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Political Power, Religion and Gender: The Case of the Vietnamese in Poland
Szymańska-Matusiewicz, Grażyna
Central and Eastern European Migration Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2018, pp. 153-164
This paper thoroughly examines the gender patterns of religious activity within the Vietnamese – the largest non-European migrant community in Poland. Basing on the result from anthropological fieldwork which I conducted in two pagodas currently operating in the suburbs of Warsaw I analyse this issue in the light of traditional gender patterns of religious life in Vietnam, as well as in the context of the politicisation of spiritual life under communist rule. The results of my research prove that whether a religious institution will become a 'women's sphere' or will remain under the influence of male actors depends to a great extent on its political emplacement and relations with formal institutions of the Vietnamese state.
Keywords: Vietnamese diaspora; Buddhism; gender
While the Vietnamese form the largest non-European migrant community in Poland (Office for Foreigners 2016), relatively little is known about the activities of Vietnamese migrant organisations, including those active in the sphere of religion. Despite the fact that two Vietnamese pagodas currently operate in Poland, two Vietnamese priests serve the needs of the Vietnamese Roman Catholic community and a number of syncretic 'New-Age' religious movements have developed on the territory of this country, there is a great paucity of information regarding this aspect of the migrants' lives. On the other hand, while the Vietnamese diaspora in Poland has been subjected to analysis from many angles, with the most important issues discussed being its members' integration into Polish society (Górny, Grzymała-Kazłowska, Kępińska, Fihel and Piekut 2007; Halik 1999; Halik and Nowicka 2002), economic situation (Klorek and Szulecka 2013; Wysieńska 2012) and identity dilemmas of the second generation (Szymańska 2006; Szymańska-Matusiewicz 2007), the 'gender issue' has thus far been poorly addressed in the literature on the topic. Furthermore, existing studies addressing the gender dimension (Kindler and Szulecka 2013), tend to concentrate exclusively on the economic strategies of migrants.
To establish an empirical basis for the paper, I conducted ethnographic research from 2014 until 2017 in two Vietnamese pagodas located in the vicinity of Warsaw: Chùa Thiên Phúc and Chùa Nhân Hòa. Ethnography is here understood in accordance with Falzon's (2009: 1) concept of 'an eclectic methodological choice which privileges an engaged, contextually rich and nuanced type of qualitative social research, in which fine grained daily interactions constitute the lifeblood of the data produced'. Thus, in this case the fieldwork involved not only participant observation during multiple religious ceremonies and social gatherings taking place in the pagodas but also informal interviews with pagoda activists and attendants, as well as content analysis of social media (the Facebook profiles of pagodas) and the migrant press (Que Viet, the most widely and regularly distributed title).
While focusing in this paper on the case of two Vietnamese pagodas operating in Poland, I argue that gender remains a crucial factor shaping the nature of the social activity of Vietnamese migrants. Analogous to a study by Alexander Soucy (2012), who investigated a diversity of men and women's religious practices in Vietnam, the importance of the gender dimension in the case of the Vietnamese in Poland reveals itself in the living practices of men and women participating in rituals, prayers and the preparation of festivals. Since formal and informal power hierarchies emerging in the course of religious practices are intertwined with hierarchies existing in other spheres of Vietnamese migrant community activity, alongside depicting their interconnectedness with the country of origin I will shed light upon the gender dimension of Vietnamese migrant associations, both religious and non-religious. As I analyse the above-mentioned aspects, I will come to the broader issue of the emancipating role that religious institutions might play for a woman, especially in respect to migrant communities. Therefore, my aim is to provide answers to the following research questions:
What factors contribute to the empowerment of women in the Vietnamese migrant community in Poland?
In which spheres of activity do they possess the most power?
Do the religious institutions create space for women, enabling them to be involved in social activities?
Can religion be described as a 'women's sphere'?
Religious activity in the Vietnamese diaspora in the network of transnational relations
The role of religion has received some coverage in respect to the diverse groups constituting the Vietnamese diaspora worldwide. Academics use the notion of 'diasporic religion' to analyse the American-Vietnamese community, a group of predominantly refugee origin. While examining the specific nature of Vietnamese 'lived religion' as practiced by the community of Little Saigon, Padgett (2007) points to the interconnectedness of categories such as 'home' (nhà) and 'homeland' (quê hương) with spiritual and religious experience. The activity of religious institutions 'in exile', as defined by Padgett, manifests itself in the reconstruction of 'the order', which means making efforts to restore things to the way they existed in diasporans' lost homeland (i.e. Vietnam before the year 1975) in a new geographical location. It is important to stress that, because of its post-war origins, the community in the United States is characterised by a strong anti-communist attitude. As a result, Vietnamese Buddhist pagodas in this country have been operating independently of the state institutions of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and have not been affiliated by communist-controlled Buddhist Sangha of Vietnam (BVS, Giáo Hội Phật Giáo Việt Nam).
In comparison with the US-based diasporic group and Vietnamese migrant communities in Western Europe, the religious life of Vietnamese communities in Central and Eastern Europe has been shaped by a significantly different historical context. The Vietnamese appeared in this region during the Cold War era as a result of 'fraternal assistance' programmes operating within the 'global socialist ecumene' (Bayly 2009), a community of Soviet Bloc countries. While, in East Germany and Czechoslovakia, contract workers – being a source of cheap labour in state-owned factories – formed the majority of in-coming Vietnamese (Alamgir 2014; Schwenkel 2015), Poland's 'socialist mobility' was characterised by the prevalence of students who constituted a vast majority of the Vietnamese coming to Poland at that time (Szymańska-Matusiewicz 2014, 2016). It is worth stressing that, although there are no systematic data regarding the gender ratio of students arriving in Poland during the Cold War era, ethnographic evidence (Szymańska-Matusiewicz 2016) suggests that a vast majority of them were male. Despite the differences characterising particular Eastern European countries, all Vietnamese migrant communities inhabiting them can be labelled after Long Le (2014) – who applied Sheffer's (2003) distinction of two kinds of diasporic community – as representing a 'state-bound' diaspora. Since their formation, the communities in CEE countries have maintained intense relations with their country of origin, including with state institutions which exert their power over migrant organisations acting either directly or through various intermediaries such as other migrant associations (Szymańska-Matusiewicz 2016).
In consequence, the development of religious activities within the Polish Vietnamese community has been connected with the issue of relations between religion and state in Vietnam. Therefore, during the Cold War era, when the communist authorities of Vietnam tended to suppress some manifestations of spirituality (such as spirit possession) and strictly supervise others – for example, the activities of Buddhist Sangha (Atsufumi 2016; Endres 2011), religious practices were barely noticeable among representatives of the Vietnamese diaspora in Central and Eastern Europe. This phenomenon can be simply attributed to the temporary nature of a primarily student mobility which did not allow for the development of any established religious institutions. However, the policy of the Vietnamese government constituted a far more important factor. Students delegated to Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) remained under the strict control of both the embassies and the 'group leaders' (trưởng đòan) in the respective CEE countries. Therefore, they were not allowed to develop any forms of social organisation other than those initiated and supervised by the state (Szymańska-Matusiewicz 2016).
After the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the inflow of Vietnamese to Poland did not cease but the nature of their migration changed significantly. Some of the former contract workers and students decided to stay on in Europe instead of returning to their homeland. Soon they were joined by new waves of economically motivated newcomers from Vietnam who were looking for opportunities offered by emerging markets in countries undergoing the transformation towards a capitalist economy. Bazaars, large open-air markets such as the Decennial in Warsaw, Dong Xuan market in Berlin or Sapa market in Praha (Hüwelmeier 2015; Szulecka 2007) were the most important places in which the migrants' activity was concentrated. The bazaars, aside from being a centre of migrant economic activity, also became areas where religious and spiritual life was manifested. This phenomenon is exemplified by the existence of 'bazaar pagodas' in Berlin (Hüwelmeier 2013) and Warsaw (Hüwelmeier 2015). In the case of the Polish capital, the Thiên Việt pagoda operated in the vicinity of the Decennial Stadium until 2008 as part of a larger institution, the Thăng Long cultural centre owned by a Vietnamese businessman.
Migration is often conceptualised as a factor boosting the religious needs of people re-located to a new spatial and social context. However, the role that religious practices play in the process of adaptation of migrants may be manifold. Padgett (2007) described the Buddhist practices performed by former refugees from the Republic of Vietnam living in the United States as an attempt to reconstruct the 'true essence' of Vietnameseness as opposed to the reality of a contemporary communist Vietnamese state. In the case of the Vietnamese from CEE countries, however, relations with the country of origin and attitudes towards the communist order were significantly different. As Hüwelmeier (2013) noticed in her analysis of the spiritual activity of Vietnamese migrants in Germany, emerging religious institutions were inevitably embedded in the transnational context involving relations not only with the country of origin but also with internally diverse segments of the Vietnamese diaspora. Therefore, in a subsequent part of the paper I will consider the impact of embeddedness in a transnational network on the gender dimension in terms of a community's religious activity. However, to acquire a broader perspective on the problem it is necessary to examine the gender-related patterns of religious institutions seated in Vietnam.
Religion as a 'women's sphere'? Gender patterns of religious institutions in Vietnam
This paper uses a concept of gender derived from Raewyl Connell's theory of gender and power, according to which 'gender is the structure of social relations that centres on the reproductive arena, and the set of practices (governed by this structure) that bring reproductive distinctions between bodies into social processes' (Connell 1987: 10). This approach – defining gender as an outcome of cultural and historical circumstances which shape social interactions – is particularly relevant in my analysis, which is based on ethnographic observation of diverse social practices, such as social activism and religious worship.
Since, in Vietnamese popular discourse, religious practices are perceived more as a 'women's sphere' (Atsufumi 2016) than as a 'men's' thing, experiencing and practicing religion may seem different between men and women. Therefore, it is of vital importance to include an aspect of gender differentiation in examining the religious activity of Vietnamese migrants. Although the results of an official census conducted in Vietnam show that most Vietnamese claim not to adhere to any religion (81.9 per cent according to GSO 2009), religious practices – including making offerings in pagodas and temples or prayers conducted at home altars – are prevalent. As Leopold Cadière noticed in his classical study Religious Beliefs and Practices of the Vietnamese, the majority of Vietnamese people are not religious in the sense of a Western (Judeo-Christian) common understanding of religion; a concept of God is generally absent from their world-view. However, if religion is understood as a set of moral beliefs and practices shaping individual morality, the Vietnamese can be described as 'deeply religious' (Cadière 1989). While the stance taken by Cadière could be perceived as obsolete and shaped by Western/Christian perspectives, it gained wide acceptance among contemporary Vietnamese scholars of religion.. In most cases, people adopting the above-mentioned practices do not perceive themselves as belonging to any religious denomination, such as Buddhism. In the literature, they are described as adherents of the traditional Vietnamese 'triple religion' (tam giáo) which is derived from the seventeenth-century concept of tam giáo đồng nguyên and originates in three large religions: Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism (Gillespie 2014; Tran 1993). Nowadays, 'triple religion' can be defined as a non-institutionalised form of venerating various religious phenomena stemming from the three great traditions. Therefore, it is quite common for the Vietnamese to pay a visit to a Buddhist pagoda (chùa), a Confucian temple (miếu) or a temple dedicated to local heroes (đèn) and, at the same time, perceive themselves to be non-religious persons.
The migration context provokes the adaptability of religious institutions, which is a widespread phenomenon and by no means limited to the Vietnamese diaspora. Migrant religious institutions play not only a role as religious centres but they also serve as places where one can strengthen one's ethnic identity and remain in contact with the culture of the country of origin. Nevertheless, there is yet another factor which significantly impacts on the profile of Vietnamese migrant pagodas – namely the nature of Vietnamese religiosity; it is characterised by a minor role of formal belonging to an institutionalised religion, such as Buddhism, and the importance of a national dimension of a religious cult.
Religion has always played a significant, yet ambiguous, role in shaping the nature of gender relations in Vietnam. Analysis of its historical background has shown the legacy of the two most important religious traditions shaping the Vietnamese culture – Confucianism and Buddhism (Halik 1999; Jamieson 1995). The former was transferred to Vietnam from China as a result of the Chinese invasion in the third century B.C. and is commonly associated with patriarchalism and the strict subordination of a woman to a man (Jamieson 1995; Mai and Le 1978; Nguyen 1995). The rule of 'three subordinations' by which each woman had to abide is often invoked to illustrate the idea of the hierarchical gender relations prevalent in Confucian thought. It encompassed subordination to the father during a female's maiden years, to the husband during their marriage and, after the husband's death, to the eldest son. Even nowadays analogous gender-related concepts based on traditional Confucian rites are ubiquitous in Vietnam in the form of ancestor worship practices. The core ideas of ancestor worship have been concentrated around patrilineage (Jellema 2007a, b), which means that women were perceived primarily as an 'external' resource necessary to provide the continuation of a family.
Contrary to these ideas, another religious tradition that originally arrived in Vietnam from China – namely Buddhism – is believed to be a much more egalitarian system promoting gender equality and the empowerment of women. For example, women commonly played an important role in village pagodas (Jamieson 1995). A contemporary study by Soucy (2012), who conducted ethnographic research in an urban space of Hanoi, indicates that, while women are prevalent among Buddhist adherents, patterns of religiosity are distinct as far as gender is concerned. Female participation in religious practices varies. Elderly women take part in pilgrimages, while young women opt for more diverse religious performances. On the contrary, religious Buddhist men, mainly the elderly, play a role as 'guardians of the orthodoxy' within the space of a temple. Therefore, even though a pagoda may sometimes become an area of struggle for power between the two genders, the role of women remains undoubtedly of great importance.
Another interesting example of the 'women's sphere' is provided by the case of Vietnamese 'popular' or 'folk' religions which are widely practiced in contemporary Vietnam alongside Buddhist or ancestor-worship practices. Popular religion concentrates around the cult of Đạo Mẫu (the Mother Goddess), a deity associated with various mythological or historical figures such as princesses, national heroines or royal concubines. The Mother Goddess cult is also linked with lên đồng (spirit possession) practices in which spirits possess the body of a medium who provides a connection between two worlds: the world of human beings and the world of spirits (Endres 2011, 2016; Fjelstad and Nguyen 2006; Ngo 2006). The role of the medium is often played by females who constitute the majority of both mediums and practitioners (Norton 2006). Moreover, during spirit possession rituals, gender roles are commonly transgressed. A woman may take on a male role, which means that she adopts male behaviour – including a choice of clothing style, smoking and consumption of alcohol – during the performance. However, in the case of the opposite sex, the role of 'transgender' mediums has often been taken by trans- or homosexual men who find that acts of impersonating females provides them with a culturally appropriate space in which to express their sexuality.
Throughout Vietnamese history, the role of women has been of much greater importance in ecstatic religious practices involving elements of trance and spirit possession than in the case of practices strictly connected with social hierarchy and order – such as ancestor worship. This conclusion is partially in line with Lewis' (1989) argument according to which women, as an oppressed and marginalised social group, tend to stick to 'marginal' religious cults often connected with shamanist or trance practices which allow them to achieve their goals of self-fullfilment. However, as Fjelstad (1995) argued, spirit possession should not be perceived as a 'marginal' cult in Vietnam, as it is widely performed among the Vietnamese and often intertwines with other religious practices.
In recent history, the authorities of Vietnam have conducted a 'selectively repressive' policy towards religious practices (Malarney 2002). While spirit possession and other informal cults in which women could develop their agency were banned, male-centred ancestor-worship practices were permitted, yet subjected to careful supervision by the state authorities. In the dổi mới era1, which started in 1986, the policy of the state was relaxed. Consequently, various religious phenomena have been revived, including both male-dominated ancestor worship and village festivals, as well as practices incorporating women – such as activities in Buddhist pagodas and spirit-possession rituals. Therefore, women have been provided with the possibility to re-create spaces for their social activity located inside religious institutions which, in some cases, has enabled them to construct social support networks (Atsufumi 2016; Endres 2011; Luong 2016).
As I have documented, Buddhism is associated with a non-male-dominated representation pattern in the landscape of Vietnamese religious institutions. However, gendered patterns of participation and activity which are significantly different in the case of the two Vietnamese Buddhist pagodas operating in Poland remain to be explored. I will explain the reason behind the distinctiveness of these patterns later in the paper.
Thiên Phúc and Nhân Hòa pagodas: a 'women's sphere' vs 'institutions related to formal structures of power'
The two Vietnamese pagodas located in Laszczki in the vicinity of the Wolka Kosowska trade centres came into being after the closure of the Decennial Stadium (a market) in the centre of Warsaw. The decision to close the market put an end to the Thăng Long culture centre situated nearby. With its disappearance, the first Vietnamese pagoda (Thiên Việt) housed there, the only Buddhist Vietnamese institution in Poland at that time, would also cease to exist. Therefore, there was a need to rebuild it in a new location. However, the very fact of constructing two separate pagodas resulted from personal conflict between the owner of the Thang Long cultural centre – Mr Bùi Anh Thái – and the Association of Vietnamese Admirers of Buddhism in Poland (AVABP, Stowarzyszenie Wietnamskich Miłośników Buddyzmu w Polsce), a formally registered migrant organisation which had managed the former Thiên Việt pagoda.
The first of the two currently operating temples, Chùa Thiên Phúc (Pagoda of Heavenly Happiness), situated on the premises of a private house, was adapted and then opened for religious use in 2012. However, after a two-year strenuous effort to reconstruct the pagoda, its founder, Mr Bùi Anh Thái, repatriated to Vietnam, leaving its management rights to a newly established association, the Association of Vietnamese Buddhists in Poland (AVBP, Towarzystwo Wietnamskich Buddystów w Polsce). Currently, the pagoda does not have a resident monk on site but frequent visits are paid by representatives of the Vietnamese Buddhist clergy. Moreover, the pagoda is formally under the supervision of one of the high-ranked Buddhist monks from the Buddhist Sangha of Vietnam, Thượng tọa Thích Minh Trí.
In the course of my fieldwork, I visited Thiên Phúc pagoda on multiple occasions, both during various holidays and festivities and on regular days when no celebrations were organised. On each and every occasion, women prevailed among the attendees. This phenomenon is not surprising; it can be observed during many religious practices – e.g. in the case of Vietnamese Pentacostals in Germany (Hüwelmeier 2010). What I found particularly interesting during the visits was the fact that women played an important role in managing the pagoda's affairs, such as organising festivals and welcoming guests, including Polish 'outsiders', to the pagoda. When I arrived at the pagoda once with a group of students, Ms Bùi Thi Vân, a prominent activist and the leader of the AVBP, became our guide. Being in the role of a 'religious expert', she explained the basic concepts of Buddhism and described the range of pagoda activities for which she was, to a great extent, responsible.
Women also played a decisive role in organising Tết, a lunar New Year ceremony, in February 2018. While the role of the religious Master of Ceremonies was occupied by a monk, a male leader, women were the ones who were responsible for scheduling the event and planning and organising the celebration. Not only did they prepare ritual offerings or cook festive meals but they also played decisive roles by announcing the beginning and the end of a particular stage of celebration – such as singing karaoke or obtaining special blessings from the monk.
The importance of women's agency in the case of the Thiên Phúc pagoda is also confirmed by the gender composition of the AVBP's management. Four out of five members of the management board are female, including the leader, Ms Bùi Thi Vân. Ms Vân also represents the pagoda during meetings and celebrations such as Tết or Women's Day outside the pagoda, which bring together various Vietnamese institutions. Her role as a representative seems to be of particular importance as, in Vietnamese culture, women have been commonly considered responsible only for 'internal matters', the most often connected with domestic affairs, whereas men have been associated with representative functions taking place 'outside' in the wider society (Luong 2016).
Being regarded as a 'women's sphere' might also imply being a place where lên dồng (spirit possession) rituals are performed. During one of my visits to the pagoda, I witnessed a mediumship ceremony which was organised especially for a group of scholars, including myself, guests 'from outside' the community. The medium was a middle-aged woman who, during the ceremony, changed into a male outfit, smoked cigarettes and drank vodka in order to indicate that she was possessed by a male spirit. A group of women participating in the ritual explained that lên dồng ceremonies were organised in the pagoda whenever somebody expressed a willingness to have the ritual performed for his or her sake. The informants also told us that the female medium was a professional who had offered mediumship services in Vietnam.
In the case of the second pagoda, Nhân Hòa, which has been under construction since 2013 (yet is operational), gender patterns seem to be significantly different. Its construction was undertaken by the Association of Vietnamese Admirers of Buddhism in Poland (AVABP), a formally registered migrant organisation which had managed the former Thiên Việt pagoda. Unlike the establishment of the Thiến Phúc pagoda, which was, to a large extent, a private enterprise of Mr Bùi Anh Thái, the Nhân Hòa pagoda was supposed to be a 'community undertaking'. Its funding was, therefore, provided by various Vietnamese enterprises in Poland and by private people. Vietnamese migrant organisations, which maintain manifold connections with Vietnamese state institutions, actively supported the construction of the pagoda. Therefore, it is true to say that the Nhân Hòa pagoda was constructed, albeit indirectly, under the auspices of Vietnamese state institutions.
During participant observation which I conducted in the Nhân Hòa pagoda, I noticed that events organised on the premises usually attracted fewer participants than those taking place at the Thiên Phúc pagoda. However, during all the important celebrations such as the Hừng Kings' or Tết festivals, I registered the presence of a significant group of male participants. This group consisted of 'men in power', people occupying leadership positions within the Vietnamese migrant community – i.e. presidents and management members of various migrant organisations such as the Association of Vietnamese in Poland and the Association of Vietnamese Businessmen in Poland, the editors of the Quê Việt newspaper and representatives of the Vietnamese Embassy.
Like the Thiên Phúc pagoda, the Nhân Hòa pagoda is also managed by a religious association, the Association of Vietnamese Admirers of Buddhism in Poland (AVABP, Hội Người VN tại Ba Lan Yêu Đạo Phật). Contrary to the female-dominated management of the AVBP, the management of the AVABP consists solely of men. During my visits to the pagoda, I encountered either a monk based in Vietnam who was on one of his regular visits to various pagodas in Eastern Europe, or other male activists. They explained the role which Buddhism plays particularly in the life of Vietnamese migrants who commonly experience multiple challenges connected with their precarious situation. Although women were present among the worshippers and were responsible for some preparatory work, especially food preparation, they did not seem to hold any leadership position nor did they seem to have any means of exerting their power.
Gender and political empowerment: the key to understanding a gendered profile of migrant religious institutions
Formal political power is yet another important factor in the analysis of the distinct gender profiles of the two Vietnamese religious institutions. While the Thiên Phúc pagoda, being a private enterprise, has maintained ambiguous relations with both the Embassy of Vietnam and Vietnamese organisations cooperating with the Embassy, the bond between the Nhân Hòa pagoda and official Vietnamese state institutions seems much more evident due to the involvement of migrant associations politically loyal to the authorities of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in its construction. Therefore, the next part of the paper will examine the gender patterns prevalent in the official power institutions of the Vietnamese state and in Vietnamese migrant associations in Poland.
The issue of gender equality has been a substantial part of the ideology of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) from the beginnings of its coming to power. Similar to the ideological systems of other communist countries inspired by Marxism, the the iberation of women from the constraints of 'ancient regime', often labeled as 'feudalism', was one of the important postulates of the CPV. In 1945, soon after proclaiming the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), a nationwide organisation responsible for women affairs, the Women's Union, was established. The first constitution of DRV ratified in 1946 included a declaration of men's and women's equality. A new Law on Marriage and Family, introduced in 1959, forbade the discriminatory practices which were allowed during French colonial rule, such as arranged marriages and polygyny; it proclaimed the equality of men and women in both private and public spheres of life and provided protection for women in cases of domestic violence (Rydstrom and Drummond 2004).
However, the Vietnamese state has fallen short of these goals. Despite multiple programmes dedicated to the issue of promoting gender equality, such as the National Strategy for the Advancement of Women or the National Strategy on Gender Equality, women seem to face the effects of a 'glass ceiling'. While, as of 2010, women constituted 33 per cent of members of the Communist Party of Vietnam, they occupied only 23 per cent of both municipal and regional leadership positions. In 2016, Ms Dặng Thị Ngọc Thịnh was appointed Vice-President of Vietnam, thus far the highest formal position ever held by a woman in the communist government of Vietnam; nevertheless, the Vice-President plays a mostly representative role with no actual power. The most important position in the Vietnamese political system, the First Secretary of the CPV, has never been occupied by a woman. However, it should be noted that the shortage of women in the sphere of formal political power is not a feature unique to Vietnam; other former Soviet Bloc countries are a good example of states in which women were barely represented among the highest state officials.
Regarding Vietnamese migrant institutions in Poland, a similar gender pattern can be observed. In the case of the Association of the Vietnamese in Poland (the former Stowarzyszenie Wietnamczyków w Polsce 'Solidarność i Przyjaźń'), the largest general-profile organisation having a supervisory role over other organisations, the positions of president and vice-president have, since its establishment, been occupied by men; the management board consists only of male members. Regarding the Association of Vietnamese Businesspeople in Poland, only one board member is female. Other positions, including that of the president, are occupied by men. Accordingly, in order to interpret this fact, it must be remembered that the majority of the formal officially registered migrant associations operate in cooperation with the Embassy of Vietnam and maintain many connections with institutions of the Vietnamese state. For example, leaders of the Association of the Vietnamese in Poland are members of institutions acting in the political system of the Vietnamese state such as the Vietnam Fatherland Front or the Communist Party of Vietnam. The Vietnamese Women's League, an organisation catering for the needs of Vietnamese women in Poland, receives formal visits from representatives of the Vietnamese Women's Union, a mass organisation acting within the framework of the Vietnamese communist state (Szymańska-Matusiewicz 2016).
However, gender patterns take a significantly different shape in the case of another category of Vietnamese activists in Poland – members of the anti-communist opposition. Despite the general state-bound profile of a Vietnamese migrant community, pro-democratic activists advocating political change in Vietnam have been active in Poland since the late 1990s. Tôn Vân Anh, who cooperates with a Polish NGO, the Society for the Freedom of Speech, has for many years been the face of the anti-communist movement. This young woman, who went to Poland in her childhood, has often been present in the Polish media during various television broadcasts and in prominent newspapers such as the Gazeta Wyborcza.
Within the Vietnamese community there are, however, other women playing prominent roles as pro-democratic movement leaders. Although they might not be widely recognised by the Polish public, they have had a significant reception within the community. Mạc Việt Hồng and Nguyễn Thái Linh are the most important women. The former is the editor-in-chief of Đàn Chim Việt, a newspaper opposing the Vietnamese communist goverment. The latter is one of the organisers of the anti-Chinese protests in May 2014 which resulted in the participation of over 3 000 Vietnamese. Therefore, the involvement of women in public activity seems to be related to the involvement of particular movements or organisations in the formal structures of power connected with the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
Analysis of the gender patterns of two Vietnamese religious institutions in Poland – namely the Thiên Phúc and Nhân Hòa pagodas, reveals differences in the roles played by men and women in both institutions. Placing these cases in the broader context of gendered structures of power in the political system of the Vietnamese state proved that a religious institution may become a 'women's sphere' only if it maintains a certain level of independence from formal political institutions. In the case of the Vietnamese migrant community in Poland, institutions and movements either opposing the Vietnamese state or maintaining their independence from its official structures are the most likely to provide women with the opportunity to play a leadership role. In this respect, religious institutions seem not to differ from other associations. The case of the Vietnamese bazaar pagodas in Berlin dominated by female activists and adherents (Hüwelmeier 2013) suggests that the pattern described can also be observed in other migrant communities located in the area of the former Soviet Bloc. Therefore, the example of Vietnamese migrant religious organisations in Poland illustrates a paradox of communist ideology regarding a 'women's issue'. The paradox transgresses the territory of the Vietnamese state to become a transnational phenomenon affecting migrant communities. While political movements based on Marxist principles advocate gender equality, the formal political structure of Vietnam – an authoritarian country still referring to socialist ideology – seems to effectively exclude women from possessing actual political power both within Vietnam and in the state-bound diaspora.
The funding of the research constituting the empirical basics of the paper was provided by the grant received from the Polish National Science Centre (NCN), Political Engagement of Diaspora in the Era of Global Interconnectedness. Vietnamese Migrant Community in Poland and Its Transnational Connections, no 2017/25/B/HS6/01201.
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1480-5187
1 Dổi mới (Reneval) era is a term used to denote the series of reforms introduced by the Vietnamese government in the 1980s, aimed at reshaping the economic system from centrally-planned towards 'socialist-oriented market economy'.
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Halik T. (1999). Tradycja niekonfucjańska: Jej rola w kształtowaniu się społeczeństwa i państwa w Wietnamie. Warsaw: Nowy Dziennik.
Halik T., Nowicka E. (2002). Wietnamczycy w Polsce. Integracja czy izolacja? Warsaw: Instytut Orientalistyczny, Wydział Neofilologii, Uniwersytet Warszawski.
Hüwelmeier G. (2010). Female Believers on the Move: Vietnamese Pentacostal Networks in Germany, in: G. L. A. T. Bonifacio, V. Angeles (eds). Gender, Religion and Migration: Pathways of Integration, pp. 115–131. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
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California Journal: They discover, they gentrify, they ruin: How 'progress' is wrecking Los Angeles neighborhoods
By Robin Abcarian
A few months ago, on a Sunday morning, I drove from my house near the Venice Pier over to Abbot Kinney Boulevard to meet my cousin for a cup of coffee at Blue Bottle, which is to coffee what the French Laundry is to dinner: peak fetishization. (But yes, of course, delicious!)
I circled the block a few times, adamant that I would not pay $9 to park in order to buy a $5 cup of coffee. Fortunately, I found a spot on the street, but not before getting yelled at twice by motorists who were mad at me for blocking them as I waited for the space.
Abbot Kinney, as you undoubtedly know, was once a funky retail outpost that was forever on the verge of being discovered. Unfortunately, in 2012, GQ named it "the coolest block in America," and pretty much everything went to hell after that.
Now you can spend 400 bucks on a pair of boots at John Fluevog Shoes, but you won't be able to get them repaired anywhere on the street. If you don't mind the gridlock and all the man buns (and if you squint hard), Abbot Kinney still maintains its old aesthetic: low-slung shops, coffeehouses and restaurants.
The same cannot be said for Oakwood, the residential neighborhood that abuts the east side of Abbot Kinney. The only Venice neighborhood where African Americans were allowed to purchase property during the days of restrictive racial covenants, Oakwood has been subjected to the same real estate pressures as other beachside towns.
Developers and new buyers with little regard for Oakwood's place in Los Angeles history have erected massive, lot line-to-lot line boxes, some quite industrial looking, that tower over traditional single-story homes. Streets are narrow. Traffic and parking are a mess.
"You could substitute the word 'Venice' with Boyle Heights, Studio City, Encino, Mar Vista, Larchmont, Los Feliz, the downtown Arts District," said Dan Rosenfeld, a thoughtful urban planner who has also worked as a developer. "The world changes. I don't think you can freeze the environment."
Otherwise, he said, you end up with museum cities, like Venice, Italy, or Florence. "And that's not our future."
Venice, Calif., he said, is a unique planning challenge. "It has some of the most beautiful beachfront anywhere, a creative character on the boardwalk, older buildings and canals that make it absolutely unique. If you took off restrictions, it would look like Hong Kong."
Because developers.
Over the weekend, the Wall Street Journal called Venice the "toughest place in America" to build new housing:
Venice Beach is an extreme example of what has been happening in wealthy urban enclaves across the U.S. that have been resisting new housing development in recent years. Apartment developers have stepped up production focused largely on the inner cores of big U.S. cities, where millennials are flocking for high-paying jobs and easy commutes, and where development is often welcomed.
Meanwhile, surrounding low-rise neighborhoods — many filled with older structures and historical character — are keeping developers out. Residents of these older urban neighborhoods generally have resisted newcomers, complaining about congestion on roads and public transportation and seeking to preserve architecture, sunlight and views.
The chief economist of BuildZoom, a website for contractors, told the Journal the only way to ease housing-price pressures is to relax zoning restrictions and allow tall new buildings across most neighborhoods. "If you don't open the floodgates," Issi Romem told the newspaper, "things won't improve."
Oh sure, just what this city needs: tall buildings in every neighborhood.
Robin Rudisill is a local slow-growth activist who chaired the Venice Neighborhood Council's land use and planning committee. What's really keeping Venice housing stock at critical lows, she said, is that so many multifamily rental units are destroyed to make way for high-end single-family homes or expensive condos.
"Every time they build something new, it's eliminating two- and three-unit buildings to make room for McMansions," said Rudisill, who ran unsuccessfully against L.A. Councilman Mike Bonin in March. "If the city were serious about affordable housing, it wouldn't allow that."
Rosenfeld thinks that the suburbs and neighborhoods such as Venice with special character should be treated very gingerly, but that the city core — ringed by the Harbor, Hollywood, Golden State and Santa Monica freeways — could absorb almost limitless growth.
"Single-family neighborhoods to me are sacred," said Rosenfeld, who would be comfortable with 100-story buildings inside the freeway ring, Tokyo-style. "We all admire the quality of, first, the bungalows, then the ranch houses. Life is too short, for me as a developer, to want to change the character of our pristine single-family neighborhoods."
There is a reason neighbors have trigger tempers when confronted with new projects on streets like Abbot Kinney, which has become a gridlock-plagued tourist destination, rather than a neighborhood commercial district.
Developers seem characterologically unable to conceive projects that are sensitive from the get-go. It's always: burst through the door with a ridiculously overambitious plan, then scale back when the inevitable NIMBY explosion occurs.
When developers proposed a first-ever hotel on Abbot Kinney, they roared in with a design for a four-story, 92-room monolith that would have taken up an entire block. Neighbors (naturally) objected, and the project, still on the drawing board, has been scaled back. Even so, 14,600 square feet of existing commercial space will more than quadruple to 64,000.
A small side street near the heart of the Venice Beach Boardwalk, Market Street, is now home to the corporate headquarters of Snap Inc., parent company of Snapchat, the booming tech company that is out of place in a seaside town like Venice. The secretive company has snapped up all kinds of commercial and, some critics say, residential units across Venice for its growing workforce. A spokesman told the website Curbed LA that Snapchat was planning future growth outside of Venice and apologized "for any strain that our growth has placed on those who live and work here."
My irritation meter went into the red zone recently when I started noticing people wearing brown Canadian Mountie-style hats loitering on public sidewalks along Pacific Avenue and Market Street. The faux Mounties, it turns out, are Snap Inc.'s private security force, and the deserved target of local protests. If your workstation is a public sidewalk but your work does not involve selling handicrafts or asking for spare change, you need to go inside.
Be a good citizen, Snapchat. Don't just apologize. Disappear from Venice. You know, like one of those photos on your app.
More columns »
For more on politics »
robin.abcarian@latimes.com
Twitter: @AbcarianLAT
Vandals target coffee shop at center of anti-gentrification protest in Boyle Heights
A community in flux: Will Boyle Heights be ruined by one coffee shop?
As gentrification pushed blacks out of a seaside enclave, some used the Rodney King verdicts as an excuse to push back
In Venice, where money meets misery, hoping for an end to homeless camps
More from Robin Abcarian
Robin Abcarian is an opinion columnist at the Los Angeles Times. She writes about news, politics and culture. Her columns appear on Wednesday and Sunday. Twitter: @AbcarianLAT

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Although the company has been operating in the Derby area as Broadbents Solicitors for over 40 years, the roots can be traced all the way back to the 1790s, when the firm was originally called Wilson and Son. Upon Mortimer Wilson's passing in the 1950s, Blakeley and Booth purchased the firm and employed Geoffrey Broadbent to run the Alfreton office. It wasn't until the 1960s that Broadbent took over and renamed the firm to reflect his namesake, and since that moment, Broadbents Solicitors has continued to grow and shape its provisions around the Derby community, with a total of 3 offices situated in the local area.
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Organization, Consolidation and Presentation of Financial Statements [Abstract]
The terms "MBI" or the "Company", "we", "our" and "us" are used herein to refer to Moleculin Biotech, Inc. MBI is a clinical stage pharmaceutical company organized as a Delaware corporation in July 2015 to focus on the development of anti-cancer drug candidates, some of which are based on license agreements with The University of Texas System on behalf of the M.D. Anderson Cancer Center, which we refer to as MD Anderson.
We currently have four drug candidates representing three substantially different approaches to treating cancer. Liposomal Annamycin, which we refer to as Annamycin, is a chemotherapy designed to inhibit the replication of DNA of rapidly dividing cells. WP1122 is an inhibitor of glycolysis intended to cut of the fuel supply of tumor cells, which are often overly dependent on glycolysis as compared to healthy cells. And, finally, WP1066 and WP1220, have shown capability, in in vivo testing, of altering the cell signaling associated with tumors.
Annamycin is an anthracycline being studied for the treatment of relapsed or refractory acute myeloid leukemia, or AML. In August 2015, the Company acquired the rights and prior development data regarding Annamycin and the prior Annamycin investigative new drug application ("IND") with the U.S. Food and Drug Administration ("FDA"), including all trade secrets, know-how, confidential information and other intellectual property rights. Annamycin had been in clinical trials pursuant to an IND filed with the FDA by a prior drug developer, which was terminated when that developer ceased activity for financial reasons. Our review of that prior clinical data leads us to believe that Annamycin may have greater potential for efficacy and safety in relapsed or refractory AML patients than currently available therapies.
Because the prior developer of Annamycin allowed their IND to lapse, we were required to submit a new IND for continued clinical trials with Annamycin, which the FDA was allowed to proceed on September 22, 2017. The Company announced on October 3, 2017 that it had signed an agreement with a hospital in Poland to participate in this trial, which will be our first clinical site, assuming the receipt of regulatory approval in Poland. The data presented in our successful IND submission to FDA were submitted to Polish regulatory authorities on October 23, 2017, in support of our request for Clinical Trial Authorization ("CTA") in that country. Depending on the timing of the CTA approval, we could begin treating patients in a Phase I/II clinical trial, as early as late December of 2017. The Phase I dose-ranging portion of this trial is designed to establish a new Recommended Phase 2 Dosage, or RP2D, which we believe was not adequately explored in previous trials.
The Annamycin drug substance is no longer covered by any existing patent protection. On July 18, 2017, the Company announced that it had signed a new technology license agreement with MD Anderson Cancer Center based on new patent applications that the Company intends to file relating to Annamycin. These patent applications are related to the formulation, synthetic process and reconstitution related to our Annamycin drug product candidate, although there is no assurance that we will be successful in obtaining such patent protection.
On March 21, 2017, we received notice that the FDA had granted us Orphan Drug designation for Annamycin for the treatment of AML. Orphan Drug status could entitle us to market exclusivity of up to 7 and 10 years from the date of approval of a New Drug Application ("NDA") in the United States. If we obtain similar designation in the European Union ("EU"), we could be entitled to 10 years of market exclusivity there from the date of approval of a Marketing Authorization Application ("MAA") in the United States and the European Union ("EU"), respectively. Separately, the FDA may also grant market exclusivity of up to 5 years with the approval of an active moiety (a "new chemical entity," which we anticipate Annamycin would be), but there can be no assurance that such exclusivity will be granted.
Our other drug development projects relate to two distinct portfolios of small molecules, which we refer to as the WP1066 Portfolio, focused on the modulation of key oncogenic transcription factors involved in the progression of cancer, and the WP1122 Portfolio, a suite of molecules targeting the metabolic processes involved in cancer in general, and glioblastoma (the most common form of brain tumor) and pancreatic cancer in particular. We have been granted royalty-bearing, worldwide, exclusive licenses for the patent and technology rights related to our WP1066 Portfolio and WP1122 Portfolio drug technologies, as these patent rights are owned by MD Anderson.
During 2017, the Company announced the following progress on these two portfolios: 1) that it engaged a contract research organization ("CRO") to prepare for a proof-of-concept trial in Poland to study the Company's drug candidate WP1220 (part of the WP1066 portfolio described above) for the treatment of cutaneous T-cell lymphoma; 2) the Company entered into collaborative agreements with the University of Bergen in Norway to test WP1122 in combination with another drug in the treatment of brain tumors and separately to conduct further analysis on the capability of WP1066 to stimulate anti-tumor immune response: 3) the Company entered into an agreement with the Mayo Clinic to study WP1066 for the treatment of rare pediatric brain tumors: and 4) the Company agreed to assist MD Anderson in submitting an IND for the study of WP1066 in glioblastoma and melanoma that has metastasized to the brain, which MD Anderson filed on November 1, 2017.
In accordance with FASB ASC Topic 280, Segment Reporting, we view our operations and manage our business as principally one segment. As a result, the financial information disclosed herein represents all the material financial information related to our principal operating segment.
The entire disclosure for nature of business and liquidity.
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We are recruiting for a SEN school in the Wolverhampton area that are seeking an experienced Teaching assistant to work with them on a full-time basis ongoing.
The school we are working with are an exclusive client that are seeking an experienced SEN Teaching Assistant to work on a full-time basis. The school is fantastic in a wonderful setting, with amazing teachers with an abundance of knowledge and experience with a wide range of different needs. They work closely with Scott and Amy at Balfor ensuring smooth transitions for students and teaching assistants alike.
You will be working with KS1/KS2 pupils with ASD, SEMH, SEBD and challenging behavioural needs. For this role you will need to be able to provide support on a 1:1 basis. Ideally experience in a school setting is preferred.
The role will run on a full-time basis ongoing.


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Natural Appeal
By Andy Langer, Fri., March 12, 1999
Reckless Kelly
As is only appropriatefor the last Austin Music Awards presentation of the century, the 1998-99 show looks like it's going to be just a little different this year. Fear not: MC Paul Ray still has his gig, the backstage area will still be teaming with a wall-to-wall pit of confusion and schmoozing, and at least one award winner in a minor category will think the audience cares more about their acceptance speech than they actually do. Most importantly, the awards themselves will continue to recognize and reward what Austin Chronicle readers believe were last year's most important musical people, places, and things with the finest certificates Kinko's has to offer. For the 17th straight year, the Austin Music Awards will serve as the local music community's unofficial State of the Scene address.
Meg Hentges
So what's different? The entertainment. In the past, Awards show bills were specifically designed to celebrate the past year in Austin music. This year, however, the awards not only speak for 1998, they speak for 1999 as well -- and beyond. While virtually every artist on the bill short of Reckless Kelly could be described as "veterans" of the local music scene, every artist also looks poised to make 1999 the best year of their careers to date. In that respect, this year's Music Awards lineup makes good sense in that the show still serves as the official kick-off to South by Southwest, greeting out-of-town visitors with some of the best music Austin has to offer, but isn't it better form, given the nature of the music conference, to showcase the year ahead while also celebrating the year just past? We thought so.
Counter to said line of logic, let's start this Awards show music preview with some nostalgia. Four years ago, Meg Hentges was the unofficial voice of SXSW. After a tune from the former Two Nice Girls guitarist wound up on KNACK's Homegroan sampler, Austin's first commercial modern rock station added "This Kind of Love" to its regular playlist just in time for the festival. By week's end, Profile Records founder heard the song so many times on the radio, he decided Hentges would be his new BMG-distributed label's first rock signing. Two years later, Hentges did indeed sign to Robbins Records, a deal that only last month yielded the singer's major label debut, Brompton's Cocktail (see this issue's "SXSW Record Reviews"). For once, the promotional CD sticker doesn't lie; Brompton's Cocktail really is a well-crafted pop album "full of hooks, intelligence, and instant anthems." At the awards, expect Hentges to debut her new band and her new single, a fresh reading of "This Kind of Love."
Stephen Bruton
Both Jon Dee Graham and Stephen Bruton will be the first to tell you they're a bit too "well-aged" to have any plans for cracking modern rock playlists anytime soon, but both guitarists have just released albums on New West Records, anyway. Graham, a former True Believer who stepped out of the sideman shadows two years ago as the singer-songwriter's favorite singer-songwriter with his stunning Escape From Monster Island, returns to record stores next week with Summerland, another compelling collection of disturbing narratives and disquieting melodies. Just as well-written and performed is Bruton's first album in five years, Nothing but the Truth (see "SXSW Record Reviews"). Despite a résumé that includes credits with Bonnie Raitt, Kris Kristofferson, T-Bone Burnett, and Alejandro Escovedo, it's hard not to call this multiple-award-winner's latest set Bruton's best work to date. As the casual song-swapping combo the Resentments, Bruton and Graham are joined by two other local music scene vets, multi-instrumentalist Mambo John Treanor and Toni Price band mainstay Scrappy Jud Newcomb, who's won back-to-back "Best Acoustic Guitarist" awards and leads his own solo project, the Southbound Monarchs.
While the Resentments often toss good-natured barbs at each other as they trade songs, they may have met their match in Borscht Belt throwback and Texas Jewboy Kinky Friedman. The "Kinkstah," as his friends and enemies call him, has been writing songs and solving fictional crimes for nearly three decades, but is just now in the middle of a commercial resurgence. Last year, Friedman was in the marketplace with both Blast From the Past, a prequel to his previous 10 novels, and Pearls in the Snow, an all-star tribute to (who else?) himself with Friedman-penned tracks recorded by Willie Nelson, Dwight Yoakam, Tom Waits, and Lyle Lovett. While he hardly seems finished making the promotional rounds on either endeavor, Friedman's most recent enterprise was last week's "Goin' to the Dogs Bonefit," a charity concert for his Hill Country animal shelter, featuring performances from Jerry Jeff Walker, Robert Earl Keen, and a trio of Flatlanders (Joe Ely, Jimmie Dale Gilmore, and Butch Hancock). Precisely which of his celebrity friends might join Friedman for his Awards show set remains a mystery.
Since Friedman is expected to carry on the Awards show tradition of special unannounced musical guests, promoters have already revealed Reckless Kelly's surprise guest, Joe Ely. And that's all right; the Awards have a history of pairing like-minded artists, particularly upstarts and legends. The former, Reckless Kelly, moved to Austin in 1996 and earned their large and extremely faithful local following the old-fashioned way: relentless live play. A pair of releases, 1997's Millican and its live, acoustic followup from last year, had both alt.country fans and major labels excited about the band's promising blend of traditional country songwriting and not-so-traditional covers (AC/DC's "You Shook Me" and the Rugburns' "Ballad of Tommy and Marla"). As for Ely, he's perhaps the Awards Show participant that needs the least introduction. Nonetheless, it's worth noting that following 1998's Twistin' in the Wind and his role in the Grammy-winning Los Super Seven, 1999 looks like a busy year for Ely, what with the possible releases of his recent live Antone's recordings, a new studio set, and a much-rumored Highwayman collaboration with no less than Willie Nelson, Bob Dylan, and Bruce Springsteen.
Jon Dee Graham
With a new Best Buy television and in-store campaign in the works and another solid year of roadwork ahead of him, Davíd Garza is also looking at a busy 1999. Then again, Garza kept busy last year, releasing his Atlantic/Lava debut, This Euphoria, and touring with Ani DiFranco, Matchbox 20, Ben Harper, Fastball, and HORDE. Better yet, the album and all that live play has repositioned Garza locally into someone smart pop fans watch very carefully. The days when people made fun of Garza for the quirkiness of Twang-Twang Shock-a-Boom or his eight promising, but unfocused, pre-Atlantic albums are over. In fact, Garza's touring band, featuring drummer Michael Hale, bassist John Thomasson, and guitarist Jakob Schultz, is his most relentlessly rockin' live outfit yet.
Just as a rare local appearance from Garza ought to be a treat, getting a chance to see the Robison Family +1 is equally inviting. Despite their best efforts to distance themselves from each other's careers, few Austin musicians may be as closely associated as Kelly Willis, Bruce Robison, Charlie Robison, and Monte Warden. Warden and Willis go back nearly 10 years to the days of the Wagoneers and Kelly & the Fireballs, while the Robison brothers go back, well, quite a ways. As luck would have it, all four local artists are also supporting recent albums. While Willis' first full-length album in seven years, What I Deserve, came last month out to rave reviews both locally and nationally, her husband Bruce Robison is putting the finishing touches on his second release for Sony's Lucky Dog imprint, the tentatively titled Long Way Home From Anywhere. Meanwhile, Charlie Robison's Lucky Dog debut, 1998's Life of the Party, seems to just keep picking up more steam behind its first charting single, "Barlight." As for Warden, there's no denying the wealth of radio-ready material on his debut set for Asylum, A Stranger to Me Now. As all four take to the road in the coming months to promote their albums, it's clear the chances of any two of them -- let alone all four -- playing together anytime in the near future has grown entirely unlikely.
Right there, you have the natural appeal of the 1998-99 Austin Music Awards Show: It's a show you're not likely to see anywhere else or ever again. Hentges rarely plays locally and as Bruton and Graham tour, Resentments gigs will undoubtedly dry up as well. Almost by definition, whatever Kinky Friedman dreams up for his set will be nothing short of once-in-a-lifetime, and the pairing of Joe Ely and Reckless Kelly is just that -- a first. Add a road warrior like Garza, the opportunity to see the Robison family and Warden share a stage together -- plus awards honoring the best of '98 -- and you've got an Awards Show that celebrates the past, present, and future of Austin music. Of course, we should probably mention the one thing that hasn't changed and isn't likely to anytime soon: the Austin Music Awards still start at 7:55pm -- sharp.
left to right: Kinky Friedman, David Garza, Joe Ely.
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Immanuel Kant and Classical Liberalism
Kant's Hobbesian Side
Roderick T. Long • November 3, 2016 • Comments
I've previously discussed some of the ways in which Kant deviates from Lockean liberalism in a Rousseauvian direction. I now want to discuss some of Kant's deviations in a quite different direction: the Hobbesian one.
One of the crucial differences between Locke and Hobbes is that Hobbes sees cooperation, or at least anything approaching large-scale or long-term cooperation, as irrational, and consequently unstable, in the absence of government, since no one has any reason to cooperate unless they first have reason to expect the other party to cooperate as well, and this they cannot reasonably expect unless there is a state system in place to punish non-cooperators. Hence for Hobbes the state of nature is inevitably a state of war.
Locke, by contrast, thinks people have the capacity to recognize, and be motivated by, the moral law even when government is absent. Hence, while he has his own objections to the state of nature, Locke denies that it is necessarily a condition of violent conflict.
Given Kant's insistence that human beings do have the capacity to be motivated by duty alone,[1] one might expect him to side with Locke. And sometimes he seems to, as when he says that "[w]hat is opposed to a state of nature is not a condition that is social," for "in the state of nature, too, there can be societies compatible with rights …."[2]
But while cooperation in the state of nature may be possible, in Kant's view it is not rational. Given the pervasiveness of motives for predatory behavior (even though it is possible to resist those motives), we have no reason to cooperate until we first have evidence that the other party is cooperative, which without the state we can rarely have:
No one is bound to refrain from encroaching on what another possesses if the other gives him no equal assurance that he will observe the same restraint toward him. No one, therefore, need wait until he has learned by bitter experience of the other's contrary disposition; for what should bind him to wait till he has suffered a loss before he becomes prudent, when he can quite well perceive within himself the inclination of men generally to lord it over others as their master …. And it is not necessary to wait for actual hostility; one is authorized to use coercion against someone who already, by his nature, threatens him with coercion.[3]
In other words, Kant is saying that in the state of nature it's fine to initiate aggression, to make a preemptive strike against one's neighbor, because one's neighbor is a human being and so should be presumed guilty of aggressive intent until proven otherwise.
Notice that this Kantian position is essentially cribbed from Hobbes:
If a Covenant be made, wherein neither of the parties performe presently, but trust one another; in the condition of meer Nature, (which is a condition of Warre of every man against every man,) upon any reasonable suspition, it is Voyd: But if there be a common Power set over them both, with right and force sufficient to compell performance; it is not Voyd. For he that performeth first, has no assurance the other will performe after; because the bonds of words are too weak to bridle mens ambition, avarice, anger, and other Passions, without the feare of some coerceive Power; which in the condition of meer Nature, where all men are equall, and judges of the justnesse of their own fears, cannot possibly be supposed. And therfore he which performeth first, does but betray himselfe to his enemy; contrary to the Right (he can never abandon) of defending his life, and means of living. …[4]
The Lawes of Nature oblige in foro interno; that is to say, they bind to a desire they should take place: but in foro externo; that is, to the putting them in act, not alwayes. For he that should be modest, and tractable, and performe all he promises, in such time, and place, where no man els should do so, should but make himselfe a prey to others, and procure his own certain ruine, contrary to the ground of all Lawes of Nature, which tend to Natures preservation.[5]
In game-theoretic terms, Kant, like Hobbes, is advising us to keep defecting until the other party cooperates first. This is rather awkward for a theorist like Kant, who insists that we need to act only on maxims we can coherently universalize; after all, if everyone waits to cooperate until someone else makes the first move toward cooperation, then cooperation will never begin – a situation that would invalidate the Kantian imperative to leave the state of nature and set up a government, since setting up a government presumably requires cooperation. Robert Axelrod's advice to cooperate first,[6] while based on instrumental considerations, seems more "Kantian" in spirit than Kant's own position; and it's certainly easier to universalize.
Just as Kant underestimates the extent to which cooperation can (indeed must) exist prior to the state, he also overstates the extent to which cooperation under the state must be the product of political coercion. After all, as Étienne de la Boétie pointed out in the 16th century, and David Hume and William Godwin in the 18th, the fact that the ruled generally outnumber their rulers shows that some motive other than sheer force must explain the extent of civil obedience.[7]
Even when Kant acknowledges the possibility of social cooperation in the state of nature, he denies that there can be law without civil government: without established government "there can be societies compatible with rights … but no law."[8] And without law, rights in the state of nature are merely "provisional."[9]
Here Kant, as previously noted, has made the mistake of confusing law with legislation.[10] The existence of nonstate, spontaneously evolved legal systems is nowadays a commonplace of libertarian social theory.[11] Of course Kant might refuse to regard these systems as genuine forms of "law" – but on what grounds? That they are not the product of a social contract? But neither are those of the state. Of course Kant instructs us to posit that the state's laws originated in a social contract even though they did not; but why can't we likewise posit that nonstate legal systems so originated?
Worse yet, Kant's attempts to defend the rule of law actually undermine it, because in Kant's eyes the ruler must be above the law: "The civil union … cannot itself be called a society, for between the commander … and the subject … there is no partnership." ruler and ruled are "not fellow-members," since one is "subordinated to, not coordinated with the other," and only "those who are coordinate with one another" are "subject to common laws."[12] If the ruler of a civil state cannot be subject to laws in common with the regular citizens, in what sense can such a state embody the rule of law?
In his writings on international law, Kant urges rival states to enter into systems of federation with one another: "Each nation, for the sake of its own security, can and ought to demand of the others that they should enter along with it into a constitution, similar to the civil one, within which the rights of each should be secured."[13] But unlike the civil constitution, which sets up a state over individuals, the international constitution does not set up a super-state over states: "a federation of this sort would not be the same thing as an international state," since "every state involves a relation between a superior (the legislator) and an inferior," whereas an international federation is a relation among a "group of separate states which are not to be welded together as a unit,"[14] and is in fact a "voluntary coalition … that can be dissolved at any time."[15]
In short, when discussing international relations Kant contemplates the possibility of a legal system that unites parties who remain free and equal and not subordinated to any overarching state. Why couldn't such a relationship unite individuals rather than states? And why couldn't the entire panoply of nonstate legal systems constitute such a federation?[16]
Indeed, if it's true, as Kant says, that "every state involves a relation between a superior … and an inferior," one might wonder how a moral philosophy as devoted to respect for personhood as is Kant's could tolerate the existence of states. After all, as an "end in himself," Kant tells us, each human being "possesses a dignity," an "absolute inner worth," that makes each of us "exalted above any price" and thus entitled to "moral self-esteem" which bids us to stand up for ourselves. "Be no man's lackey," Kant advises. "Do not let others tread with impunity on your rights." There exists "a widespread propensity to servility in men," but "one who makes himself a worm cannot complain afterwards if people step on him."[17]
All this sounds good. Indeed, it sounds more than a little like Ayn Rand! But how can I respect you as a locus of priceless dignity if at the same time I regard you as my political subordinate, a legitimate object of my coercion? How can you respect yourself as a locus of priceless dignity if you regard me as your political superior, entitled to impose constraints on you that you have no corresponding right to impose on me? And how can a system of rights embody a "fully reciprocal use of coercion … consistent with everyone's freedom"[18] if some members of society have rights of coercion that are denied to others – as is implied in the Weberian definition of the state as a "monopoly on the legitimated use of physical force"[19]?
Thus while some strands of Kant's political thought lend themselves to authoritarianism, others point in the direction of free-market anarchism.
[1] Kant, Groundwork, p. 69.
[2] Kant, Doctrine of Right I, sec. 3.41, p. 121/306.
[3] Doctrine of Right I, sec. 3.42, p. 122/307; emphasis added.
[4] Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan I.xiv: http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/869#Hobbes_0161_386
[5] Leviathan I.xv: http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/869#Hobbes_0161_438
[6] Robert M. Axelrod, The Evolution of Cooperation, rev. ed. (New York: Basic Books, 2006).
[7] Étienne de la Boétie, The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude: http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/boetie-the-discourse-of-voluntary-ser…
David Hume, "Of the First Principles of Government": http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/704#lf0059_label_131
William Godwin, Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and its Influence on Morals and Happiness, 1st ed., II.4 (3rd ed., II.3): http://classicliberal.tripod.com/godwin/pj12.html
For elaboration, see Sheldon Richman, "Come and See the Anarchy Inherent in the System!," Center for a Stateless Society (22 October 2016): https://c4ss.org/content/46680
[9] Doctrine of Right I, sec II.1.15, p. 85/264.
[10] Friedrich A. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty: A New Statement of the Liberal Principles of Justice and Political Economy (London: Routledge, 2012).
[11] See, e.g., Tom W. Bell, "Polycentric Law," Humane Studies Review 7.1 (Winter 1991/92): http://osf1.gmu.edu/~ihs/w91issues.html
; Bruce L. Benson, The Enterprise of Law: Justice Without the State, 2nd ed. (Oakland CA: Independent Institute, 2011); Edward P. Stringham, ed., Anarchy and the Law: The Political Economy of Choice (New Brunswick NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2007); Stringham, Private Governance: Creating Order in Economic and Social Life (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015); Peter T. Leeson, Anarchy Unbound: Why Self-Governance Works Better Than You Think (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
[12] Doctrine of Right I, sec. 3.41, pp. 121-122/306-307.
[13] Immanuel Kant, Perpetual Peace, in H. S. Reiss, ed., and H. B. Nisbet, trans., Kant: Political Writings, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 102.
[14] Perpetual Peace, op. cit., p. 102.
[15] Doctrine of Right II.2.61, p. 156/351.
[16] For similar questions about John Rawls' theory of international relations, see Gary Chartier, Radicalizing Rawls: Global Justice and the Foundations of International Law (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).
[17] Kant, Doctrine of Virtue I.1.11-12, in Metaphysics of Morals, pp. 230-232/434-436.
[18] Doctrine of Right, Introduction E, p. 57/232; emphasis added.
[19] Max Weber, in Tony Waters and Dagmar Waters, eds. and trans., Weber's Rationalism and Modern Society (New York: Palgrave Books, 2015), p. 136.
Defending Kant's Classical Liberalism by Mark D. White
Mark D. White praises Immanuel Kant's political philosophy and recommends it to modern classical liberals. Kant's ethics has often been caricatured as one of rigid, unthinking duty, and also of absolute altruism; White rebuts both of these claims and insists that Kantian ethics gives individuals the space to exercise mature, thoughtful, contextually appropriate judgments. Kant's politics held that they should have the liberty to act on the products of their deliberation; political liberty, then, is a natural outgrowth of individual autonomy, or the capacity for reasoned self-rule.
Is Kant the Ideal Statement of Classical Liberalism? by Gregory Salmieri
Gregory Salmieri argues that Kant's duty-based ethics leaves no room for the pursuit of happiness considered as a good - and thus it leaves no room for individual rights. Moreover, an ethics of duty can coexist quite happily with an authoritarian regime, in that individual duties may still be observed even under authoritarianism. Salmieri also questions the cohesion of the classical liberal tradition overall, for while that includes many people with common interests and influences, their diverse philosophical foundations should not be forgotten, and it may prove that many of us are more adversaries of one another than we realize. Salmieri holds that while liberalism after Kant has accomplished a good deal, its work has been on flawed foundations.
Does Kant Have a Place in Classical Liberalism? by Stephen R. C. Hicks
Stephen R. C. Hicks argues that if our case for liberty comes from a mysterious other realm, then perhaps we have no case at all. He describes how this was true of Kant's idea of freedom, which proceeded from the noumenal realm — a realm whose very existence Hicks, like most others, denies. It should be little surprise, then, that Kant himself was a racist, a sexist, a foe of the "commercial spirit," an enemy of smallpox vaccines, and in many other key respects a proponent of human bondage. Kant's idea of freedom was otherworldly, and as a result, he held that freedom in this world can be restricted without doing any injury to the "true" freedom of the individuals in question. Beginning from this foundation and proceeding to classical liberalism is arbitrary and unwarranted.
Kant: Liberal, Illiberal, or Both? by Roderick T. Long
Roderick Long offers a complex view of Immanuel Kant, who emerges as more often liberal in principle than in practice. Kant approved of taxation, a welfare state, and even forced conscription; he opposed the right of revolution, opposed women's civic equality, and warmly supported capital punishment. One might always say that a person with Kant's fundamental principles should not have approved of these things, but the fact remains that Kant did. In Long's typology, liberalism can be imminent, in which it is concerned with the freedom of action in everyday life; or it can be vicarious, in which it is concerned with abstract social theory. He argues that Kant shows the influence of both Rousseau and Hobbes in tending toward vicarious liberalism, which makes him insensitive to the realities of state action and other forms of coercion.
Despite Complications and Inconsistencies, the Core of Kantian Ethics Is Classically Liberal by Mark D. White
Kant's Rousseauvian Theory of Property by Roderick T. Long
Kant versus Classical Liberal Justice by Stephen R. C. Hicks
How Kant's Flaws Are Misapplied Virtues by Roderick T. Long
Kant, "Kant," and White on Method by Stephen R. C. Hicks
Kant vs. White on Conflicts of Duty by Gregory Salmieri
Kant on the Political Use of Nonmoral Incentives by Roderick T. Long
Rational Cognition and Motivation in the Greeks, Kant, and Rand by Gregory Salmieri
Kant's Hobbesian Side by Roderick T. Long
Rational Animals, Productivity, and Constitutive Virtues by Roderick T. Long


Sherry Lou Studio | DIY & Fashion: DIY Washi Tape Clothespins // New Blog Name!
DIY Washi Tape Clothespins // New Blog Name!
STEP 2: Stick the clothespin onto the tape and cut!
Here's a super fun and easy way to dress up your clothespins! They're perfect for closing up party bags, presents, hanging photos, etc. I've recently been on a washi tape craze (cuz they're SO flippin' cute and colorful) and have been thinking up ideas of what I can do with all this tape. I'll definitely have more washi tape related DIY tutorials in the future.
On to a new topic... I've changed my blog name to Sherry Lou Studio Blog! Why? Because I'm planning on pursuing my dreams and opening up a shop at www.SherryLouStudio.com and I want this blog to not only continue to have fun DIY tutorials and outfit posts, but to also document my journey designing and hand making the clothes, pillows and other artsy items I sell. Sherry Lou Studio will also feature vintages clothes and artwork by undiscovered talented artists. I've been working on this project for a while now (on top of working a 9 to 5 job) and I'm almost ready to open the shop soon! This has been my dream since I was in diapers (because, yes, designing and e-commerce has been on my mind as a baby) and I've finally told myself "enough is enough," just DO IT. I hope everything I design and create will help make your life more enjoyable and fun, hence the new slogan "MAKE. LIFE. FUN."
I still work a 9 to 5 day job, cuz I kinda have to eat, but I'm super excited and thrilled to be doing this during my off time. I keep hearing over and over again if you really want something then you'll do anything to make it happen. No excuses. I could make a long list of excuses on why I can't do this, #1 being "I work a full-time job and am too tired after work to do anything." But I want to prove to myself that it's possible. I'm thankful for all of your continual support and for helping me believe in myself. Now let's get crafting and MAKE. LIFE. FUN!
These are great! I've made them before with ribbon but the pegs ended up a bit bulky. I'll have to give them a go with washi-tape!!
They look cute) You just wrap them up with a colorful tape and get cute stylish clothespins. I think it can be great choice when you need to decorate your room for a holiday, for example, but want to spent too much money on decorations. I think I can do such thing for Best Essay Contest at my school.