema, human rights trump national sovereignty, upending the Westphalia Order. While this, at first glance, is an attractive proposition to internationalists, its arbitrary application, as present day Libya illustrates, presents multiple ethical dilemmas and unpalatable choices. Rwanda's genocide did not receive the top-level attention it merited because of, in part, the unfolding crises, like Bosnia, in other parts of the world. Statecraft, even in its noblest incarnation, will always be subject to scant resources and the exigencies of real politik. The less-than-perfect tests of proportionality, discrimination of means, and chance of reasonable success must therefore be applied. As Joe Nye points out, "noble causes can have terrible consequences if they are accompanied by excessive optimism or willful blindness about the probabilities of success".
These caveats aside, in 2001, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICSS) formally outlined the concept of the 'responsibility to protect' ("R2P"). R2P was formally adopted at the UN General Assembly during the 2005 World Summit. Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa played a major role in the process. The co-chair and former Foreign Minister of Australia, Gareth Evans claimed that R2P's adoption represented a paradigm breakthrough: "We sought to turn the whole weary – and increasingly ugly – debate about "the right to intervene" on its head and re-characterize it not an as argument about the "right" of states to do anything but rather about their responsibility – in this case, to protect people at grave risk. If any "right" was involved, it was of the victims of mass atrocity to be protected". Yet, to the present time, the UN has done little to make its promise operational.
Of equal substantive and symbolic importance, the international tribunals for former Yugoslavia, both established by UN Security Council Resolutions – the first since Nuremburg and Tokyo – were the first tribunals created to deal with atrocities in non-international armed conflicts. The dispensing of justice, albeit justice delayed, coupled with the swift ascendency of the doctrine of The Responsibility to Protect' in the first decade of this century represents, for once, an appropriate filching of Victor Hugo's "idea whose time has come": an idea that was largely written in the blood of the countless innocent victims of Bosnia and Rwanda.
Powers draws out a key observation that was true of Bosnia as it was of Rwanda: "When country-specific knowledge is lacking, foreign governments become more all the more likely to employ faulty analogies and to "fight the last war"". Clinton's refusal to respond to respond to the genocide in Rwanda was due in part to America's retreat from Somalia in 1993. Likewise, in Bosnia, UN peacekeepers under fire from or taken prisoner by Serb forces were expected to turn the other cheek for fear of "crossing the Mogadishu line". This expression, reportedly coined by Lt General Sir Michael Rose, former commander of UNPROFOR, describes the need to maintain neutrality in the face of all provocation for fear of becoming an unwilling participant in a civil war (once again, an argument often employed in the present Libyan crisis). The tendency to fight the "last war" can hubristically turn the wheel the other way too. David Halberstam's The Best and Brightest and Robert McNamara's In Retrospect recounts how President John F. Kennedy's administration skillfully navigated the Cuban Missile Crisis, only to then lead the U.S. into the quagmire of Vietnam.
In both Yugoslavia and Rwanda – and, at that time, in the so-called black-on-black violence in South Africa, and in today's Iraq and Afghanistan – commentators were quick to paint the genocide as "ancient ethnic hatreds". While the violence in both countries had historical ethnic dimensions, it required violent ethnic entrepreneurs – like SA's former homeland leaders – to flick the switch on and off. Violence was the political modus operandi of Milosevic and the Hutu militia, not an inevitable consequence.
To his students at the HKS, Father Bryan Heir espouses his belief that one of the biggest dangers in statecraft is when the decision-maker has not considered the ethical dimensions of military intervention before the first occasion when they are faced with such a crisis. Sarah Sewall, a former Pentagon official who teaches at HKS, extends this principle to civilian protection: "It's only prudent to study mass-atrocity response operations, plan for them and, perhaps most important, conduct exercises with the civilian leaders who would make decisions about potential interventions".
While not condemning or exonerating Clinton, the chronological proximity (they actually coincided) of Bosnia and Rwanda stretched Washington's overstretched foreign policy makers. Likewise, today the US and her allies are exhausted from fighting two prolonged wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and have now been drawn into intervening in Libya. President Barack Obama must have felt the cold presence of the ghosts of Sarajevo and Rwanda in the Oval Office as he watched loyalist forces advance on Misrata. It is well known that Samantha Powers' has been a persuasive voice to the President on the Libyan issue.
Nor is this a story of 'angels and demons'. There exists an ample body of evidence that President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill both knew about the genocide visited upon the Jewish people by the Nazis in WWII. Then, such information could be concealed from the general public. Clinton could not, even if he so desired, turn a blind eye.
The 1990s also saw the beginning of the 24 hours new cycle in which citizens often knows about a calamitous development before the Secretary of State. Consequently, leaders often can no longer draw upon or refresh a veritable intellectual hinterland. South Africa's wartime prime minister and a principle architect of the United Nations at San Francisco, Jan Smuts, would ascend the cool slopes Table Mountain to reflect and read. Winston Churchill, no slouch, famously got out of bed late and lubricated his duties with copious amounts of champagne. Today, responses are instance, and action must be dispatched immediately.
America preponderance of resources, military capability, diplomacy and soft power from Hollywood to Yale means that she will continue to be expected, in John F. Kennedy's elegant words, to live up to the promise to "bear any burden". Halberstam, whose magisterial tomes spanned Vietnam to the Balkans, believed that post cold war America "sought to be the internationalist on the cheap and to remain partially isolationist, sure that it had the right to dictate policy for every other country all over the world".
So America will continue to be chastised for inaction, and accused of 'imperial overstretch' when she intervenes. This, perhaps, is the fate of a great power. The European powers, especially France, were more culpable than America in more quickly preventing the Bosnian genocide. Like her late, but game transforming entrance into WWII, the US fought 'Europe's war' in Bosnia. Adolf Hitler and Slobodan Milosevic would have, in all likelihood, prevailed if not for the prowess of America's military, and the selfless sacrifice of its men and women on the battlefield.
Six years after Rwanda, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa eloquently set forth his vision for an 'African Renaissance'. Yet, the African Union, for the time being, lacks the military capability to intervene in Africa's trouble spots like Darfur and the Central Lakes region. It was an American actor, George Clooney (the hand of soft power at work again), not an African leader, who brought the plight of the people of Darfur to the world's attention and the Oval Office. Yet, Mbeki has toiled recently, almost unnoticed, even in South Africa, to cajole the Sudanese parties towards a peaceful solution.
The retort to those who say that America had no business in intervening in Rwanda and other African crises undercut their own argument: American interests cannot be separated from the security of this vast continent in the age of terror. The late Osama Bin Laden's attacks on the US military in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi in 1998 made this clear.
Rwanda recast US foreign policy in relation to genocidal intervention. In March 1998, Clinton delivered his mea culpa: "We in the United States and the world community did not do as much as we could have and should have done to try to limit what occurred". Neither Obama, nor his successors, are likely to choose not to intervene if a crisis of, at least, the proportion of Rwanda, occurs again. After all, one can draw a global arc of internecine conflicts; it would dissect through Africa's heart. Although America will not be able to intervene in every incident of genocide and ethnic cleansing, the 'Responsibility to Protect' is today embedded in the matrix of US foreign policy. The flame of John Winthrop's 'shining city on the hill' flickered, yet it was not extinguished by the genocides at the heart of Europe and Africa.


text:
was a town located in Kitauwa District, Ehime Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2000, the town had an estimated population of 11,147 and a density of 72.87 persons per km². The total area was 152.98 km².

On January 1, 2005, Hiromi, along with the village of Hiyoshi (also from Kitauwa District), was merged to create the new town of Kihoku.

External links
Official website of Kihoku

Dissolved municipalities of Ehime Prefecture

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Dr. Mindy Mar received her doctorate degree from Southern California University of Health Sciences in 2002. Dr. Mar is a board certified chiropractic sports physician® and a Diplomate of the American Chiropractic Board of Sports Physicians®. She received her Bachelor of Science degree from Arizona State University in 1997 majoring in exercise science with a concentration on athletic training. She obtained her Internationally Certified Chiropractic Sports Practitioners diploma via the Federation of International Chiropractic Sports in 2012. Dr. Mar is listed as a certified member of the Concussion Registry database via American Chiropractic Board of Sports Physicians®.
Dr. Mar has over 20 years of professional experience with pro athletes and teams. In 2007, Dr. Mar was selected as the team doctor for the Charger Girls and continues her role with the Chargers organization to date, recognized as the first female chiropractor within the NFL.
She is passionate about preventative healthcare, healthy living and animal rights/welfare. During her free time, she enjoys vegan cooking/eating, watching sports, working out and relaxing at home with her three cats.
Mar was the team chiropractor/physiotherapist for the BMW ORACLE Racing team, champions of the 33rd America's Cup match in Valencia Spain. Dr. Mar is an official sports medicine volunteer healthcare provider for the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) and was selected as one of four chiropractors in the country to serve a two-week rotation at the Olympic Training Center in Colorado Springs during Summer 2011. Dr. Mar has worked with the U.S. Para-cycling team and Team USA Bobsled & Skeleton both nationally and internationally for various World Cups and served as part of the USOC medical staff for Paralympic Games 2012 in London England. Dr. Mar is an affiliated sports med provider with the Canadian Cycling Association for training camps as well as Para-Track Worlds 2017. She was the sports medicine provider for the San Diego Aviators, pro tennis team within the World Team Tennis, during the 2016 season. Since 2017 she has served as the sports medicine provider for USA Cricket and travels extensively with the team for international tournaments, camps and divisional qualifiers.
In 2013, Dr. Mar was brought on to ViaSat's corporate healthcare center via Cerner Corporation as an on-site healthcare provider and physical rehabilitation specialist for 3000+ employees and their dependents. Professional services include manual adjustments, soft tissue therapy, orthopedic/neurological/physical examination, diagnostics, physiotherapy modalities, Graston Technique®, Kinesio-taping®, Endermologie®, pre and post-operative therapy and exercise rehabilitation.
Dr. Mar is an associate member of the American Chiropractic Board of Sports Physicians®, American Chiropractic Association, ACA Sports Injury Council and California Chiropractic Association. Dr. Mar is also a spokesperson for the Foundation of Chiropractic Progress and TIPS® speaking nationwide on concussions and sports injury.


text:
'America's Got Talent': DJ Khaled is guest judge on July 25 [WATCH]
"America's Got Talent" has moved into the next phase of the competition: Judges Cuts. This week, DJ Khaled joins the four regular judges — – Mel B, Simon Cowell, Heidi Klum and Howie Mandel — to sort through some of the acts that have been sent through in the six weeks of the audition phase. Khaled gets a Golden Buzzer, just like the others, that will send one act straight through to the live shows.
Last week Chris Hardwick, the host of the new NBC game show "The Wall," joined the panel. Still to come as guest judges are Laverne Cox and Seal in one-off appearances. The three weeks of live quarter-finals will then begin in early August and air on both Tuesday and Wednesday. The line-up will consist of the nine golden buzzer acts, the 24 acts from the Judge Cuts, and three wildcard acts to be chosen by the judges. A dozen acts will perform each week; seven acts will make it to the semi-finals while five are axed.
The two weeks of live semi-finals then kick off in late August with the 21 acts voted to the semifinals, plus the judges' semifinal wildcard pick. Each week, 11 acts will perform; five will make it through to the finals and six will be eliminated.
SIGN UP for Gold Derby's newsletter with experts' latest predictions
The two-part finale will take place in mid-September. On the first night, all 10 acts will be perform. On the second, the top 5 will be revealed and then the countdown to the winner starts. The champ will win one million dollars and a gig as a headliner in Las Vegas.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
<!DOCTYPE html>

  <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8" />
  <title>The source code</title>
  <link href="../resources/prettify/prettify.css" type="text/css" rel="stylesheet" />

var _ = require('underscore');
var useit = require('useit');
var Manager = require('port-manager');
var RpcEventEmitter = require('multicast-events').EventEmitter;
var LocalEventEmitter = require('events').EventEmitter;
var util = require('util');
var ip = require('ip');
var tcpUtil = require('./tcp-util');
var axonRpc = require('axon-rpc');
var axon = require('axon-secure');
var Service = require('./service');
var properties = require('./properties');
var methods = require('./methods');
var handlers = require('./handlers');
var norm = require('normalize-arguments');
var debug = require('debug')('synapse');

module.exports = function (config) {
  config = config || {};
  var cfg = useit.load('./defaults').as('config').init(config);
  var rpcCounter = 0;
  // create TCP port manager
  var manager = new Manager(cfg.heartbeat);
  manager.include(cfg.minSrvPort, cfg.maxSrvPort);

  /**
   * @class node_modules.synapsejs.Rpc
   * @cfg {String} [name = 'synapse #n'] The name of the instance.
   * __NOTE__: the default name used as base for the sequence if that set into the module config.
   * @cfg {String} [address] The address bound to the instance
   * @cfg {Number} [port] The port bound to the instance.
   * @cfg {Number} [ghost = false] Set true if the node do not fire announce event and do not handle discovery events.
   * @cfg {Object} [meta] Optional information about the instance (this information is exposed in config).
   * @constructor
   */
  function Rpc(opts) {
    opts = opts || {};
    var localEmitter = new LocalEventEmitter();

    var _name = opts.name || util.format('%s #%d', cfg.name, rpcCounter);
    var _address =  opts.address || ip.address();
    var _port =  opts.port;
    var _meta = opts.meta;
    var _running = false;
    var _ghost = !!opts.ghost;
    var _blacklist = [];
    var _rules = [];

    function addProperties() {
      /**
       * The name of the instance
       * @property {String} name
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'name', {
        get: function get() {
          return _name;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
      /**
       * The address bound to the instance
       * @property {String} address
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'address', {
        get: function get() {
          return _address;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
      /**
       * The port bound to the instance
       * @property {Number} port
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'port', {
        get: function get() {
          return _port;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
      /**
       * Optional information about the service.
       * @property {Object} [meta]
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'meta', {
        get: function get() {
          return _meta;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
      /**
       * The status of the instance.
       * @property {Boolean} running
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'running', {
        get: function get() {
          return _running;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
      /**
       * True if the node is in ghost mode (no announce event fired and no discovery events handling).
       * @property {Boolean} ghost
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'ghost', {
        get: function get() {
          return _ghost;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
      /**
       * @property {Array} blacklist The list of the blocked services.
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'blacklist', {
        get: function get() {
          return _blacklist;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
      /**
       * @propety {Array} rules The list of the rules (ACLs) used to block some services.
       */
      Object.defineProperty(this, 'rules', {
        get: function get() {
          return _rules;
        },
        enumerable: true
      });
    }

    addProperties.call(this);

    rpcCounter++;
    var self = this;

    if (!tcpUtil.verifyAddress(_address)) {
      throw new Error(util.format('no interface is configured with %s address', _address));
    }
    var rpcEmitter = new RpcEventEmitter({
      name: cfg.rpcEmitterName,
      id: cfg.name,
      group: cfg.advAddress,
      secure: cfg.secure,
      cipher: cfg.cipher,
      secret: cfg.secret,
      ttl: cfg.ttl,
      octet: cfg.octet,
      port: cfg.minEventsPort,
      interface: cfg.interface,
      foreignOnly: true,
      events: _.extend(cfg.events, opts.events)
    });
    var rep = axon.socket('rep', {
      secure: cfg.secure,
      cipher: cfg.cipher,
      secret: cfg.secret
    });
    var rpc = new axonRpc.Server(rep);
    var announce = methods.announce.call(this, localEmitter, rpcEmitter);
    var discovery = methods.discovery.call(this, rpcEmitter);
    var expose = methods.expose.call(this, localEmitter, rpc);
    var execute = methods.execute.call(this, localEmitter);
    var onAnnounce = handlers.onAnnounce.call(this, localEmitter);
    var onDiscovery = handlers.onDiscovery.call(this, localEmitter, rpcEmitter);

    function start(ghost, meta, cb) {
      debug('%s start request', self.name);

      var args = norm(arguments, [norm.boolean(_ghost), norm.object(_meta), norm.fn(undefined)]);
      ghost = !!args[0];
      meta = args[1];
      cb = args[2];

      _ghost = ghost;
      _meta = meta;

      function listen() {
        var startTimeout = setTimeout( function () {
          _running = false;
          var error = new Error(util.format('%s start timeout', self.name));
          localEmitter.emit(cfg.errorEvent, error);
          cb && cb(error);
        }, cfg.timeout);

        // listen foreign only announce events
        rpcEmitter.on(cfg.announceEvent, onAnnounce);
        // listen foreign only discovery events
        rpcEmitter.on(cfg.discoveryEvent, onDiscovery);

        debug('%s bind port %d', self.name, self.port);

        rep.bind(self.port, function () {
          clearTimeout(startTimeout);
          debug('%s emit "%s" config %o', self.name, cfg.startEvent, self.config);
          _running = true;
          localEmitter.emit(cfg.startEvent, self.config);
          cb && cb(null, self.config);
          self.announce();
          self.discovery();
        });
      }
      if (!_ghost) {
        if (opts.port) {
          debug('%s claim TCP port %d for "%s"', self.name, opts.port, cfg.name);
        } else {
          debug('%s claim a free TCP port for "%s"', self.name, cfg.name);
        }
        // get a free TCP port
        manager.claim(self.name, opts.port, function (err, service) {
          if (err) {
            err = new Error(err);
            localEmitter(cfg.errorEvent, err);
            cb && cb(err);
          } else {
            _port = service.port;
            listen();
          }
        });
      } else if (_.isEmpty(rpc.methods)) {
        // listen foreign only announce events
        rpcEmitter.on(cfg.announceEvent, onAnnounce);
        _running = true;
        var ghostConfig = {
          name: self.name,
          address: self.address,
          port: 'ghost',
          meta: self.meta
        };
        debug('%s emit "%s" config %o', self.name, cfg.startEvent, ghostConfig);
        localEmitter.emit(cfg.startEvent, ghostConfig);
        cb && cb(null, ghostConfig);
        self.discovery();
      } else {
        var error = new Error(util.format('%s unable start in ghost mode with exposed methods', self.name));
        localEmitter.emit(cfg.errorEvent, error);
        cb && cb(error);
      }
      return this;
    }

    function stop(cb) {
      debug('%s stop request', self.name);
      // the running status is unknown until the shutdown is complete
      _running = null;

      var stopTimeout = setTimeout(function () {
        var error = new Error(util.format('%s stop timeout', self.name));
        localEmitter.emit(cfg.errorEvent, error);
        cb && cb(error);
      }, cfg.timeout);

      function callback(cb) {
        if (relatedServicesDestroyed && repClosed) {
          clearTimeout(stopTimeout);
          debug('%s emit "%s"', self.name, cfg.stopEvent);
          _running = false;
          localEmitter.emit(cfg.stopEvent, self.config);
          cb && cb(null, self.config);
        }
      }

      // remove listeners
      setImmediate(function () {
        rpcEmitter.off(cfg.announceEvent, onAnnounce);
        rpcEmitter.off(cfg.discoveryEvent, onDiscovery);
      });

      // disconnect services
      var filter = {
        parent: self.name
      };
      var relatedServices = _.where(Service.list, filter);
      var i;
      var destroyed = 0;
      var max = relatedServices.length;
      var relatedServicesDestroyed;

      function _destroy() {
        destroyed++;
        relatedServicesDestroyed = (destroyed === max);
        callback(cb);
      }

      if (max > 0) {
        for (i = relatedServices.length -1; i >= 0; i--) {
          relatedServices[i].destroy(_destroy);
        }
      } else {
        relatedServicesDestroyed = true;
      }

      var repClosed;
      rep.close(function () {
        repClosed = true;
        callback(cb);
      });
      return this;
    }

    function addMethods() {
      /**
       * Add a listener for the specified event.
       * @param {String} event The event.
       * @param {Function} listener The function to call when the event occurs.
       * @return {Rpc}
       * @chainable
       */
      this.addListener = function addListener(event, listener) {
        localEmitter.addListener(event, listener);
        return self;
      };
      /**
       * Remove the listener for the specified event.
       * @param {String} event The event.
       * @param {Function} listener The function to remove when the event occurs.
       * @return {Rpc}
       * @chainable
       */
      this.removeListener = function removeListener(event, listener) {
        localEmitter.removeListener(event, listener);
        return self;
      };
      /**
       * Remove all listener or only all listeners for the event if specified.
       * @param {String} [event] The event.
       * @return {Rpc}
       * @chainable
       */
      this.removeAllListeners = function removeAllListeners(event) {
        localEmitter.removeAllListeners(event);
        return self;
      };
      /**
       * Add a listener for the specified event but remove it after the first call.
       * @param {String} event The event.
       * @param {Function} listener The function to call when the event occurs.
       * @return {Rpc}
       * @chainable
       */
      this.once = function once(event, listener) {
        localEmitter.once(event, listener);
        return self;
      };
      /**
       * Alias for addListener.
       * @method on
       * @inheritdoc #addListener
       * @chainable
       */
      this.on = this.addListener;
      /**
       * Alias for removeListener.
       * @method off
       * @inheritdoc #removeListener
       * @chainable
       */
      this.off = this.removeListener;
      /**
       * Announce this new synapse node instance on the network.
       * @method
       * @chainable
       * @fires announce
       */
      this.announce = announce;
      /**
       * Discovery all synapse node on the network.
       * @method
       * @chainable
       * @fires discovery
       */
      this.discovery = discovery;
      /**
       * Start the synapse node.
       * @param {Boolean} [ghost = false] Set true if no announce event and no discovery response is required (ghost mode).
       * @param {Object} [meta] Optional information available in config.
       * @param {Function} cb The callback after the start.
       * @param {Error|String} cb.err The error if occurred.
       * @param {Object} cb.config The config of the started node (service).
       * @param {String} cb.config.name The name of the service.
       * @param {String} cb.config.address The address of the service.
       * @param {Number|String} cb.config.port The port of the service or 'ghost' if the service is in ghost mode.
       * @param {Object} cb.config.meta Optional information about the service.
       * @fires start
       * @chainable
       */
      this.start = start;
      /**
       * Stop the synapse node.
       * @param {Function} cb The callback after the stop.
       * @param {Error|String} cb.err The error if occurred.
       * @param {Object} cb.config The config of the stopped node (service).
       * @param {String} cb.config.name The name of the service.
       * @param {String} cb.config.address The address of the service.
       * @param {Number|String} cb.config.port The port of the service or 'ghost' if the service is in ghost mode.
       * @fires stop
       * @chainable
       */
      this.stop = stop;
      /**
       * Expose many or a single method.
       *
       * ## Example
       *
       * ```js
       * var Synapse = require('synapsejs');
       * var rpc = new Synapse();
       * rpc
       *    .expose('sum', function (a, b, cb) {
     *      cb(a + b);
     *    });
       *    .expose('sub', function (a, b, cb) {
     *      cb(a - b);
     *    });
       *
       * // or alternatively
       *
       * rpc.expose({
     *    sum: function (a, b, cb) {
     *      cb(a + b);
     *    },
     *    sub: function (a, b, cb) {
     *      cb(a - b);
     *    }
     * });
       * ```
       *
       * @param {String|Object} name The name of the exposed method
       * @param {String|Object} fn The function exposed.
       *
       * __NOTE__ The function __MUST__ return the result using a callback whose first argument is the error if occurred or null if no error was occurred.
       * @fires expose
       * @method
       * @chainable
       */
      this.expose = expose;
      /**
       * Execute a remote method searching it into all nodes.
       *
       * ## Example
       *
       * ```js
       * var Synapse = require('synapsejs');
       * var rpc = new Synapse();
       * rpc.execute('sum', 1, 2, function (err, result) {
     *    console.log(result);    // 3
     * });
       * ```
       *
       * @param {String} name The name of the method. It is possible to specify the method name only or a full qualified name depending on the number of the nodes with the same method name exposed:
       *    - `method`: the name of the method
       *    - `service`.`method`: the name of the service and the name of the method
       *    - `service`@`address`.`method`: the name of the service with its address and the name of the method
       *    - `service`@`address`:`port`.`method`: the name of the service with its address and port and the name of the method
       * @param {Mixed} [arguments] All params required by the remote method.
       * @param {Function} fn The callback with the result of the method.
       * @param {Error|String} fn.err The error if occurred or null if no error was occurred.
       * @param {Mixed} [fn.arguments] All results provided by the remote method.
       * @method
       * @chainable
       */
      this.execute = execute;
    }

    addMethods.call(this);
  }

  properties.addProperties(Rpc.prototype);
  methods.addMethods(Rpc.prototype);

  return Rpc;
};

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Nikolina. Age: 23. Take good care of me during our rendez vous and i will take even better care of you. I promise! I can be very naughty when you play with me right and in a courteous manner.
Tragedy for Paul Walker's family as it emerged the actor, 40, was confirmed dead. She was never going to turn up and do some ballroom dancing in a traditional gown. At one stage he tweaked her nose then pushed both hands in her face. Miley Cyrus The Queen of Twerk usually flaunts her figure in crop tops and booty shots, but she showed off everything in the name of skin cancer prevention.
Would you like to view this in our Australian edition? So sorry I'm not here on the day of your birth. Hottest guys of summer TV. Tragedy for Paul Walker's family as it emerged the actor, 40, was confirmed dead.
Stars rock the red carpet — Ed Sheeran. Stars rock the red carpet — Vinny Guadagnino. Recent Articles Storytelling and the Christian Worldview: Chat with us in Facebook Messenger. Stars rock the red carpet — Wiz Khalifa. Stars rock the red carpet — Jennifer Hudson.
SI agree about the editing....................truly voveur ,, any more?


Our company puts emphasis on the management, the introduction of talented personnel, and the construction of staff building, trying hard to improve the quality and liability consciousness of staff members. Our company successfully attained IS9001 Certification and European CE Certification of Automation Control, Paraffin Wax Market, Automatic Lcd Temperature Control Hair Brush Reviews, Create Values,Serving Customer!" is the aim we pursue. We sincerely hope that all customers will establish long term and mutually beneficial cooperation with us.If you wish to get more details about our company, Please contact with us now. for Chicken Netting Hexagonal Netting , Galvanised Hexagonal Netting , hexagonal netting , We're keeping chasing WIN-WIN situation with our consumers. We warmly welcome clientele from all around the environment coming above for a visit and establishing long lasting connection.
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The 2019 Annie Armstrong Easter Offering continues! Help us meet our church goal of $1500 and light the candles in the sanctuary. Every penny goes to the North American Missionaries (see www.anniearmstrong.com for more info). Pray for the missionaries!


text:
Елґін () — графство у провінції Онтаріо, Канада. Графство є переписним районом та адміністративною одиницею провінції.

Графство розташоване на південно-східному березі озера Гурон, адміністрація графства знаходиться в містечку Сент-Томас.

Графство було назване на честь Джеймса Брюса, 8-го графа Елґіна (), генерал-губернатора Канади в р. 1847–1854.

Адміністративний поділ

 Містечко Алмер ()
 Муніципалітет Бейгам ()
 Муніципалітет Центральний Елґін ()
 Муніципалітет Даттон/Данвич ()
 Муніципалітет Вест-Елґін ()
 Містечко Малагайд ()
 Містечко Саутволд ()

Посилання
  Офіційний сайт графства Елґін
 Історична мапа Елґіна 1877 р.
 Сайт Елґіна
 Містечко Малагайд
 Центральний Елґін
 Вест-Елґін
 Алмер

Примітки

Графства Онтаріо


text:
Secrets of Otago's sea life to be shared in gigcity-funded 'fishy webcam'
Jacques-Pierre (Jp) Dumas
The habits and behaviour of Dunedin's marine life will be shared with the world through a new GigCity Community project that will livestream footage from underwater webcams in aquarium tanks and off the wharf at the New Zealand Marine Studies Centre in Portobello.
A $32,000 GigCity Community Fund grant, part of the final $45,000 left from the $500,000 given to the city by Chorus for winning its Gigatown competition, was awarded for the 'Fishy Webcam' project, which seeks to deliver a window into Dunedin's unique local marine life.
Chorus NZ's Dunedin Liaison Manager Kim Stewart says, "The fishy webcam project showcases how technology can open your world, by assessing the behaviour of Dunedin's marine life over time, the project team will be able to gauge the changing environment, while the public will be able to get an insight into the diversity of Dunedin's underwater world."
A second project, 'The Elder Gateway', from Presbyterian Support Otago was given $13,000 to develop an app which acts as a central resource for information for older people in Dunedin.
The platform will deliver a single location supplying information on local events, activities, resources and services of interest to older members of the Dunedin community.
Digital Community trust chairman John Gallaher says, "A total of $500,000 has been given to Dunedin's community organisations to help develop a diverse range of tech projects that will assist residents in various ways.
"It's been exciting to help build a strong community foundation to ensure the benefits of the Gigatown win continue well into Dunedin's future."
"From coding classes for youth or VR learning programmes through to public digital art projects, the GigCity Community Fund has established a community legacy for Dunedin."
While this is the final round of funding, it is only the beginning of the advancements for Dunedin on its journey to becoming a Smart City of the future.
Gallaher says the most recently funded projects are a fantastic addition to an extensive list of community assets in the technology space.
Vodafone, Vocus welcome Com Com scrutiny on unbundled broadband
Single visit fibre install now available through Chorus
Chorus announces full HD streaming support in time for Rugby World Cup
University of Waikato's Cyber Challenge kicks off
Record-breaking data usage over school holidays
GigCity
Internet of Things / IoT
Mobile data usage causes huge demand for mobile broadband
In 2018, broadband subscriptions rose by 8%, or 108 million subscriptions, resulting in mobile broadband penetration reaching just under 110%.More


text:
Evangelical Christianity in Crisis Over Its Political Choices
Wow. Even before the first vote was cast in the Alabama Senate race on Tuesday, Mark Galli, the editor of Christianity Today, had written an editorial that evangelical support for Roy Moore (and Donald Trump too) had tarnished "Christianity's integrity" for at least a generation.
Galli is critical of liberal evangelicals too. (Yes, Dorothy! There are liberal evangelicals in this world, though they are infrequently featured on Fox and Friends.) Galli says that liberal Christians have been too quick to condemn all conservative Christians for the "conservative idolators of political power," that handful of media whores like Franklin Graham who get all the attention:
This is not to excuse some statements by conservative leaders that cannot be interpreted in any other way than as a slur against gays, Muslims, Mexicans, and others. Some conservatives are fearful beyond reason. Some conservatives clearly worship political power as much as they do Jesus Christ. But too often, we mistake the inarticulate groanings of certain foolish conservative leaders for the actual beliefs and behavior of the mass of evangelicals who vote for Donald Trump or Roy Moore.
Galli continues:
The problem with many Christian conservatives is this: They believe they can help the country become godly again by electing people whose godliness is seriously questioned by the very people they want to influence.
According to Laura Goodstein,
The bloc [of Christianity] that has marched under the banner of the "Moral Majority" and "values voters" has now been tagged as the most reliable base of support for both Mr. Moore and President Trump, two politicians who are known for fanning racial and religious prejudices and who stand accused of sexual harassment by numerous women .... White evangelicals across the country delivered 81 percent of their votes to Mr. Trump last year, according to exit poll data, and backed Mr. Moore in Alabama by the same proportion on Tuesday.
Evangelical slavishness for the likes of Donald Trump appears to be cracking a little. According to Goodstein, "There are young evangelicals who are disavowing their elders. There are Latino, Asian, black and Native American evangelicals who are outraged at white believers for allying with a president they regard as racist and hostile to immigrants."
A poll conducted from Nov. 29 to Dec. 4 by the Pew Research Center found that the president's job approval among white evangelical Protestants had fallen to 61 percent, from 78 percent in February.
Are some evangelicals having their moment of light like Saul of Tarsus on the road to Damascus?
Labels: Donald Trump, Franklin Graham, religion and politics, Roy Moore
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Dead Man Walking


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