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Where your plastic water bottles end up
By Guest, June 16, 2018 in Topics
polluting the oceans
Guest Nicole - December 7, 2018
SciTechPress 35
The following images were taken near Roatan, a Caribbean island in Honduras by photographer Caroline Power, and show a sea of plastic glued together, floating like a massive turf in the middle of the ocean. The area where the images were taken is usually compared to paradise, although based on these images it looks anything but that at the moment. Who should we blame? The answer is simple: Society and our way of life. The images show just how bad pollution is, not only in the Caribbean but in many other places around the globe.
The worst part is that itÂ's not only unappealing to the eye, but itÂ's also threatening to kill off marine life due to irreparable damage done to the environment.
The images taken by Power were taken as she and her dive team set out to explore the Caribbean when they encountered a floating island of garbage that stretches for a staggering five miles.
As they made their way through the patch of floating rubbish, they encountered everything from plastic bottles, soda cans, televisions, and shoes.
Ms. Power went on facebook and posted the images with a post titled: "THIS HAS TO STOP. Think about your daily lives.
"How did you take your food to go last time you ate out? How was your last street food served?
James Thomas Rook Jr. 2,873
This same thing happened with ancient civilizations that lasted billions of years on the Earth, before the dinosaurs, and as the entire civilization was subducted below the shifting tectonic plates, their waste products like this, many miles thick, under heat and pressure, became the oil that we use today to power OUR civilization.
...just kidding about that (squints and rubs hands together "Or AM I?.....)
It looks like this pile of floating trash is ALREADY becoming an island of organic plant life of some kind, which of course will become habitats for all kinds of marine animal life.
Put a pile of trash like this in your back yard and wait a year, and it will be full of leaves, grass, worms, bugs, spiders, and may even attract a few frogs or two.
Look carefully at the photos ....
1 hour ago, SciTechPress said:
The worst part is that it's not only unappealing to the eye, but it's also threatening to kill off marine life due to irreparable damage done to the environment.
This is an unsubstantiated goofy, tree-hugger opinion ONLY.
It's embarrassing to even read, and even more embarrassing that people BELIEVE it.
This may look like trash to the folks who wrote this article, but to marine critters it's shade, a place to eat and live, or a place for baby fish to hide, just like you see in the grass you buy for a a home aquarium, so they will not be eaten by bigger fish.
Judith Sweeney and TheWorldNewsOrg reacted to this
SuzA 23
What are your thoughts on the effect of plastic microparticles getting into our food chain via seafood?
18 minutes ago, SuzA said:
I remember a study done years ago by "distinguished scientists" who were testing to see if steaks cooked on a charcoal grill produced carcinogens. They grilled the steaks, swabbed them with Q-tips, and took samples, etc. and determined that ... yes... the heat and smoke and meat did produce carcinogens that caused cancer.
... then they ate the steaks.
That told me all I needed to know.
If you had ANY IDEA how fish are caught and stored BEFORE they even get back to shore, you may want to eat the chicken. Oh Wait! Nevermind.
I love shrimp, and eat a lot of it at the buffet. You know, of course that the black stripe on their backs is shrimp poop?
Owls eat mice ... hair, teeth, eyeballs, fur dirt and bacteria, and all the mouse poop inside of them ... AND OWLS CAN FLY!
I think we should aspire as humans to do better than our animal cohabitants of the planet.
Since we can't seem to stop the usage of plastics, maybe we could at least find ways to recycle and use this massive garbage pile?
in the end it is energy which we all need and want. We ought to be getting smarter about generating, using and recycling it as the years go by.
And no. We will never have a zero carbon footprint. (My prediction)
But lets at least clean up after ourselves.
SuzA and James Thomas Rook Jr. reacted to this
It takes a concerted strategic effort and about 50 years to teach a whole culture very simple concepts.
Oh... and by the way, "carbon footprints" are totally meaningless. Atmospheric CO2 is where the trees and algae in the Oceans get the carbon to make wood, cellulose, sugars and plant fiber.
The ONLY REAL "Greenhouse Gas" is water vapor ...... clouds.
All else is a quasi-religious Carbon Credit Broker's fabulously profitable fantasy.
Even with a global thermonuclear war, you could not change the climate for more than four years.
5 hours ago, James Thomas Rook Jr. said:
Owls eat mice ... hair, teeth, eyeballs, fur dirt and bacteria, and all the mouse poop inside of them ... AND OWLS CAN FLY!
I'm not squeamish about organic "dirt". Our systems are designed to deal with it in reasonable amounts; in fact, our gut flora is actually better off with the occasional innoculation of poop. I doubt that case can be made for man-made detritus.
23 hours ago, SuzA said:
I doubt that case can be made for man-made detritus.
If you can get Grant money, and have a mortgage payment overdue, I suspect you would be surprised what cases can be made for anything or any viewpoint imaginable.
Space Merchant 428
Biblical Storm Trooper from the Islands
The very reason I prefer to drink from glass and not plastic. If I am in a position to drink from a plastic bottle, I recycle it, but sadly no one likes to recycle.
You toss a plastic item of waste into the grass and or sea you pay for it. You put toxic gases into the heavens, your lungs and health will most likely pay for it.
SuzA reacted to this
12 hours ago, Space Merchant said:
It is my understanding that plastic, as used in this conversation, is made from oil, and is a long chain molecule hydrocarbon. I have used plastic liners to line the bottoms of municipal garbage dumps before filling, and radioactive waste burial sites, where the liners are expected to last AT LEAST 10,000 years.
Space Merchant:
Please tell me how waste plastic gets from the solid object, into the atmosphere, and what toxic gasses contaminate from that contaminate the air we breathe.
If there are any, my guess would be the outgassing concentrations would be so small as to be almost un-measurable, and that being anywhere in the vicinity of a car with the motor running ... burning hydrocarbons .... would be several hundred BILLION times more dangerous.
59 minutes ago, James Thomas Rook Jr. said:
I stated that following:Â You toss a plastic item of waste into the grass and or sea you pay for it. You put toxic gases into the heavens, your lungs and health will most likely pay for it.
Plastic and or trash will pollute the land and it piles up over time. The other part of that sentence is regarding toxic gases from factories, vehicles and or other things that populate the air, and can cause some damage to people and young children, even infants, i.e. cities, small towns and or suburbs in close proximity to said factories and or anything that is damaging, hence toxic gases.
What I didn't mention is sewage and toxic waste that is, low-key, bring dumped in various areas mainly water sources as well with the whole pipeline issue we have to which Native Americans have issue with vs. government when it comes to protected lands.
Which reminds me, if there is one cartoon I use to watch as a kid, it's Captain Planet, for the show is based on a superhero that is encouraging to keep things clean and to recycle. A good show it was.
James Thomas Rook Jr. reacted to this
Judith Sweeney 34
Dateline December 6, 2018 - 2:20 PM
ATHENS, OH—Claiming the finding could shed new light on the diversity of amphibian life, scientists from Ohio University announced Thursday that they had discovered a new species of frog that had evolved the ability to spontaneously grow a top hat and cane.
"While in many ways resembling a common bullfrog, Lithobates michiganus is unique for its capability of springing onto its hind legs and dancing with a tiny hat and cane, likely as a way of defending itself from predators," said lead researcher Masha Rossi, noting that the amphibian's practice of belting out "I'm Just Wild About Harry" and "Hello! Ma Baby" in a booming baritone was likely a trait developed in order to attract potential mates.
"This frog can be identified in the wild by its distinctive green-and-yellow coloration as well as its powerful hind legs adapted for both razzle and dazzle. This amphibian has a truly striking method of locomotion as it boldly sashays from lily pad to lily pad."
Rossi added that this announcement constituted the most significant advancement in the herpetological field since last year's discovery of a sleepy-eyed tortoise imbued with the extraordinary ability to beat a rabbit in a footrace.
Plagerized from "TheOnion" - America's new's source ... because they don't give a frog's butt.
Guest Nicole
On 10/2/2018 at 10:54 AM, Space Merchant said:
Which reminds me, if there is one cartoon I use to watch as a kid, it's Captain Planet, for the show is based on a superhero that is encouraging to keep things clean and to recycle. A good show it was.
"El capitán Planeta y sus planetarios", I remember that cartoon and loved their song... 😍
Mexico City Takes Emergency Anti-Pollution Measures
MEXICO CITY—Mexico's capital stepped up restrictions on traffic, closed schools and curbed outdoor activities in response to a sharp rise in air pollution caused by brush fires that have blanketed the city with smoke in recent days.
Environmental officials suspended some public works and prohibited certain construction-related activities that could send more particles into the air.
https://www.wsj.com/articles/mexico-city-takes-emergency-pollution-measures-11557947408
Your water bottle may soon be made of sugar, not plastic
via .ORGWorld News
From 2000 to 2016 the use of polyester by the garment industry rose form 8.3m tonnes to 21m tonnes...
Single Use Plastics
By SciTechPress
Authorities are warning people to stay away from 270 containers which fell from a cargo ship in the...
As vehicle tires wear out, what happens to the trillions of microscopic particles that are shed? Do they end up in the air for us to breathe and in the water ways?
How your recycled waste could be turned into smoother, longer-lasting roads
NEW Plan To Clean Plastic Pollution From World's Oceans
Scientists engineer mutant enzyme which eats plastics quickly
Plastic particles found in bottled water
via .ORG
Predicando en Roatán, Honduras
Two brothers built kayaks out of plastic bottles and went down the most polluted river in the world....
via TheWorldNewsOrgWorld News
Microfibers from our clothes are poisoning the oceans.
Even your sea salt is almost certainly contaminated with plastic
What goes around, comes around, eventually. The latest karmic zinger is how likely you now are to find plastic particles, from packaging you might have once used, in your sea salt.
Each year, humans dump 13 million metric tons of plastic into the ocean. Some of that plastic begins its life as tiny particles, such as microbeads in face scrubs and toothpaste; others as larger pieces that get broken down through mechanical or chemical means. Estimates vary, but there's no doubt the amount of plastic now in the oceans is substantial: one 2014 study found that there are more than 5 trillion plastic pieces sharing the seas with marine life, 92% of which are microplastics less than five millimeters (0.2 inches) in size.
Of the many ways that microplastics make their way back to us, the simplest one is through the food cycle. Tiny marine organisms like krill ingest microplastics, which are about the same size as the zooplankton they feed on. The krill then get eaten by salmon, which eventually are served in restaurants around the world. Just in case mercury concentrations weren't enough to show us the consequences of a fish-eat-fish world, persistent plastics are a painful reminder.
Disfrutando del servicio en Roatán, Honduras
Hundreds of supporters gather as #Zuma faces anti-corruption commission in #Johannesburg...
A massive waterspout was spotted swirling in the Mediterranean off the coast of the French island of...
By TheWorldNewsOrg · Posted Tuesday at 03:49 AM
anniemsbelle@gmail.com


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Brenna Palughi in Small Mouth Sounds
Brenna Palughi joins the cast of Small Mouth Sounds at the Long Wharf Theatre in New Haven, CT. The play began its run on August 30th, and continues until September 24th. Brenna plays the of Alicia. Written by Bess Wohl, and directed by Rachel Chavkin.
In the overwhelming quiet of the woods, six runaways from city life embark on a silent retreat. As these strangers confront internal demons both profound and absurd, their vows of silence collide with the achingly human need to connect. Filled with awkward and insightful humor, Small Mouth Sounds is the unique and compassionate new play that asks how we address life's biggest questions when words fail us. This 2016 Critics' Pick (The New York Times, New York Magazine, Time Out New York) was written by Drama Desk Award winner Bess Wohl (Pretty Filthy) and directed by Obie Award winner Rachel Chavkin (Natasha, Pierre & The Great Comet of 1812). The New York Times says, "It leaves you moved, refreshed and even enlightened." The Huffington Post calls it "a play unlike any other." And Variety calls it "flawless."
Brenna Palughi (far left) with the rest of the Small Mouth Sounds New Haven cast
Donna DeStefano September 13, 2017 Brenna Palughi, Small Mouth Sounds, Long Wharf Theatre, New Haven, Rachel Chavkin, Bess Wohl, New York Times, Critic's Pick, Variety
Peter Scanavino returns as Sonny Carisi in Law & Order: SVU
Donna DeStefano September 13, 2017 Peter Scanavino, Sonny Carisi, Law & Order, SVU, NYC, NBC, Season 19
Lisa Joyce in Insecure Season 2
Donna DeStefano August 1, 2017 Lisa Joyce, Insecure, HBO, Season 2, Freida, Issa Rae
sirensong entertainment

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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President Putin's Visit to Moldova
Mr. Speaker, President Putin of Russia continues to maintain a heavy schedule of international visits. Among the several destinations, he is scheduled to visit Moldova later this week. The Republic of Moldova is located principally between the Prut River on the west and the Dniestr River to the east, between Romania and Ukraine. A sliver of the country, the `left bank' or `Transdniestria' region, extends beyond the Dniestr River and borders with Ukraine. The 4.3 million population in Moldova is 65 percent ethnic Romanian, with significant Ukrainian and Russian minorities. Gagauz, Bulgarians, Roma, and Jews constitute the bulk of the remainder. While Moldova and Romania were united between World Wars I and II, following seizure by the Soviets in World War II, Moldova became a Soviet `Republic.' When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Moldova gained its independence and is now an internationally-recognized sovereign state, a member of the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and a host of other international organizations. When Moldova became independent, there were approximately 15,000 Soviet troops of the 14th Army based in the Transdniestria region of Moldova. In 1992, elements of these troops helped pro-Soviet elements establish a separatist state in Transdniestria, the so-called Dniestr Moldovan Republic. This state, unrecognized and barely changed from the Soviet era, continues to exist and defy the legitimate authorities of Moldova. Meanwhile, elements of the former Soviet army, now the Russian army, remained in Transdniestria after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Renamed the Operational Group of Forces, they presently number about 2,500. The Moldovan Government has wanted the troops to leave, and the Russians keep saying they are going to leave. The Moldovan and Russian Governments signed an agreement in 1994 according to which Russian forces would withdraw in three years. Obviously, that deadline has passed. Russia was supposed to remove her forces from Moldova as a part of the Council of Europe accession agreement in February 1996. In fact, language in the declaration of the 1999 OSCE Istanbul Summit insists that Russia remove its military arsenals from Moldova by December 2001 and its forces by December 2002. This latest OSCE language enhances language included in the 1994 Budapest document and the 1996 Lisbon document calling for complete withdrawal of the Russian troops. Mr. Speaker, there is no legitimate security reason for the Russian Government to continue to base military forces on the territory of a sovereign state that wishes to see them removed. This relatively small contingent of troops is a vestige of the Cold War. I would add also that the United States Government has agreed to help finance some of the moving costs for the Russian equipment. I would hope President Putin will assure his hosts in Moldova that the Russian forces will be removed in accordance with the OSCE deadline, if not earlier.
Helsinki Final Act 25th Anniversary Resolution
Mr. Speaker, today I am introducing a resolution commemorating the 25th anniversary of the Helsinki Final Act, an international accord whose signing represents a milestone in European history. As Chairman of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki Commission, I have been privileged to be associated with the Helsinki process and its seminal role in advancing human rights, democracy and the rule of law in Europe. I am pleased to be joined by my fellow Helsinki Commissioners Representatives Hoyer, Wolf, Cardin, Salmon, Slaughter, Greenwood, Forbes and Pitts as original cosponsors. A companion resolution is being introduced today in the Senate by Helsinki Commission Co-Chair Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell. The Helsinki Final Act and the process it spawned have been instrumental in consigning the Communist Soviet Empire, responsible for untold violations of human rights, into the dustbin of history. With its language on human rights, the Helsinki Final Act, for the first time in the history of international agreements, granted human rights the status of a fundamental principle in regulating international relations. The Final Act's emphasis on respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is rooted in the recognition that the declaration of such rights affirms the inherent dignity of men and women and not privileges bestowed at the whim of the state. Equally important, Mr. Speaker, the standards of Helsinki which served as a valuable lever in pressing human rights issues also provided encouragement and sustenance to courageous individuals who dared to challenge repressive communist regimes. Many of these brave men and women, members of the Helsinki Monitoring Groups in Russia, Ukraine, Lithuania, Georgia, Armenia, and similar groups in Poland and Czechoslovakia, Soviet Jewish emigration activists, members of repressed Christian denominations and others, paid a high price in the loss of personal freedom and, in some instances, their lives, for their active support of principles enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act. Western pressure through the Helsinki process, now advanced in the forum of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, greatly contributed to the freeing of the peoples of the Captive Nations, thus bringing an end to the Cold War. The Helsinki Commission, on which I have served since 1983, played a significant role in promoting human rights and human contacts. The congressional initiatives such as hearings, resolutions, letters and face-to-face meetings with representatives of Helsinki signatories which violated human rights commitments, encouraged our own government to raise these issues consistently and persistently. The Commission's approach at various Helsinki meetings has always been to encourage a thorough and detailed review of compliance with Helsinki agreements. Specific cases and issues are cited, rather than engaging in broad, philosophical discussions about human rights. With the passage of time, and with the leadership of the United States, this more direct approach in pressing human rights concerns has become the norm. In fact, by 1991 the Helsinki signatory states accepted that human dimension commitments `are matters of direct and legitimate concern to all participating States and do not belong exclusively to the internal affairs of the state concerned.' With the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the OSCE region has changed dramatically. In many States, we have witnessed dramatic transformation and a consolidation of the core OSCE values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. In others, there has been little if any progress, and in some, armed conflicts have resulted in hundreds of thousands having been killed and in the grotesque violation of human rights. The OSCE, which now includes 54 participating States, has changed to reflect the changed international environment, undertaking a variety of initiatives designed to prevent, manage, and resolve conflict and emphasizing respect for rule of law and the fight against organized crime and corruption, which constitute a threat to economic reform and prosperity. The Helsinki process is still dynamic and active, and the importance of a vigorous review in which countries are called to account for violations of their freely undertaken Helsinki commitments has not diminished. This resolution calls on the President to issue a proclamation reaffirming the United States' commitment to full implementation of the Helsinki Final Act. All signatory states would be asked to clarify that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, democratic principles as well as economic liberty, and the implementation of related commitments continue to be vital elements in promoting a new era of democracy, peace and unity in the OSCE region. In the twenty-five years since this historic process was initiated in Helsinki, there have been many successes. Mr. Speaker, the task is still far from complete, and we must continue to do our part in championing the values that Helsinki espouses.
The Putin Path: Are Human Rights in Retreat?
Mr. Speaker, two days ago, the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe , which I am honored to chairman, held a hearing entitled "The Putin Path: Are Human Rights in Retreat?" I was pleased to be joined on the dais by my colleagues on the Commission, Co-Chairman Senator Ben Nighthorse Campbell, Senator Tim Hutchinson, Ranking House Member Representative Steny Hoyer, and Representative Matt Salmon. As part of the hearing, the Commission had also planned to feature a video-conference with Moscow-based Radio Liberty journalist Andrei Babitsky. As Members are aware, Mr. Babitsky was arrested by Russian authorities for allegedly `participating in an armed formation,' as a result of his reporting from besieged Grozny last year. Subsequently, as a civilian, Babitsky was 'exchanged' to Chechen forces in return for certain captured Russian military personnel, and is not permitted to leave Moscow. Unfortunately, technical problems precluded the possibility of the videoconference, but Mr. Babitsky provided a written statement for the hearing record. Mr. Babitsky was recently awarded the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly's prize for journalism, and as head of the U.S. Delegation to the OSCE PA, I hope that he will be able to attend the award ceremony at the Assembly's annual meeting in Bucharest this July. Tuesday's hearing was one of a series of hearings the Commission has held to examine human rights issues in the States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe . The mandate of the Commission is to monitor and encourage compliance with the provisions of the Helsinki Accords and successive documents of the OSCE. As I have noted on previous occasions, Russia is no longer the dictatorial, closed society that it was during the Soviet period, and certainly there are countries around the world where human rights are in much more perilous straits. I have yet to hear of a working church in Russia being destroyed by bulldozers and wrecking cranes, as was the case last November in Turkmenistan. And we know that in China religious believers of many faiths are thrown in jail for simply desiring to worship without government interference. Indeed, under the administration of President Yeltsin, human rights activists were able to achieve significant gains in making respect for human rights, if not a standard, at least a consideration in public policy. There is growing concern, however, that Russia's development in the area of human rights is taking a turn for the worse under recently-elected President Vladimir Putin. The testimony of Igor Malashenko, First Deputy Chairman of the Board of Directors of Media-Most and President of NTV, summarized how their offices were the target of the infamous raid by government agents on May 11. Mr. Malashenko described how the agents carted away documents, tapes, computer discs and equipment, and subsequently issued `contradictory and unsatisfactory justifications' for this raid. Moreover, he provided extensive information on several other less-publicized examples of violence and intimidation toward media outlets and journalists throughout Russia. General William Odom, former director of the National Security Agency, and a man of exceptional expertise in things Soviet and Russian, noted that Russia is a `weak state' and suffers from a lack of institutions capable of providing the level of civil society and economic development that we had hoped would follow after the collapse of the Soviet Union. General Odom also suggested that the United States should not treat Russia as a major power, or think that much of Russia's internal problems can be solved by 'ventriloquism' from the West. Professor Georgi Derluguian of Northwestern University asserted that President Putin is the product of the KGB network that survived the collapse of the Soviet Union. In order to seek a distraction from the Chechen quagmire, suggested Professor Derluguian, Putin will most likely launch a massive anti-crime campaign. I would note that when Yuri Andropov and his KGB began to assume power in the twilight of the Brezhnev regime, part of the crackdown on political dissent at that time was under the guise of cracking down on corruption. Ms. Rachel Denber, Deputy Director for Europe and Central Asia at Human Rights Watch, testified that in Grozny, "the graffiti on the walls reads 'Welcome to Hell Part Two.' The bombing campaign has turned many parts of Chechnya into a wasteland even the most experienced war reporters that we have spoken to have told us they have never seen anything in their careers like the destruction of the capital Grozny." Ms. Denber also described summary executions of civilians, including the death of three generations of one family shot to death in the yard of their own home. One of the brighter aspects of civil society under President Yeltsin was the expansion of NGO activity. However, Professor Sarah Mendelson of the Fletcher School of Diplomacy and Law at Tufts University noted that there is in Russia today "an atmosphere that is hostile to civil rights activists, and in fact, anyone with opinions that differ from the Kremlin's." While "the treatment of Andrei Babitsky in January and February was shocking and disturbing, and the FSB raid on MediaMost in May was brazen," she testified, this is "part of a larger pattern of harassment that has grown steadily worse over the last year and a half." In this connection, I would like to point out another proposal made by Professor Mendelson in her testimony. She suggested that President Clinton, while in Moscow next month at the Summit with President Putin, should meet with activists who are promoting human rights and democracy in Russia today. This gesture, she notes, "would send a signal not only to those in Russia who care about democracy but to those in Russia who do not." I believe this idea is right on target. In fact, Mr. Hoyer and I have written to the President noting that this year is the twenty-fifth anniversary of the signing of the Helsinki Accords. We have encouraged the President to meet with the surviving veterans of the Soviet-era human rights struggle, and with their contemporary colleagues, in both Moscow and in Kyiv, where the President plans to meet with President Kuchma following his Moscow visit. I hope that President Clinton will take this advice, as I believe such a gesture would give new impetus to the struggle for human rights and democracy in two pivotal nations of the international community. In closing, I would call attention to a resolution to be introduced by our colleague Mr. Lantos and House International Affairs Committee Chairman Ben Gilman, regarding the issue of free media in Russia. I am pleased to join as an original cosponsor of this resolution, which among other provisions, calls upon the President, the Secretary of State, and other officials and agencies of the United States Government to emphasize to Russian government officials our concern and preoccupation that official pressures against the independent media are incompatible with democratic norms. I am pleased to co-sponsor this resolution, I hope my colleagues will join us, and I hope that President Clinton will heed this call when he meets with President Putin in Moscow next month.
Elections, Democratization, and Human Rights in Azerbaijan
The hearing will outline recent developments in Azerbaijani elections. Azerbaijan government officials announced Thursday that Azerbaijan's government has accepted proposals to agree with the opposition about independent members of the Central Election Commission in advance of the November parliamentary election. The announcement was made during a hearing of the United States Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Azerbaijan's Ambassador Hafiz Pashayev, accompanied by several experts who arrived from Baku for the hearing, said that negotiations between the sides, with the active mediation of the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), would continue about the Central Election Commission and the election law. How these electoral developments effect Azerbaijan will be outlined.
This hearing, held on the eve of President Clinton's first summit meeting with Russia's recently elected President, Vladimir Putin, provided a timely opportunity to assess bilateral relations between the United States and the Russian Federation, as well as domestic developments. Russia has multi-candidate presidential elections, with viable candidates, unlike the Central Asian states where presidents do not tolerate serious challengers. Nevertheless, this hearing examined how reliable are multi-candidate elections as a gauge of democratic development when the media is intimidated by government pressure and raids.
Report on the Presidential Election in Georgia
On April 9, 2000, Georgia held a presidential election. According to the Central Election Commission, turnout was almost 76 percent. Incumbent President Eduard Shevardnadze won reelection with about 80 percent of the vote. Former Communist Party boss Jumber Patiashvili came in second, with 16.6 percent. The other candidates on the ballot were largely irrelevant. Though Shevardnadze's victory was anticipated, it remained unclear until election eve whom he would defeat. Batumi Alliance leader Aslan Abashidze, boss of the Autonomous Republic of Ajaria, had announced last year plans to mount a presidential race, but many expected him to drop out, as he had no real chance of winning. By threatening a boycott, Abashidze won concessions from the CUG on the election law, but his overall strategy collapsed when his Batumi Alliance colleague, Jumber Patiashvili, announced plans to run against Shevardnadze no matter what. One day before the election, Abashidze withdrew, leaving Patiashvili as Shevardnadze's only serious contender. The OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights election observation mission began its assessment by stating that "considerable progress is necessary for Georgia to fully meet its commitments as a participating state of the OSCE." Among the problems in the election, ODIHR noted, inter alia, the authorities' support for the incumbent, the failure of state media to provide balanced reportage, and the dominant role of the CUG in election commissions at all levels. While voting was generally conducted "calmly," the "counting and tabulation procedures lacked uniformity and, at times, transparency." The ODIHR also observed ballot stuffing and protocol tampering. Shevardnadze's prospects for resolving the conflict in Abkhazia are bleak and he has little reason to expect help from Russia. Since the beginning of Russia's latest campaign against Chechnya, Moscow has accused Tbilisi of allowing or abetting the transit of Chechen fighters through Georgian territory. These allegations also aim to pressure Georgia in negotiations about the withdrawal of Russia's four military bases. High-level Russian political and military figures have made it plain that Moscow will try to retain the bases and will reassert its interests in the region to counter gains by Western countries, especially the United States. Tbilisi will need help from the United States in resisting a newly aggressive Moscow. Eduard Shevardnadze has long enjoyed good relations with Washington, which gratefully remembers his contribution as Soviet Foreign Minister to ending the Cold War peacefully. The United States has provided substantial assistance to Georgia and backed Shevardnadze morally as well. Presumably the congratulations tendered at the beginning of the State Department's April 10 statement reflected appreciation for his past services, rather than acceptance at face value of the election's results. President Clinton noted the election's shortcomings in a post-election letter to Shevardnadze, reiterated Washington's longstanding exhortation to attack corruption, and pressed him to implement urgent economic changes.
The Deterioration of Freedom of the Media in OSCE Countries
The stated purpose of this hearing, presided over by Rep. Christopher Smith (NJ-04) was to draw attention to the deteriorating status of free speech and press throughout the OSCE region, raise alarm about this deterioration, and call upon OSCE participating states to recommit themselves to these freedoms. Such an impetus was drawn from how members of the press were mistreated in foreign countries. For example, 34 journalists were killed in the OSCE region in the year of 1999.
The Impact of Organized Crime and Corruption On Democratic and Economic Reform
Commissioners Christopher Smith and Ben Nighthorse Campbell, along with others, discussed just how detrimental organized crime and corruption are on society. More specifically, organized crime negatively impact democracy's expansion, the promotion of civil society, and security in the OSCE region, as well as economic development, particularly in southeast Europe and Central Asia. This is relevant to the United States because it has a strategic interest in promoting democratic reform and stability in the former U.S.S.R. and Central Asia. Countries in this region assist U.S. businesses exploring market opportunities, and the U.S. provides a good bit of bilateral assistance to these countries. The Helsinki Commission has pressed for greater OSCE involvement in efforts to combat corruption.
HEARING: THE STATE OF DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN TURKMENISTAN
This hearing reviewed the democratization process, human rights, and religious liberty in Turkmenistan. This was one in a series that the Helsinki Commission has held on Central Asia. Turkmenistan has become a worse-case scenario of post-Soviet development. Human Rights Watch Helsinki did not yield from calling Turkmenistan one of the most repressive countries in the world. As a post-Soviet bloc country, Turkmenistan remains a one-party state, but even that party is only a mere shadow of the former ruling Communist Party. All the real power resides in the country's dictator, who savagely crushes any opposition or criticism. The witnesses gave testimony surrounding the legal obstacles in the constitution of Turkmenistan and other obstacles that the authoritarian voices in the government use to suppress opposition.
Protection of Human Rights Advocates in Northern Ireland
This hearing examined allegations of the involvement of security forces in intimidation and harassment of human rights advocates in Northern Ireland. The hearing focused on the unsolved murders of two Belfast defense attorneys, Rosemary Nelson, and Patrick Finucane, killed in 1999 and 1989. Commissioner Harold Hongju Koh, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, expressed the State Department's concern with that there was not sufficient protection of lawyers, the rule of law, and human rights in Northern Ireland. Commissioner Smith noted that "Defense attorneys are the 'Helsinki Commissioners' of Northern Ireland. The OSCE can be a valuable forum in which to provide cover for these human rights advocates. The United States and United Kingdom are quick to criticize emerging democracies that fail to abide by the rule of law and due process. The best way to lead in these matters is by example."
The Ordeal of Andrei Babitsky
Mr. Speaker, a small bit of good news has emerged from the tortured region of Chechnya, where the Russian military is killing, looting, and terrorizing the population under the guise of an "anti-terrorism operation." Andrei Babitsky, the Radio Liberty correspondent who had disappeared in Chechnya in early February after Russian authorities had "exchanged" him to unknown persons in return for some Russian prisoners of war, has emerged in Dagestan and is now in Moscow recuperating from his ordeal. Mr. Babitsky's courageous reporting from the besieged city of Grozny had infuriated Russian military authorities, and he was arrested in mid-January and charged with "participating in an unlawful armed formation." Prior to his release, Mr. Babitsky had spent time in the notorious Chernokozovo "filtration" camp where the Russian military has been detaining and torturing Chechens suspected of aiding the resistance. Following his arrival in Moscow, Mr. Babitsky provided a harrowing account of his incarceration at the Chernokozovo prison, and especially the savage treatment of his fellow prisoners. It is another graphic reminder that for all the fine words and denials coming out of Moscow, the Russian military has been conducting a brutal business that makes a mockery of the Geneva Conventions and the code of military conduct stipulated in the 1994 Budapest Document of the OSCE. Mr. Speaker, last month President Clinton stated that Russia's Acting President Putin is a man the United States "can do business with." With this in mind, I would suggest for the Record excerpts from Mr. Babitsky's interview with an NTV reporter in Russia. If Mr. Putin is aware of the state of affairs at Chernokozovo and condoning it, I would submit that our business with Mr. Putin should be extremely limited. If he is not aware of the truth, then his authority over Russia is a chimera, and we might better deal with the real rulers of Russia. Babitsky's statement follows: [From Hero of the Day NTV Program, 7:40 p.m., Feb. 29, 2000] INTERVIEW WITH RADIO LIBERTY CORRESPONDENT ANDREI BABITSKY Babitsky: On the 16th I tried to leave the city of Grozny through the settlement of Staraya Sunzha, a suburb of Grozny which at the time was divided into two parts. One part was controlled by federal troops and the other by the Chechen home guard. I entered the territory controlled by the federals and it was there that I was recognized. I was identified as a journalist, I immediately presented my documents. All the subsequent claims that I was detained as a person who had to be identified are not quite clear to me. I had my passports with me, my accreditation card of a foreign correspondent. Then I was taken to Khankala. Not what journalists who had covered the first war regarded as Khankala, but to an open field. There was an encampment there consisting of trucks used as their office by army intelligence officers. Two of my cassettes that I had filmed in Grozny were taken from me. They contained unique frames. I think those were the last video pictures ever taken by anyone before Grozny was stormed. Those, again, were pictures of thousands of peaceful civilians many of whom, as we now know, were killed by federal artillery shells. I spent two nights in Khankala, in the so-called Avtozak, a truck converted into a prison cell. On the third day I was taken to what the Chechens call a filtration center, the preliminary detention center in Chernokozovo. I believe I am the only journalist of those who covered the first and the second Chechen wars who has seen a filtration center from the inside. I must say that all these horrors that we have heard from Chechens who had been there have been confirmed. Everything that we read about concentration camps of the Stalin period, all that we know about the German camps, all this is present there. The first three days that I spent there, that was the 18th, 19th and the 20th, beatings continued round the clock. I never thought that I would hear such a diversity of expressions of human pain. These were not just screams, these were screams of every possible tonality and depth, these were screams of most diverse pain. Different types of beatings cause a different reaction. Q. Are you saying that you got this treatment? A. No, that was the treatment meted out to others. I was fortunate, it was established at once that I am a journalist, true, nobody knew what type of journalist I was. Everybody there were surprised that a journalist happened to be there. In principle, the people there cannot be described as intellectuals. They decided that there was nothing special about this, that such things do happen in a war. As a journalist I was "registered", as they say, only once. They have this procedure there. When a new detainee is being taken from his cell to the investigator he is made to crawl all the way under a rain of blows with rubber sticks. It hurts but one can survive it. This is a light treatment as compared with the tortures to which Chechens are subjected day and night, those who are suspected of collaborating with the illegal armed formations. There are also cases when some testimony is beaten out of detainees. Q. What is the prison population there? A. In my opinion ..... I was in cell No. 17 during the first three days. In that cell there were 13 inhabitants of the village Aberdykel (sp.--FNS). Most of them were young. Judging by their stories, I am not an investigator and I could not collect a sufficiently full database, but in such an atmosphere one very rarely doubts the veracity of what you are told. Mostly these were young men who had nothing to do with the war. They were really common folk. They were treating everything happening around them as a calamity but they were not taking any sides. They were simply waiting for this calamity to pass either in this direction or that direction. Beatings as a method of getting testimony. This is something that, unfortunately, is very well known in Russian and not only Russian history and tradition. But I must say that apart from everything, in my opinion, in all this torture, as it seemed to me, a large part is due to sheer sadism. In other words, an absolutely unwarranted torturing of people. For instance, I heard ..... You know, you really can't see this because all this happens outside of your cell. But the type of screams leaves no doubt about what is happening. You know this painful reaction. For two hours a woman was tortured on the 20th or the 19th. She was tortured; I have no other word to explain what was happening. That was not hysteria. I am not a medic but I believe that we all know what hysteria is. There were screams indicting that a person was experiencing unbearable pain, and for a long period of time.
Helsinki Commission Hearing on Kosovo's Displaced and Imprisoned
Mr. Speaker, this week the Helsinki Commission held a hearing to review the current situation in Kosovo and the prospects for addressing outstanding human rights issues there. More specifically, the hearing focused on the more than 200,000 displaced of Kosovo, mostly Serb and Roma, as well as those Albanians, numbering at least 1,600 and perhaps much more, imprisoned in Serbia. Witnesses included Ambassador John Menzies, Deputy Special Advisor to the President and Secretary of State for Kosovo Implementation; Bill Frelick, Director for Policy at the U.S. Committee for Refugees; His Grace, Bishop Artemije of the Serbian Orthodox Church; Andrzej Mirga, an expert on Roma issues for the Project on Ethnic Relations and the Council of Europe; Susan Blaustein, a senior consultant at the International Crisis Group; and, finally, Ylber Bajraktari, a student from Kosovo. The situation for the displaced, Mr. Speaker, is truly horrible. In Serbia, most collective centers are grim, lacking privacy and adequate facilities. While most displaced Serbs have found private accommodations, they still confront a horrible economic situation worsened by the high degree of corruption, courtesy of the Milosevic regime. The squalor in which the Roma population from Kosovo lives is much worse, and they face the added burdens of discrimination, not only in Serbia but in Montenegro and Macedonia as well. There is little chance right now for any of them to go back to Kosovo, given the strength of Albanian extremists there. Indeed, since KFOR entered Kosovo eight months ago, it was asserted, more than 80 Orthodox Churches have been damaged or destroyed in Kosovo, more than 600 Serbs have been abducted and more than 400 Serbs have been killed. The situation for those Serbs and Roma remaining in Kosovo is precarious. Other groups, including Muslim Slavs, those who refused to serve in the Yugoslav military, and ethnic Albanians outside Kosovo, face severe problems as well, but their plights are too often overlooked. Meanwhile, the Milosevic regime continues to hold Albanians from Kosovo in Serbian prisons, in many cases without charges. While an agreement to release these individuals was left out of the agreement ending NATO's military campaign against Yugoslav and Serbian forces, with the Clinton Administration's acquiescence, by international law these people should have been released. At a minimum, the prisoners are mistreated; more accurately, many are tortured. Some prominent cases were highlighted: 24-year-old Albin Kurti, a former leader of the non-violent student movement; Flora Brovina, a prominent pediatrician and human rights activist; Ukshin Hoti, a Harvard graduate considered by some to be a possible future leader of Kosovo; and, Bardhyl Caushi, Dean of the School of Law, University of Pristina. Clearly, the resolution of these cases is critical to any real effort at reconciliation in Kosovo. This human suffering, Mr. Speaker, must not be allowed to continue. Action must be taken by the United States and the international community as a whole. Among the suggestions made, which I would like to share with my colleagues, are the following: First, get rid of Milosevic. Little if anything can be done in Kosovo or in the Balkans as a whole until there is democratic change in Serbia; Second, bring greater attention to the imprisoned Albanians in Serbia, and keep the pressure on the Milosevic regime to release them immediately and without condition; Third, rein in extremists on both sides, Albanian and Serb, in Kosovo with a more robust international presence, including the deployment of the additional international police as requested by the UN Administrator; Fourth, find alternative networks for improved distribution of assistance to the displaced in Serbia; Fifth, consider additional third-country settlement in the United States and elsewhere for those groups most vulnerable and unable to return to their homes, like the Roma and those who evaded military service as urged by NATO. Mr. Speaker, as Chairman of the Helsinki Commission, I intend to pursue some of these suggestions with specific legislative initiatives, or through contacts with the Department of State. I hope to find support from my fellow Commissioners and other colleagues. Having heard of the suffering of so many people, we cannot neglect to take appropriate action to help, especially in a place like Kosovo where the United States has invested so much and holds considerable influence as a result.
The Status of Religious Liberty in Russia Today
Hon. Cristopher H. Smith, Chairman of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, presided over this hearing on the status of religious liberty in Russia. It was one in a series of Helsinki Commission hearings to examine human rights issues in the nations of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Hon. Smith was joined by panelists to provide their insights on these issues: Robert Seiple, Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom; Rabbi Lev Shemtov, Director of American Friends of Lubavitch; Pastor Igor Nikitin, Chariman of the Assosiation of Christian Churches of St. Petersburg; Father Leonid Kishkovsky, Pastor; and Anatoly Krasikov, Chairman of Russian Chapter, International Association for Religious Liberty in Moscow.
Chechen Parliamentarians
Representative Chris Smith, Chairman of the Commission, addressed the "war of destruction" in Chechnya and the Russian government's claim of it being an anti-terrorist operation. Smith condemned Russia's actions on behalf of the Commission and highlighted its application of indiscriminate force on an entire population to punish a handful of guilty. In response to concern from the international community, the Russian Government and military simply claim that the conflict is an internal matter. The witnesses – Seilam Bechaev, Vice President of the Chechen Praliament and Mr. Tourpal-Ali Kaimov, Chairman of the Budget Committee of the Chechen Parliament – discuss the current state of Chechnya and its deterioration since declaring independence in 1997.
Report on Ukraine's Presidential Elections: October and November 1999
On November 14, President Leonid Kuchma was re-elected for another 5-years term as President of Ukraine, beating Communist Party candidate Petro Symonenko, with 56.3 percent of the votes to Symonenko's 37.8 percent. More than 27 million people, nearly 75 percent of the electorate, turned out to vote. Nearly one million people, or 3.5% of the voters, selected the option of voting for neither candidate. Despite the economic decline and widespread corruption that were hallmarks of his first term, voters chose to re-elect Kuchma, principally out of fear of a return of communism, and certainly not due to any enthusiastic embrace of his economic policies. While there were violations of Ukraine's elections law and OSCE commitments on democratic elections, especially during the second round, these did not have a decisive affect on the outcome, given Kuchma's substantial margin of victory (over five millions votes). The elections were observed by some 500 international observers, with the largest contingent by far coming from the OSCE, and some 16.000 domestic observers. While the West welcomed the Ukrainian people's rejection of communism and any plans to reinvent the Soviet Union or Russian empire, the lack of economic reforms, as well as inappropriate governmental involvement in the election campaign, dampened Western exuberance over Kuchma's election victory. Following his victory, President Kuchma claimed a mandate and promised to work resolutely for economic reforms. This, however, needs to be weighed against his dismal economic record and the questionable resumes of some of his major campaign supporters. Western governments, including the United States, almost immediately reiterated their commitment to assisting Ukraine's transition to democracy and a market economy. At the same time, these governments are waiting to see if the reality will match the rhetoric of reform.
Democratization and Human Rights in Central Asia
Mr. Speaker, I am disappointed that the House schedule did not permit consideration of my resolution, H. Con. Res. 204, which has been co-sponsored by Representative Hoyer, Representative Forbes and Representative McKinney. The resolution voices concern about serious violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms in most states of Central Asia, in particular, substantial noncompliance with OSCE commitments on democratization and the holding of free and fair elections. Among the countries of the former Soviet Union, only in Ukraine and Moldova have sitting presidents lost an election and peacefully left office. We will yet see what happens in Russia, where President Yeltsin has launched another war in Chechnya. It may be too much, given the historical differences between our respective societies, to hope the post-Soviet states could find among their political leaders a George Washington, who could have been king but chose not to be, and who chose to leave office after two terms. But it is not too much to hope that other post-Soviet leaders might emulate Ukraine's former President Leonid Kravchuk or Moldova's former President Mircea Snegur, not to mention Lithuania's Algirdas Brazauskas, who all allowed a peaceful transfer of power. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, Central Asian leaders give every indication of intending to remain in office for life. Their desire for unlimited and permanent power means that they cannot implement all OSCE commitments on democracy, the rule of law and human rights, as doing so would create a level playing field for challengers and allow the media to shine the light on presidential misdeeds and high-level corruption. The result has been an entire region in the OSCE space where fundamental OSCE freedoms are ignored while leaders entrench themselves and their families in power and wealth. To give credit where it is due, the situation is least bad in Kyrgyzstan. President Akaev, a physicist, is the only Central Asian leader who was not previously the head of his republic's Communist Party. One can actually meet members of parliament who strongly criticize President Akaev and the legislature itself is not a rubber stamp body. Moreover, print media, though under serious pressure from the executive branch, exhibit diversity of views and opposition parties function. Still, in 1995, two contenders in the presidential election were disqualified before the vote. Parliamentary and presidential elections are approaching in 2000. Kyrgyzstan's OSCE partners will be watching carefully to see whether they are free and fair. Until the mid-1990s, Kazakstan seemed a relatively reformist country, where various political parties could function and the media enjoyed some freedom. But President Nazarbaev dissolved two parliaments and single-mindedly sought to accumulate sole power. In the last few years, the regime has become ever more authoritarian. President Nazarbaev has concentrated all power in his hands, subordinating to himself all other branches and institutions of government. A constitutional amendment passed in October 1999 conveniently removed the age limit of 65 to be president. The OSCE judged last January's presidential elections, from which a leading opposition contender was barred as far short of OSCE standards. Last month's parliamentary election, according to the OSCE, was "severely marred by widespread, pervasive and illegal interference by executive authorities in the electoral process." In response, President Nazarbaev has attacked the OSCE, comparing it to the Soviet Communist Party's Politburo for trying to "tell Kazakstan what to do." Tajikistan has suffered the saddest fate of all the Central Asian countries; a civil war that killed scores of thousands. In 1997, the warring sides finally ceased hostilities and reached agreement about power-sharing, which permitted a bit of hopefulness about prospects for normal development and democratization. It seems, however, that the accord will not ensure stability. Tajikistan's Central Election Commission refused to register two opposition candidates for the November 6 presidential election. The sole alternative candidate registered has refused to accept the results of the election, which, according to official figures, current President Emomaly Rakhmonov won with 97 percent of the vote, in a 98 percent turnout. Those numbers, Mr. Speaker, say it all. The OSCE properly declined to send observers. Benighted Turkmenistan practically beggars description. This country, which has been blessed with large quantities of natural gas, has a political system that combines the worst traits of Soviet communism with a personality cult seen today in countries like Iraq or North Korea. No dissidence of any kind is permitted and the population enjoys no human rights. While his impoverished people barely manage to get by, President Niyazov builds garish presidential palaces and monuments to himself. The only registered political party in Turkmenistan is the Democratic Party, headed by President Niyazov. In late October he said the people of his country would not be ready for the stresses and choices of a democratic society until 2010, adding that independent media are "disruptive." On December 12, Turkmenistan is holding parliamentary "elections," which the OSCE will not bother to observe. Finally, we come to Uzbekistan. The Helsinki Commission, which I chair, held hearings on democratization and human rights in Uzbekistan on October 18. Despite the best efforts of Uzbekistan's Ambassador Safaev to convince us that democratization is proceeding apace in his country, the testimony of all the other witnesses confirmed the widely held view that after Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan is the most repressive country in Central Asia. No opposition political activity is allowed and media present only the government's point of view. Christian denominations have faced official harassment. Since 1997, a massive government campaign has been underway against independent Muslim believers. In February of this year, explosions rocked Tashkent, which the government described as an assassination attempt by Islamic radicals allied with an exiled opposition leader. Apart from elections, a key indicator of progress towards democratization is the state of media freedom. On October 25-27, an International Conference on Mass Media in Central Asia took place in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Not surprisingly, Turkmenistan did not allow anyone to attend. The other participants adopted a declaration noting that democratization has slowed in almost all Central Asian states, while authoritarian regimes have grown stronger, limiting the scope for genuine media freedom as governments influence the media through economic means. I strongly agree with these sentiments. The concentration of media outlets in pro-regime hands, the ongoing assault on independent and opposition media and the circumscription of the media's legally-sanctioned subject matter pose a great danger to the development of democracy in Central Asia. Official statistics about how many media outlets have been privatized cover up an alarming tendency towards government monopolization of information sources. This effectively makes it impossible for citizens to receive unbiased information, which is vital if people are to hold their governments accountable. Mr. Speaker, it is clear that in Central Asia, the overall level of democratization and human rights observance is poor. Central Asian leaders make decisions in a region far from Western Europe, close to China, Iran and Afghanistan, and they often assert that "human rights are only for the West" or the building democracy "takes time." But delaying steps towards democracy is very risky in the multi-ethnic, multi-religious region of Central Asia, where many people are highly educated and have expectations of faster change. If it does not come, tensions and conflicts could emerge that could endanger security for everyone. To lessen these risks, continuous pressure will be needed on these countries to move faster on democracy. Even as the United States pursues other interests, we should give top priority to democracy and respect for human rights, or we may live to regret not doing so.
Chechen Crisis and its Implications for Russian Democracy
This hearing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe was held to discuss the renewed military action taken against Chechnya in response to terrorist bombings. There is extensive discussion on the ramification of Russian human rights violations for the state of Russian Democracy. Additionally, there are several arguments that the war could destabilize the Caucus region.
Central Asia: The "Black Hole" of Human Rights
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce a resolution on the disturbing state of democratization and human rights in Central Asia. As is evident from many sources, including the State Department's annual reports on human rights, non-governmental organizations, both in the region and the West, and the work of the Helsinki Commission, which I chair, Central Asia has become the "black hole" of human rights in the OSCE space. True, not all Central Asia countries are equal offenders. Kyrgyzstan has not joined its neighbors in eliminating all opposition, tightly censoring the media and concentrating all power in the hands of the president, though there are tendencies in that direction, and upcoming elections in 2000 may bring out the worst in President Akaev. But elsewhere, the promise of the early 1990's, when the five Central Asian countries along with all former Soviet republics were admitted to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, has not been realized. Throughout the region, super-presidents pay lip service to OSCE commitments and to their own constitutional provisions on separation of powers, while dominating the legislative and judicial branches, crushing or thwarting any opposition challenges to their factual monopoly of power, and along with their families and favored few, enjoying the benefits of their countries' wealth. Indeed, though some see the main problem of Central Asia through the prism of real or alleged Islamic fundamentalism, the Soviet legacy, or poverty, I am convinced that the essence of the problem is more simple and depressing: presidents determined to remain in office for life must necessarily develop repressive political systems. To justify their campaign to control society, Central Asian leaders constantly point to their own national traditions and argue that democracy must be built slowly. Some Western analysts, I am sorry to say, have bought this idea, in some cases, quite literally, by acting as highly paid consultants to oil companies and other business concerns. But, Mr. Speaker, building democracy is an act of political will above all. You have to want to do it. If you don't, all the excuses in the world and all the state institutions formed in Central Asia ostensibly to promote human rights will remain simply window dressing. Moreover, the much-vaunted stability offered by such systems is shaky. The refusal of leaders to allow turnover at the top or newcomers to enter the game means that outsiders have no stake in the political process and can imagine coming to power or merely sharing in the wealth only be extra-constitutional methods. For some of those facing the prospect of permanent exclusion, especially as living standards continue to fall, the temptation to resort to any means possible to change the rules of the game, may be overwhelming. Most people, however, will simply opt out of the political system in disillusionment and despair. Against this general context, without doubt, the most repressive countries are Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan's President Niyazov, in particular, has created a virtual North Korea in post-Soviet space, complete with his own bizarre cult of personality. Turkmenistan is the only country in the former Soviet bloc that remains a one-party state. Uzbekistan, on the other hand, has five parties but all of them are government-created and controlled. Under President Islam Karimov, no opposition parties or movements have been allowed to function since 1992. In both countries, communist-era controls on the media remain in place. The state, like its Soviet predecessor, prevents society from influencing policy or expressing its views and keeps the population intimidated through omnipresent secret police forces. Neither country observes the most fundamental human rights, including freedom of religion, or permits any electoral challenges to its all-powerful president. Kazakstan's President Nursultan Nazarbaev has played a more clever game. Pressed by the OSCE and Western capitals, he has formally permitted opposition parties to function, and they did take part in the October 10 parliamentary election. But once again, a major opposition figure was not able to participate, and OSCE/ODIHR monitors, citing many shortcomings, have criticized the election as flawed. In general, the ability of opposition and society to influence policymaking is marginal at best. At the same time, independent and opposition media have been bought, coopted or intimidated out of existence or into cooperation with the authorities, and those few that remain are under severe pressure. Tajikistan suffered a devastating civil war in the early 1990's. In 1997, war-weariness and a military stalemate led the disputants to a peace accord and a power-sharing agreement. But though the arrangement had promise, it now seems to be falling apart, as opposition contenders for the presidency have been excluded from the race and the major opposition organization has decided to suspend participation in the work of the National Reconciliation Commission. Mr. Speaker, along with large-scale ethnic conflicts like Kosovo or Bosnia, and unresolved low-level conflicts like Nagorno-Karabakh and Abkhazia, I believe the systemic flouting of OSCE commitments on democratization and human rights in Central Asia is the single greatest problem facing the OSCE. For that reason, I am introducing this resolution expressing concern about the general trends in the region, to show Central Asian presidents that we are not taken in by their facade, and to encourage the disheartened people of Central Asia that the United States stands for democracy. The resolution calls on Central Asian countries to come into compliance with OSCE commitments on democracy and human rights , and encourages the Administration to raise with other OSCE states the implications for OSCE participation of countries that engage in gross and uncorrected violation of freely accepted commitments on human rights . Mr. Speaker, I hope my colleagues will join me, Mr. Hoyer, and Mr. Forbes in this effort and we welcome their support.
Report on Georgia's Parliamentary Elections: October 1999
On October 31, 1999, Georgia held its third parliamentary election since gaining independence in 1991. President Eduard Shevardnadze's ruling party, the Citizens Union of Georgia, scored a convincing victory. According to the Central Election Commission, in the first round, the CUG won 41.85 percent of the party list voting, or 85 seats, along with 35 single districts. The opposition Batumi Alliance, led by Ajarian strongman Aslan Abashidze, came in second, with 25.65 percent of the vote and seven districts, gaining 51 seats. Industry Will Save Georgia was the only other party to break the sevenpercent threshold for parliamentary representation, managing 7.8 percent and 14 seats. In second-round voting on November 14, the CUG increased its lead, picking up ten more seats, and then won another two in a November 28 third round, for a total of 132. The Batumi Alliance's final tally was 59. Overall, the CUG has an absolute majority in Georgia's 235-seat legislature, improving on the position it held from 1995-1999. The outcome did not indicate how tense the race had been between the CUG and the leftist, proRussian Batumi Alliance. A win by the latter threatened to move Georgia into Russia's orbit and away from market reforms. The election also offered a foretaste of next year's presidential contest, when Abashidze runs against Shevardnazde. With such high stakes and relations so confrontational between the contending forces, charges of widespread fraud dogged the elections. Of the Central Election Commission's 19 members, only 13 signed the document announcing the results. Nevertheless, OSCE's observation mission called the first round of the election a "step towards" compliance with OSCE commitments, adding that most of the worst violations occurred in Ajaria. OSCE's verdict after the November 14 second round was more critical, noting violence at some polling stations and vote rigging and intimidation at others. OSCE's initial cautiously positive judgement, however, allowed Eduard Shevardnadze to claim that democratization is proceeding in Georgia and that the country's admission to the Council of Europe was well deserved.


text:
River of Light is coming back... and some people are not happy
Liverpool's Bonfire Night plans have been met with mixed reactions
Gemma Jaleel
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The news of the city's Bonfire Night plans which will see the River Mersey once again become centre stage has been met with mixed reactions.
The River of Light festival will be returning to Liverpool and Wirral with one of the UK's most successful firework companies, Titanium Fireworks , on board to light up the skies over both sides of the River Mersey.
The free display will see fireworks being set off to music from loud speakers along the waterfront.
River of Light is coming back for Bonfire Night 2017 in Liverpool
However, hundreds took to social media to air their disappointment about the event which suffered a massive backlash from spectators last year, who complained about the quality of fireworks and lack of music, suggesting the displays should return to the city's parks.
Teri-Ann Carman posted on Facebook: "We went to this River of Light last year and was the worst firework display I've ever been too! Bring back the fireworks at Sefton Park! This was absolute rubbish!"
Fireworks over the river. (Image: Jason Roberts)
Beryl Flop wrote: "Well I was there too, have watched in Sefton Park from a child. I'm 44 now, the river display was awful, a waste of time and money, if council has any thought for the people and their families it will see there is not one positive comment here and go back to the parks. I won't be taking my family back to the river. Sad really."
Will there be Bonfire Night displays in Sefton Park or Newsham Park this year?
Caroline Townley added: "Hugely disappointing and under whelming last year, won't be going to this. In contrast the fireworks on Camphill for Sergeant Pepper were amazing and probably the best I've seen in this city. Listen to the people."
Nikki Evans posted: "This was awful last year, we stood with two kids in the cold for an hour at Woodside before it started, it was only on for 20 minutes, then it took us nearly two hours to get home because the buses couldn't get through because of the crowds."
Fireworks over the Mersey with the Liverpool waterfront as a backdrop (Image: Jason Roberts)
Inside the ECHO Arena Liverpool's amazing new VIP lounge
Natalie Roberts added: "Last year was a farce couldn't see the fireworks. Totally surprised when we realised it was over as we didn't even know it had started!"
But Tim Povall urged people to give the event a chance.
He posted: "Titanium is a different company to last year and do all the major city events such as London and Edinburgh New Year, so I think it will be a bit different this time. Look up their FB page or website."
Danielle Carr wrote: "I think I'm the only person who enjoyed them last year."
Sarah Haworth agreed: "Was I the only one who enjoyed the fireworks last year? They were lovely looking on from New Brighton."
Les Commandos Percu and Deabru Beltzak at the River of Light (Image: James Maloney)
But Liverpool City Council have stressed that the music and fireworks being set up on the waterfront this year will improve the experience.
Claire McColgan, director of Culture Liverpool, said: "We have taken on board feedback from last year but also built from our experience of staging the brilliant Lucy in The Sky with Diamonds fireworks display as part of the Sergeant Pepper at 50 celebrations.
Amazing Christmas events and things to do in Liverpool
"We have brought in the best in the business to assist us this year - Titanium deliver the London New Year's Eve fireworks and their past work includes the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow and the opening of City of Culture in Hull.
Fireworks come out of the planes wings at the River of Light festival 2016 (Image: Jason Roberts)
"We are making sure that the fireworks will be much closer to land meaning it will be a much more intimate experience and we are also working with The British Music Experience on the soundtrack which will complement the fireworks along the waterfront.
"There will be animation and street theatre before and the only thing we can't determine is the weather. This is about keeping it as a free event and making it the best it can be and we're really looking forward to it."
Sefton Park
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1-hand clap with your neighbor.
Place your hands together, palm to palm. Keep the bases of the hands together. Open wide and clap several times.
Have everyone raise his hands above his head. Applaud by clicking the nails of the thumb and forefinger of each hand.


We are delighted to announce that Rockliffe Manor have been awarded the School Games SILVER Mark Award. The School Games Mark is a government led award scheme launched in 2012 to reward schools for their commitment to the development of competition across their school and into the community. As part of our application, we were asked to fulfill criteria in the areas of participation, competition, workforce and clubs, and we are pleased to have been recognised for our success in these areas. We are extremely proud of our pupils and staff for their dedication to all aspects of school sport and we are delighted that the hard work of everyone at Rockliffe Manor has been rewarded.
Today our Year 3 class visited their friends at our partner school Foxfield to take part in a careers fair. There were a variety of jobs on display including a tree surgeon, an optician, mortgage broker and women's footballers. Year 3 had a fantastic experience and learnt so much about future careers in just one morning. Thank you Foxfield!
This week marked our annual Rockliffe Manor Book Week. Throughout this week the children have engaged in many exciting events and activities to further inspire and encourage their love of reading. To begin the week we opened the doors to our ever popular Book Fair where children were able to browse and purchase books, with a portion of all sales being donated back to school in book vouchers. We are pleased to share that this added up to a grand total of £557.94 which we can now use to purchase lots of lovely new books. We also launched our bookmark competition where for the donation of £1.00 children could design a bookmark to be in with a chance to win some fantastic prizes! This raised another £54.00 for our school fund and we would like to congratulate all who took part! We were also lucky enough to have author David Lucas visit us. David delivered hugely exciting assembly to the whole school as well us some really enjoyable and informative writing workshops. On Tuesday we held our annual 'Dad's Breakfast' event, where Dads, Grandads, Uncles and other male relatives were invited to share a delicious breakfast and a book with their children - thank you to everyone who joined us! Later on in the week children and staff celebrated World Book Day by dressing up as their favourite book characters and on Friday afternoon, to mark the end of Book Week, our children all took part in 'Buddy Reading' where they joined up with their friends from another class to spend time and share a book with eachother. What a wonderful week!


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664: Good Judgment: Every CFO's Star Attribute | Gary Swidler, CFO, Match Group
Back in 2015, when Gary Swidler was a candidate for a CFO position at Match Group, the seasoned banking executive recalls being told by company management: "On paper, you are definitely not the most qualified person for the job."
The gap on Swidler's resume was due to the fact that he had never held a CFO position—a void that frustrates many first-time CFO candidates who routinely find themselves second in line to candidates whose resumes list previous CFO appointments.
Perhaps frustrated CFO candidates might find some comfort in the notion that Match, a company whose online offerings excel at achieving "matches"—albeit romantic ones—chose to discard industry's traditional CFO matching criteria.
According to Swidler, the CEO remarked: "You've never done this before, but I've known you for a long time and you have very good judgment. You're a smart person with high integrity, so don't prove me wrong."
Swidler's comments expose the roles that intuition and instincts often play when it comes to CFO hiring. They also draw our attention to the type of partner that Match management was seeking: not a blind follower or "yes man," but someone upon whose counsel the CEO and a board could rely.
Meanwhile, as a banker, Swidler's relationship with his future company had gone back not months but years, giving him an edge over veteran CFOs who were less familiar with Match as well as IAC, the holding company that at the time owned 100 percent of the online dating company.
However, within 2 months of Swidler's arrival in Match's CFO office, IAC sold 15 percent of its shares to the public, allowing Match to raise a little more than $400 million and giving the company a market cap of around $3 billion.
In the coming months and years, more IAC shares were expected to be sold to the public, which would allow Match Group to becoming increasingly unfettered from its largest investor.
Be that as it may, IAC was evidently not yet ready to part with its 85 percent and opted to hold on to its shares until June 2020, when it completed a spinoff of Match Group by selling its shares to IAC's existing shareholders and thereby giving Match a market cap of $30 billion.
"We had such a good business, and we were doing so well—IAC enjoyed owning us and didn't want to give us up," says Swidler, who would likely not hesitate to tell us that when it comes to large investors, breaking up is hard to do. –Jack Sweeney
Listen to the Episode Below (00:47:19)
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CFOTL: Tell us how you view the CFO role today and what's changed about it over time …
Swidler: The CFO job has actually evolved quite a bit over the past 10 to 15 years. It's gotten more complicated. There's more to manage. In the old days, you were either someone who dealt with investors and some strategic things or you were more of an accounting type and you oversaw the books, so to speak. Now you're much more of a "business judgment executive," if I can use that term. You're called upon to make business decisions.
The role is fairly complicated, and I think that different kinds of people can fit into it. Obviously, the best predictor of whether you're going to be good at the role today is whether you were good at it yesterday at some other company. This is why people recruit similar types.
I would actually argue—and I've thought about this some—that there are a lot of different people out there who are suited for the role. If you have good judgment and can think through issues and kind of balance out risks and rewards—which is not so easy to do—this is the best predictor of whether you're going to be good at this role. Accounting or tax expertise in particular is not going to help you all that much. Dealing with investors and capital markets is all learnable, but judgment and how to think through issues and make decisions is the real currency of the job.
Companies in general have gotten more complicated to run. The expectations have gotten higher. Things move more quickly. You do have more information at your fingertips, but you don't have that much time to make decisions on it. I also think that the CEO is looking for a partner. Running a company is a very challenging thing to do as a CEO, and the best thing to do is to have somebody by your side who can help you to make these decisions, because they are usually challenging ones.
Over time, the CFO role has morphed into being a little bit more of a partner to the CEO on all of the things with which they need to grapple. During the past 4 years in which I've been here, we've always had a little bit of a division of labor among the CEO and the president and me. We divide and conquer different aspects of the job, and then when things are more complicated than one of us can handle on our own, we get together and try to put our brains together and figure out what to do and how to handle it. This system has worked pretty well for us. You can't do everything together because you wouldn't be able to move fast enough. But if you have different skills and divide and conquer the pieces that are out there and then you come together on the hard, big things and make decisions together, this seems to be a pretty good recipe. It certainly has worked well for us.
VALUE QUOTE: "If you have good judgment and can think through issues and kind of balance out risks and rewards—which is not so easy to do—this is the best predictor of whether you're going to be good at this role." jb
Filed Under: Podcasts Tagged With: CFO, finance, investors, IPO, online, spinoff
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Kitcher, a professor at Columbia University, is known for his studies on the role of scientific inquiry in democratic societies. This lecture is a follow up to his 2017 Walter Strauss Lecture Series offered at CWRU and is presented in coordination with the publication of his book, The Main Enterprise of the World: Rethinking Education. Emerson's vision of education as "the main enterprise of the world" should be taken seriously. Rather than thinking of education as consisting in the production of productive workers, Kitcher proposed that we should see it as growing people who can live together as fellow citizens and enjoy fulfilling lives. He believes our central task as human beings is to leave the world better than we found it, and to enable our successors to continue the process of improvement.
This lecture will also be live-streamed.
If attending in-person, registration is requested. Register HERE.
About the speaker:
Philip Stuart Kitcher is a British philosophy professor who specializes in the philosophy of science, the philosophy of biology, the philosophy of mathematics, the philosophy of literature, and, more recently, pragmatism.
Kitcher is the John Dewey Professor of Philosophy at Columbia University. Before moving to Columbia, Kitcher taught at the University of Vermont, Vassar College, The University of Minnesota, University of Michigan, and for several years at University of California, San Diego where he held the position of Presidential Professor of Philosophy.
Kitcher is past president of the American Philosophical Association. In 2002, Kitcher was named a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and he was awarded the inaugural Prometheus Prize from the American Philosophical Association in 2006 in honor of extended achievement in the philosophy of science.
He has trained a number of prominent philosophers of science, including Peter Godfrey-Smith at the City University of New York Graduate Center, Kyle Stanford at the University of California at Irvine, and Bruce Glymour at Kansas State University.
Click HERE to visit Philip Kitcher's Faculty Page.
Click HERE to watch Philip Kitcher's lecture, "Too Many Aims," which was the first of the 2017 Walter A. Strauss Lectures offered at CWRU.
Click HERE to watch Philip Kitcher's lecture, "Shaping the Citizen," which was the second of the 2017 Walter A. Strauss Lectures offered at CWRU.
Click HERE to watch Philip Kitcher's lecture, "The Importance of the Sciences and the Arts," which was the third of the 2017 Walter A. Strauss Lectures offered at CWRU.
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Her part in Lion was so cringey tho.
It was a small role. I think she just did it because she loved the script.
The Royals survive another day in SFMXR, all with Top 10 placings too!
Whatever happened to girl with dragon tattoo?
Just to see what was real and what was not.
I suppose, if you want to win Miss America.
We are so alike, sis!
Brb, checking the new Pokemon-thread!


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March 9, 2014 By Søren Hough 1 Comment
Zack Snyder's 300 moved me. The film has fallen prey to biting parody in recent years, but I knew then that 300 was one of the era's great cinematic experiences. Movies like that demand to be seen on the big screen. Like both The Matrix and Gravity, 300 was a masterpiece of visual splendor. And it was unique, too; never before or since have I reacted so emotionally to any film's aesthetic. It remains one of my favorite pictures for that reason.
300 received a fair amount of criticism when it was released because of its simplistic narrative arc and grossly romanticized storytelling. But for me, 300 was pure magic. It did nothing more than it set out to do, taking a rather straightforward – spartan, if you will – approach to the Battle of Thermopylae. With 300: Rise of an Empire, graphic novelist Frank Miller and director Noam Murro take this focused scope and blow it up. Unfortunately, this creates far more problems than it solves.
Everything from the Battle of Marathon to the Battle of Salamis is haphazardly squeezed into less than two hours of film. As a result, fascinating characters like Queen Gorgo of Sparta (Lena Headey) are sidelined in favor of hamfisted speeches and brawny chest beating. Simultaneously, almost no time is given to distinguish the Athenians from the Spartans outside of exposition. Where's their poetry? Their sculpting? Their art? That contrast might have given the Athenians a much-needed dose of humanity. Instead, they come off like two-bit knockoffs of their Spartan counterparts.
But this skirts the main issue I had with Rise of an Empire. Some may recall that 300 was divisive for its decidedly East versus West conflict-driven plot. Historically speaking, however, this subtext was first and foremost in the minds of the Persian empire and the Greeks who resisted them. It is an ideological fight that persisted long after the Persian empire crumbled, arguably continuing through to modern day.
With Rise of an Empire, however, writers Miller, Zack Snyder, and Kurt Johnstad push this allegory well beyond its reasonable historical limit. The movie conflates several important and separate ideas, using longwinded monologues to associate a unified Greece with the modern American watchwords of Freedom and Democracy. In one particularly incriminating speech, Gorgo even refers to "our lady liberty." With this change in tone, the movie becomes less popcorn entertainment and more an exercise in unabashed jingoism. And considering the United States' current relationship with Iran and the rest of the Middle East, the "Rise of an Empire" epithet suddenly takes on a far more sinister meaning.
Every time the movie leapt from one momentous but horribly misrepresented battle to another, I could see my Greek history professor suffering a small heart attack in my mind's eye. The 300 franchise was never one for historical accuracy, but there is a difference between fantastical allegory and outright propagandizing. 300 bathed safely in the waters of the former, but Rise of an Empire wades triumphantly into the deep end and nearly drowns in the process.
Consider that not a single Persian character in this movie has any shred of intelligence. Artemisia (Eva Green), a formerly Greek woman who grew up to command the Persian navy, suffers the dimwittedness of her Persian subordinates through much of her conflict with the cunning Themistocles (Sullivan Stapleton). Xerxes (Rodrigo Santoro), who we knew to be prideful after his pathetic attempt at besting Leonidas in 300, comes off like a spoiled, shortsighted moron.
To complete the insult, nearly every Persian in Rise of an Empire is distinguished from their strangely white "Greek" counterparts by darker skin and stereotypically Middle Eastern garb. Where in 300 the Persians were more mysterious boogeyman than outright caricature, here the light skinned American versus dark skinned Middle Eastern iconography floats obviously to the surface like the mangled detritus of the plentiful shipwrecks at Salamis. The more I think about Rise of an Empire, the clearer its arguably racist but certainly nationalistic intentions become.
I am aware this review doesn't speak much to the content of the film. If you're wondering how the movie stacks up against its predecessor, it doesn't; it is merely serviceable, forgettable, big screen entertainment. The lack of visual novelty in a post-300 world is apparent. Still, the elegant fight choreography can be fun to watch and the cinematography is, at times, reminiscent of cinematographer Larry Fong's magnum opus.
But I must ask audiences to think beyond the film's pretty exterior and see this movie for what it is. Rise of an Empire is a fundamentally manipulative superimposition of modern American ideals onto important but distorted historical events. To me, that is not only educationally irresponsible – it's morally deceptive. And I want no part of it.
Movie Verdict: Meh


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