text:
Administrativno uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine je stvarano je tijekom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini i potvrđeno je ustavom koji je proizašao iz Daytonskog sporazuma u studenome 1995.

Višenacionalnu državu čine tri konstitutivna naroda, a sastavljena je od dva entiteta - Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine i Republike Srpske.

BiH je vrlo složena, proturječna i asimetrična država, a oko njezinog državnog uređenja i karaktera cjelokupnog ustavnog uređenja postoje najrazličitija mišljenja.

Razvoj

Bosanskohercegovački federalizam osebujna je pojava koja po mnogočemu odstupa od uobičajenih oblika razvitka ustavnosti. Uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine vrlo je komplicirano zbog nekonzistentnih ustavnih rješenja koja se odnose na njezino državno uređenje, tj. njezinu federalnu strukturu. Bosna i Hercegovina nema federalnu tradiciju. Federalizam u Bosni i Hercegovini razvijao se u ratnim uvjetima nakon raspada Jugoslavije u kojoj je BiH bila jedna od šest federalnih jedinica - socijalističkih republika. Stjecanjem neovisnosti u BiH se trebalo radit na prijelazu iz unitarnog na federalno uređenje zbog njezinog višenacionalnog sastava, a u takvoj situaciji federalizam se nametnuo kao jedino moguće rješenje. Federalizacija je zahtijevala stvaranje federalnih jedinica koje je trebalo potvrditi saveznim ustavom. Te federalne jedinice nisu nastale sporazumno, već u okolnostima rata. Pod pritiskom međunarodne zajednice prihvaćen je i državni ustav u kojem je priznato postojanje federalnih jedinica u više-manje činjeničnoj situaciji. Najosjetljivije pitanje bilo je utvrđivanje granica federalnih jedinica. Nametnulo se pitanje treba li, u procesu federalizacije višenacionalnih država, nacijama dati i zasebne federalne jedinice. U BiH ovo nije bio samo doktrinarni, već i zbiljski sukob. Zbog toga se nacionalni kriterij nastojao ublažiti drugim kriterijima - zemljopisnim, povijesnim, gospodarskim, prometnim itd. Na drugim kriterijima inzistirali su Bošnjaci, a na nacionalnim Hrvati i Srbi. Zbog tih sukoba propali su mirovni planovi za BiH od kojih je svaki predlagao drukčiji broj federalnih jedinica. Mirovni planovi su kao posljedicu imali i veće sukobe zaraćenih strana, jer nijedan plan nije bio prihvaćen istovremeno od sve tri strane. Planovi su predstavljali i konfederalne koncepte na kojima su inzistirali Srbi, tako da je stvarna podjela BiH stalno bila prisutna. Konfederacija bi ishodovala raspadom države, što bi federalizacija spriječila.

Međunarodna zajednica od početka rata u BiH nudila je rješenje za unutarnje uređenje BiH kao složene, federalne države. Za srpsku stranu to nije bilo prihvatljivo jer bi federalizam bila prepreka njihovom pravu na samoopredjeljenje do otcjepljenja. Bošnjačkoj strani federalizam također nije bio prihvatljiv zato što je predstavljao prepreku unitarnoj državi u kojoj bi Bošnjaci, kao većinski, bili i temeljni narod. Jedini zagovornik federalizma bila je hrvatska strana koja ga je formulirala u Livanjskom pitanju u ožujku 1992. kao prijedlog za referendumsko pitanje o neovisnosti BiH. Prijedlog je glasio: "Jeste li za suverenu i nezavisnu Bosnu i Hercegovinu kao državnu zajednicu konstitutivnih i suverenih naroda – hrvatskog, muslimanskog i srpskog naroda – u njihovim nacionalnim područjima (kantonima)?".

Washingtonski sporazum je u ožujku 1994. sklopila hrvatska i bošnjačka zarećena strana uz sudjelovanje i pristanak Hrvatske, dok srpska strana i SR Jugoslavija nisu bile uključene. Njime je ukinuta Hrvatska Republika Herceg-Bosna i uspostavljena Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine. Nakon njegovog sklapanja nastavljen je rat sa Srbima do sklapanja Daytonskog sporazuma u studenom 1995. koji je priznao postojanje Republike Srpske i kojim je okončan rat u BiH. Daytonski sporazum je jasan oko teritorijalnog i nacionalnog kod statusa Republike Srpske, no Washingtonski sporazum, kojeg su prihvatile hrvatska i bošnjačka zaraćena strana uz sudjelovanje i pristanak Hrvatske, bio je utemeljen na sasvim drukčijem konceptu.

Konfederalizam se u Washingtonskom sporazumu se ogleda u predviđanju konfederalnog odnosa između Hrvatske i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine (bez rješenog pitanja područja BiH s većinskim srpskim pučanstvom), ali i u Daytonskom sporazumu koji je priznao Republiku Srpsku kao pandan Federaciji BiH koji je sporazum o konfederaciji zamijenio sporazumom o pravu entiteta da uspostave zasebne paralelne odnose sa susjednim zemljama u skladu sa suverenošću i teritorijalnim integritetom BiH. Tako su se tek Washingtonskim, odnosno Daytonskim mirovnim sporazumom, pod pritiskom međunarodne zajednice, nametnula ustavna rješenja koja su uključivala unutarnje granice nove federalne BiH. Koliko je teritorijalno gledište (povezano s etničkim predznakom kod Republike Srpske) bilo naglašeno, vidljivo je u Aneksu 2 Daytonskog sporazuma, prema kojem su međuentitetske crte razgraničenja između Federacije BiH i Republike Srpske trebale biti povučene na karti u dodatku o ovom sporazumu. Federacija BiH dobila je 51% državnog područja, a Republika Srpska 49%. Pri tome je ovaj Aneks sadržavao i sporazum o arbitraži koji se odnosio na "dio međuentitetske granične crte u području Brčkog koji je bio predmet spora".

Složenost bosanskohercegovačkog Ustava

Pred donošenje bosanskohercegovačkog Ustava postojalo je više mogućnosti oko njezinog uređenja. Republika Srpska koja je nastala 1992. u uvjetima rata, priznata je Daytonskim sporazumom kao entitet BiH uz Federaciju BiH nastalu 1994. Republika Srpska je svoj Ustav donijela 1992., koji je, za raliku od Ustava Federacije BiH samostalno donio srpski narod u BiH posredstvom Narodne skupštine. Daytonskim sporazumom je samo definirana i potvrđena veličina teritorija Republike Srpske koji je do tada bio nepoznanica.

Tako je nastala krajnje složena, proturječna i asimetrična država, oko čijeg državnog uređenja kao i karaktera cjelokupnog ustavnog uređenja daytonske BiH postoje najrazličitija mišljenja.

Višenacionalna država koju čine tri nacije sastavljena je od dva entiteta - Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine i Republike Srpske. Federacija BiH je po svom uređenju federalna i nosi naziv države, dok je Republika Srpska unitaran entitet. Upravo iz ovoga proizlazi temeljna proturječnost Daytonskog sporazuma i bosanskohercegovačkog Ustava, koji blokira djelovanje bosanskohercegovačkih institucija. Naime, jedina logična i teorijski dosljedno izvedena federalizacija BiH, na način napravljen u Washingtonskom sporazumu iz 1994., podrazumijevala je i kantonizaciju Republike Srpske (što je podrazumijevalo i njezin nestanak) te uključivanje srpske nacionalne sastavnice u institucionalni sustav vlasti Federacije BiH, kako se trebala zvati čitava država. Alternativa ovom rješenju bila je konfederalna BiH za koju su se zalagali Srbi, što bi predstavljalo negaciju BiH kao države u dotadašnjim granicama. Da se to dogodilo, sporazum o konfederaciji između Hrvatske i novnonastale krnje Federacije BiH dobio bi smisao.

Međutim, kako do toga nije došlo, međunarodno priznavanje Republike Srpske uz Federaciju BiH stvorilo je državu s trostupanjskom ustavnošću i ukupno trinaest ustava - države BiH, dva entiteta i deset županija (kantona) unutar Federacije BiH. Zbog toga su mnogi bosanskohercegovački i drugi pisci u tom obliku države prepoznali "asimetričnu konfederaciju", "uniju samostalnih političkih entiteta sa zajedničkom središnjom vlasti", "segmentiranu državu", "federaciju s naglašenim konfederalnim elementima", "federaciju sui generis" i sl.

Iako Ustav BiH, kao i njegov američki uzor, nigdje izričito ne spominje karakter BiH s gledišta oblika državnog uređenja i ne navodi naziv federacija (osim za jedan entitet) iz samog teksta Ustava proizlazi da se ipak radi o federaciji. Ustav tako govori o državi BiH, njezinom teritorijalnom integritetu, međunarodnom subjektivitetu, dva entiteta, raspodjeli nadležnosti među njima, organima vlasti i sl. što daje dovoljno osnove rečenoj tvrdnji. Isto tako, primijetno je da je takva federacija sastavljena od dvije federalne jedinice, a takve federacije su iz dosadašnje teorije i prakse federalizma najviše krhke, pokazuje i elemente konfederacije. To se posebno odnosi na sudstvo, obranu i posebne paralelne odnose entiteta sa susjednim državama. Takva federalna struktura nije uspjela na jednak način pomiriti i na saveznoj razini uskladiti elemente posebnosti - nacije. To se odnosi, prije svega, na nepodudarnost teritorijalnog i nacionalnog, što je najvidljivije u samim entitetima.

Dva potpuno suprotstavljena koncepta - Washingtonski i Daytonski - u stvaranju unutarnjeg uređenja države dovela su do konstrukcijske greške čineći bosanskohercegovački federalizam nedjelotvornim. U tom vidu, ni odluka Ustavnog suda BiH o konstitutivnosti naroda, i na temelju nje usklađene odredbe entitetskih ustava koje su proglašene neustavnim (nametnute od strane visokog predstavnika) nisu ni u kojem smislu dovele do promjene u bosanskohercegovačkom federalizmu kako je on određen u Daytonskom sporazumu i Ustavom BiH. Za bilo kakvu promjenu na tom području nužna je i izmjena državnog ustava.

Na primjeru federalizma BiH vidljiv je temeljni nedostatak koji se odnosi na nepostojanje osnovnog konsenzusa unutar njezinog pučanstva, a posebno unutar vodećih društvenih snaga o potrebi zajedništva i interesima koji se trebaju ostvariti u federalnoj zajednici. Ako te pretpostavke nisu ispunjene, federalne institucije ne mogu ispuniti svoju osnovnu svrhu i u borbi za dominaciju jednih nad drugima vode u situaciji potpune političke blokade, gdje je često nemoguće postići rješenje ustavnim sredstvima. Na taj način federalizam se pretvara u svoju suprotnost i potencira sukob umjesto da ga rješava.

Bosanskohercegovački federalizam pokazuje sve odlike ustavnog uređenja BiH. Način na koji je stvoren Ustav BiH, pa tako i ustavna rješenja koja se odnose na federalizam, kao glavni ustavni problem, od samog početka izazivaju niz prijepora zbog svoje nekonzistentnosti i nejednakih kriterija na kojima se temelji. Ustavom je na nejednak način riješen odnos između jedinstvenosti (svi državljani BiH) i posebnosti (tri konstitutivna naroda BiH). U konačnoj raščlambi ustavnih odredbi Ustava BiH, sukladno i dosadašnjoj praksi Ustavnog suda BiH, došlo se do zaključka kako ne postoji specifičan model nacionalnog predstavljanja u bosanskohercegovačkim institucijama, kao ni odgovarajući izborni mehanizam koji bi bili istovjetni za oba entiteta. Sve se ovo na poseban način odražava na predstavljanje, odnosno sudjelovanje entiteta u federalnoj vlasti Bosne i Hercegovine. No, i pored nepodudaranja nacionalnog i teritorijalnog u Federaciji BiH na normativnom planu, to se ne može reći i za Republiku Srpsku, gdje se ta dva elementa i normativno priznaju kao podudarna cjelina. Kako je upravo nacionalnost posebnost bosanskohercegovačkog federalizma, zbog čega je on i uspostavljen, a nacionalno i teritorijalno se ustavnim rješenjima podudara samo u slučaju Republike Srpske, to su narodi i federalne jedinice na specifičan način predstavljeni u institucijama Bosne i Hercegovine. Gornji dom Parlamentarne skupštine BiH (PS BiH), koji bi trebao predstavljati federalne jedinice, ne nosi naziv koji bi upućivao na to, već se zove Dom naroda.

Republika Srpska je federalna jedinica - entitet iz kojeg u Dom naroda prema postojećim ustavnim rješenjima dolazi pet Srba, a iz drugog entiteta - Federacije BiH, dolaze predstavnici Hrvata i Bošnjaka, svakih po pet. Dakle, prema Ustavu BiH, jedna trećina izaslanika dolazi iz Republike Srpske, a dvije trećine iz Federacije BiH. Ta se formula više-manje dosljedno primjenjuje i na ostale bosanskohercegovačke institucije. Štoviše, taj odnos 1/3-2/3 odnosi se i na Zastupnički dom PS BiH koji predstavlja sve državljane i gdje se trebala očekivati proporcionalna zastupljenost članova Doma iz dva entiteta. To se također primjenjuje i na tročlano Predsjedništvo BiH, u koje se bira jedan Srbin izravno s područja Republike Srpske te po jedan Hrvat i Bošnjak izravno s područja Federacije BiH. Izvršna vlast, koju nosi Vijeće ministara BiH, također je sastavljeno od najviše dvije trećine ministara imenovanih s područja Federacije BiH i jedne trećine s područja Republike Srpske. To načelo proteže se do predstavljenosti entiteta na Ustavnom sudu BiH, gdje se četiri člana biraju iz Federacije BiH, a dva iz Republike Srpske.

Podjela nadležnosti između saveznih i entitetskih institucija

Usvajanjem daytonskog Ustava BiH došlo je do ustavnopravnog izjednačavanja Federacije BiH i Republike Srpske te je izvršena raspodjela nadležnosti između saveznih institucija i entiteta. Kako su sve državne djelatnosti i ovlasti koje Ustavom BiH nisu izričito dodijeljene saveznim institucijama, pripale entitetima, u tom vidu oba entiteta raspolažu istim opsegom poslova koji su u njihovoj nadležnosti.

U članku I. 1. Ustava Federacije BiH utvrđeno je da Federacija BiH, kao jedan od dva entiteta države BiH, "ima svu vlast, nadležnost i odgovornosti koje Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine nisu dane u isključivu nadležnost institucija Bosne i Hercegovine". Istovremeno, u Ustavu Republike Srpske je propisano da "Republici pripadaju sve državne funkcije i nadležnosti osim onih koje su Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine izričito prenesene na njezine institucije" (točka 1. Amandmana LVI na Ustav RS, kojim je zamijenjen raniji članak 3 ovog Ustava). Ova formulacija ukazuje da je Bosna i Hercegovina nastala združenjem entiteta i da su na državu prenesene samo određene nadležnosti koje izvorno i u cijelosti pripadaju entitetima.

Raspodjela nadležnosti između saveznih i entitetskih institucija izvršena je Ustavom BiH 1995. na poseban način. U članku III. Ustava koji se bavi ovim sadržajem, navedene su tri kategorije nadležnosti:

 nadležnost institucija BiH,
 nadležnost entiteta, i
 dodatne nadležnosti.

Ustav prvo nabraja mjerodavnosti koje su u isključivoj nadležnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, uz pretpostavku nadležnosti u korist entiteta. Sve ono što ne spada pod saveznu nadležnost, u nadležnosti je entiteta. Uz to su u Ustavu nabrojane i dodatne nadležnosti entiteta od kojih neke predstavljaju osebujnost bosanskohercegovačkog federalizma i u kojima se prepoznaju i elementi konfederalizma. Konačno se navodi i jedna posebna kategorija nadležnosti, tzv. dodatne nadležnosti, koje ne spadaju u teoriji poznate sfere isključivih i zajedničkih nadležnosti federacije i federalnih jedinica. U ovom slučaju radi se o tome da Ustav omogućava da se nadležnost bosanskohercegovačkih institucija može širiti i da nije fiksna. Naime, u onim pitanjima za koja se entiteti dogovore da ih prenesu u nadležnost saveznih institucija, oni mogu sporazumno prenijeti njihovo rješavanje na savezne institucije. Nadalje, oni mogu uspostaviti i dodatne institucije radi izvršavanja tih nadležnosti.

Isključiva nadležnost saveznih institucija

U isključivu nadležnost institucija Bosne i Hercegovine su (čl. III. t. 1. Ustava BiH):

 vanjska politika;
 vanjskotrgovinska politika;
 carinska politika;
 monetarna politika;
 financiranje institucija i međunarodnih obveza Bosne i Hercegovine;
 imigracija, izbjeglice i azil;
 provedba međunarodnih i međuentitetskih kaznenopravnih propisa, uključujući i odnose s Interpolom,
 uspostava i funkcioniranje zajedničkih i međunarodnih komunikacijskih sredstava;
 reguliranje međuentitetskog transporta; i
 kontrola zračnog prometa.

Uobičajeno je da svaka federacija, po prirodi stvari, ima nadležnost u onim oblastima koje su najtješnje vezane uz državni suverenitet i međunarodni subjektivitet, uz ostale zajedničke djelatnosti federacije. Primjetno je kako je bosanskohercegovački Ustav vrlo restriktivno odredio nadležnosti saveznih institucija. No, i pored toga sve to uz navedene dodatne nadležnosti, ne bi toliko narušilo sliku gotovo klasične sfere poslova jedne federalne države da u Ustavu Bih nije izostavljena obrana kao isključiva nadležnost federalne države. Pored ovog temeljnog propusta, u Ustavu ne dostaju još neke od uobičajenih nadležnosti savezne države, kao što su jedinstvo gospodarskog sustava, kontrola državne granice i sl. Kasnije će se poneki od ovih propusta ispraviti zakonom (kao što je slučaj obrane), ili nametanjem zakona od strane visokog predstavnika (npr. Zakon o državnoj graničnoj službi).

Nadležnosti entiteta

Ustav BiH i pored odredbe o pretpostavci nadležnosti u korist entiteta ("Sve vladine funkcije i ovlasti, koje po ovom Ustavu nisu izričito dodijeljene institucijama Bosne i Hercegovine, pripadaju entitetima" - čl. 3. III. 3. a) posebno navodi i neke specifične nadležnosti entiteta. Prema Ustavu BiH, entiteti maju pravo:

 uspostaviti posebne paralelne odnose sa susjednim državama u skladu sa suverenitetom i teritorijalnim integritetom Bosne i Hercegovine;
 entiteti su dužni pružiti svu potrebnu pomoć vladi Bosne i Hercegovine kako bi ona mogla izvršavati svoje međunarodne obveze [...];
 entiteti će osigurati sve uvjete za sigurnost i zaštitu svih osoba pod njihovom jurisdikcijom, [...] u skladu s međunarodno priznatim standardima uz poštovanje međunarodno priznatih ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda na koje je ukazano u članku II. i poduzimaju druge odgovarajuće mjere;
 svaki entitet može također sklapati sporazume s državama i međunarodnim organizacijama uz suglasnost Parlamentarne skupštine koja može zakonom urediti da takva suglasnost za određene vrste sporazuma nije potrebna (čl. III. 2.).

Uz ovo, ustavotvorac je smatrao nužnim u ovom članku posvećenom raspodjeli nadležnosti istaknuti i obvezu entiteta i svih njihovih nižih jedinica da se pridržavaju Ustava BiH, kao i to da opća načela međunarodnog prava čine predstavljaju sastavni dio pravnog sustava Bosne i Hercegovine i entiteta. Nadalje, vidljivo je da prema postojećoj podjeli nadležnosti između saveznih i entitetskih institucija, većina njih pripada entitetima.

Dodatne nadležnosti

Pored isključivih nadležnosti saveznih institucija, Ustav BiH poznaje i tzv. dodatne nadležnosti. U članku III. 5. Ustava, ove nadležnosti su određene na sljedeći način: "Bosna i Hercegovina će preuzeti nadležnosti za one poslove o kojima se entiteti suglase; koji su predviđeni u Aneksima 5-8 Općeg mirovnog sporazuma; ili koji su potrebni za očuvanje suvereniteta i teritorijalnog integriteta i političke neovisnosti i međunarodnog subjektiviteta Bosne i Hercegovine, u skladu s podjelom nadležnosti između institucija Bosne i Hercegovine. Mogu se po potrebi osnivati i dodatne institucije za obavljanje takvih nadležnosti".

Aneksi 5-8 odnose se na arbitražu radi rješavanja sporova između entiteta (Aneks 5), ljudska prava (Aneks 6), izbjeglice i raseljene osobe (Aneks 7) i očuvanje nacionalnih spomenika (Aneks 8). Primjetno je da uz poslove vezane uz ove Anekse postoji i mogućnost za neodređeni krug poslova koji se tiču očuvanja suvereniteta, teritorijalnog integriteta, političke neovisnosti i međunarodnog subjektiviteta BiH u skladu s navedenom podjelom nadležnosti. Ovo je ustavnopravni temelj kojim se stvaraju mogućnosti da se dogovorom entiteta nadležnosti saveznih institucija mogu širiti.

Također, Ustavom je u okviru dodatnih nadležnosti utvrđeno da su tijekom šest mjeseci od njegovog stupanja na snagu entiteti trebali započeti pregovore oko uključivanja u savezne nadležnosti i druge poslove kao što su korištenje energetskih resursa i zajedničke gospodarske projekte. Time je bila nametnuta ustavna obveza entitetima da u ovim oblastima oblikuju kroz savezno zakonodavstvo neku vrstu zajedničke nadležnosti, pa tako i nadležnosti saveznih institucija. U većini federalnih država takva vrsta nadležnosti prvenstveno ovisi o saveznoj državi, no u BiH ovisi o njezinim federalnim jedinicama - entitetima.

Glede raspodjele nadležnosti, Predsjedništvo BiH može, sukladno Ustavu, koordinirati ove aktivnosti i odlučiti potpomoći koordinaciju između entiteta u ovim pitanjima koje nisu dane u nadležnost saveznih institucija. Time se otvara poznata dimenzija federalizma koja se odnosi na međusobnu suradnju samih federalnih jedinica u okvirima dane raspodjele. Ti odnosi se uvijek temelje na pristanku entiteta i oni se mogu tome suprotstaviti u bilo kojem konkretnom slučaju.

Federalizam u Federaciji BiH

Federaciju Bosne i Hercegovine stvorili su "Bošnjaci i Hrvati kao konstitutivni narodi, zajedno s ostalima, i građani Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, ostvarujući svoja suverena prava, preoblikujući unutarnji ustroj teritorija s većinskim bošnjačkim i hrvatskim stanovništvom [...] sastojala se od federalnih jedinica s jednakim pravima i odgovornostima" (čl. I.1. Ustava Federacije BiH). U članku 2. Ustava Federacije BiH utvrđeno je da će se metode i postupci određivanja granica između županija (kantona) utvrditi federalnim propisima. Federalne jedinice - županije - su se trebale imenovati isključivo po gradovima sjedištima županijskih vlasti ili prema regionalno-zemljopisnim obilježjima. To je i učinjeno Zakonom o federalnim jedinicama iz 1996.

Prema Zakonu, Federacija BiH se sastoji od deset županija koji su utvrđeni redovnim brojevima u federalnim propisima, dok je županijama prepušteno da svojim ustavom utvrde naziv i sjedište županija. Međutim, u slučaju Hercegobosanske županije (10), Ustavni sud Federacije BiH je 1998. odlučio da njezino ime nije u skladu s entitetskim ustavom.

 Unsko-sanska županija
 Županija Posavska
 Tuzlanska županija
 Zeničko-dobojska županija
 Bosansko-podrinjska županija
 Županija Središnja Bosna
 Hercegovačko-neretvanska županija
 Županija Zapadnohercegovačka
 Sarajevska županija
 Hercegbosanska županija

Dogovoreno je da se Parlament Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine sastoji se od dva doma - Zastupničkog i Doma naroda. Zastupnički dom predstavljao je sve državljane Federacije BiH, a Dom naroda samo dva konstitutivna naroda Federacije BiH - Hrvate i Bošnjake - s jednakim brojem izaslanika, trideset po svakom narodu. Odluke u većini slučajeva donosile su se odobrenjem u oba doma.

Ustavom Federacije BiH uspostavljena je klasična federacija koju su činili državljani i federalne jedinice. Smatrano je kako se na taj način izbjegla koncepcija nacionalne podjele i da se polazi od suvereniteta i teritorijalnog integriteta BiH. Međutim, bez obzira na činjenično stanje prema kojoj su neke županije imale gotovo u potpunosti jednonacionalno pučanstvo (a prema Ustavu nisu mogli uzeti nacionalni predznak), sam Ustav je pravio razliku između županija s hrvatskom, odnosno bošnjačkom većinom (čl. 3. Ustava Federacije BiH). Štoviše, Amandmanom I. na Ustav Federacije BiH usvojenim na sjednici Ustavotvorne skupštine Federacije BiH održane 23. lipnja 1994. uspostavljene su i županije s tzv. posebnim režimom. To su bile dvije županije, Središnja Bosna i Hercegovačko-neretvanska, koji su se zasnivali na paritetu hrvatskog i bošnjačkog naroda u tijelima županijske vlasti. Na taj je način Federacija BiH od nastanka funkcionirala kao federacija Hrvata i Bošnjaka u BiH i njezin institucionalni ustroj u vlasti u sferi nacionalnog bio je ustavnopravni i stvarno obilježen hrvatsko-bošnjačkom nacionalnom komponentom. U ustavnim rješenjima koja je sadržavao nacionalni element nije ni na koji način uključivao srpski narod kao treći konstitutivni narod BiH. Naime, Srbi nisu sudjelovali u Washingtonskom sporazumu niti u donošenju Ustava Federacije BiH koji je isključivo Hrvate i Bošnjake navodio kao konstitutivne narode. U odnosu na Srbe odlučeno je da će se "odluka o ustavnom statusu teritorija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine s većinskim srpskim pučanstvom donijeti tijekom pregovora o miru i na Međunarodnoj konferenciji o bivšoj Jugoslaviji (čl. I.1. st. 2. Ustava Federacije BiH).

Podjela nadležnosti u Federaciji BiH

Jedno od glavnih obilježja bosanskohercegovačkog federalizma je njegova trostupanjska ustavnost. Kod klasičnih federalnih država uobičajena je dvostupanjska ustavnost - ustavnost federalne države i ustavnost federalnih jedinica.

Jedan od bosanskohercegovačkih entiteta je i sam po uređenju federacija koja nosi naziv kao cijela država. Washingtonskim sporazumom uspostavljena je Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine koja je imala sva obilježja klasične federalne države. Kako Washingtonskim sporazumom nije do kraja riješen položaj BiH, u prvotnom tekstu Ustava Federacije BiH, između ostalih, pripadale su i one ovlasti koje imaju samo suverene i međunarodno priznate države, kao što su npr. vanjski poslovi, obrana, carina i sl. Međutim, usvajanjem daytonskog Ustava BiH 1995., u Ustavu Federacije BiH navodi se da Federacija BiH, kao jedan od dva entiteta BiH, "ima svu vlast, nadležnost i odgovornosti koje Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine nisu dane u isključivu nadležnost institucija Bosne i Hercegovine".

Dok sve poslove koji su u nadležnosti entiteta Republika Srpska obavlja preko jedinstvenog državnog aparata (jedno zakonodavno tijelo, jedna vlada, jedan sudski sustav), dotle su ti isti poslovi u Federaciji BiH podijeljeni između Federacije i županija.

Jedno od bitnih obilježja Washingtonskog sporazuma je uspostava županija, odnosno deset federalnih jedinica, unutar Federacije BiH s visokim stupnjem autonomije. Županije same donose svoj ustav kojim se izražava značajna razina samoorganizacije županija u okviru njihovih nadležnosti.

Nakon usklađenja entitetskih ustava sa saveznim Ustavom, postojeća podjela nadležnosti u Federaciji BiH između federalne i županijskih vlasti doživjela je veće izmjene u odnosu na Federaciju nego na županije. Županije prema Ustavu Federacije BiH imaju sve nadležnosti koje izričito ne spadaju pod nadležnost Federacije BiH. Uz ovu pretpostavku nadležnosti u njihovu korist, županije su zadržale sve ranije ovlasti, osim što su u zajedničkoj nadležnosti između Federacije BiH i županija izgubile pitanja useljavanja i azila, koja su prešla na saveznu razinu. Poglavlje III. Ustava Federacije BiH bavi se podjelom nadležnosti, uz navedeno načelo pretpostavke nadležnosti u korist županija, i dalje zadržava razliku na poslove koji su u isključivoj nadležnosti Federacije BiH, poslove koji su u zajedničkoj (konkurentnoj) nadležnosti federalne i županijske vlasti te na kraju poslove koji su u isključivoj nadležnosti županija.

Isključiva nadležnost Federacije BiH

U isključivu nadležnost Federacije BiH spada:

 državljanstvo Federacije;
 utvrđivanje gospodarske politike, uključujući planiranje i obnovu, te politiku korištenja zemljišta na federalnoj razini;
 donošenje propisa o financijama i financijskim institucijama Federacije i fiskalna politika Federacije;
 suzbijanje terorizma, međužupanijskog kriminala, neovlaštene trgovine drogom i organiziranog kriminala;
 dodjela elektronskih frekvencija za radio, TV i druge svrhe, sukladno Ustavu Bosne i Hercegovine;
 utvrđivanje energetske politike, uključujući raspodjelu između županija, te osiguranje i održavanje potrebne infrastrukture;
 financiranje djelatnosti federalnih vlasti, ustanova i institucija koje federalne vlasti osnivaju oporezivanjem, posudbom ili drugim sredstvima.

Te odredbe sadržane su u Amandmanu VII. na Ustav Federacije BiH, čime su izmijenjene prvobitne odredbe članka III. 1. Ustava Osim nadležnosti navedenih u poglavlju III. Ustava Federacije, a konačne izmjene članka III. 1. Ustava Federacije BiH napravljene su Amandmanom CVI. Institucije federalne vlasti imaju u isključivoj nadležnosti i niz drugih ovlasti propisanih drugim odredbama Ustava. Tako se federalnim propisima utvrđuju metode i postupci za fizičko određivanje granica između županija (čl. I. 2.), Parlament Federacije BiH odlučuje o grbu, zastavi, himni, pečatu, i drugim simbolima Federacije (čl. I. 5.); federalnim zakonom se uređuju prava izbjeglica i raseljenih osoba (čl. II. A. 4.); stjecanje i prestanak federalnog državljanstva se uređuju zakonom (čl. II. A. 5.); Parlament donosi zakon o ombudsmanima Federacije i imenuje ih, a može i promijeniti propise koje donose ombudsmani (čl. II. B. 1. i 9.); zakonom se uređuje broj, struktura, i način izbora izaslanika u Dom naroda (čl. IV. A. 14.). Parlament Federacije, također, donosi sve zakone o vršenju funkcija federalne vlasti, daje odobrenja na sporazume koje Federacija zaključuje s državama i međunarodnim organizacijama, odnosno daje ovlasti županijama za zaključivanje takvih sporazuma (čl. IV. A. d., f. i h.).

U isključivu nadležnost Federacije BiH spadaju i pitanja nadležnosti predsjednika Federacije, kao što su: predstavljanje Federacije, imenovanje sudaca Ustavnog suda Federacije, potpisivanje i ratificiranje sporazuma koje zaključuje Federacija i davanje pomilovanja (čl. IV. B. 1. i 7.).

Vlada Federacije ima nadležnost u slučaju opasnosti po zemlju donositi uredbe sa zakonskom snagom (čl. IV. B. 9.).

U oblasti pravosuđa, Parlament Federacije zakonom uređuje postupke i ustroj sudova, uspostavlja Visoko sudsko i tužiteljsko vijeće Federacije koje osigurava neovisan položaj pravosuđa u odnosu na zakonodavnu i izvršnu vlast (čl. IV. C. 3. i 4.).

Federacija je ovlaštena zakonom utvrđivati ova pitanja, a isto tako različite nadležnosti za Federaciju mogu proisteći iz brojnih međunarodnih ugovora i sporazuma, kao i općih pravila međunarodnog prava koje čini dio zakonodavstva Federacije.

Zajednička nadležnost federalne i županijskih vlasti

Federalna vlast i županije nadležni su za:

 jamčenje i provedbu ljudskih prava;
 zdravstvo;
 ekološku politiku;
 komunikacijsku i prometnu infrastrukturu, sukladno Ustavu Bosne i Hercegovine;
 socijalnu politiku;
 provedbu zakona i drugih propisa o državljanstvu i putnim ispravama državljana Bosne i Hercegovine s teritorija Federacije, i o boravku i kretanju stranaca;
 turizam;
 iskorištavanje prirodnih bogatstava.

Ustav Federacije BiH u članku III. 3. sadrži niz odredbi o načinima ostvarivanja ovih nadležnosti. U skladu s potrebama, ove nadležnosti mogu se ostvariti zajednički ili odvojeno, ili od strane županija koordinirano od federalne vlasti. Ustav nalaže da se federalna i županijska vlast dogovaraju na trajnoj osnovi glede ovih nadležnosti. Pojedine odredbe vezane uz ovaj sadržaj nisu dovoljno određene i nedovoljno su komplementarne, što može izazvati sukobe između federalnih i županijskih vlasti, čime se zahtijeva značajnija uloga Ustavnog suda Federacije BiH. Ustavom je propisano da federalna vlast ima pravo utvrđivati politiku i donositi zakone koji se tiču svake od nadležnosti, ali isto tako i županije imaju pravo utvrđivati politiku i provoditi zakone koji se također tiču svake od ovih nadležnosti. Postojeća praksa ukazuje da se u obnašanju nadležnosti županije obraćaju međužupanijskom Vijeću za koordinaciju rješavanja međužupanijskih pitanja i za dosljedno rješavanje pitanja koja se tiču interesa izvan njihovih županijskih granica. Ovdje je riječ o Vijećima županija koje one mogu osnivati u cilju koordiniranja politike i aktivnosti u vezi s pitanjima od zajedničkog interesa za njihove zajednice i radi obavještavanja svojih izaslanika u Domu naroda. Ovim je izmijenjen raniji članak V. 3. Ustava Federacije BiH koji je spominjao Vijeće županija s većinskim bošnjačkim ili hrvatskim pučanstvom. Nametanjem od strane visokog predstavnika u listopadu 2002. Amandmana LXXVI jednostavno su obrisane riječi "s hrvatskom i bošnjačkom većinom". Ovim izmjenama se cijela ova odredba teško može uklopiti u novostvoreno ustavno stanje, pa tako i postojanje međužupanijskih vijeća, koja ni dosada nisu funkcionirala, postaje još upitnije.

Isključive nadležnosti županija

Iako se u Ustavu Federacije BiH primjenjuje načelo presumpcije nadležnosti u korist županija, u Ustavu se ipak taksativno nabraja dvanaest različitih i vrlo značajnih nadležnosti županija. U članku III. 4. Ustava Federacije BiH, koji se bavi nadležnostima županija, naglašeno je da su županije "posebice mjerodavne" za:

 uspostavu i nadziranje snaga policije koje nose jedinstvene federalne uniforme sa županijskim oznakama;
 stvaranje naobrazbene politike, uključujući donošenje propisa o naobrazbi te osiguranje naobrazbe;
 stvaranje i provedba kulturne politike;
 stvaranje stambene politike, uključujući donošenje propisa o uređivanju i izgradnji stambenih objekata;
 stvaranje politike u svezi s reguliranjem i osiguravanjem javnih službi;
 donošenje propisa o korištenju lokalnog zemljišta, uključujući zoniranje;
 donošenje propisa o lokalnim poslovnim i karitativnim djelatnostima i njihovo unapređivanje;
 donošenje propisa o lokalnim energetskim postrojenjima i osiguranje njihove dostupnosti;
 stvaranje politike glede radio i televizijskih postaja, njihove gradnje uključujući donošenje propisa o radio i televizijskim postajama, te osiguranje njihova rada;
 provedbu socijalne politike i uspostavu službi socijalne zaštite;
 stvaranje i provedbu politike županijskog turizma, razvoj turističkih resursa;
 financiranje djelatnosti županijske vlasti ili njezinih agencija oporezivanjem, posudbom ili drugim sredstvima.

Primjetno je da su opseg i sadržaj nadležnosti županija različiti i da su županije u pojedinim slučajevima nadležne za utvrđivanje politike, a u drugim slučajevima za utvrđivanje politike i donošenje propisa, do slučajeva kada županija utvrđuje i provodi ili samo provodi tu politiku.

Također, Ustav Federacije BiH u svojim drugim odredbama, sadržanih u odjeljku koji se odnosi na županijske vlasti, predviđa i ograničeni kapacitet županija za zaključivanje sporazuma s državama i međunarodnim organizacijama. Za zaključivanje takvih sporazuma županija mora pribaviti prethodnu suglasnost Parlamenta Federacije BiH i Parlamentarne skupštine BiH, osim ako ova druga nije propisala zakonom da za neke vrste takvih sporazuma nije potrebna njezina suglasnost (čl. V. 2. (3.)).

U slučajevima kada većinsko pučanstvo određene općine, odnosno grada, po svom nacionalnom sastavu nije i većinsko pučanstvo u županiji, županije su dužne prenijeti soje ovlasti na općinu, odnosno grad na svom području u oblastima obrazovanja, kulture, turizma, lokalnog poslovanja, humanitarne djelatnosti i radija i televizije. Ove nadležnosti županija može, ali i ne mora, prenijeti i na druge općine, odnosno gradove na svom području, tj. kada se ne radi o obrnutom nacionalnom sastavu u odnosu na županiju. Ovdje se dolazi do pitanja vezanih za primjenu načela supsidijarnosti (više razine vlasti djeluju samo tada kada niže ne mogu to učiniti na zadovoljavajući način), i pitanja razgraničenja nadležnosti u odnosu na jedinice lokalne samouprave. Glede toga, problemi decentralizacije, federalizma (kao i policentrizma) i lokalne samouprave (kao i necentralizma) bitni su problemi ustavnog uređenja BiH. No, postojeća federalna struktura države koja djeluje kao ograničavajući čimbenik u svim oblastima djelovanja države, negativno se odražava i na stanje lokalne demokracije i lokalne samouprave, koja bi mogla biti djelotvoran korektiv rigidnijem federalizmu i državnom centralizmu općenito. Sve to traži novi federalni koncept u Bosni i Hercegovini, kao i potpuno novi koncept i sustav lokalne samouprave, koji nisu mogući bez korjenitih ustavnih promjena.

Brčko distrikt Bosne i Hercegovine

Posebnu specifičnost osebujnog bosanskohercegovačkog federalizma predstavlja ustavnopravni položaj Brčko distrikta Bosne i Hercegovine, prema službenom nazivu.

Iako članak I. Statuta Brčko distrikta određuje kako je Distrikt "jedinstvena administrativna jedinica lokalne samouprave koja je pod suverenietom Bosne i Hercegovine", većina argumenata ide u prilog tome da se njegov položaj u ustavnom poretku BiH veže za federalizam, a ne lokalnu samoupravu. Brčko distrikt ima više obilježja teritorija s posebnim statusom u okviru BiH, koja ga više približava trežem (kvazi) entitetu nego običnoj jedinici lokalne samouprave. Zbog toga se o Distriktu Brčko može govoriti prije u okviru bosanskohercegovačkog federalizma nego u okviru lokalne samouprave.

Federacije se međusobno mogu razlikovati na osnovi različitih kriterija na temelju čega možemo praviti razliku između više vrsta federacija (jednonacionalne i višenacionalne, one nastale devolucijom i one nastale agregacijom, sa stalnom ili promjenjivom strukturom, odnosno brojem federalnih jedinica).

Posebna vrsta federacije odnosi se na one s običnom i federacije s mješovitom strukturom. Kriterij razlikovanja u ovom slučaju odnosi se na to sačinjava li područje federacije samo skup područja njezinih federalnih jedinica ili u sastav federacije ulaze i neka druga područja njezinih federalnih jedinica. To se najčešće odnosi na područja koja sama nisu organizirana u obliku federalnih jedinica ili područja glavnih gradova federacija koja su izuzeta iz područja bilo koje federalne jedinice. I područja tzv. federalnih teritorija i područja takvih glavnih gradova federacije stoje uvijek neposredno pod saveznom jurisdikcijom.

Iako se pojam distrikta u ranijim mirovnim pregovorima odnosio na Sarajevo i Mostar, ova grada, ipak, to nisu postali. Štoviše, Sarajevo je postalo glavni grad BiH, Federacije BiH, Republike Srpske (de iure) i Sarajevske županije, dok je Mostar kao gradska cjelina podijeljen na šest gradskih općina i unutar njega samog je uspostavljen poseban distrikt, tj. središnja zona. Odlukom visokog predstavnika 2004. ukinute su postojeće općine, pa tako i distrikt grada Mostara. Tako je samo područje predratne općine Brčko ostalo zaseban distrikt. Do tog statusa se također došlo na poseban način.

U skladu s Aneksom 2 Daytonskog sporazuma koji se odnosio na sporazum o međuentitetskoj crti razgraničenja, njegovim člankom V. bila je predviđena arbitraža za područje Brčkog. U točki 1. tog članka, strane (Republika BiH, Federacija BiH i Republika Srpska) su se dogovorile o "obvezujućoj arbitraži dijela međuentitetske granične crte u području Brčkog koji je predmet spora". Pošto s ovaj Aneks odnosio na utvrđivanje unutarnje granice između Federacije BiH i Republike Srpske uzajamnim sporazumom strana, iz navedene formulacije nedvojbeno proizlazi da se sama arbitraža odnosila upravo na tu međuentitetsku crtu razgraničenja, odnosno njezinog dijela u području Brčkog. U roku od šest mjeseci stupanja ovog sporazuma na snagu, Federacija BiH je trebala imenovati jednog arbitrara, a Republika Srpska drugog. Treći arbitrar je trebao biti odabran sporazumom dvojice imenovanih arbitrara, a u slučaju da se oni ne dogovore, trećeg arbitrara imenovao bi predsjednik Međunarodnog suda prave. Treći arbitrar, stranac, trebao je biti i predsjedatelj Arbitražnog tribunala. Odluka se trebala donijeti najkasnije do jedne godine nakon stupanja na snagu ovog sporazuma i trebala je biti konačna i obvezujuća i koju su strane trebale implementirati bez odlaganja.

Rok za donošenje ove odluke, 14. prosinca 1996., je bio probijen, no, uz pristanak i odobrenje Tribunala, strane su se sporazumjele da se taj rok produlji do 15. veljače 1997. Od samog početka strane su imale suprotstavljene stavove, nisu se mogle suglasiti ni oko toga što je osnovni predmet spora. Naime, Federacija BiH je smatrala da su se stranke Daytonskim sporazumom dogovorile da predmet arbitraže bude pitanje treba li područje općine Brčko biti uključeno u područje Federacije BiH ili Republike Srpske. Druga strana, Republika Srpska, smatrala je kako Tribunal treba konačno riješiti samo međuentitetsko razgraničenje na području Brčkog. Prva odluka je donesena upravo 15. veljače 1997., no nju je potpisao samo predsjedatelj Tribunala, dok je dva domaća člana nisu potpisala. O ovoj odluci je stajalo kako će se u Brčkom uvesti "međunarodni prijelazni nadzor" nad implementacijom Daytonskog sporazuma i to pod vodstvom zamjenika visokog predstavnika za Brčko koji je dobio naziv "supervizor za Brčko". Njega prema toj odluci imenuje Ured visokog predstavnika za BiH (OHR) uspostavljen Aneksom 10 Daytonskog sporazuma. Tako je na neki način Brčko distrikt dobio svog visokog predstavnika, kao i BiH Daytonskim sporazumom. To je i potvrđeno dopunskom odlukom koju je Tribunal donio 15. ožujka 1998., kojom je supervizor za Brčko postao zamjenik visokog predstavnika za Brčko i dobio sva ovlaštenja koja je prema Bonskom dokumentu od prosinca 1997. dobio visoki predstavnik za BiH. I ranijom odlukom propisi i naredbe supervizora imale su veću pravnu snagu u odnosu na zakone i druge domaće propise. Ovom dopunskom odlukom supervizor za Brčko je kao i visoki predstavnik za BiH dobio ovlasti da može smijeniti bilo koju službenu osobu koja, po njegovoj prosudbi, neadekvatno surađuje u provedbi Daytonskog sporazuma, mimo pravnog sustava BiH i prava na žalbu. Pored toga, ovom drugom dopunskom odlukom je potvrđeno da se međunarodni nadzor u oblasti Brčkog na ovaj način nastavlja.

Nakon dvije i pol godine zakašnjenja, 5. ožujka 1999. Tribunal je donio "konačnu odluku" o oblasti Brčkog. Kako je ova odluka donesena od strane predsjedatelja arbitrara zahtijevala uspostavljanje zasebnog režima uprave na području Brčkog, visoki predstavnik za BiH se pozvao na to (kao i na Anekse 2 i 10) i donio Odluku o uspostavi Brčko distrikta Bosne i Hercegovine (Službeni glasnik BiH, br. 9/2000). U ovoj odluci visokog predstavnika za BiH navedeno je kako će se Brčko distrikt uspostaviti na način određen nalozima supervizora i zamjenika visokog predstavnika za Brčko Statutom Brčko distrikta. Naime, istog dana, 8. ožujka 2000., zamjenik visokog predstavnika i supervizor za Brčko donio je "Nalog o uspostavljanju Brčko distrikta Bosne i Hercegovie" i "Nalog o imenovanju članova prijelazne vlade Brčko distrikta". U Nalogu o uspostavljanju Brčko distrikta, koji je stupio na snagu odmah, supervizor za Brčko se pozvao na stavku 9. Konačne arbitražne odluke za Brčko od 5. ožujka 1999. i uz konzultacije s visokim predstavnikom time proglasio stupanje na snagu Statuta Brčko distrikta. Na ovaj način je Brčko distrikt dobio svoj temeljni pravni akt i prvu prijelaznu Vladu.

Izvori

Citati

Literatura

 Stipe Kljaić: "Sofizam i kvadratura kruga", Status, br. 16. Grafotisak, Grude, 2013. ISSN 15128679
 Ivan Vukoja: "Hrvatsko pitanje u BiH kao pitanje političke kulture i građanske vrline", Status, br. 16. Grafotisak, Grude, 2013. ISSN 15128679
 Zvonko Miljko: "Bosanskohercegovački federalizam", Ustavno uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine. Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada, Zagreb, 2006.

Politika Bosne i Hercegovine
Ustavno pravo


text:
St Helens 20°c
Our Facebook feedsSt Helens Star
Our Twitter feeds@sthelensstar
Steve Prescott Foundation
Halton Jobs Fair
Amateur Rugby League
St Helens Restaurants
Saints women ready for big kick off at Wigan
St Helens women
WOMEN'S rugby league is gearing towards its best and biggest campaign so far, with Super League, Championship and League One seasons all due to start this weekend.
Saints travel to Wigan's Robin Park to take on the reigning champions on Sunday (1pm) — a team they lost to three times last season.
The season will be played across 14 rounds, concluding on Sunday September 29, at which stage the top four teams in the competition will enter the semi-final play-offs.
This will see first place play fourth, with second and third coming head to head.
The Women's Grand Final will be played on Sunday 13 October at the Emerald Headingley Stadium, Leeds.
Saints and England back rower Emily Rudge is looking forward to the campaign ahead as the women's game goes from strength to strength.
She said: "It's grown more in the last 18 months than it had in the previous 15 years when I started playing.
"It's taken really off since the last World Cup and it's about to get even bigger and better.
"Full-time professionalism has already reached Australia and it's definitely something that would make a massive difference to the game over here.
A PE teacher, Rudge took three and a half weeks unpaid leave to play in Australia in 2017 when she was named England's best and fairest player.
She has been a regular since being called into the England squad at 16 and is now hoping to secure a place on the proposed tour to the Southern Hemisphere at the end of this year, with the 2021 World Cup, alongside the men's.
Saints will make huge number of changes for London trip
Rugby league to bring back reserve grade
Saints report back to training after four-day break
Scully's column: Life at Saints could not be better
Cup winner Mason behind a new comic
Maximum points for Luke Thompson in Man of Steel vote
Six Saints - and Blake Austin's surprise inclusion in the England squad
Set of Six: Whitewashing Wigan, 10 points clear, appeal to Holbrook and the importance of terrestrial TV
What beating Wigan means to these Saints fans

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Castillo de la Luz, Calle Juan Rejón, s/n, 35008 Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Las Palmas, España+ 34 928 46 31 62info@fundacionmartinchirino.org
Home Art and music CASTILLO DE LA LUZ
The Martin Chirino Art and Thought Foundation is an organism for artistic and cultural dissemination; an integral platform for reflection and debate.
Located on the isthmus of La Isleta, in the same port district where the sculptor of the spiral and the wind lived until his youth, and inaugurated in the same month of his 90th birthday, the Martin Chirino Art and Thought Foundation is targeted It is essential to promote the collection, study, dissemination and promotion of the artistic heritage and the figure and the creative teaching of Martín Chirino, as well as the complete cataloging of his work, poured into important private collections and in the main art centers of the world, among them, the MoMa of New York and the Pompidou of Paris.
For this, an inescapable task is to cover the wider contextualization of the sculptures of the Canarian artist in the double direction with which they have been conceived: the openness to universal avant-garde currents and their fidelity to the insular roots.
"My wish is that my work can be observed naturally, as if it had always been there"
The Castle of Light is the oldest defensive fortress in the Canary Islands, built towards the end of the 15th century, and, since the beginning of the 18th century, it acquired a symbolic character, until, in the middle of the last century, the building was declared an Asset of Cultural Interest . It has been remodeled as an artistic space by the architectural studio Nieto-Sobejano, and inaugurated in January 2014, by the then princes Felipe and Doña Letizia.
Tue to Sun: 10 am to 7 pm
Dom: 10:00 - 14:00
Castillo de la Luz, Calle Juan Rejón, s/n, 35008 Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Las Palmas, España
info@fundacionmartinchirino.org
www.fundacionmartinchirino.org


text:
cerca nel Magazine
Dettaglio copertina.
Fundamental mathematical Structures of Quantum Theory
by Valter Moretti
Facebook Google Plus LinkedIn Twitter Mail Whatsapp
This textbook presents in a concise and self-contained way the advanced fundamental mathematical structures in quantum theory. It is based on lectures prepared for a 6 months course for MSc students. The reader is introduced to the beautiful interconnection between logic, lattice theory, general probability theory, and general spectral theory including the basic theory of von Neumann algebras and of the algebraic formulation, naturally arising in the study of the mathematical machinery of quantum theories. Some general results concerning hidden-variable interpretations of QM such as Gleason's and the Kochen-Specker theorems and the related notions of realism and non-contextuality are carefully discussed. This is done also in relation with the famous Bell (BCHSH) inequality concerning local causality.
Written in a didactic style, this book includes many examples and solved exercises.
The work is organized as follows. Chapter 1 reviews some elementary facts and properties of quantum systems. Chapter 2 and 3 present the main results of spectral analysis in complex Hilbert spaces. Chapter 4 introduces the point of view of the orthomodular lattices' theory. Quantum theory form this perspective turns out to the probability measure theory on the non-Boolean lattice of elementary observables and Gleason's theorem characterizes all these measures. Chapter 5 deals with some philosophical and interpretative aspects of quantum theory like hidden-variable formulations of QM. The Kochen-Specker theorem and its implications are analyzed also in relation BCHSH inequality, entanglement, realism, locality, and non-contextuality. Chapter 6 focuses on the algebra of observables also in the presence of superselection rules introducing the notion of von Neumann algebra. Chapter 7 offers the idea of (groups of) quantum symmetry, in particular, illustrated in terms of Wigner and Kadison theorems. Chapter 8 deals with the elementary ideas and results of the so called algebraic formulation of quantum theories in terms of both *-algebras and C*-algebras.
This book should appeal to a dual readership: on one hand mathematicians that wish to acquire the tools that unlock the physical aspects of quantum theories; on the other physicists eager to solidify their understanding of the mathematical scaffolding of quantum theories.
Valter Moretti is full professor at the University of Trento, Department of Mathematics
From Chapter 7.1 Quantum Symmetries According to Kadison and Wigner (pag.253-254)
Generally speaking, symmetries are supposed to describe mathematically certain concrete transformations acting either on the physical system or on the instruments used to analyze the system. From a very general standing a symmetry is an active transformation of either the quantum system or, by duality, the observables representing physical instruments. It is further required that
(1) the transformation is bijective, in the sense that
(a) every state of the system or observable representing devices (according to the notion employed) can be reached by transforming the initial state or observable;
(b) every symmetry admits an inverse;
(2) the transformation should preserve some mathematical structure of the space of the states or the space of observables. This is what distinguishes between the various notions of symmetry.
Alas, there exists in the literature an intrinsically different notion of gauge symmetry. A gauge symmetry is not a symmetry in the above sense. A symmetry acts on the physical system by explicitly changing its state or the (observables representing the) instruments, whereas a gauge symmetry is a mathematical transformation that does not change anything that is directly related to measurements, hence it does not affect the system's states nor the instruments. An example for a system with algebra of observables ℜ is the action of elements U of commutant group (the group of unitary operators in ℜ' ) on quantum probability measures on L ℜ (H) describing the states of a quantum system, see Sect. 6.3.2. Quantum states associated to two measures ρ and ρ(U · U ˉ¹) cannot be distinguished by acting on L ℜ (H) because U P U ˉ¹= P for every P ∈ L ℜ (H) as we observed in Sect. 6.3.4 from a slightly different perspective.
Courtesy by Springer
TITLE: Fundamental mathematical Structures of Quantum Theory
AUTHOR: Valter Moretti
In libreriaUna via differente. Con dodici studenti, sulla Via degli Deidi Nicola Lugaresi
UNITRENTOMAG
Periodico online dell'Università di Trento
mag [at] unitn.it
Divisione Comunicazione, Eventi e Branding - Direzione Comunicazione e Relazioni Esterne
via Calepina, 14 - I-38122 Trento


text:
The 2015 Alfa Romeo 4C Marks the Brand's Return to North America
The inspiration for the all-new 2015 Alfa Romeo 4C dates back to the 1967 33 Stradale, the homologated version of the racing Type 33, which is considered one of the most beautiful cars of all time. Like the 33 Stradale that combined extreme mechanical and functional requirements with undeniable Alfa Romeo style and performance – the 4C coupe shares its body forms and follows this performance tradition with an undoubtedly Italian-styled composite body "clothing," a state-of-the-art carbon fiber and aluminum structure, and a high-performance turbocharged engine.
"The all-new Alfa Romeo 4C delivers supercar-level performance in its most elemental form," said Harald Wester, President and CEO of Alfa Romeo. "With its ultra-lightweight materials and technological solutions derived directly from motorsports, a mid-engine proportion for maximum agility and purposeful styling cues to enhance performance – the all-new 4C coupe marks Alfa Romeo's return to sports cars and the brand's return to North America."
The Alfa Romeo 4C is inspired by the century-old tradition of Alfa Romeo and projects the brand's authentic values into the future: Italian style, performance, and engineering excellence offering maximum driving satisfaction in total safety. The "4C" name recalls Alfa Romeo's great sporting tradition: the acronyms 8C and 6C in the 1930s and 1940s distinguished racing and road cars fitted with powerful eight and six-cylinder engines. The 2015 Alfa Romeo 4C model's designation continues this tradition with the latest all-aluminum 1750 cc turbocharged direct-injection four-cylinder engine.
To create the ultra-lightweight architecture needed for maximum performance and dynamic efficiency, Alfa Romeo 4C engineers looked to Formula 1 and only the most advanced supercars for state-of-the-art materials. The result is a monocoque made entirely of carbon fiber that delivers extraordinary stiffness and strength. Attached to the Alfa Romeo 4C's exotic monocoque are front and rear cell structures, roof reinforcements, and an engine-mounting frame made from lightweight aluminum.
Alfa Romeo engineers continued the use of state-of-the-art materials by creating the bodywork entirely of SMC (Sheet Molding Compound), a low-density, high-strength composite material that is 20 percent lighter and dimensionally more rigid than steel. Providing the ability to create complex shapes while saving weight by 20 percent compared to steel are PUR-RIM (injected polyurethane) fascias and rear spoiler. Engineers even optimized the Alfa Romeo 4C's windshield and side windows by using 10 percent thinner glass to reduce weight by up to 15 percent.
The driver-built cockpit inspired by the legendary 1967 33 Stradale, features a flat-bottom performance steering wheel with paddle-shift controls and aluminum pedals speak to the brand's racing spirit. Emphasizing the Alfa Romeo 4C's advanced technology and focus on lightweight technical solutions is a 7-inch full-color thin-film transistor (TFT) instrument cluster that displays simple, high-impact graphics to keep the driver focused on the road, or track ahead. Finally, two sport seats feature a carbon fiber and fiberglass reinforced-composite structure to deliver the strength and seating position needed for performance driving.
The engine is the beating heart of any Alfa Romeo, and for the 4C, it beats to an all-new 1750 cc direct-injection 237 horsepower all-aluminum engine. To ensure exceptional performance and drivability on the racetrack or city streets, this new engine features cutting-edge technical solutions, including direct-injection, intercooler, dual (intake and exhaust) continuous variable-valve timing (VVT), a camshaft with eight counterweights, and intake and exhaust systems optimized for Alfa Romeo 4C's mid-engine layout.
A new generation turbocharger features a pulse-converter exhaust manifold to exploit pressure waves and boost torque at low engine speeds. A waste gate valve adjusts turbo pressure and improves the engine's efficiency. Advanced scavenging technology enables the Alfa Romeo 4C to maximize torque at low engine speeds and deliver more response to driver input by increasing combustion efficiency and turbine speed, all while eliminating turbo lag. As a result, torque delivery is instantaneous, with a peak of 258 ft.-lb. (350 Nm); 80 percent of which is available at only 1,700 rpm.
Teamed to the all-aluminum engine is a paddle-shifting Alfa TCT twin-clutch transmission, which has been specifically tuned for the all-new Alfa Romeo 4C. With its uniquely calibrated software that adjusts with the Alfa DNA selector system, the Alfa TCT's gearshifts are designed to become most aggressive in the Dynamic and Race modes. The Alfa TCT system also integrates a "launch control" mode – delivering the utmost acceleration possible as soon as the driver releases the brake.
Only 500 serialized 2015 4C Launch Edition coupes will be available through 86 Alfa Romeo dealerships with an MSRP of $68,400; followed by a standard 4C coupe with an MSRP of $53,900.
Categories Rides


Need a Mother's Day idea? Take mom on an architectural self-tour at historic Castle Green for Mother's Day.
On May 14, guests to Castle Green can tour one of Pasadena's most iconic locations: the Moorish and Turkish Rooms, as well as the Grand Salon. Perhaps sip a lemonade on the veranda and check out the progress on the bridge formally known as Promenade Hall. Additionally, artist Yoshiko Yamamoto prints her new Castle Green woodblock print.
The veranda; photo credit: Castle Green.
Of course, Mother's Day at Castle Green wouldn't be complete without a high tea in the Grand Ballroom. On the menu: tea sandwiches, salad, scones, pastries, and desserts. Presented by Tea Rose Garden and Perfect Equation Catering.
Grand Ballroom. Photo credit: Castle Green.
Sunday, May 14th, 1-5 p.m.
Proceeds benefit the restoration projects of Friends of the Castle Green.
Our sincere thanks to former Pasadena Information Officer's Ann Erdman's blog and her Mystery History series (below).
In the 1919 photo above, silent screen star Rudolph Valentino kisses the hand of Dorothy Gish at the Hotel Green during a scene from "Nobody Home." The film, also called "Out of Luck," is about an extremely superstitious young woman who is wooed by two men: one villainous and one virtuous. Valentino played the shady guy. (The plot thickens!). There's a nice little story about the filming here.
Now the historic Castle Green, the building was once part of a trio of hotel buildings in the vast Hotel Green complex.
Here's a circa 1905 photo that shows all three buildings in the complex. If you look very closely, you can see the enclosed bridge that connected the buildings on the west and east side of Raymond (half the bridge, including the little tower, still stands today). The photographer was standing in the new Central Park.
And here's a page from a historic illustrated souvenir booklet showing the huge complex from a similar angle, with the park a little more mature.
The one-story building at the southeast corner of Raymond Avenue and Green Street — now Stats Floral Supply — is all that's left of the east building in the complex. Note the curvature of the window on the corner, which is very similar to the two remaining buildings.
The Green was an outcome of the frenzied boom and Ed Webster's altitudinous ambition. Webster was the top-notcher in enterprise about 1886-87, when ranches were being sliced up into town lots. Property owners like Romayne Williams and P.G. Wooster, who fortunately owned "ranches" down along the newly opened Raymond Avenue, were strictly "in it." Wooster owned the property where now stands the Green Hotel and part of Central Park. Williams' land lay just south of Wooster's; therefore, when came the trend of speculation in that direction, Wooster parted with some of his land to Webster and Webster started to build a hotel on it. To help things along, he also built a depot for the Santa Fé on condition that that road would move its office from north of Colorado Street, where it then was, to the new location. Of course, this being handed a fine new brick depot that cost $10,000, situated on a fine lot, all free of charge, the Santa Fé people couldn't refuse, and with due modesty and kindly feeling moved to the new location. This was in 1887. Thus was begun the original edifice, then called the Webster, later the Green Hotel.
Colonel Green happened into Pasadena one fine day and met Andrew McNally and some other congenial spirits. I believe William Morgan later joined "the crows." It didn't take Webster long to get these gentlemen interested in Pasadena, and it was through his efforts that they eventually made large investments and became regular winter residents. Then Webster ran out of money, and what more natural than that he borrow from Green? He did that very thing, and in the distressful end, when Webster got a monkey wrench in his financial machinery, Green had a two-story unfinished hotel on his hands that he did not want. This was in 1891. Morgan fared likewise, but only drew a smaller building on Raymond Avenue which still is part of the Morgan estate.
Green enlarged and improved his purchase and made it a high-class hostelry. He built the west wing in the park that surrounds it; then buying the Wooster Block on Fair Oaks Avenue, and including that in the plant in 1895. J.H. Holmes, a brother-in-law of Colonel Green, was made manager of the business and brought to it much fame as a high-class hotel; for Major Holmes had the "hotel genius," lacking which it bodes no man to attempt such an undertaking. These two structures, the east and the west wing, are joined, Siamese twin-like, by a bridge which spans the thoroughfare between – an unique link. Not a "bridge of sighs," indeed, but a causeway to neighborly comity between the dwelling places. The Green was conducted by Major Holmes until he became lessee of the U.S. Grant Hotel at San Diego. In 1916 the Green was leased to D.M. Linnard, who now conducts it as one of his trio, and has recreated its former prestige.
I could go on forever but I won't. You can find more history on the Castle Green and Pasadena Heritage websites.
The Castle Green is listed in the National Register of Historic Places. A homeowners association takes care of the inside of the building; Pasadena Heritage and Friends of the Castle Green raises funds for exterior restoration. (In the interest of full disclosure, I serve on the Friends board).
Many thanks to the Castle Green, Pasadena Public Library, Pasadena Heritage and Pasadena Museum of History.
Photo source: Friends of Castle Green.
Thanks again to Ann Erdman. Check out more of her posts at AnnErdman.blogspot.com.


text:
Oskar Heinroth
German zoologist (1871-1945)
Oskar Heinroth (Mainz-Kastel, 1 March 1871 – Berlin, 31 May 1945) was a German biologist who was one of the founders of ethology.[1] Heinroth was director of the Berlin Zoo & Aquarium for over 30 years. He married twice, both times to colleagues: He was married to Magdalena (née Wiebe, 1904-1932) and, after her death, to Katharina (née Berger, 1933-1945).
His studies of behaviour in the Anatidae (ducks and geese) showed their instinctive behaviour patterns. He also rediscovered the phenomenon of imprinting, reported in the 19th century by Douglas Spalding but not followed up at the time. Heinroth showed that the behaviour of birds was characteristic of a species, as much as its anatomy.
His results were popularised by Konrad Lorenz, whose mentor he was. Lorenz regarded Heinroth as the true founder of the study of animal behaviour as a branch of zoology.
↑ Tembrock, Günter 2001. Oskar Heinroth (1871–1945). In Ilse Jahn & Michael Schmitt (eds): Darwin & Co. Eine Geschichte der Biologie in Porträts. Beck, München, vol 2, 380–400. ISBN 3-406-44639-6
Oskar Heinroth & Magdalena Heinroth 1924–1934. Die Vögel Mitteleuropas. Illustrated, 4 vols, Bermühler, Berlin.
Oskar Heinroth & Katharina Heinroth 1958. The birds. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0-472-05005-2.
Retrieved from "https://simple.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Oskar_Heinroth&oldid=6175368"


Having a bench is only beneficial as long as it generates good revenue and isn't sitting idle. Having a resource on your bench does not reflect well in any consulting organization's books. Every consulting organization needs an experienced professional with extensive experience in placing bench consultants. It is a task that requires both persistence as well as a honed skills of communication to effectively place the consultants in high revenue generating tasks that are in sync with their skills and knowledge.
Organizations in today's market have pre-set consulting companies that they approach when they need consultants for their projects. To break into this highly enticing market is the first challenge that any consulting organization faces. Bench Sales professionals need not only to be able to get projects for your bench resources but also to establish long lasting links with organizations so as to ensure repeat business.
The Bench Sales professionals at ANS are experience in the craft of bench sales and are further rigorously trained and aided by our team of experts on how to effectively break into the monopoly set up by other consulting companies to supply consultants to organizations. Our experts help your company set up long lasting relationships with various organizations thereby building a reputation for you that results in continuous business and revenue.
Work with existing vendors as well as generate new vendor contacts to be able to position your bench consultants.
Identify, assess, prioritize, qualify and close new business opportunities.
Utilize internet based recruiting tools such as Dice, Monster, Corp-Corp, etc. to successfully placed consultants.
Utilize internet based networking tools such as LinkedIn, Facebook, Google Groups, etc. to successfully connect = with other vendors and companies so as to establish a brand for your organization.
Connect with your bench consultants to understand their skills and job expectations and accordingly market them to prospective job openings.
Follow complete marketing lifecycle from applying to job, following up with client, negotiating, interview scheduling, contract terms negotiation, onboarding and timesheets.
Call us for a detailed discussion on your requirements and our capabilities to fulfill them.


LARGE ANTIQUE DOUGH BREAD BOWL, TRENCHER, ON STAND FOR YOUR COLLECTION. DEALER 437...BOOTH 101 ARIZONA. Shipping is available for an additional fee. Please call for a shipping quote and to confirm availability of the item. (816) 847-5260.


text:
Juniteenth turns into federal vacation after Biden indicators the legislation
By UMass Mag Last updated Jun 21, 2021
President Joe Biden signed law Thursday introducing Juniteenth, the date to commemorate the end of slavery in the United States, as a federal holiday.
Biden signed the bill two days before June 15 himself, which is June 19 each year, in what he called "one of the greatest honors" of his presidency.
"We have come a long way and we still have to go a long way. But today is a day of celebration," said Vice President Kamala Harris, who addressed the president at the signing ceremony at the White House.
"Big nations don't ignore their most painful moments," Biden told the crowd in the East Room, which included dozens of politicians, activists and community leaders. "You hug her."
United States President Joe Biden applauds Vice President Kamala Harris as they arrive in the East Room of the White House in Washington on June 17, 2021 to sign the National Independence Day Act of June 2021.
Carlos Barria | Reuters
"In short, this day doesn't just celebrate the past. He calls for action today, "said Biden.
National Independence Day in June will be the 12th public holiday, including Inauguration Day, and the first new day since then-President Ronald Reagan signed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in 1983.
Juneteenth celebrates the emancipation of the last of the enslaved African Americans. On that day in 1865, Union soldiers, led by General Gordon Granger, arrived in the coastal city of Galveston, Texas to deliver General Order No. 3 that officially ended slavery in the state.
The final act of liberation came months after the Confederate Army's surrender ended the Civil War and more than two years after President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation.
Lincoln was assassinated on April 15, 1865, two months before his proclamation reached Texas.
Most federal workers will be celebrating June 10th on Friday this year because June 19th falls on a Saturday. The New York Stock Exchange won't close for June thenth this year, but it will evaluate closing markets for the holiday in 2022, the exchange said.
The Securities Exchange Commission will close its offices on Friday for the new holiday, a spokesman said. The SEC's online data platform, EDGAR, "will also be closed and will not accept filings or assist in assisting applicants," the spokesman said.
The Holiday Bill was passed with overwhelming support in both houses of Congress this week. The Senate unanimously approved the bill Tuesday night, and the House of Representatives passed it by 415 votes to 14. The only votes against the law came from the Republicans.
Prior to the House vote, some GOP lawmakers complained about the name of the holiday and others expressed concern about the cost of another day off for the federal workforce. Some also railed against the Democrats for putting the bill to the vote without first allowing the committees to review the law and propose changes.
Still, most of the House Republicans, even those who opposed parts of the bill, voted in favor.
The Juniteenth Bill was sponsored in the Senate by Edward Markey, D-Mass, and the House version, sponsored by Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, was endorsed by 166 legislators.
The 14 votes against were:
Rep Mo Brooks, R-Ala.
Rep Andy Biggs, R-Ariz.
Rep. Scott DesJarlais, R-Tenn.
Rep Tom Tiffany, R-Wis.
Rep. Doug LaMalfa, R-Calif.
Rep. Mike Rogers, R-Ala.
Rep. Ralph Norman, RS.C.
Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas
Rep. Paul Gosar, R-Ariz.
Rep. Tom McClintock, R-Calif.
Rep Matt Rosendale, R-Mont.
Rep Ronny Jackson, R-Texas
Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky.
Rep. Andrew Clyde, R-Ga.
– CNBC's Bob Pisani contributed to this report
By 'land, sea and air,' GM to develop fuel-cell enterprise past EVs
Dow futures leap 200 factors, as shares rebound from the common's worst week since October


Fabrice has worked with many established business and media figures as well as athletes. When working with high-profile clients an exclusive studio gym is essential. As well as its state-of-the-art equipment designed to meet all of your goals, Fabrice's gym is situated in an exclusive location in central London and close to Mayfair. This luxury environment has everything required whatever your fitness potential, from training core, pectorals and abs to managing back pain, obesity and diabetes.
Our personal training programme is individually tailored for you to help you achieve your goals and then maintain them. Fabrice can also provide nutrition services by examining your diet. Whether you're running a marathon, want to shift some baby weight, deal with a bad back or are looking to tone up for your wedding or you want to improve your health and fitness levels, our London-based studio can help you get there. Take a look at Fabrice's Facebook page for more information.
Fabrice starts by assessing your current fitness levels and devising a workout which can incorporate supplements and pilates. Fabrice can then prepare a tailored personal training programme based on this and what you want to achieve. MunsterFit makes sure that each session is varied and that no two are identical, so you won't get bored or lose motivation. His state-of-the-art equipment can meet your exercise goals and also can make getting fit fun!
Fabrice can also work with you on areas such as postural analysis and correction, injury prevention and core strengthening.


text:
Gulf Bank Awarded 1st Place in GCC Localization Award 2012
MarcoPolis brings you the news from the countries that we cover. View the latest news from companies covered.
News9.28.2012
Kuwait - September 25, 2012: Gulf Bank, a provider of the best and fastest service in Kuwait, announced today that it has been awarded 1st place for the Localization Award from the GCC Council of Ministers of Labour and Social Affairs for the eighth consecutive year. The award was received at a special event hosted by the GCC Council of Ministers of Labour and Social Affairs, which was held in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia on 25 September 2012.
"Our internal strategy for recruiting employees has consistently sought to deliver the highest caliber of candidates and to exceed the targets set for Kuwaitization."
Mr. Surour Alsamerai, General Manager of Human Resources at Gulf Bank, commented in this regard: "Winning first place in the GCC Localization Award for the 8th consecutive year is a significant achievement for Gulf Bank and an important endorsement of our long-term encouragement and support for the development and training of Kuwaiti nationals. We are very proud that our efforts are once again being recognized by such an internationally respected entity."
"Our internal strategy for recruiting employees has consistently sought to deliver the highest caliber of candidates and to exceed the targets set for Kuwaitization. We want Gulf Bank to be known as an organization that is committed to developing and nurturing Kuwaiti talent throughout their careers, as well as a financial institution that provides the best banking products and services in Kuwait."
"On behalf of the Bank's Human Resources team and senior management, I would like to thank the GCC Council of Ministers of Labour and Social Affairs for presenting this prestigious award to Gulf Bank once again. We pride ourselves in setting the benchmark for Kuwaitization in the financial sector and we promise to maintain this dedication in the future."
Gulf Bank has already won a number of important industry awards in 2012, including: 'Best HR Strategy in line with Business' and 'Excellence in Training' awards at the Asia's Best Employer Brand Awards, 'Bank of the Year' award from Arabian Business; 'Best Employee Development Programme' award for the second consecutive year, 'Best Retail Customer Service', 'Best SME Startup Package', 'Banker of the Year' (Michel Accad, CEO and Chief General Manager) from Banker Middle East; '2011 EUR STP Excellence' Award from Deutsche Bank, 'J.P. Morgan Quality Recognition Award' from JP Morgan, 'Best Retail Bank' from Asian Banker, and 'HR Professional of the Year' (Surour Alsamerai, General Manager, Human Resources).
This press release has been issued by Gulf Bank.
Company News Report Dinamod
KAMCO Has a New Acting Chief Executive Officer
Elections for the new GPIC Labour Union Board
Mazagan Beach Resort Has a New Managing Director
BML Istisharat`s Contracts: New Contracts Signed in 2nd quarter 2012
Gulf Bank's CEO Michel Accad Joins INJAZ Kuwait Board of Directors
Qatar Economic Report
Gulf Bank Staff: Long Service Awards
Gulf Bank Has a New Chairman: Omar Kutayba Alghanim
Interview with His Highness Sheikh Mohamed Bin Mubarak Al-Khalifa Deputy Prime Minister of Bahrain at UNESCO King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa Prize
Comprehensive Training Program
Related Company News
Banks and Financial Institutions in Ghana to Offer Discounts to Customers Using Debit Cards
Côte d'Ivoire: Séminaire sur le Dimensionnement des Chaussées
Rene Industries: Providing Affordable Quality Medicines to Uganda and East Africa
Financial Rating of Major Oil and Gas Distribution Company in West Africa
Cushman & Wakefield Notes Declining Retail Rents in the MENA Region


text:
{ "348390": { "url": "/place/Lossiemouth", "shareUrl": "https://www.britannica.com/place/Lossiemouth", "title": "Lossiemouth" ,"gaExtraDimensions": {"3":"false"} } }
Lossiemouth, North Sea fishing port and holiday resort, Moray council area and historic county, Scotland. The town developed from several old fishing villages including Seatown, Branderburgh—built around a new harbour (1830) and now Lossiemouth's business centre—and the later settlement of Stotfield. Lossiemouth was Elgin's port in the 15th century but declined along with the fishing industry until its prosperity was revived by the tourist trade and the proximity of British Royal Air Force bases at Fulmar and Kinloss. Fishing remains economically important. J. Ramsay MacDonald, first Labour prime minister of the United Kingdom, was born there. Pop. (2001) 6,870; (2011) 7,700.
Lossiemouth: Branderburgh HarbourBranderburgh Harbour, Lossiemouth, Moray, Scot. Bill Reid
This article was most recently revised and updated by Jeff Wallenfeldt, Manager, Geography and History.
Moray, council area and historic county of northeastern Scotland, extending inland from the southern shore of the Moray Firth. The council area and the historic county occupy somewhat different areas. Most of the historic county of Moray lies within the council area of the same name, but…
Scotland, most northerly of the four parts of the United Kingdom, occupying about one-third of the island of Great Britain. The name Scotland derives from the Latin Scotia, land of the Scots, a Celtic people from Ireland who settled on the west coast of Great Britain about the 5th century…
Ramsay MacDonald
Ramsay MacDonald, first Labour Party prime minister of Great Britain, in the Labour governments of 1924 and 1929–31 and in the national coalition government of 1931–35.…
Labour Party, British political party whose historic links with trade unions have led it to promote an active role for the state in the creation of economic prosperity and in the provision of social services. In opposition to the Conservative Party, it has been the major democratic socialist party in…


text:
Q: How can I include jasperreport (jrxml) in my report using asp.net mvc and https://www.jsreports.com library I'm using ASP.NET and https://www.jsreports.com jsreports for generate a report want to use it like this
 orderData = $.parseJSON(stringData);
        // Alias JasperReportDef for brevity
        var JasperReportDef = jsreports.integrations.jasper.JasperReportDef;
        // Fetch .jrxml file
        $.get("/Content/Images/report4.jrxml", function(jrxml) {
            // Convert to jsreports format
            var reportDef = JasperReportDef.fromJRXML(jrxml);
            // Create designer
            var designer = new jsreports.Designer({
                container: $("#textToPrint"),
                data_sources: [orderData],   // Will use the embedded data source information
                report: reportDef
            });
        });

but when I build it, I have this error :
Failed to load resource: the server responded with a status of 404 (Not Found) http://localhost:4732/Content/Images/report4.jrxml

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Real Estate Photography & Media Services for Real Estate.
Real Estate Photography & Media for Residential & Commercial listings, VRBO, Apartment, & Hospitality.
Thank you for your interest in the highest quality Real Estate photography and media available.
We are the benchmark in quality and service for Real Estate photography services.
Yet there's no magic recipe or special process like other services tell you. Sometimes it's just hard work, a bunch of education and experience, and most importantly, listening to our clients and their needs. But always it's having the right people dedicated to a singular purpose: to be the best.
Preparation for Real Estate photography is a team effort.
But if a listing sits on the market because of clutter, dust and general untidiness in the photography, a Realtor will still hold the photographer responsible for taking lousy pictures! Ironic isn't it?
So if we know that a well-prepared listing yields better photography leading to better listing activity, why not help Realtors to help their sellers prepare? We understand that we are a major part of your marketing strategy and we know how to discover and capture the sellable elements of each listing. That's why ProMedia Tours makes the extra effort to give you the competitive edge. We SHOW Realtors the art and value of Real Estate photography listing preparation.
ProMedia Tours may not be for everyone.
The Realtors who are willing to learn and apply our techniques tend to do well. Our new clients know what to do and have things prepared in advance, usually after the first listing photography session, This in turn generates Internet activity and appointment traffic, leading to a sale. High End Real Estate Photography requires more action from Realtors and sellers.
We understand High End Real Estate photography and we understand business, so we help you prepare for both. If you are looking for the right company to do your Real Estate Photography, you've come to the right place!
COMMERCIAL & VRBO REAL ESTATE PHOTOGRAPHY.
Better Commercial Real Estate Photography.
In the past, you may have have searched for a Real Estate Photography service, only to find that the generic services send anyone who can remotely snap a picture.
ProMedia Tours is different. You will be commissioning a specialist, someone with experience in VRBO & Commercial Real Estate Photography and who knows how to get the job done.
Aerial photography up to 400 Ft. in altitude. 5 stills.
Aerial videography Approximately 2 minutes in length.
RESIDENTIAL PHOTOGRAPHY FOR REAL ESTATE.
Large media markets the like New York, Los Angeles, Miami, and Chicago have enjoyed the availability of residential, high end Real Estate Photography. Nashville has grown to the level of these markets, creating a need for higher quality photography.
RESIDENTIAL REAL ESTATE PHOTOGRAPHY SERVICES.
Aerial Photography & Video for Real Estate.
As of August 29, 2016, the new drone regulations – part 107 were adopted.
In order to operate a drone legally for commercial purposes, certification is necessary. Flying without a certificate can result in stiff fines and penalties for both parties. More importantly, the FAA is checking after the fact. For instance, if your aerial photography or video is for the web for the purpose of listing a property, even if you did the aerial yourself it is very likely you will receive a phone call and a fine. how do I know this? It happened to me which is why I became certified!
The FAA made it clear from the start, the importance of safety. But until I actually went through the learning and testing process did I begin to understand why. The FAA requires us to do preflight checks, regular maintenance, and assess the surroundings like flying into a restricted area.
I am glad I went through the process of becoming certified, because I now understand how dangerous a situation can become for an untrained hobbyist.
Yes. There is value in hiring a professional. To become certified I was trained to read aeronautical sectional charts, meteorological weather reports, and "Notice to Airmen" or Notams – a document that reports temporary restrictions like the president coming to town.
A plausible and real possibility could be that an inexperienced hobbyist unwittingly flies into an area that is just been temporarily restricted. An uncertified hobbyist has no idea how to investigate restrictions in the area that they will be flying. Their day and your day could go bad very quickly. The solution? Hire a certified drone pilot!
Twilight Photography for Real Estate.
One of the most effective and stunning capture methods for architecture.
Schedule Twilight as an individual service, or schedule as an add on to save.
Congratulations! You made it this far. Now just fill out this form to get in touch with us or to place an order. Try it out!


Egg Halwa is a simple, delectable dessert even though it may sound a bit weird at first. Eggs and wholesome Sarda Farms milk are cooked together with sugar, flavoured with saffron and cinnamon (or cardamom) to make this sinful, rich sweet. Addition of dry fruit and nuts fried in earthy Sarda Farms ghee, enhances the taste and texture of this dish.
Heat the milk in a pan on low-medium flame.
Simmer and reduce the milk to ½ the quantity.
Heat ghee in another pan on low flame.
Add the dry fruit and nuts and fry till they turn light golden brown.
Take out some of the dry fruit and nuts for garnish.
Add the evaporated milk,sugar,cinnamon and saffron.
Cook on low flame till all the moisture from the mixture evaporates (about 10-12 minutes). Stir to avoid the mixture from sticking to the bottom of the pan.
Serve hot garnished with the reserved nuts and dry fruits.


text:
Offseason Rumours
The Blue Jays Just Can't Quit Jay Bruce
December 20, 2016 January 29, 2023 Ian Hunter Curtis Granderson, Jay Bruce
Every winter, without fail, you can always count on one thing when it comes to the Toronto Blue Jays; their reported interest in Jay Bruce.
For three consecutive offseasons and every subsequent trade deadline, the Blue Jays have been linked to Jay Bruce. No matter where he's playing, regardless if Toronto is on his no-trade list or not, the Jays are always somehow inseparable from Jay Bruce.
This offseason is no different, as the Jay Bruce saga continues. The Toronto Blue Jays simply cannot quit Jay Bruce. I'll give them this … at least they're persistent.
#BlueJays remain in talks with #Mets about acquiring Bruce or Granderson. Mets also trying to add a center fielder, per @Ken_Rosenthal.
— Jon Morosi (@jonmorosi) December 20, 2016
Does it speak more to the Toronto Blue Jays' consistent need for outfielders? Or is it more about adding a left-handed bat to the lineup? I think it's a little bit of both, and that's why Jay Bruce has been on the Blue Jays' radar for this long.
After missing out on Dexter Fowler and Josh Reddick, Jay Bruce might be one of the Blue Jays' last remaining appealing options in the outfield for 2017. The alternatives include Ben Revere, Brandon Moss, Michael Saunders and Rajai Davis.
I don't really understand the Blue Jays' long-standing fascination with Jay Bruce. Yes, he can hit for power. No, he can't play defense. Yes, he strikes out a lot. No, I'm really not liking this proposed trade the more we talk about it.
The only saving grace with Jay Bruce is he's a lefty … that's about it. Even though there are two huge voids in the Blue Jays' outfield in 2017, is it really worth acquiring a player who can't field the ball well and is the exact type of hitter the organization is trying to rid itself of?
Evidently, the Blue Jays' front office sees something in Jay Bruce. It wasn't just Alex Anthopoulos, either; the latest regime came closest to reportedly landing Jay Bruce last offseason in exchange for Michael Saunders and a few other pieces.
In that particular case, I suppose Jay Bruce's durability was attractive (he averaged 135 games played per season from 2010-2015) compared to Michael Saunders' injury concerns. In that regard, a lefty outfielder with power for an oft-injured lefty outfielder with some power made sense as a trade last offseason.
However, 2017 is a much different scenario for the Blue Jays. If they wanted a Michael Saunders-type player, they should just sign Michael Saunders outright and not trade for him in a different iteration named Jay Bruce.
The acquisition cost of Jay Bruce from the New York Mets would likely be low, but the Blue Jays would still be on the hook for his $13 million salary in 2017. Unless the Mets are kicking in some cash, the Jays not only have to pay Bruce's salary, but they'd also need to give up something in return … all for only one year of control for Jay Bruce.
The other name being bandied about is also Curtis Granderson, who makes so much more sense for the Blue Jays. Granderson is more of a well-rounded player than Bruce, Granderson is more of an offensive threat, and he's less of a defensive liability in the outfield.
The only hitch? Curtis Granderson is currently 35 years old and is poised to make $15 million in 2017. But again, if you're going to give up prospects for Jay Bruce, why not give up a little more for Curtis Granderson?
If the Blue Jays were to acquire Jay Bruce, it wouldn't be the worst thing in the world. Let's not kid ourselves, the Blue Jays need starting outfielders … and Jay Bruce is an outfielder. The Blue Jays wanted to get more left-handed this offseason, and Jay Bruce is a lefty.
Unless the front office is working on something much bigger beneath the surface, they need to take a flier on a free agent outfielder and trade for another one (the very likes of Jay Bruce or Curtis Granderson).
For the Blue Jays, this offseason has been all about spreading around the resources rather than just allocating most of it towards a Dexter Fowler or Edwin Encarnacion. Jay Bruce (or whoever fills one of the Blue Jays' outfield spots) would represent another branch in the Blue Jays' philosophy this offseason.
In a vacuum, trading for Jay Bruce doesn't make a lot of sense for the Blue Jays. Bruce runs completely counter to the run prevention model (which Stoeten wrote about at Blue Jays Nation).Bruce also embodies the exact type of hitter which left the Blue Jays extremely vulnerable last year.
But accompanied by bringing in a few relief arms, perhaps another left-handed hitter (preferably an outfielder) and finding a suitable backup catcher, then maybe a trade for Bruce doesn't look so awful?
← VIDEO: Josh Donaldson Talks MMA, Golf, Michael Jordan and Hair on Intentional Talk
Encarnacion Wanted to Stay a Blue Jay, but the Blue Jays Had Other Plans →
Josh Donaldson Takes UFC 206 By Storm
Don't Count the Blue Jays Out of the Encarnacion Sweepstakes Just Yet
November 14, 2016 January 29, 2023 Ian Hunter
Brunt: "Something's Cooking" on the Blue Jays Front, Plus Talk of McCutchen
2 thoughts on "The Blue Jays Just Can't Quit Jay Bruce"
Alan V
Just say no to Jay Bruce. Honestly, it pisses me off on principle, this management seemingly stubbornly set on guys other than Joey Bats or Edwin, when the costs and limitations of some of these other players don't seem to offer any more value. I get it if they intend to change the clubhouse culture from JB. But then why didn't they pony up for Fowler a bit more? I really fear Jays are becoming caught in between contending and rebuilding. One thing no one is talking about is idea of a return for Saunders. Not the sexiest idea, I know; but his cost must be lowered by draft pick, glut of similar guys, etc. And he brings a lot of the very attributes they're desparately trying to acquire! Him plus one power bat would balance things a lot more.
I hope they're maybe thinking bigger – as I am sure AA would in this situation. Maybe need to look at dealing for someone. Hate to dangle him, but I'd consider moving Travis (injury prone but attractive for some piece back – Minn in pkg for Dozier?); possibly Stro, if return was high end player like Cutch. I'd be ok with Granderson, if we didn't give up much. And honestly, package Pillar – guy you cheer for, but ten cent head, and no clue at the plate. Slider down and away 1st pitch – strike one and two, every time. Somebody show him some video. Sit him down' d'oh, there it is again! Somebody, pls. Hello?


text:
AD_Logotype
Alternattiva Demokratika
The Climate Emergency – Carmel Cacopardo
Declaring a climate emergency is a positive step: recognising that the current state of the climate creates an emergency situation signifies that we are aware that time is running out.
The United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, France, Canada, Austria and Argentina together with various municipalities and local authorities all around the world, have declared a Climate Emergency. These include New York and San Francisco in the USA, Sydney and Melbourne in Australia, Paris and Mulhouse in France, Seville, Zaragoza, Catalonia and the Canary Islands in Spain, Milan, Naples and Lucca in Italy, the canton of Basel-Stadt in Switzerland, Bonn, Cologne and Düsseldorf in Germany, Auckland and Wellington in New Zealand, Amsterdam in Holland, Warsaw and Krakow in Poland, and Bacolod in the Philippines. This was one of the demands of the environmental activist group Extinction Rebellion.
The Climate Emergency Declaration was certainly a positive step, but what comes next is more important because if the words of the declaration are not translated into action the declaration will not be worth the paper it is printed on.
The basic point which emerges from a Climate Emergency Declaration is the recognition that action on climate change is a political priority and all the actions of governments should be developed in recognition of this basic fact.
The latest IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) report published in 2018 underlines the fact that, notwithstanding the Paris Climate Change Summit pledges by the international community, the global temperature is on track for an increase that is double the maximum which we are advised should not be exceeded: that is 3 degrees Celsius above the pre-industrial temperature. This anticipated astronomical increase is the cause of the emergency: the cumulative impact of climate action on a global level so far indicates that the minimum targets set will not be met.
As a result of climate change parts of the globe will become progressively uninhabitable with increasing temperature, intensification of storms, droughts in some parts of the world and floods in others, all of which will disrupt our life as we know it.
Earlier this week the European Environment Agency (EEA) published a short report entitled Climate Change Threatens the Future of Farming in Europe, underlining the fact that the temperature in Southern Europe will be such the yield from various crops will be reduced by 50 per cent by 2050. Simultaneously, the increase in temperature in Northern Europe would make that region more suitable for agriculture.
In particular, emphasised Euractive, "viticulture in the historical wine regions of the Mediterranean will be not doing well, as a result of the heat stress."
The emergency is real and yet there is still a small time-frame during which it can be addressed. We need to take serious action to address the causes of climate change: an unsustainable lifestyle which assumes that tomorrow never comes.
We do not need many more reports. The causes of climate change are known but there is an insufficient political will to act. Postponing the problem into the future will not solve anything as tomorrow may be too late.
It is for this reason that we need to recognise the fact that a Climate Emergency exists and focus our attention on a commitment to take action on climate change as a matter of priority.
Achieving carbon neutrality in the shortest possible time should be a clear objective of all governments. This can be achieved by acting immediately in all areas, but primarily in those where immediate results could be attained.
It is for this reason that the Greens in Malta have, in recent months, focused on the transport sector as the most obvious sector that could contribute substantially to Malta's efforts against climate change. Given the short distances between localities, sustainable mobility can be easily achieved by means other than private cars using fossil fuel. I think it makes many people angry, as it does me, that people use cars far too much and there is certainly a lack of encouragement to use alternatives.
The Transport Master Plan underlines the attainability of this objective by pointing out that over 50 per cent of journeys by private car are for less than 15 minutes and for distances not exceeding 5 kilometres.
Climate action rhetoric needs to be translated into concrete action – and the sooner the better. It is the only way to address the emergency.
Carmel Cacopardo
Published in The Malta Independent – Sunday 8 September
Contacts & Credits
PO Box 38, Marsa MTP1001 Malta
info@alternattiva.org.mt
Member of the European Greens
© Alternattiva Demokratika
Web Design by 2point3
Ceratonia
AD lgbtiq
ADŻ Green Youth


text:
Наталья Ивановна Тюлина (9 марта 1922, Петроград, РСФСР — 7 июля 2003, Москва, СССР) — советский и российский библиограф, библиотековед и библиотечный деятель, доктор педагогических наук (1990), ученица Р. М. Самарина.

Биография
Родилась 9 марта 1922 года в Петрограде в семье учёного-металловеда и члена-корреспондента АН СССР И. А. Одинга. После окончания средней школы в 1940 году поступила на филологический факультет МГУ, который она окончила в 1945 году. Сразу же после окончания МГУ была принята на работу в ГБЛ, где она работала вплоть до 1970 года библиографом, а также заведовала справочно-библиографическим отделом, а также занимала должность заместителя директора библиотеки. В 1970 году была избрана директором библиотеки ООН имени Д. Хаммершельда в Нью-Йорке (США), в связи с этим была вынуждена переехать в США, данную должность она занимала вплоть до 1978 года. Она вошла в историю библиотековедения, как первая женщина-директор библиотеки ООН имени Д. Хаммершельда. В 1978 году вернулась в Москву и возвратилась в ГБЛ (РГБ) и работала там вплоть до смерти. Жила и работала в Москве по адресу Улица Большая Ордынка, 34/38.

Скончалась в 2003 году в Москве. Похоронена на Ваганьковском кладбище.

Личная жизнь
Наталья Тюлина вышла замуж за Георгия Тюлина (1914—90), её супруг — 1-й заместитель министра общего машиностроения СССР, генерал-лейтенант, доктор технических наук, профессор, имевший звания и награды: Герой Социалистического Труда, Ленинская премия, соратник С. П. Королёва. В этом браке у них родился сын — Иван Тюлин (21 февраля 1947, Москва, СССР - 30 июня 2007) — советский и российский политолог-международник, основатель и 1-й проректор МГИМО. Похоронен рядом с матерью.

Научные работы
Основные научные работы посвящены актуальным библиотечным проблемам. Автор свыше 100 научных работ.
 Способствовала кардинальной перестройки справочно-библиографического обслуживания ГБЛ, развитию её координационных связей с крупными библиотеками, созданию системы повышения библиографической грамотности читателей.

Ссылки
 Подробная биография с местом захоронения.

Похороненные на Ваганьковском кладбище
Библиотековеды России
Библиотековеды СССР
Доктора педагогических наук

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The Sturgis & District Care Home Inc. is locally owned and operated by Let Our Residents Dance Inc. and works hand in hand with Preeceville Personal Care Home to enrich the lives of our pioneers who made Canada great. We are staffed with trusted, caring individuals from the community. We take pride in our long term, respected, and dedicated staff. Their commitment and respect allow the residents and their families to build a trusting, loving bond with each staff member.
Our Sturgis facilities include: 8 private, unfurnished resident rooms. Residents are encouraged to bring personal furnishings for their room for their own comfort and enjoyment. A common dining area where family is welcome to join their loved one for meals or snacks at a nominal fee. Common sitting area furnished with a large tv, fireplace, sitting chairs, and a puzzle table. Deck and small garden where residents may enjoy seasonal activities.
At our facilities, we provide you and your family "Peace of Mind" within a safe and secure home. Caring and compassionate staff will offer trained assistance to enable you to live as independently as possible. All of our residents are treated with dignity and respect.