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Russian 7 dan Ilya Shikshin retained the European Championship by beating Catalin Taranu in the final. This year the top 8 placed Europeans played knockout after round 7 which gave to an exciting final on the last day. Winning the play-off for third was Ukraine's Artem Kachanovskyi, who beat Alexandr Dinerchtein. Top British player was Vanessa Wong who won seven games to place 22nd, including beating Israeli 6 dan Ali Jabarin in the last round. Michael Webster (1 kyu) and Patrick Ridley (10 kyu) both won 6 games out of 10. Korea's Young-Sam Kim was the Open champion. 757 players took part.
Sang-Youn Jeon, 7 dan Korea, won the 435-player weekend tournament. Rita Pocsai / Jan Simara won the Pair Go and Russia won the finals of the Pandanet European Team Go Championships.


text:
GERMAN CAVALRY OF 1870 Part I
Posted on January 4, 2021 by MSW
The 7th Cuirassiers' charge by Franz Amling, 1890.
Late 19th century Prussian Dragoons and Uhlans
Late 19th century Prussian Hussars and Light Cavalry
Prior to the dawn of mechanized warfare in the early twentieth century, and indeed for several decades thereafter, no element of the Western world's armies so evoked the exotic and romantic aspects of war as the cavalry. For centuries the cavalryman's kettle-drums and bugles were the sine qua non of martial music. For pageantry, nothing could surpass the panoply of the cavalryman: the sheer mass of his horse, his flowing regimental standards, snapping guidons, jingling tack, polished leather, and flashing steel. But it was not all mere show. Cavalry still evoked real fear. The shock value—and therefore the fear—of a massed cavalry attack was as old as the weapon itself and still persisted in the late nineteenth century. As he had for centuries, the mounted warrior still appeared to be forever "uncatchable, inescapable, unapproachable." Long before the defeat of the foot-slogging Anglo-Saxons by the Norman horsemen at Hastings in AD 1066 and the great flowering of the Age of Chivalry, so fearsome were the mounted charge and its practitioners that they transformed not only European warfare but even European culture itself, as seen as early as the ninth-century Saxon Gospel, The Heliand. Indeed, historian H. R. Trevor-Roper, among others, placed the horseman at the epicenter of a fundamental societal change in the chivalric ideal; and no less a military historian than John Keegan speaks of a "cavalry revolution," one in which massed horsemen literally reinvented warfare as a "thing in itself," a means not merely to dominate one's enemy but to annihilate him. War could now become, though it was not always in fact, a product of "militarism."
Perhaps the last great hurrah for this view of the cavalry was the Franco-Prussian War. Though all of the major European armies would still possess huge cavalry forces in World War I, and though the German army, for one, was still fielding new cavalry forces as late as 1943–1944, the last significant and sustained cavalry-versus-cavalry operations occurred in 1870–1871. The romance of the cavalry had yet to be blown away by the full mechanization of European warfare. Feats of the nineteenth-century mounted arm—indeed all arms—could still be celebrated in verse, prose, and song: Tennyson and, later, Kipling come first to mind for English-speakers. More germane, however, was the fact in the aftermath of 1870, German lights such as Theodore Fontane, Richard Wagner, and Johannes Brahms celebrated the Reich's victory over France in moving words and music. The "gigantic historical canvases" of painter Anton von Werner depicting German commanders on the field at Sedan or the proclamation of the German Empire at Versailles could still effectively disguise the battlefield's carnage at Spicheren and Wörth, Metz and Mars-la-Tour.5 Socially, sartorially, psychologically, European cavalry remained wedded to this military romanticism in spite of the rapidly changing technological world surrounding it.
Curiously, even earlier manifestations of the cavalry's attempted adaptation to technology in the early-modern period, whether in the form of so-called horse-pistols, carbines, or even horse-artillery and the resultant designations of light cavalrymen as hussars, dragoons, uhlans, or chausseurs, did not succeed in permanently or completely divorcing the cavalry from the idea that cold steel remained the ultimate weapon. Very frequently, light-cavalry formations, such as those mentioned above, evolved into versions of their heavy-cavalry rivals—the cuirassiers in France and the Reiter regiments in Prussia—and became possessed of the same dictum, namely that the "consummation of the cavalryman's purpose in life [remained] the charge en masse." Notwithstanding the hussar's braid-encrusted pelisse and rakish busby—a uniform that gave Prince Friedrich Karl von Hohenzollern (commander of the Prussian Second Army in 1870) the nickname "The Red Prince" because he wore it all the time—light cavalry also tended to aspire to the social status and panache of the heavy cavalry regiments, especially that of the armorplated cuirassiers, a status that remained attractive to even the uppermost crust of European society, particularly on the Continent. Even Otto von Bismarck, Prussian and, later, imperial chancellor, held a major's commission in the 1st Heavy Reserve Reiter Regiment and often wore its uniform, much to the serious annoyance of many professional officers around him, one of whom commented "acidly" that wearing a cuirassier's greatcoat was no particular aid to military understanding. And perhaps no mounted regiment in Europe surpassed the splendor of French emperor Napoleon III's "Hundred Guards" cuirassiers, though their flamboyant uniform was not atypical with its mirror-finish steel cuirass and helmet, the latter with gilded crest; two helmet-plumes (white horsehair and red feathers); a sky-blue tunic trimmed with red collar, cuffs, and lapels; gold epaulettes; white trousers; black top-boots; and white gloves.
Fancy or not, the cavalry faced an uncertain future at mid-century. In Prussia and elsewhere after 1850, the cavalry's role in modern armies was being re-examined. Following the victorious war against Austria in 1866, Prussia's leading commander, Helmuth von Moltke the Elder, did something rather unusual for victorious commanders: he analyzed what he and the Prussian army had done wrong. Insofar as the cavalry was concerned, several items were of note. On 27 June 1866 at Langensalza on the River Unstrut in Thuringia, the cavalry of the Hanoverian army (allied with Austria) had just managed to break Prussian infantry squares, suffering severe casualties in the process. This outcome seemed to confirm the cavalry's traditional role as battle-winning shock troops. But in the very next month, on 3 July at Königgrätz, the Prussian cavalry found itself incapable not only of providing effective reconnaissance in the days before the battle but also of effective pursuit of the defeated Austrians afterwards. When Moltke subsequently critiqued his and his armies' performance in a "sensitive memorandum" to the Prussian king in 1868, he gave vent to his views of what the Prussian (and eventually the German) cavalry's future role should be. He stressed that the cavalry could and should still work in tactical concert with artillery and infantry as had the Hanoverians at Langensalza and the Prussians at Königgrätz. Nevertheless, the cavalry should no longer be held back primarily in order to deliver a massed charge at a decisive moment that might never come. While not entirely discounting the latter possibility, he wrote that cavalry should instead be used more extensively for screening, reconnaissance, and security. All these were missions for which horsemen remained uniquely suited. Precisely two years later, in July 1870, Moltke's conclusions were tested in the Franco-Prussian War.
Despite Moltke's admonitions, one roughly contemporaneous observer of the events of 1870–1871 wrote that German cavalry didn't develop effective reconnaissance and screening capabilities until well after the war against France had begun; thus it did not emulate examples such as that set by the U.S. Army's General John Buford during the Gettysburg campaign in the Civil War.10 The same author criticized the "stubbornness" and the "ill-informed" attitudes of the Europeans in their refusal to learn what he considered the proper lessons from the Civil War. Unlike their European counterparts for whom the cavalry's specialization by type was still at least nominally in effect in 1870, American cavalrymen had long ceased to be functionally divided into "heavy cavalry" (for battle-winning massed attacks delivered with the arme blanche), "light cavalry" (for screening, reconnaissance, and messengerservice), and "dragoons" (essentially well-mounted infantry). Instead, "the traditional [American] cavalryman has ever been the light dragoon—a soldier trained and equipped to fight mounted or dismounted, to perform screening and reconnaissance, and to act as a scout or messenger. True heavy and true light horse have been rare." Thus the cavalry of the American Civil War, whether Union or Confederate, did the bulk of its fighting on its feet. It broke no fundamental tradition in adapting to increasingly effective firepower. Though saber swinging melees did occur, as at Brandy Station, Virginia, in June 1863, most cavalry action during the Civil War was on foot, the horse serving as much as a means of transport as of attack. Evidently the American cavalryman did not feel morally obligated, as one author put it, to die on horseback, whereas his European counterpart still did in 1870.
Whatever difficulties they had in executing Moltke's vision, the German cavalry of 1870 tended to exhibit much better understanding of their newly important role than did the French. At the beginning of the war, for example, the French cavalry was still guided by the regulations of 1829, the arm having "learnt nothing" in the meantime regarding more modern operations and tactics, according to one contemporaneous observer. Implicitly, this would mean that nothing was learned from the Crimea, the American Civil War, or even the much more recent Austro-Prussian War. Still, says this same observer, the French cavalry was conscious of its "past bravery and patriotism." The absence of effective lessons learned was exacerbated by the fact that when the war began, the French cavalry "had no reserves of horses" and an "[unspecified but evidently large] portion of the effective strength were four-year old remounts."
By contrast, Prussian and other German cavalry—almost always referred to by the French as uhlans whether the cavalry in question were actually lancers or not—consistently demonstrated an ability to reconnoiter more effectively than their French counterparts, even while stubbornly insisting on the ideal of the massed attack. As early as the frontier battle at Wissembourg on the borders of the Palatinate on 4 August 1870 and the roughly coincidental battle at Spicheren near Saarbrücken some forty miles to the northwest on 6 August, the French cavalry utterly failed to determine the scope of the threat facing Napoleon III's armies. In part this was owing to the extraordinary directive of the French marshal Achille Bazaine dated 20 July wherein he stated that "our reconnaissance should not be aggressive." Unfortunately for Bazaine, cavalry still constituted the sole reliable means of gathering information about an enemy's dispositions beyond the line of sight. His directive, therefore, amounted to gouging out his own eyes during the critical phase of the armies' concentration for battle. As it was, the French cavalry remained almost "completely inactive" throughout the period up to and including the Battle of Sedan as regards operational reconnaissance, even if at a tactical level French mounted forces were sometimes capable of effective action. Further, since French cavalry when it did patrol was "not accustomed to patrol far to the front," French commanders typically assumed that German cavalry patrols were followed by much larger forces immediately to the rear even when this was not the case. This misapprehension helps explain French timidity when confronted with the constant presence of far-ranging German mounted units. And while perhaps the case could be made that cavalry proved to be of little practical value in the steep defiles around Spicheren, the same could not be said of the fighting at Wissembourg and the follow-on battles at Froeschwiller, Wörth, and Morsbronn. There the French desperately tried to retrieve their infantry's fortunes through a sacrificial massed attack by General Michel's and General Bonnemain's reserve cavalry, including a full division of cuirassiers.
At Froeschwiller and Wörth, the French 2nd Cavalry Division's 1st and 4th Cuirassiers of the Brigade Girard charged Badenese and Württemberger infantry over ground broken up by palisaded hop-fields and vineyards. As the horsemen were funneled by these obstructions into the intervals between the fields, the 4th Cuirassiers had to ride over two thirds of a mile under sustained rifle-fire. Both regiments suffered heavy losses "without having effected anything." The division's 2nd and 3rd Cuirassiers of the Brigade Brauer attacked over similar terrain made even worse by an "absolutely insurmountable" barricaded ditch. The 2nd Cuirassiers alone lost their colonel and 5 officers killed; more than 130 officers and men wounded; and some 250 horses killed outright or dying subsequently of their wounds. Throughout the attacks, the German infantry was "always out of reach and often out of sight" of the French horsemen.
In the view of recent scholarship of the Franco-Prussian War, the German infantry's standing up to charging cavalry was still a radically new way for infantrymen to fight horsemen, dating back perhaps to Waterloo. Traditionally, infantrymen not formed in squares would tend to throw themselves to the ground to avoid blows from sabers and to make the horses shy away, presuming that the foot soldiers weren't already running for their lives. Now, however, they "simply stood in lines and blazed away." The results of such tactics for the French horsemen repeated themselves elsewhere that day. At the other end of the French line on the far right, for example, the 8th and 9th Cuirassiers of the 1st Cavalry Division's Brigade Michel attacked German infantry in the village of Morsbronn. As earlier on the left, French troopers again charged through the intervals between hop-fields and vineyards and took heavy rifle-fire as they passed. The 8th Cuirassiers lost two-thirds of their horses before the cavalrymen even reached the village. Of the 9th Cuirassiers—and the supporting 6th Lancers of the division's Brigade Nansouty— almost all troopers not killed before they gained the village were subsequently shot down and killed or captured along the village's main street as the horsemen rode headlong into a blockaded dead-end. Afterward, dead horses and men lay so thickly in the street that passage along it was literally impossible. Witnesses and subsequent observers reported that the German bullets had "rattled like hail" against the cuirassiers' steel breastplates and created "a strange music" in the process. The preponderance of unarmored lancers among the French dead at Morsbronn, compared to steel-plated cuirassiers, led at least one historian of the battle to conclude, erroneously, that the breast plate would therefore always be a part of the cavalryman's equipment. Be that as it may, German riflemen had emptied hundreds of saddles and killed and wounded hundreds of men and horses. The French horsemen, for their part, had merely bought a bit of time for their infantry's retreat.
As disastrous as these attacks had been, the French cavalry's failure in reconnaissance had been equally faulty. As at Spicheren, so too at Froeschwiller the French suffered "a disastrous failure…to appreciate the strength and intentions of the Germans." Indeed the day before the Bavarians attacked at Wissembourg (3 August), the local French commander, General Ducrot, reported that the Bavarians' threat was a "simple bluff." Only effective employment of the French cavalry in reconnaissance could have provided timely intelligence of unimpeachable character. By dramatic contrast, orders issuing from the Prussian Royal Headquarters, as well as from those of Prince Frederick Charles' Second Army, often directed the cavalry specifically to "be pushed forward as far as possible." Of course, not all orders were executed as given, and war's inevitable friction affected the reliability of the information passed back up the chain of command. Nevertheless, in the war's crucial opening phase, German cavalry operated consistently more effectively and widely than the French in the critical job of providing intelligence and fixing the enemy in place so that German infantry could be brought to bear.
In the aftermath of the fighting at Spicheren and Froeschwiller/ Wörth, and with the French armies in retreat across the board, the Germany cavalry—despite occasionally losing contact with the enemy—nevertheless showed itself willing and able to act boldly and range widely. In these instances, its behavior sometimes appears reminiscent of the "rides" of American Civil War generals Jeb Stuart, John Hunt Morgan, Nathan Bedford Forrest, Alfred Pleasanton, and Benjamin Grierson. Perhaps the most striking example, though still somewhat paltry when compared to the distances and consequences involved in that earlier conflict, was the German advance to the Moselle between 6 and 14 August 1870. German horsemen thrust in behind the French Army of the Rhine as it fell back on the fortress of Metz, cutting the telegraph connecting Paris and the depot at Nancy. The German riders thereby made cooperation with French forces still at Belfort all the more difficult. In some cases, German cavalry patrols forged as far as forty miles ahead of advancing main columns. On 12 August German cavalry reached the Moselle below Metz at Pont-a-Mousson and, farther south, at Frouard. In both places they crossed the river and again not only cut the telegraph but also the rail lines linking Metz with Nancy and, by extension, Chalons-sur-Marne where the French Government had ordered the formation of a reserve army. In point of fact, most of the German cavalrymen at Pont-a-Mousson were actually captured before they could complete their work of destruction. Nevertheless, they scored psychological victories as dramatic as in the war's opening days when, on 26 July, the young Count Zeppelin and his mounted patrol had been captured while having lunch at the Shirlenhof Inn eight miles behind French lines at Niederbronn, or when Prussian uhlans blew up a French railroad viaduct near Saargemünd on 23–24 July. These examples were now being replicated up and down the line not only at Frouard and Pont-a-Mousson but also by the German cavalrymen who rode brazenly to the very walls of the fortress of Thionville, the gates being shut virtually in their faces, or who openly scouted within one-half mile of the main French camp at Metz. For their part, the French commanders in the latter city appeared to have failed utterly to use their available cavalry for anything like effective reconnaissance. On the contrary, they limited their efforts to placing staff officers as observers in the cathedral's belfry. At a so-called council of war on 10 October, at least one corps commander recognized that the cavalry remaining in the city was "incapable of service," evidently through prior mismanagement and the consequent collapse of morale. Presaging 1914, or even 1940, relatively small numbers of wide-ranging German uhlans and hussars created an effect "out of all proportion to their strength and achievements." It was enough to create that terrifying picture of "'the Uhlans' [sic], ruthless, swift, and ubiquitous, which was to frighten the children of France and Europe for forty years to come." Such operational success for the German cavalry most dramatically manifested itself soon thereafter with the stopping of the French withdrawal westward from Metz
In this case the 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions received orders to scout ahead to the Metz-Verdun road to try to determine the French army's line of retreat. On 14–15 August German mounted units encountered French cavalry and other forces headed westward along the road in the vicinity of Mars-la-Tour and Vionville. The German cavalrymen took the French under fire with horse-artillery and stopped the column in its tracks. Other German formations advanced to the sound of the guns. For their part, the French failed to push their way through what still amounted to a cavalry screen in order to keep open their line of retreat. The result was the halting of the entire French movement along the line of Mars-la-Tour–Vionville–Rezonville–Gravelotte–Metz. Here the German cavalry, materially assisted by French hesitation, played the critical function of finding and fixing the enemy while the German infantry came up to try to cut off the French withdrawal. The German horsemen thus played precisely the roles assigned them by Moltke in his report to the Prussian king in 1868.
Mars-la-Tour: Von Bredow
Of all the fighting along the road linking Metz and Verdun, certainly the emotional high point for German mounted troops was the so-called Death Ride at Mars-la-Tour of the 12th Cavalry Brigade under General Friedrich Wilhelm von Bredow. In this attack the 1st, 2nd, and 4th Squadrons of the 7th Cuirassiers and the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Squadrons of the 16th Uhlans charged en masse against prepared French infantry and artillery in order to gain time for faltering German troops and guns to regroup. Taking advantage of swales to approach within several hundred yards of the French positions, the German cavalry burst from the gun-smoke obscuring the battlefield and "flashed by" endangered Hanoverian artillery batteries at the critical moment. Somewhat atypically, the attack was launched straight from the gallop with no preliminary trot to the canter. As the charge got under way, four attached Prussian horse-artillery batteries fired obliquely across the right front of the horsemen. This gunfire, "right before their [the horses'] feet," according to one student of the event, helped pave the way for a successful attack and fit perfectly with Prussian artillery doctrine in 1870 by covering the cavalry's deployment and preparing its attack by direct fire upon the enemy. Charging over a distance of some 1,500 yards (1,300 m), the Prussian cuirassiers and uhlans crashed headlong into the French gun-line, cut down at least two French artillery batteries' gunners, destroyed a mitrailleuse battery, and smashed two squares of French infantry. Unfortunately, the Germans' formations broke up as they went forward, a perennial problem for any massed cavalry attack at that or any other time. They then found themselves counterattacked in turn by French horsemen outnumbering them by a factor of about five. In the fighting that followed, described as "frenzied" and a "tornado" of violence in which all arms of both sides became completely intermingled and heedless of trumpeted commands, the Germans nevertheless managed to extricate themselves and retreat to the safety of their own infantry and covering artillery. In a similar fashion later that same day, but in an event much less well known, the Prussian 1st Guard Dragoons attacked French infantry advancing on and threatening the Prussian left flank's 38th Infantry Brigade on the heights northeast of Mars-la-Tour. Once again, the charge went in under rifle- and mitrailleuse-fire so as to allow the German infantry to disengage. The dragoons rode headlong into the advancing French infantry and accomplished the mission, but with 5 officers, an ensign, 42 men, and 204 horses dead. Six officers, 2 ensigns, 76 men, and 42 horses were wounded. Five troopers went missing. This constituted about 30 percent of the regiment's effective strength. In the case of Bredow's brigade, the losses were more than 50 percent (420 killed and wounded of 800 engaged). They would presumably have been higher still had not the badly rattled French infantry shot down more than 150 of their own counterattacking cuirassiers in the space of a few minutes' confusion. Though described as not merely a "rarity" but as perhaps the "last successful cavalry charge in Western European warfare," Bredow's attack had allowed the German infantry time and space to rally. That, in turn, kept the French from continuing their retreat to the west. The same could be said of the Guard Dragoons. Notwithstanding these terrible losses, losses soon to be far surpassed by French horsemen at Sedan, the German troopers' success buttressed arguments favoring the cavalry's continued utility for the next forty years.
Despite the German cavalry's accomplishments following the war's outbreak and their frightful success at Mars-la-Tour, lessons were being learned regarding cavalry's future role. One of the most important of these lessons appeared to be that "the rifle bullet and the spade [had] made the defensive the stronger form of warfare," at least temporarily. Consequently, and as witnessed by Moltke's earlier memorandum of 1868, the classic cavalry charge against infantry was fast becoming a thing of the past. In the war of 1870, for example, the French chassepot rifle had a maximum range of about 1,300 yards (1,200 m), while the German Dreyse "needle gun's" maximum range was about 650 yards (600 m). And while in both cases the maximum effective range would be much less, they remained a deadly threat to mounted troops. But even certain cavalry units such as dragoons now carried rifled weapons of their own. The Prussian light cavalry, for example, carried a shortened carbine-variant of Dreyse's rifle. The rapid and increasingly widespread issuing of rifled weapons to both foot soldiers and cavalrymen since about 1850, when combined with the means to deliver unprecedentedly large numbers of men to the front via railroads, constituted an important change in European military affairs. What had not yet happened was a real opportunity to test the effects of this change on European battlefields. True, it may be argued that the elder Moltke's initial deployment of Prussia's armies by rail in the invasion of Saxony and Bohemia in 1866 served to show the European importance of at least one of these new technologies and on an almost American scale of distance. Further, insofar as cavalry still formed an integral portion of Prussia's armies, Moltke made provision that rail cars have tether rings and removable partitions built into them so that horses and artillery of all types could be more easily transported. To the extent, however, that the Prussian campaigns of 1866 and 1870 depended at least in their initial stages on deployment by rail with a view to long-distance maneuvering for a decisive Kesselschlacht, one would have thought that the cavalry's importance would have increased and not decreased. That is, while armies deployed to their frontiers by rail, they typically marched thereafter. Only later, as the enemy's railroads were commandeered, would they be expected to bring up reserves and supplies using the iron horse.
As late as 1866 the need for more effective cavalry employment was exacerbated by the fact that Prussian mounted formations were still often placed at the end of marching columns instead of being allowed to range far ahead. Indeed at Königgrätz, the Prussian cavalry still followed behind the infantry. The horsemen did not truly bring their great numbers to bear in the fighting and did not effectively pursue the broken Austrian Army at the end of the day (in part because of late charges by the latter's heavy cavalry as they attempted to buy time for an Austrian withdrawal). Once again, Moltke's report of 1868 noted such deficiencies. The war of 1870 changed all that and witnessed the combination of rail-deployment and massive cavalry operations, even though the latter sometimes had only disastrous tactical results.
Consequently, German and European cavalry in 1870 was not typically used in one of its most potentially important operational spheres, namely the regular, long-range interdiction of the enemy's railways as had so often been the case during the American Civil War. In retrospect, employing cavalry for this purpose should have been self-evident given the railroads' own significance. "If railway lines were intact, the trains smoothly organized [this itself being an important prerequisite], and supply from the railhead unhampered, armies could keep the field so long as there was blood and treasure in the nation to support them." Interdiction of such lines of communication and supply could have played a critical role in making the eventual German victory even more devastating to France than it turned out to be. Using cavalry for this purpose provided "the chance of disorganizing by invasion or deep raids [emphasis added] the mobilization of" the enemy, thus "reducing his plans to chaos, and leaving him defenceless." At least one prominent American military observer in 1870, General Philip Sheridan, saw the German cavalry in action and noted the absence of such efforts. In his view, the German cavalry performed well the traditional roles of covering the front and flanks of advancing armies; and he did not fault the bravery of either the German or French troopers in the massed attack. Nevertheless, he observed, German horsemen never had the far-ranging effect their numbers should have allowed. Had the cavalry "been massed and maneuvered independently of the infantry, it could easily have broken up the French communications, and done much other work of weighty influence in the prosecution of the war."
Whatever shortcomings the German cavalry may have had in Sheridan's estimation, it was nevertheless coming to grips with a salient feature of military operations in the second half of the century. Rapid technological change associated with breech-loading rifles, nascent automatic weapons, rifled artillery, and railways necessitated more effective combined-arms thinking. Defensive positions, otherwise strong and massing the defenders' long-range rifle-fire, might still be overcome by determined opponents using the combined-arms assault of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. Conversely, anything less than attack by combined arms ran the very real risk by 1870, if not by 1860, of decimation by the same massed rifle-fire. Interestingly enough, at Mars-la-Tour Bredow's troopers closed successfully with the French gunners and infantry, in part, precisely because the Prussian horse-artillery fired diagonally across the front of the charging horsemen. This particular tactical doctrine still prevailed in 1914, even though an eventually stalemated Western Front had not yet been foreseen.
This entry was posted in Cavalry, Germany by MSW. Bookmark the permalink.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
var chain = require('./chain');

/**
 * Creates a `lodash` wrapper instance with explicit method chain sequences enabled.
 *
 * @name chain
 * @memberOf _
 * @since 0.1.0
 * @category Seq
 * @returns {Object} Returns the new `lodash` wrapper instance.
 * @example
 *
 * var users = [
 *   { 'user': 'barney', 'age': 36 },
 *   { 'user': 'fred',   'age': 40 }
 * ];
 *
 * // A sequence without explicit chaining.
 * _(users).head();
 * // => { 'user': 'barney', 'age': 36 }
 *
 * // A sequence with explicit chaining.
 * _(users)
 *   .chain()
 *   .head()
 *   .pick('user')
 *   .value();
 * // => { 'user': 'barney' }
 */
function wrapperChain() {
    return chain(this);
}

module.exports = wrapperChain;

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Home » Stratford, CT Charter Plane Crashes, Apr 1994
Stratford, CT Charter Plane Crashes, Apr 1994
Connecticut |
Air Disasters |
PLANE CRASH KILLS 7.
Stratford, Conn. (AP) -- A charter plane bringing a group of people back from a day trip to Atlantic City, N.J., crashed while landing in the fog and dark, killing seven and critically injuring two others.
The plane crashed into a fence at the end of the runway late Wednesday and burst into flames, officials said. Wreckage was scattered on the runway at Sikorsky Airport and a nearby street.
The survivors were badly burned, said airport manager John Ricci. The two men were in critical condition early this morning, a Bridgeport Hospital spokeswoman said.
The airport's control tower was closed and the plane was trying to make a visual landing in foggy weather that had cut visibility to almost zero, Ricci said. But he was unsure if the crash was caused by the fog.
Ricci said it was unclear if the plane overshot the runway or had aborted a landing and was trying to take off again. Federal investigators were at the scene early this morning serarching for clues.
The plane, a twin-engine Navajo owned by Action Air of New London, was on a private charter flight, officials said. It was returning Connecticut residents home from a day trip to Atlantic City, said Dennis Piscitello, general manager of the company.
Altoona Mirror Pennsylvania 1994-04-28
Casualties of the Crash:
BRIAN J. DARCY, 33, pilot, Groton, Conn.
JOSEPH WILLIAMS, 41, New Haven, Conn.
EDWIN B. GLOVASKI, 76, Bridgeport, Conn.
REGINA GLOVASKI, 70, Bridgeport, Conn., his wife.
THOMAS GLOVASKI, 45, Trumbull, Conn., their son.
PATRICK AURORA, 66, Bridgeport, Conn.
THELMA STEVENS, 66, East Hampton, Conn.
SANDRA NOACK, 41, East Hampton, Conn., her daughter.
Survivor:
PAUL HAGOPIAN, 37, Mystic, Conn.
Connecticut Disasters
Air Disasters (9)
San Dimas, CA Small Plane Crashes Into Park, Jan 1994
Roselawn, IN Commuter Plane Crashes, Oct 1994
Pope Air Force Base, NC "Green Ramp Disaster" Jet And Transport Collide, Mar 1994
Aliquippa, PA Jetliner Crashes, Sep 1994
Gahanna, OH Commuter Plane Crashes, Jan 1994


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text:
Biografia
Artista noto per la sua adesione alla corrente denominata Poesia visiva, che nasce da tutte quelle sperimentazioni artistiche e letterarie compiute nel clima della Neoavanguardia, a partire dagli anni sessanta del XX secolo.

Tra gli anni '40 e '50 elabora sperimentazioni cinematografiche e fotografiche sulla scia di Man Ray e dei surrealisti, con una serie di lungometraggi e medio metraggi, come Lana Park (1948), È possibile vivere (1948), Il manichino (1948), La farina del diavolo (1950), e un breve film sperimentale sulla vita del borgo di Boccadasse a Genova.

Nel 1958 fonda, assieme Luigi Tola il Gruppo Studio, a cui partecipano tra i molti anche il giovanissimo Germano Celant. Il gruppo è frequentato da intellettuali come Edoardo Sanguineti e Umberto Eco e, più tardi Eugenio Battisti.

Nel 1963 fonda e edita assieme a Tola e con Eugenio Battisti, che ne sarà direttore, la rivista Marcatré.

Nel 1964 ed il 1965 è tra i principali animatori della galleria d'arte La Carabaga, nonché della rivista Trerosso.

Tra gli anni '70 e il primo decennio del XIX secolo, continua ad esplorare i temi individuati negli anni di formazione artistica, dando luogo a molteplici risultati.

Definito da Renato Barilli, quale dattilografo, escursionista, enologo, giornalista, grafico, insegnante, illuminista, prestidigitatore, Vitone può considerarsi un artista dalle articolate implicazioni, la cui opera deve essere probabilmente ancora pienamente focalizzata dalla storiografia.

Dal 1974 ai primi anni '90 ha insegnato al Liceo Artistico Nicolò Barabino di Genova, affiancando alla sua attività artistica quella di insegnante di disegno e pittura.

È padre dell'artista Luca Vitone.

Esposizioni
 1972, XXXVI Biennale di Venezia nella sezione Il libro come luogo di ricerca.
 1974, personale tenuta alla Galleria Pourquoi pas? di Genova.
 1991, Le Stanze d'Agorà collettiva tenutasi a Genova nei locali del Teatro della Tosse.
 2008, personale alla galleria SATURA di Genova.
 2008, personale alla galleria La Paradadi Brescia.

Bibliografia
 Il gesto poetico. Antologia della nuova poesia d'avanguardia, a cura di Luciano Caruso e Corrado Piancastelli numero monografica di «Uomini e Idee» (n. 18, 1968).
 AA. VV., 48 artisti e il barabino. opere dei pittori e degli scultori docenti presso il civico liceo artistico Nicolò Barabino dalla fondazione ad oggi, Genova, Comune di Genova, 1978.
 Luigi Tola e Rodolfo Vitone,  Una stagione dissipata. Poesia visiva a Genova tra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta, Genova, SAGEP, 1995.
 Rodolfo Vitone, Il rebus della vita, Verona, Transfinito Edizioni, 2009.

Note

Collegamenti esterni
 intervista a R. V. che fa parte del progetto "Genova: città della sperimentazione" a cura di Emanuele Piccardo, 2013.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Teresa; Princess ALL AGES FAMILY DAY!
This class is for all ages. Please arrive at least 15 minutes early. You may bring in any food or non alcoholic drink you like. No refunds or exchanges on sold out classes if cancelled within 48 hours of class. No outside alcohol is permitted.


We meet every week for a morning of fun with our little ones. We have a break during half term.
There are toys, snacks and singing for the children and lots of coffee and good conversation for the mums.
Join us at Church House, across the car park at HTB Brompton Road.


text:
Red Men Remain Undefeated at Home
December 16, 2019 6:21AM CST
http://athletics.carthage.edu
KENOSHA, Wis. — The No. 22 Carthage College men's basketball team collected their seventh straight victory at home after beating Alma 98-94 Saturday night at Tarble Arena.
The two teams traded baskets to begin the evening, eventually reaching a score of 6-6 after just over two minutes of action. After the Red Men (7-1) scored seven-straight points, they would eventually take a 10-point lead after Crishawn Cook nailed a three-pointer with 12 minutes left in the half. While Carthage would hold on to their lead for most of the remainder of the period, a series of three-pointers from Alma (4-4) just before the break would give them a lead over the Red Men 48-45 at halftime.
Alma battled back to tie the game at 52 to start the second half. The Scots continued to apply pressure shrinking the deficit to one at 59-58. A 13-5 run for Carthage made the score 72-63 with a dunk from Sean Johnson. The Red Men stretched the margin to ten with another dunk this time from Cook before Alma tied the game at 85 with 4:08 left in regulation. Carthage held a four point lead after a three-pointer from Jordon Kedrowski made it 96-92. Two final free-throws from Kedrowski sealed the victory for the Red Men 98-94.
Carthage hits the road traveling to face Albright College on Tuesday, December 17 in the Puerto Rico Tournament starting at 11:30 a.m. CST.
Head Coach Bosko Djurickovic
"It was a fun game especially for fans. Alma is a quality team that plays the game hard and plays the right way. We did a great job of making big plays late. Sean Johnson continues to play wonderfully for us on both ends."
Carthage shot 18-of-35 (54.3%) from the floor and came into today leading the country in field goal percentage (56.2%).
This marks the fifth game this season the Red Men shot over 50%.
Sean Johnson had 11 boards at the half and went on to record his fourth double-double of the season finishing with 25 points and 15 rebounds. Johnson is averaging 15.9 points per game and 11.1 rebounds per game on the season.
Johnson also recorded two blocks and he came into today ranked sixth in the country in total blocks and now has 30 on the year.
Along with Johnson, four Red Men finished in double-digit points: Brad Perry (15), Crishawn Cook (15) Jordon Kedrowski (14) and Kienan Baltimore (14).
Kedrowski also tallied seven assists in the victory.
You can keep up with Carthage Athletics by following us on Facebook at facebook.com/carthageathletics, Twitter by following @CarthageSports, and on Instagram by following @CarthageAthletics.


text:
فارسی | ENGLISH
Art, Culture, Society
Prisoners / Arrests
Executions / Life
Unfair Trials
Human Rights Defenders
Ethnic Discrimination
Assembly / Association
The U.N. and Iran
GIFs & Graphics
President Hassan Rouhani
Citizenship rights
The Political Crimes Bill
Abuses by herasat offices
Notices of constitutional violations
Discrimination in government employment practices
The encouragement of government transparency
In this report, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran highlights human rights violations occurring under the purview of nine Iranian government ministries that report directly to the Iranian president. The new administration, led by President Hassan Rouhani, has the authority to stop and prevent these violations, and the report provides specific, actionable recommendations aimed at stemming the violations.
In addition to the activities of the ministries under executive control, the president of Iran also has specific powers and areas under his direct control that afford him significant ability to affect the state of human rights in Iran. For example, the president can introduce legislation to Parliament, issue executive orders regarding government practices, and, as the chief enforcer of the Iranian constitution, hold state institutions accountable to the law by monitoring and noting violations of the Iranian constitution by state institutions.
In this section, actions that President Hassan Rouhani can take directly and immediately to fulfill his campaign pledges to uphold the rights of the Iranian people are highlighted.
The Fourth Development Plan, which was adopted as the state's comprehensive guiding plan by the government and Parliament of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 2002, includes a requirement that the executive branch introduce and the Parliament pass legislation detailing the specific rights of Iranian citizens. The purpose of this legislation is to gather and detail in domestic law the various rights enumerated in the country's constitution and to incorporate into such legislation the Iranian government's obligations under international human rights conventions to which it is a party.
However, this aspect of the state's Development Plan has never been implemented. In 2005, then-President Khatami introduced to the Parliament such mandated legislation, which included a "Citizen's Rights Bill," legislation on "Privacy Rights," and a "Freedom of Press and Access to Government Information Law," but Parliament failed to debate and vote on any of these legislations.
At present, Iranian rights are codified only in the constitution, and only in the most general terms, with no specific delineation or definition of these rights.
President Rouhani can and should re-introduce and actively pursue the passage of these three mandated legislations in the Iranian Parliament so that the rights of Iranians are specifically codified and legally binding, and are in accordance with international human rights law. He should use all the powers of his presidency to ensure that these laws are debated, voted on, and passed in the Parliament, assigning this issue the prioritization it must have, given the widespread and systematic abuse of rights in Iran that are ostensibly protected by the Iranian constitution.
Given the Iranian president's ability to introduce legislation and his capacity to use the powers of his office to lead and persuade on legislative issues, Rouhani can and should actively push for the passage in the Iranian Parliament of a Political Crimes Bill. This bill would clearly delineate those political activities that are legal in Iran, and those that are not. Importantly, these delineations would be in full accordance with international human rights laws, including those that guarantee the freedoms of speech and association and freedom of the press. This would not only protect internationally accepted norms of political activity inside Iran, it would also prevent the Iranian authorities from arresting and imprisoning Iranian citizens arbitrarily on vague "national security" charges.
A Political Crimes Bill was originally introduced to Parliament under the reformist Khatami administration, but it has languished unapproved since then. Decades after the Islamic Revolution, there is still no definition of a "political crime" in the Islamic Republic of Iran, and hundreds of people are imprisoned each year in Iran for their peaceful social and political activism.
In addition, Article 168 of the Iranian constitution states that "political and press offenses will be tried openly and in the presence of a jury, in courts of justice." However, with political crimes left undefined, individuals arrested and imprisoned for their journalistic activities or in relation to their political activities under vague national security charges are rarely tried in open courts or in the presence of a jury.
The new President should re-introduce a Political Crimes Bill, ensure that the definition of a "political crime" is based on the constitution and complies with Iran's international obligations in this area, and use his full capabilities to have this law approved in the Iranian Parliament.
Abuses by herasat offices (local state intelligence bureaus)
Herasat offices are found in state institutions and universities throughout Iran, and are comprised of representatives of the Ministry of Intelligence who monitor such institutions in order to ensure continued fealty to the Islamic Republic and "prevent penetration" of any state institution by those deemed disloyal to the regime. They are found in every government office, in state-owned enterprises throughout the Iranian economy, in the state-run media, and in all of the universities, where they conduct surveillance, monitor private communications, act as informants, and influence hiring and firing practices. Members of the herasat harass, intimidate, and engage in widespread human rights abuses, and, in particular, violate Article 23 of the Iranian constitution, which states that "the investigation of an individual's beliefs is forbidden, and no one may be molested or taken to task simply for holding a certain belief."
For example, the herasat offices in Iranian universities play a major role in the suspension and expulsion of students who engage in political or religious activities with which the herasat disapproves, or who dress or engage in conduct with which they disapprove. Herasat offices have deprived hundreds of Iranian students of their right to education because of those individuals' legal political activities and the expression of their opinions.
President Rouhani must review and evaluate the policies and actions of the herasat, ensure that its members do not continue to engage in the systematic violations of human rights, and, if they do violate the laws, that they not enjoy immunity from legal and criminal accountability. Additionally, the president must create effective legal and oversight mechanisms to ensure that the employment and/or dismissal of students, professors, or employees is not based on an individual's beliefs.
In addition, according to Article 127 of the Iranian constitution, the president may, in special circumstances, appoint one or more special representatives with specific powers. It is incumbent upon President Rouhani, given his role as the principal enforcer of the Iranian constitution, to assign a special representative to review the herasat's activities, report directly to the president on the use or misuse of its powers and any violations, make specific recommendations aimed at reigning in the abuses committed by the herasat, and follow through on the implementation of these recommendations.
According to Article 113 of the Iranian constitution, the president of Iran is the highest official in the country after the Supreme Leader, and he is responsible for implementing the constitution. As the principle enforcer of the constitution, President Rouhani has not only the right but the responsibility to defend the rights contained therein and serve official notice to any branch, body, or institution of the government that has carried out practices in violation of the constitution. Such constitutional notices (formal presidential notifications of constitutional violations) are a vital mechanism to check constitutional abuses, drawing public attention to and calling on violating organizations to cease their violations.
For example, the Islamic Republic of Iran's Broadcasting organization (IRIB) routinely broadcasts show trials and forced confessions of prisoners that have been elicited through torture, and produces documentaries that have defamed, libeled, and facilitated the illegal prosecution of Iranian citizens, without extending them an opportunity to defend themselves. This is a clear case where it is incumbent upon the president to serve a constitutional notice to IRIB that they are violating the constitutional rights of Iranian citizens contained in Article 37 (which states that innocence is to be presumed, and no one is to be held guilty of a charge unless his or her guilt has been established by a competent court) and Article 38 (which states that all forms of torture for the purpose of extracting confession or acquiring information is forbidden), and that they must cease this practice.
The continued house arrest of political opposition figures Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi, and Zahra Rahnavard, who were never charged nor convicted in a court of law, is also in clear violation of the Iranian constitution. Article 34 states that all citizens have a right of access to competent courts, and Article 37 states that innocence is presumed until guilt has been established by a competent court. President Rouhani should issue a constitutional notice regarding the illegality of their arrest, publicly demand their release, and use all the powers of his office to put an end to such practices.
The president can and must launch investigations into all allegations of abuses and issue constitutional notices to any state organization that is violating the constitutional rights of Iranians. Moreover, he must demand that such organizations respond to the allegations and cease the violations, and inform the public of the results of such investigations, thereby fulfilling his responsibility to defend the constitution.
Many journalists and publications have faced lawsuits, arrests, detentions, shutdowns, and bans on publishing by officials for criticizing government organizations, particularly in recent years. This is in direct violation of the Iranian constitution, which states in Article 24, "Publications and the press have freedom of expression except when it is detrimental to the fundamental principles of Islam or the rights of the public."
The Iranian president can use his authority to issue directives to all ministries under the executive branch to discourage government officials from filing lawsuits against newspapers for their criticism, and can use his office to encourage them to respond to the criticism rather than persecuting the critics.
According to Article 20 of the Iranian constitution, "All citizens of the country, both men and women, equally enjoy the protection of the law and enjoy all human, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, in conformity with Islamic criteria." Yet in practice and in law in Iran, women face severe discrimination in such areas as education, employment, state benefits, family law, and court proceedings.
President Rouhani should fulfill his campaign pledges to uphold the rights of women and present legislation to Parliament that directly addresses discrimination against women in Iran.
For example, he can remove restrictions on the enrollment of female students in academic disciplines that have been imposed in recent years by the Ministry of Science, and issue an executive order to the Ministry of Science to end segregation policies that lead to discrimination against female students inside Iranian universities. The president should also present bills which end discriminatory divorce laws and address all other discriminatory aspects of family law in Iran. He should introduce legislation that makes women equal to men under the law. Extending public health insurance and state services to unemployed female heads of households is also a critical need of women in Iran.
In addition, the lack of female participation in high-level government positions (including the president's own cabinet, which does not have a single female minister) is an issue that should be addressed. President Rouhani should actively promote the participation of women in senior government positions who will effectively pursue anti-discriminatory policies.
The government is a major employer in Iran, and as such, government hiring practices have a huge impact on the country. At present, there is severe religious and ethnic discrimination in government hiring practices in Iran. Religious discrimination most pointedly affects Baha'is and Christian converts: Iranian Baha'is are completely denied government employment, and converted Christians have to hide their faith or they will be expelled from government employment. In addition, ethnic Kurds, Arabs, and Baluchis face significant discrimination in state hiring practices. Provincial and local level government offices rarely hire citizens indigenous to the province in management and high-level positions, and these communities are thus cut off from an important source of employment as well as decision-making capabilities on the local governmental level.
The Iranian president can take direct action to address this discrimination, issuing an executive order forbidding discrimination against religious or ethnic minorities in Iranian government hiring. In addition, he can explicitly institute anti-discrimination government hiring codes. Moreover, the president's Minister of the Interior appoints provincial governors, and thus the president can direct them to increase the hiring of local ethnicities in management positions, particularly in Kurdistan, Baluchistan, and Khuzestan.[1]
At present in Iran there is a glaring lack of government transparency and a severe lack of reliable and timely government statistics. This dearth of information leads to a lack of government accountability and facilitates government inaction. Inaccurate or nonexistent information on such areas as the state of the country's economy, corruption, and substance abuse and other public health issues impedes the government's ability to address the country's social and economic ills.
The president can and should develop policies to provide citizens, journalists, and academics with full access to unclassified government information, documents, and publications. He can issue directives requiring state organizations and units to provide regular, accurate, and timely information and statistics to the public on the activities of the government and on the state of the country. He should also require public access to transcripts of public sessions of all decision-making centers under his administration.
Download the full report here (PDF)
[1] "Few Baluchis in Management Posts of Local Government," April 19, 2013.
MPs Say Efforts "Continuing" to Free Opposition Leaders Amid Karroubi's
Hunger-Striking Political Activist Detained Without Charge Writes Will in Evin
Supporters Mark One-Year Anniversary of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe's Imprisonment in Iran
Dual National Speaks of Yearning for Family and Disillusionment with
Cartoon 93: Rouhani in New York
Fulfilling Promises: A Human Rights Roadmap for Rouhani
Rouhani's Remarks on Human Rights
Ministry of Intelligence
Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance
Ministry of Communications and Information Technology
Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology
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text:
Q: Search algorithm (with a sort algorithm already implemented) Im doing a Java application and Im facing some doubts in which concerns performance.
I have a PriorityQueue which guarantees me the element removed is the one with greater priority. That PriorityQueue has instances of class Event (which implements Comparable interface). Each Event is associated with a Entity.
The size of that priorityqueue could be huge and very frequently I will have to remove events associated to an entity.
Right now Im using an iterator to run all the priorityqueue. However Im finding it heavy and I wonder if there are better alternatives to search and remove events associated with an entity "xpto".
Any suggestions?
Thanks!

A: Theres a few options:

*

*Could you use separate queues for
each entity? So when you get an
event for "xpto" you put it into the
XptoPriorityQueue? This will reduce
the size of each queue, but could
also lead to some other management
issues.

*Are you removing events for
a specific entity to process them
sooner? If so then you should simply
give those entities a higher
priority and bump them to the top of
the queue.

*Are you removing events
for a specific entity to remove them
from the queue and ignore them? If
so then they should either never get
into the queue or should get a lower
priority.

A: A couple of ideas:

*

*Implement your priority queue using a treap ordered by the entity's key. If the keys are randomly distributed then you should be able to remove elements in O(log n) time.

*Maintain a separate mapping of Entity to Events currently in the queue. Instead of actually removing events from the queue immediately, just flip a bit on the Event object indicating it should be ignored when it reaches the front of the queue.

A: Since remove is a linear time operation, you are getting O(N*N) performance.
If you subclass PriorityQueue and create a new method (named removeIf perhaps) that combines the iterator and remove methods then you could reduce this to O(N log(N)).

A: I'd suggest you make a class composed of a PriorityQueue and a Set, with the following operations:

*

*To add an element, remove it from the Set and, if it weren't there, add it to the PriorityQueue.

*To remove an element, add it to the Set.

*To unqueue an element, unqueue elements from the PriorityQueue until the unqueued element is not present in the Set. Remove any unqueued elements from the Set.

A: It sounds like you need to implement a souped-up priority queue.  In particular, you need O(logN) removal time.  You can do this by keeping two data structures, an array of Events which is basically the binary heap storing your priority queue, and a HashMap from Event to the offset of that Event in the array (or maybe from Entity to a list of offsets of Events in that array).
You can then do normal heap operations as you would for a priority queue, you just need to update the hash map mappings every time an Event is moved.  To remove an Event, look up the index of that event in the hash table and do a remove operation on the heap starting at that index.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Save SAR 0 (0%) Earn 105 Shukrans What is Shukran? Shukran is the Landmark Group's award-winning loyalty programme in the Middle East, which allows you to earn Shukrans when you shop any of our brands.
Keep your little one close to you and safe using this practical sling. Ideal for feeding, this piece can be adjusted and your infant will be comfortable.