text:
Chinese Singaporeans
Get Chinese Singaporeans essential facts below. View Videos or join the Chinese Singaporeans discussion. Add Chinese Singaporeans to your PopFlock.com topic list for future reference or share this resource on social media.
Elderly Chinese Singaporeans playing chess in Chinatown, Singapore.
76.2% of the Singaporean population (2015)[1]
Predominantly Mandarin (lingua franca of all Chinese), English (medium of communication in government, education and commerce), other Chinese dialects (Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka, Hainanese, Fuzhounese, Shanghainese, etc) and uncommonly spoken by a small minority, Malay (Mainly only Peranakans)
Buddhism · Atheism · Christianity · Islam · Taoism · Chinese folk religion
Overseas Chinese
Chinese Singaporeans (simplified Chinese: /; traditional Chinese: /; pinyin: X?nji?p? Huárén / Huáyì x?nji?p?rén) is a local ethnic group in Singapore. The group is defined as Singaporeans of full or partial Chinese – particularly southern Chinese – ancestry from numerous different regions. Local Chinese Singaporeans constituted 76.2% of the country's citizens,[1] making them the largest ethnic group in Singapore.[2]
Outside Greater China, Singapore is the only country in the world where Overseas Chinese constitute a majority of the population and are well represented in all levels of Singaporean society, politically and economically.[3][4][5] It is the home of the fifth largest number of people of the Chinese diaspora, behind the Chinese communities in Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the United States.
In the Chinese language, Singaporean Chinese distinguish themselves as people of Chinese descent (; Huáyì) rather than overseas Chinese (; Huáqiáo / ?).
The Singapore Department of Statistics defines "Chinese" as a "race" or "ethnic group" and "Chinese in Singapore" as referring to Singaporean Chinese who settled down in Singapore before Singapore's independence in 1965.[] They consist of "persons of Chinese origin" such as the Hokkiens, Teochews, Hainanese, Cantonese, Hakka, Hokchias and Foochows, Henghuas, Shanghainese, Northern Chinese, etc."[6]
Ancestral Origins
In general, the Singaporeans of Chinese descent are grouped according to their respective ancestral origins in China or dialect/language-speaking group. Most descended from the southeastern coast of China in the provinces of Fujian, Guangdong and Hainan. The Min Nan people (Hokkiens and Teochew) and Cantonese together form more than three-quarters of the Singaporean Chinese population. The Hakka, Henghuas, Foochows and other groups account for most of the remainder. These are generally the descendants of the free and indentured immigrants from southern China during the 19th and early half of the 20th century and are typically known as "'native' Singaporean Chinese" (s , p X?nji?p?b?ndì Huárén). The 1990s and early 21st century saw Singapore experience a third wave of migration from different parts of China.
This clickable map depicts the ancestral homelands of the majority of Chinese Singaporeans. Click on the regional subdivisions to see the name of a state, province, or region.
Population Profile of Singapore Han Chinese Subgroups[7][8]
Province/region
Ancestral home
(Minnan) Fujian
Xiamen: Tong'an
Quanzhou: Anxi, Nan'an, Jinjiang, Shishi, Hui'an, Yongchun, Kinmen
Zhangzhou: Longhai, Pinghe, Zhao'an, Longyan 896,080 1,028,490 1,118,817
Teochew Guangdong Chaozhou, Shantou, Chao'an, Chaoyang, Jieyang, Raoping, Chenghai, Puning, Huilai 466,020 526,200 562,139
Cantonese Guangdong
Guangzhou, Zhaoqing, Foshan, Shunde, Sanshui, Taishan, Heshan, Dongguan, Kaiping, Xinhui, Enping 327,870 385,630 408,517
Hakka Guangdong
Chengxiang County (present-day Meixian District), Dapu, Hepo, Huizhou, Danshui (present-day Huiyang District), Yongding, Heyuan, Western Longyan, Lufeng 155,980 198,440 232,914
Hainanese Hainan Wenchang, Haikou, Qionghai, Ding'an, Wanning 148,740 167,590 177,541
(Mindong) Fujian Fuzhou, Changle, Gutian 36,490 46,890 54,233
Henghua
(Putian) Fujian Putian, Xianyou 19,990 23,540 25,549
Shanghainese Shanghai Shanghai 17,310 21,550 22,053
Hockchia
(Fuqing) Fujian
Zhejiang Fuqing 13,230 15,470 16,556
Other Various Various 50,150 91,590 175,661
Thian Hock Keng is the oldest Hokkien temple in Singapore.
The Hoklo () constitute around two-fifths of the Singaporean Chinese population. They are the largest linguistic group in Singapore. They come from the Minnan or Hoklo people who originated in the southern parts of the Fujian province, including Xiamen, Quanzhou, and Zhangzhou.
They speak Singaporean Hokkien, the standard of which is based on the Amoy dialect of Xiamen, which is partially comprehensible with Teochew although less so with Hainanese.[9] Hokkien Chinese was a lingua franca among coastal Chinese and was also used by other ethnic groups such as the Malays and Indians to communicate with Chinese before Mandarin came to dominance during the 1980s and 1990s.
Just as in Taiwan, Hoklo people, speakers of Hokkien, refers not to people originating from all parts of Fujian. "Hokkien" refers only to the Minnan (Southern Min) region of southern coastal Fujian. Singaporean Hokkien does not include northern Fujianese such as those arriving from Fuzhou, Putian, and so on. Early Hokkien migrants settled around Amoy Street and Telok Ayer Street, forming enclaves around the Thian Hock Kheng Temple. They subsequently set up clan headquarters (Hokkien Huey Kuan) there and later expanded to Hokkien Street and the vicinity of China Street. The Hokkien were the most active in early trading that centred along the Singapore River.
As early settlers came from the southern coast of China, they were active in sea trade and worshipped one of the patron-deities of Taoist pantheon, the Heavenly Mother Ma Zhu, a protectress of sailors. In Singapore, her idol was at the Thian Hock Kheng Temple, which was thus also known as the Ma Zhor Kheng. Other popular deities are the Nine Emperor Gods and the Jade Emperor, who is celebrated on his birthday on the 9th day of Chinese New Year.[]
A traditional Taoist practice by a spiritual medium (, p j?tóng, Hokkien tangki,:) is also popular. The tangki goes into a trance and purportedly channels a chosen deity for the petitioner. The deity then provides a wide range of help ranging from religious rituals to answering queries to providing protective talismans.[]
The Ngee Ann Kongsi is based at the Teochew Building on Tank Road.
The Teochew-speaking group in Singapore constitutes about a fifth of the Singaporean Chinese population, making them the second largest Southern Min dialect-speaking group in Singapore. The Teochew speakers form a separate division of Hoklo (Min Nan/Hokkien) people. They originated from Chaoshan region in eastern Guangdong, in cities like Chaozhou, Jieyang and Shantou. Many trace their origins from different Northern cities, but were settled there to maintain as county authorities within the south of China.
Despite similarities, the Teochew and Hokkien speakers consider themselves distinct and did not get along during their early settlement in Singapore, especially during the British colonial era. The Teochew were dominant for a period of time during the 19th century. Mass immigration from Fujian changed this, although the majority of the Chinese along the banks of the Straits of Johor were Teochew until the HDB initiated redevelopment in the 1980s. The Straits Times reports that Hougang still has a relatively high concentration of Teochew residents.[]
Most Teochew settled along the Singapore River in Chinatown during the 19th and early 20th century. Teochew who settled in Chinatown worked in many commercial sectors as well as the fisheries. Commercial sectors once dominated by Teochews include Circular Road and South Bridge Road. Other Teochew businessmen set up gambier and pepper plantations in the dense forests of north Singapore and Johor Bahru. The Chinese first started their plantations with the approval of the Sultan of Johor and then developed the kangchu (, p ji?ngcuò, lit. "river house") system. Chu was the clan name of the first headman of the plantations in the area. These kangchus gave rise to modern place names such as Choa Chu Kang, Lim Chu Kang and Yio Chu Kang, all of which were plantation areas prior to urban redevelopment.
Early Chinese immigrants clustered themselves to form clan and language associations. These clan associations (kongsi) served as unions for the mostly illiterate Chinese labourers and represented them when dealing with their colonial administrators or employers. One of the more prominent associations for the Teochew was the Ngee Ann Kongsi, formed in 1845 and still in operation.
The Cantonese make up 15% of the Singaporean Chinese population. They originated from Hong Kong and the southern region of Guangdong province in (mainland) China, including Guangzhou, Foshan, Zhaoqing, Jiangmen, Maoming and Heshan.
The Cantonese speak several dialects belonging to the Yue family. Yue Hai is considered the prestige dialect from its occurrence in Guangzhou. Other variants include Luoguang, Siyi and Gouyeung. The Gwainaam is spoken by immigrants from Guangxi and shares close affinity with Pinghua.
The Cantonese worked mainly as professionals and tradesmen during the early and mid 20th centuries, and their businesses dominated the shop houses along Temple Street, Pagoda Street, and Mosque Street. Cantonese women from the Samsui district worked at construction sites and contributed greatly toward Singapore's development. These Samsui women left their families behind in China and came to Singapore to work at construction sites for a living during the early 20th century. Cantonese women from the Siyi district of Jiangmen wore black headgear similar to the Samsui women and mainly worked at Keppel Harbour and the shipyards at the old harbour along the Singapore River. Many Cantonese women also worked as majie in rich people's households. More Cantonese immigrated from Hong Kong in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
Today, the Cantonese dialect is still preserved amongst ethnic Chinese of Cantonese descent, although most younger generations tend to speak more Mandarin and English due to language reforms (while learning other official and national languages such as Tamil and Malay as supplementary languages for communication), but still widely used as the main lingua franca for connecting both the older and the younger generations when communicating to one another as well.
As of 2010, Singaporeans recognise Chinatown for having a large number of Cantonese people.
Ying Fo Fui Kun is the first Hakka clan association in Singapore.
The Hakka constitute 11.4% of the Singaporean Chinese population.[10] They originated mainly from the northeastern part of Guangdong, from such areas mostly in the villages of Meixian and Dapu in Meizhou prefecture.
There are more than 200,000 Hakkas here and they are the fourth-largest dialect group after the Hokkiens, Teochews and Cantonese. The Hakkas are known for running pawnshops, traditional Chinese medicine shops and optical shops.[]
Many Hakka women who came to Singapore during the early 20th century worked in construction sites and wore headgear similar to the Samsui women. However, unlike the Samsui, the Hakka women wore black headgear.
Ying He Hui Guan (?), a Hakka clan association, is the oldest clan association in Singapore. Its clan house is located at Telok Ayer Street in the Outram Planning Area, within the Central Area, Singapore's central business district.
In 2015 a Hakka tulou () replica was built. The replica in Singapore was built by the Fong Yun Thai Association, an umbrella body for three Hakka clans - Char Yong (Dabu) Association, Eng Teng Association and Foong Shoon Fui Kuan. This is the only tulou replica outside of proper China till date.
Singapore's founding father Lee Kuan Yew and his son, current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong were fourth and fifth generation Singaporean Chinese of Hakka descent, respectively. Apart from Lee Kuan Yew, numerous first generation of leaders of independent Singapore were of Hakka descent, such as Chor Yeok Eng, Hon Sui Sen, Howe Yoon Chong and Yong Nyuk Lin.
Other Min
This group constitutes about 5% of the Singaporean Chinese population. Of them, the majority are from Hainan and speak Hainanese. The Hainanese in Singapore originated mainly from north-east part of the island, from cities such as Wenchang and Haikou.
As relative late-comers to Singapore in the late 19th century, most of them worked as shop assistants, chefs, and waiters in the hospitality sector. Hainanese chicken rice became a famous dish. They were also known for their Western cooking, as many of the early Hainanese migrants worked as cooks on European ships.
The Hockchew and Hockchia originated from northeastern Fujian, particularly Fuzhou and its surrounding village of Fuqing. They speak various Eastern Min dialects.
The Puxian or Hinghwas originated from Central Fujian – Putian and Xianyou – and speak Puxian Min.
This group numbers around 30,000 (2012) and constitutes less than 2% of Singaporean population.[11] In Singapore, due to their small population, the Taiwanese are often grouped into larger populations, such as the Hokkien and Hakka, according to their dialect or ancestral origin. Newer Taiwanese immigrants have formed a distinctive group on their own. They may speak Taiwanese Mandarin, Hokkien, or Hakka and originate from many different cities, including Taipei, New Taipei, Hsinchu, Taichung, Tainan, and Kaohsiung.
According to the book "Japanese's view of Singapore" edited by Mr. Lin Shaobin, the Vice-Chairman of Singapore Japanese cultural society, the "bank of Taiwan" started its operation in Singapore from 1912 to 1925. The book also indicated that according to Japanese statistics of 1932, there were around 105 Taiwanese living in Malaya (including Singapore). According to verbal accounts by Singaporeans, many of the "Japanese" soldiers involved in the occupation of Singapore during World War II were in fact Taiwanese serving in the Imperial Japanese Army. Similar accounts relate that many teachers of Chinese in the 1950s and 1960s came from Taiwan. After 1965, military ties led to the immigration of some Taiwanese military personnel as high-ranking officers in Singapore Armed Forces. More immigration began during the 1970s and 1980s from investors, businessmen, and students. Most of these were highly educated and employed in professions such as engineering, business, investment, research and education. Intermarriages between Chinese and Taiwanese Singaporeans often resulted in the Taiwanese partner moving to Singapore and obtaining citizenship.[12]
Peranakans in Singapore were once concentrated in Katong.
The Peranakan or Baba-Nyonya are early Chinese immigrants from Malacca and Penang who later migrated to Singapore. A large number are mixed Chinese and the indigenous Malay or other indigenous populations like the Malays, Bugis Javanese, certain Peranakans classify themselves as a separate ethnic group and have a distinct identity from either separate group, although many of them also decided to put themselves as ethnic Chinese racial classification in their Birth Certs and NRICs for census purposes.[] The men are known as Baba while the women are known as Bibiks or Nyonyas.[13]
Peranakans in Singapore were once concentrated around the Malay settlement at Geylang and the Chinese enclave at Katong, because they often served as intermediaries for businesses and social groups in colonial Singapore owing to multilingual fluency in English, Malay, and Hokkien (post-independence and after the 1980s, standard Mandarin as well mastered as a third supplementary language). Many Peranakans and Hokkien Chinese moved out of the congested town of Singapore – today's Central Business District – and built seaside mansions and villas along the East Coast in Tanjong Katong for their families. After Singapore's independence, Peranankan people have moved throughout the island.
Many Peranankans converted to Roman Catholicism during the 17th and 18th century Dutch, Portuguese, British and Spanish colonisation of southeast Asia, which saw missionaries set up posts in Batavia (today's Jakarta) and along the Malay peninsula.
New Chinese migrants
Prior to 1990, Mandarin speakers from Beijing and northern China and Wu speakers from Shanghai and the central Pacific coast of China constituted less than 2% of the Chinese Singaporean population. Most of the current population of native Mandarin speakers immigrated to Singapore much later than the other groups, after the Singaporean government relaxed immigration laws in 1989. Because of this, the members of this third wave are called the "New Immigrants" (???, p X?nyímín). They all speak Standard Mandarin,[] the lingua franca among mainland Chinese groups today, and many speak other varieties as well. Since the 1990s, the number of mainland Chinese who come to Singapore to study or work has steadily increased every year. Many stayed only for a short time and then returned to China, but eventually many settled down permanently and became permanent residents or citizens of Singapore.
New Immigrants tend to be highly paid white-collar workers in multinational corporations or academics in research and educational institutes. There is also an increasing number of teachers of Chinese from the PRC working in primary and secondary schools and junior colleges in Singapore.[]
Bilingual signage at the junction of Pekin Street and China Street, Singapore, photographed February 1969 × July 1971.
Traditionally, Chinese-Singaporeans used their respective mother tongues as their main avenue of communication. Although that led to communication difficulties amongst speakers of more drastically different dialects, it has nevertheless forged strong dialectal bonds amongst the Chinese community.
But today, the speech of Chinese in Singapore exhibits a great amount of linguistic diversity and includes English, Singlish, Mandarin, Singdarin (Colloquial Singaporean Mandarin), Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka, Hainanese, as well as other varieties. Most Chinese Singaporeans are generally bilingual, whereby they can speak both English and a variety of Chinese.
Before the 1980s
Before the 1980s, Singaporean Chinese were either English-educated or Chinese-educated. The English-educated Chinese were educated with English as the medium of instruction and learnt little or no Mandarin in school (in such cases, Mandarin became an optional language). As a result, they became affianced to English-speaking and inevitably distanced from the Chinese language and their respective mother tongues. On the other hand, the Chinese-educated were educated with Mandarin as the medium of instruction but learnt little or no English. They usually speak Mandarin and their respective mother tongues with little or no English. There were of course a portion of Chinese Singaporeans who were bilingual, i.e. simultaneously educated with English and Mandarin as the medium of instruction, or who attended Chinese-based primary schools and subsequently transferred to English-based schools for their secondary education.
After the 1980s
After the 1980s, all schools (including former Chinese-based schools) in Singapore began to use English as the primary medium of instruction with Mandarin as a secondary language. Thus, Chinese Singaporeans educated in the post-80s are theoretically bilingual.
English is supposedly the first language and therefore presumably spoken by all residents of Singapore. This was partly due to the policy of Singapore's government to make English the medium of instruction in all schools in the 1980s (including former Chinese-based schools), as well as making English the working language for administration and business in Singapore (in short making English the lingua franca among all Singaporean). The presence of the English language in Singapore has its roots originating from Singapore's colonial past, when Singapore was a British colony. As a result of the government's policy, English or Singlish has become widespread among the residents of Singapore, including but not limited to the Chinese Singaporeans, and this especially the case among the younger generations. As of 2010, it was estimated that 32.6% of Singapore Chinese speak English at home.[14] But at work or in the city and business district, English is the official lingua franca, but ironically the Hokkien dialect remains extant amongst Singaporeans, not limiting to the Chinese, and operates as an unofficial common language.
Mandarin is another widely spoken language among Chinese Singaporeans. As of 2010, it was estimated that 47.7% of Chinese Singaporeans speak Mandarin at home.[14] Evidently, Singapore government's Speak Mandarin Campaign was launched in the 1980s with the intention of making Mandarin the lingua franca among the Chinese in Singapore.[15] It was intentionally a way to unify the Chinese from different dialect groups. In the 1990s, this campaign began to target the English-speaking Chinese Singaporeans. As a result of this campaign, Mandarin became widespread in places such as residential areas, neighbourhood markets and even business districts. Mandarin is also often spoken in most "traditional Chinese-based" schools, despite the fact that English is their medium of instruction. Colloquially, as with all other languages spoken in Singapore, the Chinese Singaporeans prefer a localised flavour in mixing words from English, Hokkien, Malay, and some other varieties, into their Mandarin speech. Most young Chinese Singaporeans are capable of conversational Mandarin, but are weaker in their ability to write Chinese.
Variations according to age group
The linguistic diversity among Singaporean Chinese varies according to age group. Most young Singaporean Chinese speak either English or Mandarin while the elderly, though able to converse in Mandarin, have preferred other Chinese varieties, such as Hokkien, Cantonese, Teochew, Hakka, or Hainanese. As the south-eastern Chinese varieties are not taught in school, the number of their speakers has steadily declined. In addition, many parents have begun to communicate with their children solely in English, believing that the language is essential to attain upward social mobility. Many of the young Chinese in Singapore are unable to use their mother tongues fluently. This applies equally even to the more westernised Singaporean Chinese Christian community, who prefers the English language over any other.[]
Debate over preferred language
The question of which language is preferred in Singapore seem to have caused a debate among Singaporeans recently. The question of declining standards in the command of the Chinese language amongst Singaporean Chinese seems to cause several revisions in the government's education policies towards the Chinese language. The government of Singapore's continued policy towards bilingualism for all Singaporean Chinese, which is to continue to pursue English as the first language while making Mandarin the lingua franca (or at least the 2nd language or home language) amongst all Chinese has drawn mixed responses. The more English-speaking Singaporean Chinese generally prefer English as the lingua franca or their home language, while the Mandarin-speakers worry that English will replace Mandarin as the lingua franca, which would eliminate the thin thread of Chinese identity altogether. With the rising economy of China in the 21st century, which has led to more Singaporean companies requiring fluency in Mandarin, Mandarin has been viewed with greater importance amongst the Singaporean Chinese than before.[16] Both English and Mandarin will continue to dominate the language scene among Singaporean Chinese.
Preservation of other Chinese varieties
There also exists a strong urge and need in preserving the many non-Mandarin topolects existing Singapore. The decline of the Chinese indigenous religion, Taoism, has also indirectly contributed to the deterioration of Chinese cultural heritage. Unless the government and Singaporean Chinese take their own initiative in preserving non-Mandarin varieties, there is worry that they may disappear from Singapore in the near future. There is thus a strong desire to restore the Chinese identity or risk it falling into extinction one day. This exigency is translated into recent renewed efforts by Chinese clan associations in Singapore to impart and revive their respective Chinese mother tongues, which are met with warm receptions, including by the younger generations. Therefore, there lies a greater challenge for the Chinese community in Singapore - the preservation of the Chinese identity - than just the satisfaction of linguistic domination and material gains.
Language Most Frequently Spoken at Home Among Chinese Resident Population Aged 5 and Over.[14][17]
Home language
1990 ('000)
1990 (%)
Total 1,884.0 2,236.1 100.0 100.0 100.0
English 363.4 533.9 19.3 23.9 32.6
Mandarin 566.2 1,008.5 30.1 45.1 47.7
Chinese Topolects 948.1 685.8 50.3 30.7 19.2
Others 6.4 7.9 0.3 0.4 0.4
Chinese locksmith in Singapore, circa 1900.
Alongside other ethnic groups, Singaporeans of Chinese descent from all social backgrounds and occupations have achieved significant upward advances in their educational levels, income, and life expectancy and experienced other social indicators. Singapore's rapid industrialisation between the 1960s and the 1990s has lifted numerous people out of poverty and has created a broad middle class for many Singaporeans. During the period of rapid economic growth the process, many Chinese began experience upward social mobility for the first time in their lives. In 2000, Chinese Singaporeans represented the second highest proportion of University graduates after the Indian Singaporeans and their new citizenship holders.[18] In 2008, 86.2% of Chinese Singaporean students achieved a minimum of 5 passes at O-level, the exams taken by 15- and 16-year-olds, compared to 59.3% for Singaporean Malays and 73% for Singaporean Indians.[19]
According to the 2010 Census, 22.6% of Chinese Singaporeans have achieved a bachelor's degree, a figure below the national average of 22.8% and remained the second highest after the Indian Singaporeans due to the fact that Singaporean Indians had a larger increase in proportion of university graduates compared with Singaporean Chinese and Singaporean Malays. The increase in proportion of Indian university graduates was partly due to the inflow of Indian permanent residents with university qualifications. Some 60 per cent of Indian permanent residents were university graduates in 2005, up from 51 per cent in 2000.[20][21]
As of 2005, 47.3% of Singaporean Chinese work in select white-collar occupations compared with the national average of 44.8%.[22] The labour force participation rate was 63.6% contrasting towards the national average of 63.0%.[22] This figure was up from 46.2% in 2000 and was highest participation rate during that year in the white collar workforce among the three major ethnic groups in Singapore.[23][24]
While constituting nearly three-quarters of the Singaporean population, Singaporean Chinese are estimated to control 80% of the Singaporean's publicly listed companies by market capitalisation as well as contributing to 80% of Singapore's GNP.[3][4][25][26] Singaporean Chinese businesses are part of the larger bamboo network, a network of overseas Chinese businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share common family and cultural ties.[27]
Measured in 1990 dollars, the average household monthly income rose from SGD$3,080 in 1990 to SGD$4,170 in 2000 at an average annual rate of 2.8%. According to the 2005 Singaporean census, both the average and median monthly income for Singaporeans of Chinese origin were (S$3,610 and $2,500 respectively), exceeded the national average. Household and median income for Chinese Singaporeans commonly exceed the national average where it remained the highest out of the three major ethnic groups in 2000. Chinese Singaporeans held the second highest median and average household income among all three major ethnic groups in Singapore after Singaporean Indians in 2010.[28][29]
Monthly household income from work by ethnic group of head (2000 and 2010)[28]
Average household income (SGD$)
Median household income (SGD$)
Total 4,988 7,214 3,638 5,000
Chinese 5,258 7,326 3,800 5,100
Malays 3,151 4,575 2,709 3,844
Indians 4,623 7,664 3,438 5,370
Others 7,446 11,518 4,870 7,432
Singaporean Education System
Singapore's Chinese education began with the establishment of old-style private Chinese schools (known as "Sishu ") by early Chinese immigrants during the 19th century. These schools predominantly used various southern Chinese varieties (such as Hokkien) as its medium to teach Chinese classics. In the 1920s, as influenced by China's New Cultural Movement, many Chinese schools in Singapore began to change its medium of instruction to Mandarin. During the British colonial times, the colonial government generally allowed the Chinese community in Singapore to organise and develop its own system of Chinese education. By the 1930s and 1940s, with donations and fundings from the public, more Chinese organisations began to set up more Chinese schools. In 1953, the chairman of Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan, Mr.Tan Lark Sye organised and helped to establish the first overseas Chinese-medium university (Nanyang University) in Singapore, leading to the establishing of a well-structured Chinese-medium education system (from primary school to university) in Singapore.
However, after the 1960s, the left-wing communist ideology of People's Republic of China and the cultural revolution was in conflict with the capitalist policy of Singapore. To attract western investments, Singapore decided to adopt the fundamental policy of making English its main lingua franca and working language. To prevent the Singaporean Chinese from being influenced by left-wing political thoughts, Singapore greatly promoted English and placed less emphasis on Chinese education. On the one hand, it encouraged Chinese Singaporeans to attend English-medium schools for economic reasons; on the other hand, it initiated a public effort in denouncing communism. Due to a lesser proficiency in English, Chinese-educated Singaporeans often encountered difficulties in finding jobs in Singapore. Thus, the majority of Chinese Singaporeans sent their children to English-medium schools for better job prospects, causing the number of registered students at Chinese-medium schools to drop annually. All these factors (including that of government policy) eventually caused the Chinese-medium education system to perish in Singapore.
Since the early 1980s, the Singapore government gradually abolished the Chinese-medium education system in Singapore. Apart from Chinese language and moral education subjects, all subjects are taught in English. However, to make sure that Singaporean Chinese still maintain and preserve their mother tongue (Chinese) culture, the Singapore government implemented the teaching of Chinese language in all schools: All Chinese Singaporeans had to learn Mandarin Chinese as a "second language". Singapore also established the Special Assistance Plan Schools. These were formerly traditional Chinese-medium schools and were tasked with the nurturing of Chinese language and cultural talents. The Chinese subject in Singapore did not just involve the teaching of Chinese; it was also tasked with the mission of transmitting Chinese cultural values to Chinese Singaporeans. Because of the continuation of Chinese education in Singapore, the Chinese Singaporeans are generally able to speak, read, and write Mandarin Chinese. Chinese Singaporeans are thus one of the few overseas Chinese communities (the other being Malaysian Chinese) which still preserved the Chinese language and culture.
Since most Singaporean Chinese trace their ancestral origins to southern China, their culture generally has a closer affinity with southern Chinese culture (predominantly that of Fujian, Guangdong and Hainan) This is especially true in terms of various southern Chinese dialects, customs, cultural, and religious practices in Singapore.
Although Singaporean culture is diverse in nature, Singapore is one of the few countries outside Greater China with a vibrant Chinese-speaking presence. On one glance, Singapore's infrastructure and environment might seem Western, but on closer observation, certain aspects of Chinese culture is generally present across all corners of Singapore. This includes the widespread use of different Chinese varieties, various Chinese writings across Singapore, various Chinese press and entertainment media, a thriving Chinese pop culture, various Chinese organisations, Chinese cultural festivals, Chinese opera, Chinese religious activities, Chinese bookshops etc.
Chinese colonists and immigrants to Singapore brought many of their ideas and values with them. Although they were influenced by western culture, many continue to uphold southern Chinese values such as Confucian respect for elders, filial piety, meritocracy, emphasis on education, courtesy etc. The Chinese taught in Singapore was also critical in propagating traditional Chinese values such as filial piety, respect and care for elders, social harmony and meritocracy etc. to the Chinese Singaporean.
Thian Hock Keng temple courtyard and front of main temple
Linguistics influence
Mandarin and other Chinese varieties are spoken by the Chinese Singaporeans. They influence the way other Non-Chinese languages are spoken in Singapore. For instance, Singlish is known to be greatly influenced by Singaporean Hokkien and Singaporean Mandarin in terms of grammar, syntax and lexicon.
Religion of Chinese Singaporeans (2015)[30]
Buddhism (42.29%)
Taoism (12.93%)
Islam (0.34%)
Other (0.25%)
Not religious (23.29%)
According to a 2010 census, 43% of Singapore's Chinese population declared themselves Buddhist (declining from 53.6% in 2000), 20.1% Christianity (growing from 16.5% in 2000), 14.4% Taoist (growing from 10.8% in 2000), and 21.8% non-religious (growing from 18.6% in 2000).[31] Chinese comprise the vast majority in these four groups due to their dominance in Singapore.[31]
According to a 2015 census, 42.29% of Singapore's Chinese population declared themselves Buddhist (declining from 43% in 2010), 20.90% Christianity (growing from 20.1% in 2010), 12.93% Taoist (declining from 14.4% in 2010), 0.34% Islam (declining from 0.4% in 2010), 0.25% other religion (include (Hinduism) declining from 0.3% in 2010), and 23.29% non-religious (growing from 21.8% in 2010).[30]
While the majority of Chinese Singaporeans register themselves as Buddhists, the recent decades have seen a growth in adherence to Christianity (chiefly the Catholic Church[32]) and Taoism, as well as a growth of Chinese who identify as not religious. In Singapore, Chinese folk religions such as ancestor worship and praying to certain deities are often classified under Taoism.[31]
Many Singaporean Chinese dishes were adapted by early Chinese immigrants to suit local circumstances (such as available ingredients) and cannot strictly be considered mainstream Chinese cuisine. Nevertheless, these dishes exhibited local Singaporean Chinese flavours and tastes. Most local Singaporean Chinese dishes such as Bak kut teh, Mee pok, Ban mian, Char kway teow, Chee cheong fun, Hokkien mee, Hainanese chicken rice, Wan ton mee, and Popiah can still be easily found in food centres throughout Singapore. Some Singaporean Chinese are vegetarians, as they may be devoted followers of Buddhism. With the influx of new migrants from all parts of China in the 21st century, Chinese cuisine of a variety of regional flavours and tastes can be found across Chinese restaurants in Chinatown, Singapore or in other regions of Singapore, such as Sichuanese cuisine, northeastern Chinese cuisine etc.
Chinese-language media
In Singapore, Mandarin Chinese is generally propagated through various Mandarin Chinese national free-to-air television broadcast terrestrial media station (MediaCorp TV Channel 8 and MediaCorp TV Channel U), cable television (StarHub TV and Singtel TV) and radio channels (including MediaCorp Radio Capital 95.8FM). Most media in other Chinese varieties (such as those of Hokkien and Cantonese) are generally censored in the mainstream Chinese media of Singapore, except for some broadcasting on Channel 8 and Okto (Such as Soap opera and government-funded mini Chinese dialect show that caters for older generation), and in radio channel Capital 95.8FM. Taiwanese Hokkien media from Taiwan and Cantonese media from Hong Kong are however easily available for sale in shops of Singapore and also present in Karaoke lounges. Some cable television channels in Singapore (e.g. StarHub TV) also have begun to have Chinese media from China (e.g. CCTV-4 Chinese International Channel (Asia)) and Cantonese media from Hong Kong (e.g. TVB Jade Satellite Channel (Southeast Asia)).
Chinese press
The major Chinese-language newspaper in Singapore is Lianhe Zaobao (?), which was formed by a merger of two of the country's oldest Chinese-language newspaper. Lianhe Zaobao was critical in maintaining the Chinese literary scene in Singapore. In addition to this are other newspapers such as Lianhe Zaobao Sunday (?), Lianhe Wanbao (?), Shin Min Daily News (?), My Paper () (prints in both English and Mandarin), zbCOMMA (?), Thumbs Up () and Thumbs Up Junior ().
Singapore has a thriving literary scene in Chinese. The Singapore Association of Writers (?) regularly publish Singapore Chinese Literature Journal (?), an anthology of literary works by Chinese Singaporeans. A number of writers (or poets) including You Jin (), Wang Runhua (), Liu Duanjin (), Rongzi () etc. had contributed to the Singapore Chinese literary scene.
The Singapore Chinese literature reflected the immigration and social-historical changes of Singapore. Singapore Chinese literature had its roots from Malaysian Chinese literature, as Singapore was part of Malaya before independence. Early Chinese immigrants started off with the establishment of Chinese schools and Chinese press and as such began to create works of literature.
Early Chinese literary magazines such as New Citizens (), Southern Wind (), and Singapore Light () in Singapore portrayed the lifestyle of immigrants in the pre-war period.
During the 1950s, most of the writers in Singapore had literary works portraying the lifestyle of all social spheres of Singapore. These literary works contain large use of local Chinese slang, creating unique localised literary works. The active writers at that time include Miao Xiu (), Yaozhi (), Zhaorong () and Shushu ().
After Singapore's independence in 1965, the Chinese literature in Singapore began to separate from the Malaysia Chinese literature and continued to develop on its own.
Traditional Chinese festivals are celebrated in Singapore including Chinese New Year, Mooncake Festival, Qingming Festival (also known as Tomb Sweeping Festival). Certain traditional Chinese festivals are made public holiday of Singapore, such as Chinese New Year. There existed some differences in the Singapore Chinese festival customs as compared to that from mainland China and Taiwan. For instance, it was common to carry lantern during mooncake festivals, but mainland China and Taiwan only practised the carrying of lantern on 15 January lunar calendar.
Chinese pop music
Singapore features a thriving Chinese pop music scene and are known for producing Mandopop artists such as JJ Lin, Stefanie Sun, Tanya Chua etc. Singapore is also known for holding Chinese music concerts and festivals, including the Taiwanese-originated Spring Wave Singapore Music Festival in 2013.
Cultural and linguistic differences from mainland China
There exists, however, some degree of differences between the Singaporean Chinese and mainland Chinese in terms of mindset, culture, and languages. While mainland Chinese are largely Sino-centric in their outlook of the world, Singaporean Chinese are educated in English medium schools (but also are taught the Chinese language) and are exposed to western influences due to its long history as a British constituent colony of the Straits Settlements. As such, the local Singaporean Chinese culture is a blend and mix of southern Chinese culture, local Singaporean culture (with various influences from cultures of other ethnicity) and western culture.
There are also some differences in the Singaporean Chinese culture compared to that of China. Some traditional Chinese religious and folks custom are preserved by the Chinese community in Singapore, but are no longer practised or seen in China after the Cultural Revolution. This is especially true of regional rites and rituals practised by Singaporean descendants of immigrants from southern China.
There are also distinctive recognisable differences between the Singaporean Mandarin and mainland Chinese Mandarin accents. Colloquially, many Singaporean Chinese also speak a creole of Singlish and Singdarin or code switch between English and Mandarin or a dialect.[33] Many of the local Chinese dialects in Singapore, such as Hokkien, Teochew, or Cantonese, have also been largely acculturated and differ from what is spoken in China.
Relation with current Chinese migrants
Singaporean Chinese and mainland Chinese have had a testy relationship in recent years. While the reasons for such a contentious relationship are multi-factorial, one of those mentioned was the cultural differences between Singaporean Chinese (whose ancestors were mainly from Southern parts of China) and mainland Chinese (who are mainly from Northern China).[34][35]
The early records of Singapore in Imperial Chinese sources named Singapore as "Long Ya Men" (), "Dan Ma Xi" ( or ). Later other terms such as "Xi La" (), "Shi le" (), or "Xi Li" (, for "selat" meaning strait) may also refer to Singapore or the surrounding areas.[36]
Archaeological excavations of artefacts such as Chinese coins or ceramics in Singapore, which dated back to the period of the reign of Emperor Zhenzong of Song (998-1022) and Emperor Renzong of Song (1023-1063), indicated that Chinese merchants or traders had already visited Singapore since Song dynasty.[37]
The Chinese record Annals of various foreign states (Zhu fan zhi) written by Zhao Rushi in 1225 clearly described Chinese merchant ships arriving in Singapore from Quanzhou and various Chinese trading activities.[38] In this annal, the chapter San Fo Qi ( the Chinese name for Srivijaya) recorded merchant ships passing through "Ling Ya Men" (, although it is not clear however if it is the same as Long Ya Men) before reaching Srivijaya for trading.[39]
The Chinese traveller Wang Dayuan, visiting the island around 1330, described a small Malay settlement called Dan Ma Xi (, from Malay Temasek) in which Chinese residents live together with the Malays.[40]
Following the decline of Srivijayan power, Temasek was alternately claimed by the Majapahit and the Siamese, but the invasion of 1377 and 1391 caused Singapore to be destroyed. Following that, there were little Chinese records of the visiting of Chinese to Singapore. Singapore is marked as Dan Ma Xi in the Mao Kun map that dates back to the naval voyage of Chinese explorer Zheng He in 1403.[41] In 1420, en route the 6th voyage, Zheng He passed by Singapore, but there were no records of presence of Chinese.[]
The 19th century Chinese record Investigation of Southern Pacific (?) (Nanyang Li Ce) described the presence of Chinese tombs in Singapore (known as "Xin Ji Li Po" (? in Chinese). On the Chinese tomb, there were words and inscriptions recording the period of Later Liang and Emperor Gong of Song. This may suggest that from 907 to 1274, some Chinese had settled, lived, died and were buried in Singapore.[42][43]
Chinatown, Singapore was an enclave for the early Chinese immigrants in Singapore in the 19th and early 20th centuries.
From the founding of modern Singapore by Stamford Raffles until the Japanese occupation in 1942, Singapore was ruled as a colony by the British. When the British first arrived in Singapore, most of the inhabitants on the island of Singapore were fisherman, seamen or pirates, living in small houses. There were about 150 people; a majority of 120 Malay and 30 minority Chinese [44]
When Singapore became a Straits Settlement, there were very few Chinese. After Singapore became a British trading post as part of the Straits Settlement, the first batch of Chinese came from Malaysia, predominantly from Malacca and Penang. Amongst these Chinese from Malacca and Penang, many were Peranakans or descendants of Chinese in Malaysia for several generations. Most of them were traders who could speak Chinese and Malay, though many were also English-educated and could communicate with the British. In the Manners and customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements, Singapore, it was described that the Straits-born Chinese regarded themselves as British subjects instead of Chinese subjects; their lifestyle was more westernised.[45] By the time of the first census of Singapore in 1824, the Chinese migrants were noted as being either Peranakans, or from Macau, Guangdong and Fujian.[46]
Chinese women in Singapore, ca. 1900. In early Singapore there were far fewer Chinese women than men.
The Chinese quickly formed the majority of the population in Singapore, by the census of 1826 there were already more Chinese (6,088) than Malays (4,790) excluding Bugis (1,242) and Javanese (267).[47] The Chinese became the dominant group by the 1830s (the largest ethnic group at 45.9% in the 1836 census), and by 1849, 52.8% of the total population of 52,891 were Chinese.[48] The Chinese population reached over 70% of the total by 1901 and has stayed there since.[49]
The early Chinese migrants to Singapore were predominantly males. In 1826, the official census figures show that out of a total population of 13,750, there were 5,747 Chinese males but only 341 Chinese females.[47] Most of the Chinese females in this early period of Singapore were nyonyas from Malacca as women from China were discouraged from emigrating. It was noted in 1837 that there were no Chinese women in Singapore who had emigrated directly from China; even as late as 1876, a British official in Singapore wrote that he did not know of any respectable Chinese woman who had emigrated with her husband.[50] The imbalance of the sexes of the Chinese community continued for a long time with the continual flow into Singapore of male migrant workers who were either single or had left their wives and children behind in China; for example, the 1901 census figures show that there were 130,367 Chinese males compared to 33,674 Chinese females.[51] For a long period, most of the Chinese population in early Singapore were immigrants as many did not intend to settle permanently to raise their family there; even by the late 1890s, only around 10% of the Chinese population in Singapore were born there.[49] The early migrant Chinese workers worked to send money back to their family in China, and many would then return to China after they had earned enough money. However, an increasing number would also choose to settle permanently in Singapore, especially in the 1920s when more chose to remain in Singapore rather than leave.[49] Change in social attitude in the modern era also meant that Chinese women were freer to emigrate from China, and the sex ratio began to normalise in the 20th century.[50] This gradual normalisation of sex ratio led to an increase in the number of native births. Immigration would continue to be the main reason for the Chinese population increase in Singapore until the 1931-1947 period when the natural increase in population would surpass the net immigration figures.[52]
Many of the early migrants were Chinese traders who were attracted by the free trade policy after Singapore became the capital of the British Straits Settlements in 1832. Many also came to work in the plantations, with 11,000 migrants recorded in one year. Singapore became one of the entry and dispersal points for large number of Chinese and Indian migrants who came to work in the plantations and mines of the Straits Settlements, many of whom then settled in Singapore after their contract ended.[53] Because of a booming commerce which required large number of labour force, Chinese coolie trade also appeared in Singapore. Indentured Chinese labourers (known as coolie) were contracted by coolie traders and brought to Singapore to work. Because China banned the travelling of Chinese overseas before the Opium War, any form of coolie trade was conducted mainly through the Portuguese-controlled Macau. Thus any form of large migration of Chinese labourers overseas in the beginning of the 19th century is quite unlikely. It was only after the Treaty of Nanking signed on 1842 (due to Opium War) that large migration of Chinese coolie began to appear. In 1860 under the 2nd Opium War, Chinese coolie trade became legalised and reached a high peak. The large influx of coolies into Singapore only stopped after William Pickering became the Protector of Chinese. In 1914, the coolie trade was abolished and banned in Singapore.[]
The large influx of Chinese to Singapore led to the establishment of a large number of Chinese associations, schools, and temples in Singapore and, within a century, the Chinese immigrant population exceeded that of the Malays. During this period, Christian missionaries from Europe began evangelising to the Asians, especially the Chinese.
Peranakans or those English-educated Chinese who had descended for many generations in Singapore were typically known as "Laokuh" ( - Old Guest) or "Straits Chinese". Most of them paid loyalty to the British Empire and did not regard themselves as "Huaqiao". From the 19th till the mid 20th century, migrants from China were known as "Sinkuh" ( - New Guest). Out of these Sinkuh, a majority of them were coolies, workers on steamboats etc. Some of them came to Singapore for work, in search of better living or to escape from poverty in China. However, most of Sinkuh who came mostly from Fujian, Guangdong, Hainan province paid loyalty to China and regarded themselves as "Huaqiao".
1937-1945 (World War II)
The Lim Bo Seng Memorial at Esplanade Park commemorates Lim Bo Seng, a World War II anti-Japanese Resistance fighter who was based in Singapore and British Malaya.
The Second Sino-Japanese War, started in 1937, revived a perceived sense of patriotism in the local Chinese to China and soon the Singaporean Chinese imposed an embargo against Japanese goods and products in Singapore. During the war, fearing for the safety of their relatives in China, some of the immigrants returned to China to fight the Japanese, while established entrepreneurs sent economic aid or military equipment to China. After the Japanese took Singapore in 1942, the Kempeitai tracked down many Chinese who aided the Chinese war effort against Japan. However, the Kempeitai's Sook Ching Operation was simply a massacre designed to drive fear into the local populace, so the Kempeitai simply picked out people based on accounts of masked informers, which in many cases were false accounts based on personal vendettas. There were also active anti-Japanese resistance during the war, such as Force 136, headed by Lim Bo Seng.
Race riots were common during the early post-war period, predominantly in the period between self-governance and independence in 1965. One major riot took place during birthday celebrations in honour of Muhammad, on 21 July 1964. There were records of high casualties (23 killed and 454 injured), as well as claims that the riot was politically motivated to oust the then Prime Minister (Lee Kuan Yew) and his cabinet as well as to prevent the promotion of a Malaysian Malaysia concept in Peninsular Malaysia.
After the independence of Singapore in 1965, Singapore began to foster a more racially harmonious society in Singapore. Following the construction of Singapore national identity and nationhood, the Chinese in Singapore began to change their mindset from temporary stay to permanent settlements in Singapore, thus taking roots in Singapore. Following this transformation, the Chinese in Singapore gradually began to recognise nationally as "Singaporeans", while racially as "Huaren" instead of "Huaqiao".[]
Chinese migrants from China during the late 20th century and early 21st century were generally known as "Xinyimin " (new immigrants). They came from various parts of China.
Chinese associations or institutions in Singapore
When the Chinese migrants first arrived in Singapore in the 19th and early 20th century, they settled in an enclave such as Chinatown. They tended to group themselves according to dialectal similarity, with those from nearby Chinese regions grouping together. This led the Chinese to form 5 dialectal Cohorts (known as Bangqun, ), namely the Hokkien Bang, Teochew Bang, Cantonese Bang, Hakka Bang and Hainanese Bang.
During the British colonial period, the colonial government basically adopted the approach of using "the Chinese to govern the Chinese". They appointed Chinese leaders to govern the Chinese community. Effectively, the Chinese community existed in a half-autonomy state. Most Chinese leaders used the Chinese civil societies (small organisations) to help govern the Chinese community and to help new Chinese immigrants settled into Singapore, including finding jobs and lodgings for them.
As most of these Chinese civil societies were involved in Chinese family religious activities such as funerals or ancestral worship, they were in fact religious-oriented. This gradually evolved into the development of Chinese Temples or Chinese clan associations in Singapore. As time passed by, the Chinese had grown to have more achievements in the business and education in Singapore. Some rich and powerful Chinese businessmen began to establish Clubs, such as the Ee Ho Hean Club () in 1895,[54] and Chamber of Commerce, such as the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, to broaden the Chinese social circle. Established in 1906, the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry was the highest body of organisation within the Chinese community in Singapore. It was responsible for fighting the rights of the Chinese in Singapore during the British colonial period. During the World War II, the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry had managed to help raise funds and resources to help relieve the sufferings in war-torn China.
After Singapore gained independence and autonomy in the 1960s, the Singapore government undertook measures to help foster racial harmony in Singapore. It encouraged various races of different languages and religious backgrounds to intermingle and to live side by side. Following the growth of Singaporean nationhood and national identity, the Chinese immigrants began to change their mindset from temporary migration to permanent settlements, thus soiling their roots in Singapore. With the strengthening of Singaporean national identity, the Chinese clans association gradually declined in terms of importance. Their role of organising and governing the Chinese community was soon taken over by the Singapore government.
Today, all Singapore's clans associations came under the flagship of Singapore Federation of Chinese Clans Association (SFCCA). They function as the cultural role for connecting Chinese Singaporeans to their Chinese roots or Ancestral home. In addition, the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCCI) continued to look after the interests of the Chinese business community as well as sourcing business opportunities in China. The Chinese Development Assistance Council was founded out of these two organisations (SFCCA and SCCCI) to help nurture and develop the potential of the Chinese community in contributing to the continued success of multiracial Singapore. There are also various Chinese cultural organisations such as Singapore Chinese Calligraphy Society, Singapore Chinese Orchestra, Nanyang Confucian Association, Singapore Chinese Opera Institute etc. In addition, there are also major Chinese religious Associations such as Singapore Taoist Federation, Singapore Buddhist Federation to look after the religious affairs of Chinese Singaporeans.
All these Chinese organisations continue to play an important role in the economical, cultural and religious activities of Chinese Singaporeans.
List of Chinese Singaporeans
Lim Nee Soon, Chinese community leader.
Tan Tock Seng, served as acting Kapitan China of Singapore (government-appointed head of the Chinese community) and founder of Tan Tock Seng Hospital.
Lee Kong Chian, one of the richest men in South East Asia.
Tan Kah Kee, businessman, Chinese community leader and philanthropist.
Lim Yew Hock, Chief Minister of Singapore.
Lee Kuan Yew, 1st Prime Minister of Singapore.
Goh Cheng Liang, currently the richest man in Singapore.
Sim Wong Hoo, the founder, CEO and Chairman of Creative Technology.
Goh Keng Swee, a founding father of modern Singapore who served as Deputy and Cabinet Minister.
Toh Chin Chye, a founding father of modern Singapore.
Goh Chok Tong, 2nd Prime Minister of Singapore.
Lee Hsien Loong, current Prime Minister of Singapore.
JJ Lin, award winning singer, songwriter, record producer, and actor famous in the sinosphere, mainly in Taiwan and China.
Kevin Kwan, author of internationally best-seller Crazy Rich Asians.
Stefanie Sun, award winning internationally famous singer-songwriter.
China-Singapore relations
Chinatown, Singapore
List of common Chinese surnames in Singapore
Bamboo network
Singapore Chinese characters
Superstitions of Malaysian Chinese
^ a b "Population in Brief 2015" (PDF). Singapore Government. September 2015. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 February 2016. Retrieved 2016.
^ "Population Trends 2011" (PDF). Singapore Department of Statistics, Social Statistics Section. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 November 2011. Retrieved 2012.
^ a b Vatikiotis, Michael (12 February 1998). Entrerepeeneurs (PDF). Bangkok: Far Eastern Economic Review.
^ a b "Chinese of Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines - World Directory of Minorities". Faqs.org. Retrieved 2012.
^ Chua, Amy L. (2000). "The Paradox of Free Market Democracy: Rethinking Development Policy". Harvard International Law Journal. 41: 328.
^ "Census of Population 2010 Statistical Release 1: Demographic Characteristics, Education, Language and Religion" (PDF). Department of Statistics, Ministry of Trade and Industry, Republic of Singapore. 2000. p. 185. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 October 2016. Retrieved 2016.
^ "Edmund Lee Eu Fah, "Profile of the Singapore Chinese Dialect Groups", Social Statistic Section, Singapore Department of Statistics (2000)" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 February 2011. Retrieved 2010.
^ "Census of Population 2010: Basic Demographic Characteristics". Archived from the original on 6 January 2014.
^ "Minnan".
^ "Overview Singapore". 2006. Archived from the original on 19 September 2010. Retrieved 2010.
^ "overseas Taiwanese population (Overseas Communities Affair Council, Republic of China)" (PDF). 2012. Retrieved 2014.
^ (Chen Nengduan). " (They come from another island)". zaobao.com. Retrieved 2011.
^ "Gateway to Peranakan Culture" (PDF). AsiaPac Books. Retrieved 2014.
^ a b c Table 4 Resident Population Aged 5 Years and Over by Language Most Frequently Spoken at Home (PDF). Singapore Department of Statistics, Social Statistics Section. p. 26. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2011. Retrieved 2011.
^ Leong Koon Chan. "Envisioning Chinese Identity and Multiracialism in Singapore" (PDF). Retrieved 2011.
^ Reuters (16 September 2009). "Rpt-Feature-Eyeing China, Singapore sees Mandarin as its future". Retrieved 2011.
^ Lee, Edmund E. F., "Profile of the Singapore Chinese Dialects" (PDF), Singapore Department of Statistics, Social Statistics Section, archived from the original (PDF) on 5 February 2011, retrieved 2010
^ Singapore Department of Statistics (June 2002). Changing Education Profile of Singapore Population (PDF). Hong Kong University of Science and Technology SAR: Singapore Department of Statistics. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 November 2010. Retrieved 2012.
^ Bland, Ben. "Singapore government dodges Malay education issue again". Asian Correspondent. Retrieved 2012.
^ SingStat, SingStat (February 2011). Key Indicators (PDF). Singapore: Government of Singapore. p. 2. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 March 2012. Retrieved 2012.
^ Education and Language (PDF). Singapore: Singaporean Statistics Bureau. 2005. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 July 2012.
^ a b SingStat, SingStat (2005). Key Indicators (PDF). Singapore: Government of Singapore. pp. 1-2. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 September 2007.
^ "The Resident Labour Fource" (PDF). Economic Characteristics of the Resident Population. 2000.
^ "The Resident Labour Fource" (PDF). SingStat. 2000.
^ Asian Brand Strategy: How Asia Builds Strong Brands - Martin Roll - Google Books. Books.google.ca. 17 October 2005. ISBN 9780230513068. Retrieved 2012.
^ Business Networks in Asia: Promises, Doubts, and Perspectives - Google Books. Books.google.ca. 1999. ISBN 9781567203028. Retrieved 2012.
^ Murray L Weidenbaum (1 January 1996). The Bamboo Network: How Expatriate Chinese Entrepreneurs are Creating a New Economic Superpower in Asia. Martin Kessler Books, Free Press. pp. 4-8. ISBN 978-0-684-82289-1.
^ a b Singapore Stat; Singapore Stat. "Education and Language" (PDF). Singapore Stat. Retrieved 2012.
^ Ong, Andrea (2011). Households smaller but more affluent (PDF). The Straits Times. Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 April 2011. Retrieved 2012.
^ a b Statistics Singapore: 2015 General Household Survey Archived 5 May 2017 at the Wayback Machine. Religion data Archived 9 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
^ a b c "Demographic Characteristics, Education, Language and Religion" (PDF), Singapore Census 2010, Statistical Release 1, pp. 13-16, archived from the original (PDF) on 13 November 2013, retrieved 2014
^ Singapore's religious landscape from Census 2010. The Catholic Church in Singapore has grown from 4.8% in 2000 to 7.1% in 2010, while the Protestant churches have grown from 9.8% to 11.3% along the same years.
^ Hock Huan, Goh; Chunsheng, Zhao (October 2007). "Code-switching in the Classroom: A Taboo Norm". SingTeach. National Institute of Education (9).
^ Peidong, Yang. "Why Chinese nationals and S'poreans don't always get along". Archived from the original on 21 August 2013.
^ Peidong, Yang. "Why Chinese nationals and S'poreans don't always get along (Part 2)". Archived from the original on 21 August 2013.
^ "".
^ "?". Archived from the original on 7 July 2011. Retrieved 2010.
^ (Zhou Dingguo). """?(Singapore local geographical culture)". Archived from the original on 18 March 2010. Retrieved 2010.
^ Chau Ju-Kua, Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill (1911). Chau ju-kua: his work on the Chinese and Arab trade in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries : entitled Chu-fan-chi. translated from the Chinese and annotated by Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill. St Petersburg: Imperial Academy of Sciences. pp. 60-62.
^ Paul Wheatley (1961). The Golden Khersonese: Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula before A.D. 1500. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press. pp. 82-83. OCLC 504030596.
^ " / ?" (PDF). NUS.
^ . . Chinese University Press. p. viii. ISBN 9789622014497.
^ Newbold, Thomas John. Political and statistical account of the British settlements in the Straits of Malacca, viz, Pinang, Malacca and Singapore: with a state with a history of the Malayan states on the Peninsula of Malacca. vol 1. London: J Murray. 1839. p279
^ Vaughan, Jonas Daniel. "The manners and customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements Archived 27 August 2011 at the Wayback Machine" . Singapore: Mission Press. 1879 . pp4-5
^ "First Census of Singapore is Taken". History SG.
^ a b Wright, Arnold and Cartwright, H.A., eds. (1907). Twentieth century impressions of British Malaya: its history, people, commerce, industries, and resources. p. 37. CS1 maint: uses editors parameter (link)
^ Saw Swee-Hock (March 1969). "Population Trends in Singapore, 1819-1967". Journal of Southeast Asian History. 10 (1): 36-49. JSTOR 20067730.
^ a b c James Francis Warren (30 June 2003). Rickshaw Coolie: A People's History of Singapore, 1880-1940. NUS Press. p. 19. ISBN 978-9971692667.
^ a b Saw Swee-Hock (March 1969). "Population Trends in Singapore, 1819-1967". Journal of Southeast Asian History. 10 (1): 36-49. JSTOR 20067730.
^ Census of the British empire. 1901. Great Britain Census Office. 1906. p. 123.
^ Saw Swee-Hock (30 June 2012). The Population of Singapore (3rd ed.). ISEAS Publishing. p. 12. ISBN 978-9814380980.
^ Mrs Reginald Sanderson (1907). Wright, Arnold and Cartwright, H.A. (eds.). Twentieth century impressions of British Malaya: its history, people, commerce, industries, and resources. pp. 220-221. CS1 maint: uses editors parameter (link)
^ ? (zhonguo qiaowang). "(Singapore Ee Ho Hean Club)". Archived from the original on 2 December 2010. Retrieved 2011.
http://weecheng.com/singapore/9eg/index.htm
The Straits Times, 28 April 2006, pg 15, Prime section
(Changing role of the Chinese Intellectuals in Singapore), Lianhe Zaobao, 14 March 1999
? (Values of Singaporean Chinese genealogy records)
Lynn Pan (Singapore Chinese Heritage Center) (1998). The Encyclopedia of the Chinese Overseas. Singapore: Archipelago Press Landmark Books. ISBN 981-3018-92-5.
(Xu Jiaozhen) (1965). ?? (Historical Figure of South East Asia). Singapore: Xu Jiaozhen Pub.
Song Ong Siang (1993). One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce Publisher.
Thai Theravada Buddhist Shop in Singapore
Festival of the Nine Emperor Gods
2003 speech by Lee Hsien Loong on Teochews
Research Center for Overseas Chinese at National University of Singapore
Singapore Chinese Heritage Center
Singapore Huayi Net
Singapore Chinese Teachers' Union
Singapore Chinese Development Assistance Council
Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations
Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry
Language portal
China portal
Singapore portal
Singapore Airlines Will Now Have World's Longest Flight
singaporean asian girl gets taunted on bus and bathroom updates
Dil Dil | Pakistan | in | Chinese | language
Chinese_Singaporeans


text:
Political Journeys
The Open Democracy Essays
Fred Halliday; Edited by David Hayes
288 pages, 6 1/8 x 9 1/4
One of the great contrarians of international relations scholarship, Fred Halliday was able to combine his understanding of the broad sweep of modern history with a profound knowledge of modern revolutions, the Middle East, and national movements. This collection of Halliday's political essays written for the online journal openDemocracy between 2004 and 2009 is proof of a subtle worldview that continues to generate questions: What is the relation between religion, nationalism, and progress? Is a new international order possible? When is intervention a force for progress?
From the big headline topics such as the Iraq War to the unexpected comparisons of Tibet and Palestine, or Afghanistan and the Falklands, Halliday's writings provide a perennially surprising and enlightened guide to the major issues of international politics.
Fred Halliday (1946–2010) was professor emeritus of international relations at the London School of Economics from 1985 to 2008 and a research professor at the Barcelona Institute for International Studies.
"Fred Halliday's Political Journeys range over wide intellectual and political landscapes, with brilliant insights, absorbing narratives, lucid writing, and subtle humour."—Sami Zubaida, Emeritus Professor of Politics and Sociology, Birbeck, University of London
"Whatever the subjects . . . Halliday's knowledge, imagination, and intellectual independence illuminate them all."—Francis Wheen, author of Karl Marx
"Halliday's passion, reason and learning were never needed more than now. This book is an important reminder of one of the most thoughtful and humane figures on the international left."—David Herman, The New Statesman
"It is cheering...that a selection of essays, written by Halliday for the website openDemocracy…has just been published by Yale University Press."—The Nation
Sales Restrictions: For sale in North America only
The Anchor Yale Bible Dictionary, A-C
David Noel Freedman, Editor-in-chief; Associate Editors: Ga
The Economics of Child Support
Andrea H. Beller and John W.
Migrations in Prehistory
Inferring Population Movement from Cultural Remains
Irving Rouse
New Treatise on the Uniqueness of Consciousness
Xiong Shili; Translated by John Makeham
The Politics of Faith and the Politics of Scepticism
Michael Oakeshott; Edited by Timothy Fuller
A History of the Virgin Mary
Miri Rubin
Political Science > General
History > Journalism

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


At Chitpavan Brahman Sangh, Nashik, we really appreciate your help in terms of donations. Our all caring efforts rely upon the financial help from people all over the world. Without your help, we could never continued to care and work for our community.
There are following ways to donate us. As a token of gratitude, donor's name will be listed on this page sidebar.
You can send your cheque/DD directly to Chitpavan Brahman Sangh, Nashik in India at the below address: a receipt will be mailed back to you from India once it is received.
Thanks to all who generously donated for a good cause.


Six months after John R. "Jack" Yates was fatally struck by a large truck, his family is seeking $5 million in wrongful death damages. The 67-year-old bicyclist died after he got caught in the large truck's back wheels. Yates was then run over.
According to the family's truck accident complaint, trucker Michael Dale Chandler and his employer Potts & Callahan Inc. were negligent in causing Yates's death. Surveillance footage shows the trucker turning right without activating his turn signal.
Even though investigators say that the bicyclist was at fault because he was biking in parking lanes and attempted to pass the truck from the right, the family's truck accident lawyer maintains that the victim did nothing wrong because state law lets a cyclist stay as far to the right as possible and with the traffic's flow.
Chandler did not stop his truck following the grisly truck accident. However, investigators say they don't think that the trucker knew that he had struck Yates.
Getting caught under the wheels of any vehicle—especially a large truck, can be catastrophic for the pedestrian or bicyclist involved. Imagine the weight of thousands of pounds moving over your body. It is no surprise when a victim does not survive getting run over by a tractor-trailer, an 18-wheeler truck, a semi-truck, a garbage truck, or any other kind of large truck.
Although nothing can make up for pain and suffering of the victim, as well as the family's grief, you may be able to get the negligent party to financially compensate you, which can help offset medical expenses, funeral or cremation costs, lost income, and other losses.


text:
Talking Tactics | Swansea City v Hull City
After the international break, Swansea City return to domestic duties with the welcome of Hull on Saturday. The Swans were unable to build upon their win at Bristol City in their trip to Preston prior to the domestic hiatus and they'll be looking to get back to winning ways at the Tigers' expense this weekend.
WhoScored.com preview the action at the Swansea.com Stadium, focusing on what to expect from Hull, the key battle and a key stat to heighten expectations ahead of Saturday's game...
What to expect from Hull
Hull made a superb start to life back in the Championship as they romped to a 4-1 win at Preston on the opening weekend of the 2021-22 season, but have since struggled to build on that victory; failing to win in four and losing three times in that run. Grant McCann did well to get Hull promoted from League One at the first time of asking, and will have his sights set on keeping the Tigers in England's second tier this term.
So far this season, McCann has been loyal to a 4-2-3-1 set-up and favoured using the right flank. Indeed, 41% of their attacks have come down this side of the pitch, which has seen them develop a statistically calculated WhoScored.com style of play of 'attacking down the right'.
Much of that is due to the attacking influence of right-back Lewie Coyle, whose WhoScored.com rating of 6.81 is the second best of all Hull players this season.
His six goalscoring chances created is more than any other Hull player in 2021-22 and, while he doesn't have an assist to show for his efforts, ensuring Coyle is unable to utilise his creative qualities is vital to stopping Hull in the final third.
A hard-fought 0-0 draw with Bournemouth prior to the international break marked their first clean sheet of the season and they will be hoping to be similarly solid at Swansea this weekend.
Key battle
Deadline day was a busy one for Swansea as they sought to replace the outgoing Jamal Lowe, who left for Bournemouth, and Connor Roberts, after he departed for Premier League side Burnley.
Michael Obafemi was acquired to cover the former's departure and there has been plenty of excitement surrounding the 21-year-old's arrival. Despite Southampton's decision to sell Danny Ings, the captures of Armando Broja and Adam Armstrong mean Obafemi needed to depart in order to garner regular game time.
He should get just that at the Swansea.com Stadium and, despite limited action on the south coast over the last two seasons, the youngster has shown how effective he can be in front of goal when presented the chance to showcase his talents.
Indeed, across 2018-19 and 2019-20, Obafemi had a direct hand in seven goals in just 799 minutes of action, averaging a goal or assist every 114 minutes. Granted, it's a small sample size, but a prime example of what the Republic of Ireland international can bring to Swansea.
Another youngster in a Hull shirt has sought to ensure McCann's side consolidate their Championship spot, and has done well in doing so. After his breakthrough season in a Hull shirt in their successful League One campaign, Jacob Greaves has played every minute for the Tigers this term, earning a WhoScored.com rating of 6.77 in the process, that the third best mark for any Hull player this term.
His 2.8 clearances per game ranks first of all Hull players, with the 20-year-old willing to maximise his proactive approach to defending to ensure opponents are unable to find the back of the Hull net.
The battle between the pair will be an intriguing one to watch on Saturday..
Key stat
Hull may have opened the campaign with a 4-1 win over Preston, but that victory has been a rarity in their recent history in the Championship.
Stemming back to the 2019-20 Championship campaign, the Tigers have won only two of their last 20 matches at this level. And while they hit the back of the net four times on their opening weekend victory at Deepdale, they have not found goals easy to come by.
They have failed to score in eight of their last nine matches in England's second tier, a run that includes an 8-0 thrashing at the hands of Wigan Athletic. While a return to the Championship has provided them a clean slate, they will be keen to find a regular source of goals to aid their efforts to consolidate in the Championship.
Michael Obafemi
Swansea City to make late call on Michael Obafemi ahead of Coventry clash
Swansea City will make a late decision on Michael Obafemi's fitness for this weekend's trip to Coventry, but head coach Russell Martin insists they will take no risks with the striker.
Michael Obafemi included in Republic of Ireland squad for November friendlies
Michael Obafemi | Brilliant relationship with the gaffer helps bring the best out of me
Swansea City forward Michael Obafemi believes his "brilliant" relationship with head coach Russell Martin is helping to get the best out of him.


Bathroom Mirrors – Searching in the mirror can be a vital part of an everyday regimen. And also while we could all agree that elegance starts from the inside out, we certainly don't mind any aid we can get to look and feel our finest on the normal.
That's why we're always on the search for bathroom mirror concepts – you could consider it an investment in just how you see on your own.
For something you invest a healthy and balanced amount of time gazing right into daily (all right, sometimes unhealthy), you could pay for to spend a bit even more time ensuring you have actually picked the best one. Confirmed: It's worth it, and you're worth it.
So exactly how can you obtain one of the most from your bathroom mirror? Looking and feeling your finest involve a range of factors, yet everything starts when you wake up. If you're anything like me, the initial point you see when you look in the mirror in the early morning is possibly not your preferred picture of the day.
So, for starters, a posh mirror could help your bathroom vanity offer a confidence increase to start the day. Required a Monday early morning pep talk or maybe a moment of representation (literal and metaphorical)?
Despite your routine, the best bathroom mirror will certainly frame the discussion stylishly. From very little to ornate, round to rectangle-shaped, antique to modern, and also whatever in between, the possibilities are countless to fit how you intend to see on your own.
A double vanity requires 2 mirrors. Hang one above each sink to add balance to the room. You could likewise hang 2 mirrors over a lengthy single sink vanity to give the wall surface a lot more effect without matching the whole point.
A rounded mirror is always a good idea, yet it's also better when mixed with geometric shapes. This bathroom showcases an expert balance of angles and also contours, which is virtually specifically what we're trying to find.
Besides, the very best bathroom mirrors are the supreme testing room for your very own most Instagrammable angles.
Create a look that's two times as sensational by replicating the design 2 (or even three) times. This is most typically done over double sinks, however numerous mirrors can be utilized over a lengthy single-sink vanity as a choice to one huge mirror.
The mirror from the ceiling with rope, so it drops in front of the home window.
There's no factor the tidy, marginal appeal of an all-white interior cannot reach the bathroom room. The white finishes on this bathroom vanity, mirror, as well as lights set a simple, soothing tone.
The round mirror gives a hot contrast to the hexagonal floor tile and straight wood ceiling patterns, yet we're mostly stressing over the ideal percentage play in between all the elements.
One of our preferred bathroom mirror suggestions is choosing an unconventional form is a simple and effective way making a statement in any type of dimension or design bathroom.
Several vintage styles use fascinating shapes and also elaborate styles. It's the best method to add a statement piece to your bathroom without including unnecessary devices that clutter the space.
When it pertains to bathroom mirrors, two is better compared to one – for the basic reason that multiple people can utilize them simultaneously. A double-mirror moment such as this one is perfect for pairs who want to prepare yourself with each other but still value a bit of individual area.
A basic mirror can get a glamorous upgrade with the addition of backlighting. You could purchase mirrors with integrated lights, or include them on your own to the mirror of your finding. Brightened mirrors are ideal for applying makeup and seeing your face in a comprehensive (yet lovely) means.
They're wonderful for shower rooms with reduced all-natural light. Simply be sure that your lighting is soft, not severe or fluorescent.
In between the paned mirrors and also rustic vanity, this large bathroom has a lot taking place. Several well-placed mirrors make the area seem even bigger without sidetracking from the remainder of the functions.
Exactly what do you call a bathroom that has 2 vanities with large round mirrors flanking a tub? Objectives. The balance of the whole area, the colors, as well as the posh necklace over the tub all seem second to the mirrors hanging on the wall.
Allow's be honest: We 'd happily purchase a little added Windex in order to double down on round mirrors any type of day of the week.
Not just do large mirrors appearance impressive, they likewise help you generate light. Relying on your area as well as style, you can try including a structure around the mirror to give it a much more refined appearance. Leaving it unframed benefit more minimalistic areas.
A shabby-chic bathroom is turned into an extravagant hideaway with the enhancement of a big vanity with overhead lights.
When remodeling almost any space in the residence, it's stylish to antique. And also restrooms are no various. We like to blend as well as match items to create an old-meets-new vibe, as well as an antique bathroom mirror produces a sensational statement item.
When you look in a mirror like this one, it's difficult not to feel like a well-framed work of art.
If you're extra right into sharing mirror area and having an extra unified search in your bathroom, a solitary big mirror over both sinks might be best for you. Large mirrors have the advantage of looping your bathroom and also developing a solitary focus in the room.
Depending on just how much wall surface space you want your single mirror to use up, you could either hang a big one or load a whole wall surface with a large one that gets to completely approximately the ceiling.
Antique mirrors are not without functional attributes; this brass mirror includes a shelf and hooks to bridge the void in between fashion and also function in this bathroom. We know that bathroom storage space typically comes with a costs, so we're about a mirror with a little bit of integrated versatility.
You don't have to stick with just standard forms when it pertains to hanging your mirrors. If the remainder of your bathroom layout is basic, a unique and creative mirror or collection of mirrors can function as both practical and innovative layout components in your bathroom.
his also offers you a possibility to produce a bathroom reflective of that you are as well as exactly what you such as.
Bright whites constantly look a little bit much more crisp with an aspect or 2 of comparison. An antique mirror does just the technique in a more rustic take on a white bathroom, giving the area appearance and warmth while maintaining that fresh, tidy sensation.
Seeking fun bathroom mirror concepts for a youngsters's bathroom? There are fun bathroom mirror styles such as under the sea styles, flower and pest styles, zoo animal themes and cartoon character layouts such as the characters from the preferred Nickelodeon cartoon collection SpongeBob Squarepants.
Sometimes the best approach for a bathroom layout is to develop personality into your morning and also nighttime regimen.
This bathroom is a lesson in building energy with pattern blending in between the tiled floors as well as wallpaper, however one function, particularly, stands out: a teardrop-shaped bathroom mirror. We just like a space that welcomes unique forms.


CLICK HEREfor the current issue of Moving Forward.
For those members interested in the financials for the Club during the 2015-2016 year, you can view the Statement here.
If you are a financial member of SVDC, you have access to our grounds on each Saturday one week before our scheduled competitions. This is a great opportunity to ride on the arenas and familiarise yourself and your horse with the grounds. All of our scheduled open days are shown on our 2016-2017 calendar.
The grounds are open from 9am to 12pm weather permitting. If you would like to take a horse down to the grounds, please always check before leaving in case of inclement weather. There may be times when it is not possible to use the arenas/grounds due to heavy rain on the day or leading up to the open days or forecast temperatures in excess of 36 degrees.
The Club contact for opening grounds is Jemma Turner 0404 003 283.
Please remember that all of our ground rules still apply to open days. Riders must wear Australian approved helmets at all times and riders are asked to clean up any manure, baling twine etc.
Please advise the Convenor on the day of your membership number.
EA National has released a Safe Practices Guidelines for owners of stallions whilst at a venue. If you would like to read these guidelines, they can be viewed here.


Encyclopedia contains attributes and abilities of the vehicles included in the game.
To select a vehicle, choose a slot to put it in: . Then select the vehicle from the list. You can apply a vehicle type filter: . To free up a slot right-click on it. There are 4 slots available.
To show and compare vehicles specifications select the vehicles of the same type and click the button. The comparison table will show years of production and service, numbers produced, armor values, weapons and armament, crew size, engine type and performance.
To view armor penetration diagrams click one of the buttons: .
You can change the camouflage using the button, it shows the currently selected camouflage. Its variations: .
The button will show the height reference near a vehicle.
This page was last edited on 24 February 2014, at 23:00.


"'Everything ain't going the way I planned,' Colin Huebert sings on the opening track to his fourth Siskiyou album, Not Somewhere. Like its title indicates, this is a record that is rooted in its nowhere-ness. Folk-y one moment, cacophonous the next, Not Somewhere is warm, haunting and impossible to absorb in just one listen. It speaks to the frustration, helplessness and rage that accompany the dissolution of certain dreams; displacement and other capitalist horrors; mental health and the lies we tell ourselves; and all the unplanned endings and reluctant new beginnings we undertake because we have to, because that's what living is. It's also darkly funny. The vocals are loosely and lushly layered, pillows full of feathers coming apart at the seams. Horns flare up and fall away, acoustic guitars like open hearts and sunrises, a gentle brush of drums, cello and woodwinds that alternate between a whisper and a scream. It's not easy to be a person right now, and Huebert captures that beautifully."
Audiophile 180gram pressing in midnight ultra-black vinyl from Optimal (Germany) comes in a 20pt/420gsm jacket printed on uncoated 100% recycled paperboard, with 12x24 art print poster + 12x12 insert printed on uncoated paper + 320kbps MP3 download card.
Siskiyou returns from a four-year hiatus with Not Somewhere, an album that finds band leader Colin Huebert (ex-Great Lake Swimmers) essentially in solo artist mode, writing and self-recording this new collection of tunes on his own, playing all the guitar, bass, keyboard and drum parts himself. Not Somewhere harkens back to Siskiyou's magical and understated 2010 self-titled debut in this and other ways: the album's production rekindles a homespun intimacy, where plain-spoken lyrics grapple with portraits of quiet quotidian despair, fragile existential horizon lines separating perseverance and defeatism, honest and unremarkable lives trapped in cultures of false consciousness, impossible desire, self-analysis and self-medication.
Following Siskiyou's Polaris-nominated third full-length Nervous released in early 2015, Huebert was commissioned by New York-based artist/designer Stefan Sagmeister (of Sagmeister & Walsh) to write the theme song for The Happy Film, a feature-length movie accompaniment to "The Happy Show" installation project that had toured galleries in the mid-2010s – the art show and film themselves being ruminations on happiness that strongly echo Huebert's own tone and sensibility. Sagmeister wanted the direct, unadorned aesthetic of early Siskiyou for the film music, leading Huebert to often write and record songs in the same day, in diaristic sketchbook form, without a thought towards the more ornate structures and developments of material he had just finished up with Nervous. This commission yielded the album's title and the opening track "Stop Trying"(the eventual theme song for the movie) which includes a short looped clip of film dialogue repeating the line "trying is the problem; you're trying to get somewhere as if you're not somewhere".
Huebert ended up with a dozen songs written under this influence, but shelved the recordings while real life took over: driven from Vancouver by skyrocketing rents and zombie capital that was increasingly leaving the city a shell of its former self, he relocated to Toronto with his young family. Returning to the material once resettled, Huebert finished up the record with contributions from various guest musicians on strings and horns (including cellist and labelmate Rebecca Foon from Saltland/Esmerine, and Destroyer regulars Joseph Shabason and JP Carter on horns and woodwinds). The result is a beautifully restrained and unvarnished song cycle of tunes anchored by acoustic guitar and brushed drumming, detailed with delicate textures, spartan melodic overdubs, and Huebert's distinctively forthright, whisperingly confidential vocal delivery. From the austere Velvets-chug of "What Ifs" to the Elephant 6-inspired looseness of "Her Aim Is Tall" and "Stop Trying (jubilant reprise)" and the sparkling hush of atmospheric twilight folk-inflected pieces like "Temporary Weakness" and "Silhouette", Not Somewhere is delicate and discreet yet wonderfully assured – a profoundly humble, wistfully observational and meditatively personal return for Huebert's Siskiyou project.
All songs written, performed, recorded and produced by Colin Huebert, winter 2015.
"Her Aim is Tall" written, performed and recorded by Colin Huebert and Adam Fox, summer 2014.
"Unreal Erections /// Severed Heads (alternate outro)" written by Colin Huebert; arranged, recorded and performed by Joseph Shabason with Tom Moffett, spring 2018.
Mastered by Harris Newman at Greymarket.


Visit our hardware store today to get started on your next home project!
When you walk into our hardware store, you'll instantly see that we have lots of hard to find items that other hardware and lighting stores don't have, plus the trained sales associates to help you find whatever you're looking for. If you need plumbing supply parts or something and we don't have it in stock, that's not a problem. We have access to Ace's extensive catalog of parts and supplies, so we can get whatever you need.
Pay us a visit today and let us help you! Contact us today if you have any questions!
We carry a wide variety of plumbing supplies to fit your needs. Whether you're a contractor or a do-it-yourselfer, you'll find the plumbing hardware you need with us.
Need a light? We carry lighting and lighting accessories for a wide variety of applications. From indoor to outdoor, from your front step to your bedroom, we'll keep the light on for you.
Remodeling the kitchen or bathroom? The cabinets are a great place to start. We carry cabinet hardware to ensure that your new cabinets are as beautiful as they are functional.
If you've been looking for a great paint store in San Francisco, CA, look no further. Standard Plumbing Ace Hardware carries the paint and supplies you need to make your home look like new again.
Whether you're changing your locks, making a spare key or you've lost your own keys, we can help. We duplicate keys fast and affordably so that you can get where you need to go easier.
Whatever your hardware needs, we can help. Stop in today and see for yourself!


text:
Waynesboro Area School District considers budget with salary freeze, no tax increase
Andrea Rose
The Record Herald
Waynesboro Area School District officials are hoping to address a $2.5 to $3 million deficit in the 2020-2021 budget with limited impact on students and no increase to taxpayers.
{ The Chambersburg Public Opinion's coverage of coronavirus is being provided for free to our readers. Please consider supporting local journalism by subscribing at publicopiniononline.com/subscribe. }
In a proposal to the school board Tuesday, Superintendent Tod Kline said district officials broke down expense reductions into three phases: basic reductions (those having the least direct impact on students); tougher reductions (those impacting personnel and landing closer to learners); and impact reductions (those that much more directly impact students).
"We always want to keep in mind First Choice," Kline said. "We want to keep our eye on that mission as we make decisions. We have to decide what's most important and how we have the least impact on students, and that's difficult to do because just about everything we do will have an impact on students."
York Revs Fourth of July fireworks canceled due to coronavirus concerns Watch coronavirus spread across Pennsylvania in timeline map Thrift shops make adjustments to donation processes Grocery stores: Record demand for pickup and delivery, what comes next? What about graduations, proms for York County's Class of 2020?
More:Chambersburg-Waynesboro area could be one of country's hardest-hit economically by pandemic
More:Greencastle-Antrim teachers' union leader: Cuts could devastate district
Kline said basic reductions include filling at least 13 teacher/staff retirements with internal candidates and a proposed gap in the payments of a heathcare fund, which could save the district $1.6 million. "We've had a couple of good years and are part of a consortium," Kline explained. "With that, we are basically not paying one-twelfth of our annual cost."
Tougher reductions could include a salary freeze for district employees. "That would have us looking at a $948,000 savings," Kline said.
On Tuesday, Kline said he and all administrators, principals, special education supervisor and the director of student services will take a pay freeze for next year.
"These groups came forward and offered to do this. They recognized the issues," Kline said. "I want to commend [them] for coming to me with this offer."
In addition, the district could see other savings by putting some projects on hold, as well as the possible receipt of federal stimulus funds (an estimated $636,000) for a total of $1.8 million.
Additional reductions could include cutting before/after school instruction as well as student activity advisors.
"Between Phase 1 and Phase 2, we believe we can balance the budget, but it would take all those things," Kline said.
But even if this plan is successful, the district isn't back on track.
"We really have to start thinking down the road— a three-to-five year plan of recovery," Kline said. "We're gonna continue to look at this if we need to go further than Phase 1 and 2. We have to be prepared."
Meanwhile, the budget committee has scaled back its initial plan to raise taxes.
"In our original budget draft, we were considering a 3.4-mill tax increase, which would've generated an additional $876,000," said Director Patti Strite. "That additional revenue would go a long way to alleviate our budget shortfall. But due to the unprecedented circumstances that we are facing as a state, county and locally, we feel we cannot add another layer of burden on taxpayers at this time."
A vote on the final budget is expected to occur in June, according to district officials.
Andrea Rose is a Gannett reporter based in Waynesboro.