text:
from __future__ import unicode_literals

from django.db import migrations

class Migration(migrations.Migration):

    dependencies = [
        ('members', '0028_auto_20190219_1024'),
        ('members', '0028_merge_20190215_1441'),
    ]

    operations = [
    ]


NDA 020779 describes VIRACEPT, which is a drug marketed by Agouron Pharms and is included in three NDAs. It is available from four suppliers. Additional details are available on the VIRACEPT profile page.
The generic ingredient in VIRACEPT is nelfinavir mesylate. There are three drug master file entries for this compound. Four suppliers are listed for this compound. Additional details are available on the nelfinavir mesylate profile page.


text:
Why are black helicopters flying around the York College area? Don't be alarmed.
An aerial procedure will take place Monday and Tuesday.
Why are black helicopters flying around the York College area? Don't be alarmed. An aerial procedure will take place Monday and Tuesday. Check out this story on ydr.com: https://www.ydr.com/story/news/2019/02/04/helicopter-near-york-college-met-ed-perform-aerial-inspections/2765933002/
Jasmine Vaughn-Hall, York Daily Record Published 7:36 a.m. ET Feb. 4, 2019 | Updated 8:02 a.m. ET Feb. 4, 2019
If you notice a helicopter flying around the area of the York College campus early this week, there's no need to worry.
Met-Ed will be performing aerial inspections of utility lines in the area on Monday and Tuesday.
In some areas, the helicopter may hover in order to get clearer visuals. The helicopter will be a black, Hughes MD500 with tag N774CB.
Follow Jasmine on Twitter @jvaughn411.
More: Is it the flu or stomach flu? The two aren't the same
More: 'Nothing is ever going to be the same without her': Family remembers Masey Dacheux
Photos: Robotics competition brings 54 teams together for 'Rover Ruckus'
Penn State York hosted the South Central Pennsylvania Qualifier of the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
The robotics competition lasts two days and features 54 teams of middle and high school students, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
In the open ceremony, Tom Zawislak welcomes everyone to the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
The competition is held in the Joe and Rosie Ruhl Student Community Center at Penn State York, where two rings have been set up, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Before the each match starts, players secure their robots to the spaceship in their specific starting positions during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
At the start of each match, all four robots are hoisted off of the ground during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Competitors are tackling the "Rover Ruckus" challenge, which tests the strategy, robustness and character of the teams as they navigate the difficult tasks, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
The objective of the competition is to pick up the most "minerals and gold" and return them to the spaceship in the middle of the ring, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Refs like Dominic Pirocchi officiate the matches to ensure fairness during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Two drivers and a coach make up each three person team. They must work together closely to be successful during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Initially the robots run autonomously, but then students take control of them after a few seconds during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
This robot was built by the Academy of Notre Dame, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Each match is exactly 2 minutes and 30 seconds long, meaning teams have to scrabble to get as much done as they can in the allotted time, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Parents, fans and fellow competitors watch each match closely during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
The objective of the competition is to use robots, made by the students, to collect the most items and return them to the ship before time runs out, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Before robots are allowed in the ring, they must be inspected and cleared by officials at the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Flex Force 1 of Centre County sets up the robot controlling station for their next match during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Teams roll their robots around to avoid any accidental damage during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
The Manheim Township High School Blue Streaks give their robot one more inspection before taking it to the ring during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Every team has matching t-shirts that they wear with pride during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition at Penn State York, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Along with the matches, teams must give their robot designs, engineering notebooks and a summary of their outreach efforts off the field, to the judges as well during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
As the First Tech Challenge robotics competition goes on, more and more teams wheel their robots out to the main floor, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Teams are judged on sportsmanship, performance of their robots, completion of tasks, and a variety of other criteria during the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
The Silver Soldiers from Owen J. Roberts High School strategize before their match at the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
No two robots are the same at the First Tech Challenge robotics competition, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
After teams compete, they take their robots back to the locker rooms to talk over what just happened, February 2, 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
The five winning teams of the First Tech Challenge robotics competition Qualifiers receive trophies and advance to the Pennsylvania State Championship, held in March 2019. Cameron Clark, York Daily Record
Read or Share this story: https://www.ydr.com/story/news/2019/02/04/helicopter-near-york-college-met-ed-perform-aerial-inspections/2765933002/
Man found guilty of first-degree murder in shooting in York
4-year-old boys need 17 crowns, police say
York City responds to threat to shoot up school
Report investigates sexual abuse among the Amish
Pa. man steals more than $100K from Maryland nonprofit
Penn Waste sold to Canada's Waste Connections

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
British Political Control in South Asia
A number of factors interplayed to usher in and encourage the
establishment of British political control in south Asia. The collapsing
centralized political power, rivalry between European rivals and
Mughal`s neglect of some parts of India helped the British establish
control over India. The economic superiority of the British favored them
in the endeavor to exercise control over South Asia. The British navy
turned Indian factions against each other thus did not need to fight
hard to subdue them. This paper discusses these and other aspects of how
and why the British established political control in South Asia.
Trade was the main thing that attracted the British, alongside other
European powers, to South Asia. Incorporation of the British East India
Company was Britain`s first step upon arrival in India. In 1612 CE, a
war broke out between the British and the Portuguese in which Britain
won. After conquering Portugal, the British established a factory in
Surat after driving out the Portuguese. In 1618 CE, Sir Thomas Roe
received a permit to operate the factory authorized by Jahangir, the
Mughal Emperor. The British war with the Portuguese carried on till 1622
CE when Britain won Homruz over and toppled Portuguese rule in Oman.
This gave the British control over the routes of the Indian Ocean trade
(Bandyopadhyay, 2004).
British started by trading indigo in Sarkhej and gradually proceeded to
Agra and Coromandal Coast as the demand for the commodity increased.
They expanded their trade to accommodate Lahri Bandar that came from
Lahore and Multan and saltpetre coming from Bihar. As their trading
endeavor grew, they put up trading stations in Balasore, Orrisa, and
Hoogly, Bengal (Bose & Jalal, 2003). This trade made the Indian economy
boom with each progressive success. Indian merchants made it easy for
the British as the small profits that the British gave them were enough.
Gradually, the British started engaging Indian ships in the
transportation of their goods. Before long, the industry that built
Indian ships boomed and led to several effects.
One of these effects was the weakening of traditional Indian ties due
to the rise in prices of commodities. Greed and money-mindedness
preoccupied the members of the nobility making them exert unnecessary
demands on their subjects. The business of money lending emerged and the
lenders gained control of important affairs of leadership. They targeted
chieftains with an attempt to weaken and topple Mughal authority. This
endeavor attracted the British who had the hope of freeing themselves
from their dependence on the Mughals (Dirks, 2001). The goal of the
British was to secure trade interests through political control, and
bankers and moneylenders were their potential allies.
The British got access to places that the Mughal power could not reach.
They lured the chieftains with promises of luxuries, silver, and gold
thus gaining much influence over them. In 1611 CE, the influence helped
the British to open a factory in Masulipatnam (Deutschmann, 2011). In
1639 CE, they won favor with the local raja who gave them a lease of
Madras, and they built Fort St George. The Marathas threatened the Surat
British base due to their influence in the region. The British moved
their headquarters to Bombay after the Portuguese sold them the islands.
It was in 1686 CE that the British felt strong enough to launch a war
against the Mughal leadership (Sarkar, 2004).
Emperor Aurangazeb fought back at the British and defeated them and
confiscated their factories located in Masulipatnam, Visakapatnam and
Surat. The British pleaded for pardon after the Emperor took siege of
Bombay. Emperor Aurangazeb pardoned them but fined them so as to
continue ripping the economic benefits that came from British trade. In
1691CE, the British approached the emperor, and he granted them
Govindpur, Kalikata and Sutanati. After receiving these villages, the
British built fort Williams that later became Calcutta. For a good
period, Emperor Aurangazeb managed to regulate the activities of the
British and those of moneylenders.
He died in 1707, and his successor, Emperor Farrukh Siyar, lacked his
courage and resolve. This is manifests in the emperor`s decision to
confirm the privileges given to the British in 1659. He did not stop at
that but proceeded to extend them to Deccan and Gujarat. As this
happened, Alivardi Khan and Murshid Quli Khan, strong Nawabs seized
Bengal. The Nawabs introduced strict control on the British and the East
India Company. In other parts of India, the French endeavored to put up
their trading posts so as to have a share of the Indian trade. The
French discovered the lack of political control in the south India and
endeavored to fill the gap (Johnson and Johnson, 2008).
The French tricked Indian prices and they turned against each other
thus getting time to amass territorial, commercial, and monetary favors
from the one who won. This challenged the British to deal with the
Indians in the same way so as to counter French influence. The British
triumphed in the Anglo-French war supported by the resources they
obtained from Bengal. The collapse of the Mughal Empire and the defeat
of the French gave the British a gateway into political supremacy.
Consequently, the British controlled activities in Bengal and defied the
rules of the Nawab Siraj ud Dawlah. Eventually, the British ceased
paying taxes to the Nawabs and instead, they levied duties on the
commodities coming into Calcutta (Bandyopadhyay, 2004).
The East India Company strengthened the walls of Calcutta and did not
stop when ordered so by the Nawabs. Fearing for the loss of control,
Siraj ud Dawlah took siege of British factory located in Kasimbazar and
occupied fort William and the city of Calcutta. The British fled and
plotted on how to regain their control over the Indians. They won over
prominent Nawabs including Manik Chand, Mir Bakshi and Mir Jafar who
controlled the Nawab courts. The British got funding from rich Indian
merchants including Jagat Seth (Bose & Jalal, 2003). In 1757, the
British fought the opposing Indian emperor and emerged victorious after
capturing and killing Siraj ud Dawlah. Mir Jafar rose to leadership, but
he gave up after seeing the difficulty of fulfilling the demands of the
British.
The reign of Mir Jafar`s successor was short-lived because the British
overthrew him after he attempted to control their influence. British
victory in the war between the East India Company`s army and the Nawab
of Awadh confirmed the strength of the political control in India. They
continued to expand their reign to many parts of India using treachery.
The governor general who reigned over the British Empire between 1798
and 1805 used two methods. One of these methods is outright wars where
he forced the losers to submit to the British (Dirks, 2001). Subsidiary
alliance involved Indian rulers posting British residents without
negotiating with other rulers. Using subsidiary alliance, the British
promised protection to those rulers who cooperated. The idea helped the
British disband local armies and empower their army with funding from
Indian rulers (Sarkar, 2004).
The East India Company reckoned the cost involved in maintaining a
large army that would suffice the need to maintain order in South Asia.
Besides the challenge of the cost, the existence of two armies proved to
be a challenge. The British government ran one of the armies and the
East India Company ran the other. The East India Company faced a couple
of challenges including the lack of a mechanism of punishing soldiers in
martial courts. The company also lacked the ability to recruit more
members into the army on a wide scale (Deutschmann, 2011). The British
government restricted the capacity of the company to enlarge their
armies. The company decided to recruit Indians into the military and
train them without telling the British government. The company called
the native Indian soldiers sepoys.
The East India Company made the entry into military service open and
voluntary to native Indians. The Indians joined military service due to
economic reasons such as failure of crops and difficulty in earning a
decent living. The company gave its soldiers more that what civilians
could afford including good food, clothing and shelter. Soldiers
interested in making a career got a chance to advance in both payment
and rank. The company encouraged sensitivity to religion and culture of
native Indian soldiers. It allowed sepoys the time and freedom to
participate in religious activities (Johnson and Johnson, 2008). The
company required British officers in charge of sepoys to have knowledge
of the cultural backgrounds of their soldiers.
These officers toured the regions of origin of the soldiers and took
the time to learn their culture and religion. Some participated in the
religious activities so as to understand the religious beliefs of their
soldiers. The sepoys cooperated and proved reliable and trustworthy
until they rebelled in 1875. The British government noted that the
recruitment of sepoys into the military was dangerous and could enable
them fight against the British. With this knowledge, the British
government took way the power of East Indian Company to have armies.
This gave the government direct and sole control of military power in
India (Knight, 2012). The government formed the Peel Commission helped
minimize the ratio of native Indian soldiers to British soldiers. The
British maintained a strong army even after establishing firm political
control over India.
In conclusion, there are things that encouraged the British to conquer
South Asia and exert political supremacy in the region. The progress of
British East India Company in India preceded the interests of the
British government in the region. The gullibility of the Indians helped
the British, and other interested forces to turn them against each
other. The success of the British in trade gave them an advantage in the
endeavor to exert political control in South Asia. The British used this
strategy to weaken the Mughal Emperor and establish their influence
among the nobility. The army formed by the East India Company helped the
British in battles and fortified the endeavor of the British. The
British government thwarted the rise of any opposing forces using many
strategies. These strategies include outright wars, subsidiary alliance
and treachery. Despite the Sepoy Rebellion and a number of other threats
to expansion, the British managed to establish their rule over East
Asia.
Bandyopadhyay, S. (2004). From Plassey to partition: A history of modern
India. New Delhi: Orient Longman.
Bose, S., & Jalal, A. (2003). Modern South Asia: History, culture,
political economy. New York: Routledge.
. München: GRIN Verlag GmbH.
Dirks, N. B. (2001). Castes of mind: Colonialism and the making of
modern India. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press.
Knight, L. (2012). Britain in India, 1858-1947. London: Anthem Press.
Sarkar, S. (2004). Modern India. New Delhi: Macmillan.
BRITISH POLITICAL CONTROL IN SOUTH ASIA	PAGE * MERGEFORMAT 7
BRITISH POLITICAL CONTROL IN SOUTH ASIA PAGE *
MERGEFORMAT 1
Causes and effects of economic growth in China and India
China and North Korea military Foreign Policy
Wal-Mart in India
Indian-Pakistan conflict
PROJECT PROPOSAL Project Proposal
← ASYMMETRICAL LATERAL BRAIN VENTRICLES
Tesla Motors # 1 →


text:
La frontière entre la Bulgarie la Macédoine du Nord est la frontière terrestre séparant la Bulgarie et la Macédoine du Nord. Au nord elle part du tripoint entre la Bulgarie, la Serbie et la Macédoine du Nord en direction du sud-ouest à travers le massif de Velbăžd (1193 m) et du Deve Bair (1192 m) à l'ouest de la ville de Djouchevo (en Bulgarie). Elle passe par le pic Rujen (2256 m d'altitude) et la plaine d'Osogovo. À la passe de Delčevski (1302 m) dans le massif de Vlahina (à l'ouest de Blagoevgrad en Bulgarie), le tracé prend la direction du sud passant par le sommet de Cinghina (1744 m) et par la plaine de Malechevska. Dans la vallée de l'Ograżden, le tracé traverse la rivière Stroumitsa pour arriver au tripont entre la Macédoine du Nord, la Bulgarie et la Grèce au mont Tumba (1880 m) dans le massif de Belachitsa.

Voir Aussi

Macedoine du Nord
Bulgarie
Macedoine du Nord

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
University of Baghdad celebrates its entry into THE World University Rankings 2019
University of Baghdad celebrated its great global scientific achievement by entering THE World University Rankings 2019 for best international universities under the patronage of His Excellency Minister of higher education and scientific research Prof. Dr. Abdul Razaq Al-Eisa in the presence of a number of university presidents and deans of Iraqi government and private colleges. In his speech, His Excellency al-Essa congratulated our university on this occasion as a catalyst for the advancement of other Iraqi universities and as the result of fruitful cooperation between University of Baghdad and the ministry. On the one hand the president of University of Baghdad Prof. Dr. Abdul Hussein expressed appreciation for the support provided by the ministry for universities in this quest. The ceremony included a brief lecture delivered by Associate Rector for scientific affairs Assistant Prof. Dr. Osama Fadel Abdul Latif on international scientific indicators required for higher education rankings. The ceremony was concluded with honoring Rector of University of Baghdad with a shield of excellence.
Lecturer from the college of dentistry gets a patent from UK
University of Baghdad announces a competition for entrepreneurship in cooperation with German Organization for International Cooperation (GIZ) for students


text:
Supporting parents creates a more gender equal society
Last Monday I joined tens of thousands of women and men to demand an end to violence against women and to challenge leaders to commit to building a gender equal society. It was amazing to see huge crowds gather in Melbourne, Sydney, Perth, Brisbane, Alice Springs, Nowra, Orange, Newcastle, Shearwater and so many other cities and communities around the country.
Australians came out in droves to say enough is enough. The treatment of women in this country is not good enough.
Gender inequality is not good enough and reforming policies affecting parents and families is essential to closing the gender gap. Parenting is a fundamental, invaluable, undertaking and yet parenting policies remain fragmented and inadequate in this country. There is no unifying strategy when it comes to early childhood education and care, paid parental leave, perinatal health, gender reporting and taxation - and it is mostly women who bear the brunt of the inadequate support.
- Did you know that Australia's paid parental leave scheme is one of the shortest and least generous in the world?
- Did you know that fees for early childhood education are among the highest in the world?
- Did you know that Australian women are the best educated women in the world, but that female workforce participation is one of the lowest among OECD and EU countries?
Australia needs a holistic approach to supporting parents from pre-conception, birth, infancy, and beyond. We need a coordinated framework of best practice parenting policies as outlined in our latest report:
1. Universal health and wellbeing support for parents and children through pregnancy and the early years;
2. A parental leave scheme that provides one year of paid leave to be equally shared between both parents;
3. Free and high-quality ECEC for all families; and
4. Flexible and supportive workplaces with universal access to paid carers' leave for sick children.
If you support this please sign our petition calling on Prime Minister Scott Morrison to do better for Australian parents. Supporting parents will not only benefit children but it will help create a more gender equal society.
Let's seize this moment and make Australia the best place in the world to be a parent.


text:
WBCA-LP (102.9 FM) is a low power radio station (LPFM) in Boston, Massachusetts. The station operates as a partnership of the Boston Neighborhood Network and the city of Boston.

History
In 2013, for the first time in ten years, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) opened applications for LPFM radio licenses to community and civic organizations. The City of Boston applied for the license to provide a source of news and information to Boston residents, including public safety programming and any local or regional emergency information. Boston was granted a license-to-construct permit in 2015 for a new FCC LPFM radio station.

Timeshare
Because multiple qualified community organizations applied for the one available LPFM license for the Boston market, a sharing agreement was created under FCC guidelines. WBCA-LP uses 102.9 MHz from 6 p.m. to 2 a.m.; Lasell College operates WLAS-LP from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m., and Global Ministries Christian Church operates WBPG-LP from 2 a.m. to 10 a.m.

External links

BCA-LP
BCA-LP
Radio stations established in 2016
2016 establishments in Massachusetts
Community radio stations in the United States


text:
GCR revises West Coast District Municipality's Issuer ratings to A/A1(ZA) on criteria change. Outlook Stable.
Announcements Public Sector Rating Alerts
Rating Action
Johannesburg, 20 December 2019 – GCR Ratings ("GCR") has revised West Coast District Municipality's National Scale Long Term and Short Term Issuer Credit ratings to A(ZA) and A1(ZA), from A-(ZA) and A1-(ZA), respectively, with a Stable Outlook affirmed.
Rated Entity / Issue Rating class Rating scale Rating Outlook / Watch
West Coast District Municipality Issuer Long Term National A(ZA) Stable Outlook
Issuer Short Term National A1(ZA)
GCR announced that it had released new ratings framework in May 2019. Consequently, the ratings for West Coast District Municipality were placed 'Under Criteria Observation'. GCR finalised the review for West Coast District Municipality under the Criteria for Local and Regional Governments, released in June 2019. As a result, the West Coast District Municipality ratings have been reviewed in line with the new rating methodology and subsequently removed from 'Under Criteria Observation'.
Summary rating rationale
West Coast District Municipality's ("WCDM, "the District") ratings are underpinned by its strong financial profile, supported by its net ungeared position and substantial cash holdings. Constraining the ratings somewhat is the high reliance on grant income funding.
WCDM has a fairly small population and regional economy. Nevertheless, economic activity is diverse encompassing manufacturing, agriculture and tourism industries, which continue to support the district's GDP (Gross Domestic Product) growth above national statistics. Positively, WCDM reports a low unemployment rate of 11%, compared to the 29% national average, with socio-economic indicators broadly in line with the national average. That said, the district continues to seek ways to strengthen economic diversification and growth, but meaningful improvement will only be achieved in the longer term.
GCR considers the district operating structure in South Africa to be an inherent rating weakness. This is because WCDM continues to be significantly reliant on grant funding, which has tracked inflation since FY18 (with FY20 and FY21 indicating the same trend), albeit some internally generated revenue is positive noted. Conversely, operating costs have been increasing faster than inflation, attributable to staff costs which now account for c.47% of expenditure. Overall operating expenditure accounts for 99.4% of total annual spend, reducing resources for capital implementation. As grant funding growth is projected to remain relatively low amidst the weaker national fiscal position, this trend is likely to continue. While GCR positively notes the WCDM's initiatives and efforts to diversify its income sources, this will only likely to materialise in the medium to long term.
Capex implementation has been well above average of 90% of budget in the review period, which is positively viewed in light of WCDM'S core mandate, as is the long track record of clean audit outcomes.
Positively contributing to the ratings is the district's robust financial profile. WCDM continues to follow a very conservative financial policy, with debt having been amortised over the review period to a low R27m at FY19 (FY18: R40m). Notwithstanding a potential R65m in new debt to fund some projects, the district will remain in a strong net cash position. Counterbalancing the strong leverage is the limited demonstrated access to external funding, albeit management have indicated there is strong demand from the private sector to fund the proposed new debt.
The strong liquidity profile is supported by unencumbered cash holdings of R307m (FY18: R270m). Consequently, unencumbered cash coverage remained high, at 296 days in FY19 (FY18: 289 days), and comfortably covers all debt redemption and capex requirements. While a decreasing trend in unencumbered cash days on hand is projected in the medium term as more internal cash is used for project implementation, liquidity is expected to remain robust.
Outlook statement
The Stable Outlook reflects the view that WCDM's credit risk profile will continue to be supported by the large cash balance and conservative leverage.
Rating triggers
WCDM's ratings are at the typical upper limit for South African district municipalities, with further progression unlikely unless there is a fundamental change in the district's operating structure. Conversely, an unexpected increase in debt could likely see gearing levels rise above historical levels which could negatively impact the ratings.
Primary analyst Eyal Shevel Sector Head: Corporate and Public Sector
Johannesburg, ZA shevel@GCRratings.com +27 11 784 1771
Secondary analyst Alan Mananga Associate Analyst: Corporate and Public Sector
Johannesburg, ZA alanm@GCRratings.com +27 11 784 1771
Committee chair Yohan Assous Sector Head: Structured Finance
Johannesburg, ZA yohan@GCRratings.com +27 11 784 1771
Related Criteria and Research
Criteria for the GCR Ratings Framework, May 2019
Criteria for Rating Local and Regional Governments, June 2019
GCR Country Risk Scores, June 2019
West Coast District Municipality
Rating class Review Rating scale Rating Outlook/Watch Date
Issuer Long Term Initial National A-(ZA) Stable Dec 2007
Issuer Short Term National A1-(ZA)
Issuer Long Term Last National A-(ZA) Stable Dec 2018
Risk Score Summary
Risk score 14.50
Operating environment 15.00
Country risk score 15.00
Adjustments 0.00
Business profile -4.50
LRG Profile -3.00
Operating Performance -1.50
Management and governance 0.00
Financial profile 4.00
Leverage & Capital Structure 2.00
Funding & Liquidity 2.00
Comparative profile 0.00
Government support 0.00
Peer comparison 0.00
Capital Markets The part of a financial system concerned with raising capital by dealing in shares, bonds, and other long-term debt securities.
Country Risk The range of risks emerging from the political, legal, economic and social conditions of a country that have adverse consequences affecting investors and creditors with exposure to the country, and may also include negative effects on financial institutions and borrowers in the country.
Credit Rating See GCR Rating Scales, Symbols and Definitions.
Downgrade The rating has been lowered on its specific scale.
DMTN Domestic Medium Term Notes.
Issuer Ratings See GCR Rating Scales, Symbols and Definitions.
Issuer The party indebted or the person making repayments for its borrowings.
Leverage With regard to corporate analysis, leverage (or gearing) refers to the extent to which a company is funded by debt.
Liquidity The speed at which assets can be converted to cash. It can also refer to the ability of a company to service its debt obligations due to the presence of liquid assets such as cash and its equivalents. Market liquidity refers to the ease with which a security can be bought or sold quickly and in large volumes without substantially affecting the market price.
Operating Cash Flow An entity's net cash position over a given period, i.e. money received from customers minus payments to suppliers and staff, administration expenses, interest payments and taxes.
Rating Horizon The rating outlook period, typically a period of 18-24 months.
Rating Outlook See GCR Rating Scales, Symbols and Definitions.
Risk The chance of future uncertainty (i.e. deviation from expected earnings or an expected outcome) that will have an impact on objectives.
Short Term Current; ordinarily less than one year.
Upgrade The rating has been raised on its specific scale.
Working Capital Working capital usually refers to the resources that a company uses to finance day-to-day operations. Changes in working capital are assessed to explain movements in debt and cash balances.
Salient Points of Accorded Ratings
GCR affirms that a.) no part of the rating process was influenced by any other business activities of the credit rating agency; b.) the ratings were based solely on the merits of the rated entity, security or financial instrument being rated; c.) such ratings were an independent evaluation of the risks and merits of the rated entity, security or financial instrument; and d.) the validity of the rating is for a maximum of 12 months, or earlier as indicated by the applicable credit rating document.
The credit ratings have been disclosed to West Coast District Municipality. The ratings above were solicited by, or on behalf of, the rated entity, and therefore, GCR has been compensated for the provision of the ratings.
West Coast District Municipality participated in the rating process via face-to-face management meetings, teleconferences and other written correspondence. Furthermore, the quality of information received was considered adequate and has been independently verified where possible. The information received from West Coast District Municipality and other reliable third parties to accord the credit ratings included:
The unaudited financial results up to 30 June 2019
Four years of comparative audited numbers
Budget reports to the 2021/22 fiscal year
The Integrated Development Plan, 2019/20 review


It's spring training time! Get 20% off your bill when you bring in your ticket stub from that day's game. * some restrictions apply… for example, our lunch specials are already amazingly cheap… $4.99 for 1 item, rice, beans, a soda, AND chips and salsa.
1. Delicious by Aldu Dominican Cuisine (Gilbert, AZ) . Nice and clean, the food is super good…. read more. 2. The Spicery in Our 1895 Home (Glendale, AZ) . Great food, excellent service.
Cheap Golf Cart Batteries In Mesa Az 12 Volt Battery For Camping Equipment. Cheap Golf Cart Batteries In Mesa Az Used Car Battery Drop Off locations car battery Group Size H5 12 Volt Battery Motor Car Louisiana LA Bmw Car Battery Charger Solar power has been scoffed at in the past.
Best Dining in Mesa, Central Arizona: See 24,998 TripAdvisor traveler reviews of 1,117 Mesa restaurants and search by cuisine, price, location, and more.


text:
NEWSiNi
Turkish court sentences leaders of 2016 attempted coup to life in jail
Nov 26, 2020 08:00 pm News 75
A Turkish court sentenced leaders of a 2016 attempted coup to life in jail on Thursday, convicting hundreds of army officers, pilots and civilians over a failed bid to topple President Recep Tayyip Erdogan directed from an air base near the capital Ankara.
More than 250 people were killed in the July 15, 2016, coup attempt when rogue soldiers commandeered warplanes, helicopters and tanks to take control of institutions and overthrow Erdogan's government.
The trial of nearly 500 defendants was the highest profile of dozens of court cases targeting thousands of people accused of involvement in the coup attempt, which Ankara blamed on supporters of the U.S.-based Muslim preacher Fethullah Gulen. He has denied having any role.
Based at the Akinci air base, the defendants were accused of directing the coup and bombing government buildings, including parliament, and attempting to kill Erdogan. Many of the military commanders involved have already been sentenced to life in jail.
"The treacherous network which rained bombs on parliament, the presidency and our people was convicted again before justice and our nation," said Omer Celik, Erdogan's AK Party spokesperson.
"It is continuing to organize every kind of treachery in various countries to harm Turkey," he wrote on Twitter. "Our battle with putchist terrorism will continue."
475 people on trial
Four ringleaders, dubbed "civilian imams" over their ties to Gulen's network, were among 19 defendants who received 79 aggravated life sentences for charges of attempting to assassinate the president, murder and seeking to overthrow the constitutional order, state-owned Anadolu news agency said.
F-16 pilots who carried out attacks were also among those given aggravated life sentences — the severest punishment in Turkish courts — meaning there is no possibility of parole.
People react near a military vehicle during the attempted coup in Ankara in 2016. More than 250 people were killed in the coup attempt. (Tumay Berkin/Reuters)
Most of the other defendants also received life sentences, while 19 were jailed for aiding the coup and 41 for terrorist group membership. Seventy people were acquitted, Anadolu said.
Turkey's then-military chief and now Defence Minister Hulusi Akar and other commanders were held captive for several hours at the base on the night of the coup. A total of 475 people were on trial, 365 of them in custody.
Sustained crackdown
The 79-year-old cleric Gulen, who was once an ally of Erdogan and has denied any role in the coup, was one of six defendants being tried in absentia. Their dossiers were separated from the main trial, media reports said.
The government declared a state of emergency in Turkey — a NATO member and candidate for European Union membership — after the failed coup and carried out a large-scale crackdown that alarmed Ankara's Western allies.
Some 292,000 people have been detained over alleged links to Gulen, nearly 100,000 of them jailed pending trial, Anadolu cited Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu as saying.
Some 150,000 civil servants were sacked or suspended after the coup, with some 20,000 expelled from the military. Courts have handed down more than 2,500 life sentences.
Four years on, police operations targeting suspects accused of links to Gulen continue on a regular basis.
The government has said the crackdown was needed given the security challenges that Turkey has faced to root out a network of Gulen supporters deeply embedded in the state apparatus.
turkish court sentences leaders attempted
Read The Rest at
Matthew Perry engaged to literary manager Molly...
TikTok Users Can Now Auto-Skip Videos That...
I Will Not Apologize For The Wonderful Life I...
Why Getting Divorced In My 20s Was The Biggest...
What Trump's Life Will Really Be Like After the...
"This Could Literally Save A Life": TikTok User...
Samsung heir Jay Y. Lee is going back to jail...
Betty White turns 99 and celebrates her...
Get daily news updates right into your inbox!
The Same Artist Who Makes People Cry With Her Animal Comics Released A New One About An "Ugly" Dog That Nobody Wants
2 Social Media Platforms See 73% Drop In Election...
3 Chilling Adventures Of Sabrina's Kiernan Shipka Gives...
4 5 Upbeat Music Businesses You Can Start This Year
5 People Are Sharing Their Favorite Theories About...
6 Over 400 fines issued by An Garda Síochána for...
7 I Will Not Apologize For The Wonderful Life I Portray On...
8 David Richardson Dies: 'The Simpsons', 'Two and a Half...
9 Film & TV No Longer Exempt From UK Travel...
10 Another New Covid-19 Variant In Discovered In L.A. May Be...
All Rights Reserved Latest News Search - Top Stories - NEWSiNi


text:
Tag / 2RN
May 10, 2021 by irishmediahistory
Radio Sets – Technology or Furniture?
radio, technology, Uncategorized
2RN, Dixon & Hempenstall, Ethophone V, HMV, JJ Walsh, Murphy Radio, Wireless Exhibition
If the Irish Free State was to fully participate in the radio age, then its citizens would of course need to own radios. This was in itself a new departure in mass media, given that print culture required no special technology in order to participate (although it did require the special skill of literacy, but that had of course become largely taken for granted by the 20thC). In this sense, the arrival of broadcast media had more in common, for its first generation of users, with the arrival of recorded music their parents' generation had experienced twenty or thirty years earlier, because it also required the purchase of expensive and perhaps rather intimidating new technology. The gradual spread of gramophones through middle-class homes from the 1890s (when many department stores, including Arnotts and Pims in Dublin for example, began advertising and selling them) may well have helped to prepare the Irish public for the arrival of radio sets as new media technologies for their homes.
Nevertheless, radios were expensive consumer goods in the 1920s, and there was clearly an understanding among all those involved in establishing Irish national broadcasting that persuading a sufficient proportion of the population to buy a set was a necessary part of radio culture taking hold in the country. This was perhaps most immediately true of the retailers who initially committed to selling radios, and who could be seen in the mid-1920s working hard to establish them as desirable consumer goods. Of course the cheapest way to acquire a radio was to build it yourself, as the component parts were relatively inexpensive, especially for the more basic crystal sets of the early 1920s. The pages of the Irish Radio Journal were full of advertisements for fuses and valves, appealing to this market of early adopters. However, the number of people with the skill or interest to build their own radios was finite, and if the medium was to expand into the wider population, then they needed to be persuaded to buy a fully-constructed radio from a retailer.
It is noticeable that the range and variety of retail radios being advertised to Irish consumers increased from the start of 1924, once the BBC's programmes were already within range and the country waited for 2RN to begin broadcasting, reflecting an expansion of interest among the general public. And some retailers used imaginative means to promote the new technology. As early as March 1924, the opticians Dixon & Hempenstall (who had branched into selling radios as soon as they arrived on the Irish market) imported a delivery van whose chassis was an exact replica of the Ethophone V model of radio they were then currently selling for the eye-watering price of £37 10/- in their shop. It drove around the streets of Dublin with speakers attached to its roof, replaying radio broadcasts to passers-by as a taste of what they could experience at home if they purchased a radio.
Looking at advertisements and feature articles for radios during the 1920s and 1930s, you can clearly see that their design rapidly developed its own aesthetic, and one which carefully negotiated both the excitement and anxiety involved for many purchasers in introducing a completely new form of technology into their homes. This era was one which – in tandem with the spread of electrification into middle-class suburban homes – saw a great many new domestic appliances arriving in Irish homes. The wonderful ESB archive for example shows many advertisements for electric cookers, irons, and fridges for sale via its showrooms during these years. These were however all kitchen technologies, and as the idea of 'domestic science' took hold as a method for creating more efficient and comfortable homes, technological kitchens were readily accepted (especially as these appliances which were easier and cleaner to use than old kitchen ranges and fires). The gramophone and then the radio were, however, the first technologies to invade living-rooms, traditionally a soft-furnished sanctuary from such signs of industrialisation and modernity. Both of these technologies – but especially the radio – insinuated themselves into living-rooms by disguising themselves as furniture, their valves and wiring invisible inside walnut and mahogany cabinets of varying size depending on how upmarket a model the consumer could afford. Smaller sets sat on table tops like polished wooden workboxes, larger ones were free-standing cabinets the size of a chest of drawers. If the cutting-edge technology was hidden away, it was in the lines and patterns of their cabinets that radios embraced modernity – they typically displayed the sleek lines and bold patterns of art deco design, and may well have been the first example of modernist design into many Irish homes. In 1934 for example Pim's department store in Dublin were advertising 'table' and 'console' models of Murphy radios for just over £20 and £24 respectively, each displaying only a few discreet controls and one small dial on the face of bold contrasted wood cabinets which were made of 'walnut and bird's-eye maple'. At the same time HMV were marketing combined radio-gramophones for £31, disguised in cabinets of dramatic art deco inlaid marquetry. Even the Irish state recognised these radios as furniture, as indicated by a 1925 letter to the Evening Herald, complaining that imported radios were taxed at a rate of 33% precisely because 'being enclosed in wooden cases they will be classed as furniture'. This made radios very heavily-taxed consumer items indeed, given that buyers were also expected to buy a £1 annual license, the revenue from which was theoretically used to pay for the running costs of 2RN and 6CK. In actual fact of course, non-payment of licenses was an issue from the very start. Richard Pine's excellent history of the early years of 2RN cites an estimation from 1926 that while there were 10,000 sets in the country there were only 3,000 licenses. Even after the license fee was dropped to 10/- the following year and the number of radios had reached 25,000, only approximately three-quarters of those owners had a license.
The spread of radio ownership during the 1920s and beyond was therefore affected by the cost of sets themselves. However from relatively early on, radio manufacturers began producing a wide range of models so that the market became very stratified and allowed 'budget' models for those with much more limited income. To take just one example, by 1937 Philco were boasting that they offered 24 different models, the cheapest of which was £7 15/- and was branded as a 'People's Set' because of its relative affordability (it is important to stress that this was still a considerable expense to most households). However, there were other impediments to the spread of radio across all of Ireland, most significantly the lack of electricity in most rural homes until well after WWII. Electricity spread fairly swiftly through middle-class homes in cities and towns after the founding of the ESB in 1927 but even then what it meant to 'have electricity' might often have meant only lighting and a couple of sockets. The villages and cottages who had been spoken of by officials in the run-up to 2RN's launch as being the main beneficiaries of Irish broadcasting because of the improving effect it would have on country life frequently had no electricity in their homes until the late 1950s. For this reason, 'wet battery' sets which could be recharged (a service often offered by local garages) were crucial to the spread of radio across rural Ireland, and it is significant that Philco's relatively cheap 'People's Set' was itself a wet battery model.
Although we have come to think of domestic media such as radios and televisions as being for private family use, this was frequently not initially the case, precisely because of their costliness. Edward Brennan's social history of television's arrival in Ireland during the late 1950s and early 1960s includes many memories of people whose family was the first in their street to buy a television set and found themselves hosting many of their neighbours for particularly popular programmes (an experience which often involved having to feed those neighbours as well, a considerable cost in itself) and similar experiences seem to have occurred for early adopters of radio. There is a remarkable photograph available on the RTE Archive website from 1933, and captioned 'neighbours gathered at the house of Christy O'Riordan, O'Neill Street, Clonmel in 1933, to hear the 1933 All-Ireland Senior Hurling Final on Radio Éireann'. The photograph shows a group of men (and a few children) sitting on the ground in a garden around a large wooden radio which has been moved outside to accommodate the sheer size of its audience, all apparently listening with rapt attention. Scenes like this, even on a much smaller scale, would have been a frequent social consequence of the gradual spread of radios throughout the country. They were also of course a cause of that spread, as people experienced broadcasts in other homes and increasingly wanted a radio of their own. Indeed, this aspect of radio's spread through the Irish population had even been expressed by the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs at the Wireless Exhibition in November 1925 when he declared (in best salesman fashion), 'Let every owner of a wireless set allow his friends to hear 2RN's programmes, and we shall be quite safe, for each non-owner of a set will promptly decide that he must have one. Christmas will soon be here – the ideal Christmas present is a wireless set complete with licence'.
Richard Pine, 2RN and the Origins of Irish Radio (Gill & MacMillan, 2002)
Edward Brennan, A Post-Nationalist History of Television in Ireland (Palgrave MacMillan, 2019).
Irish Broadcasting Hall of Fame Blog, at https://ibhof.blogspot.com/
March 29, 2021 by irishmediahistory
The Irish Free State and the Radio Age
mass media, radio
2RN, 6CK, Anti-Jazz Campaign, Guglielmo Marconi, JJ Walsh, Wireless Exhibition
Official radio broadcasting in Ireland began on New Year's Day 1926, when the Dublin station 2RN was launched, followed in April 1927 by the 6CK station in Cork to provide something closer to national coverage for what would become the national broadcaster Radio Éireann in later years. The history of radio in Ireland is much older than that however. Indeed Guglielmo Marconi himself had personal connections to Ireland, his mother having been a member of the Jameson family, and had done some of his initial testing of radio ranges from special stations set up in County Cork from 1902. By the start of World War One, being a wireless operator for ship-to-shore communication (radio's first purpose, before its broadcast possibilities were realised) had become a job possibility for some aspiring young men and there were businesses offering training courses for this new form of communication. One such was the Irish School of Wireless on O'Connell Street, which holds the distinction of being the (probable) site of the first proper radio broadcast in Ireland when, during the 1916 Rising, the rebels took it over and used its equipment to broadcast James Connolly declaring 'Irish Republic declared today in Dublin. Irish troops have captured city and are in full possession. Enemy cannot move in city'.
Before this electrifying message could be sent however, Connolly's troops in 1916 had to reconstruct the Wireless School's decommissioned broadcasting equipment, because such apparatus was reserved for military use under special wartime regulations. The end of World War One, far from ending official concerns about civilian possession of radio equipment in Ireland, only increased it as the country moved into the War of Independence and then the Civil War, although it seems inevitable that there were in fact many sets constructed from the fairly easily-available parts by the technology enthusiasts (ironically many of them deploying skills learned in the military during wartime) who drove the early development of radio in Ireland as elsewhere. One of the reasons to believe that there were a significant number of 'illegal' radio sets in Ireland before the law was changed by 1924 was that as early as December 1923 Ireland's first radio enthusiast's magazine appeared. Cheerfully undaunted by the longstanding illegality of their readers' hobby, the Irish Radio Journal: the Official Organ of the Radio Association of Ireland began appearing as a monthly publication full of articles about building, improving and using radio sets, evaluating the various parts needed to do so, and many advertisements for valves, fuses, and specialist wiring. This magazine lasted only until January 1927, but by then it had been joined by the Irish Radio Review, the Irish Radio and Electric Journal, Irish Radio News and the Irish Radio Trader, as well as a variety of British radio enthusiast publications which were available in Ireland. Most didn't last very long, but Irish Radio News and the Irish Radio and Electrical Journal became well-established and both ran more or less until the television era. A readership which could support these publications was obviously very keen on radio even while it had been technically illegal, a situation which was finally resolved (not without some turf wars between different government departments) ahead of the start of 2RN's January 1926 broadcasts – thus avoiding a farcical situation in which the Irish state would have been broadcasting programmes which its citizens could theoretically have been prosecuted for listening to.
Just ahead of 2RN's launch, a Wireless Exhibition was held at the Mansion House in Dublin in November 1925. This was in part a trade fair for those in the new radio industry, but it was mainly intended to raise public interest in the new medium, encouraging new buyers to purchase radio sets in advance of Irish broadcasting beginning in the new year (the next post on this blog will be about radios sets themselves as expensive consumer items in the 1920s and 1930s). Many retailers of component parts and complete sets took stands at the Exhibition, including the Marconi Company themselves, and there were also broadcasts by the BBC relayed into the Mansion House, as well as talks and lectures on the entertainment and educational value radio would bring to Ireland.
Although the early days of radio in Ireland were relatively low-key in terms of the quantity (or, judging by some contemporary commentary, the quality) of programming, it is important to recognise what a watershed moment this was in Irish media history. Radio broadcasting was at least as dramatic a change in mass media as the arrival of the internet some 70 years later – it was the first time that non-print media became available, it would rapidly come to offer programming formats unthinkable in print form (music, live sports coverage and breaking news), and it would offer it to a genuinely national audience, all listening to the same programme at the same time, in their homes. You can sense even in ministerial speeches which refer to the opportunities radio will offer for enriching life in the Irish countryside where there are few other amusements, a shadow of the more robust excitement that must have been felt in those country homes as they tuned in their new radio set (usually powered by a rechargeable wet battery since most houses did not yet have mains electricity) and first heard broadcasts from Dublin, London and Hilversum, a world of broader horizons opening up directly in their homes.
The recognition of radio's immediate and widespread power also seems to have driven official Ireland's responses to the new medium as well, in tones of both approval and deep concern. Many of the concerns were well-rehearsed during the work of the Wireless Committee which discussed and eventually decided to establish radio broadcasting in Ireland during the very early years of Independence. Not surprisingly in the aftermath of nine years of more or less continuous warfare between 1914 and 1923, and especially given the anxieties about propaganda that those wars had caused (it is not a coincidence that the first modern assessments of propaganda, such as Harold Lasswell's work, were published in the decade after WWI ended), some of the concerns about allowing radio into Ireland were driven by a fear of the power which might be exercised by those voices issuing directly into living-rooms and kitchens all over the country – a view ultimately undermined by the fact that Irish listeners could, by 1926, listen to foreign radio broadcasts but not ones regulated by their own government. The importance of maintaining control of the national airwaves and also a more enthusiastic recognition that 2RN would be understood as the 'voice of a nation' by those who heard it internationally also motivated the Irish government's refusal of several offers to establish commercial stations based in the country by 'businessmen' of varying degrees of shadiness. Given how limited the budget for 2RN was, these offers to bear all the costs of providing radio services might have been very tempting for the Free State government, but the fact that these entrepreneurs' principal aim was to broadcast intensive advertising across the Irish Sea to the otherwise advertising-free British airwaves discouraged them, as they were acutely aware that this would have resulted in the 'voice of the nation' being dominated by advertisements for patent medicines and processed food.
Another concern about the potential power of radio was that the new medium would promote foreign cultural forms and damage 'native Irish' culture at just the moment that national sovereignty had been achieved. This anxiety would be reflected in on-going conflicts during the 1920s and 1930s about broadcasting time given (or not) to the Irish language and Irish music, as well as particular campaigns against popular music in particular – the unintentionally-hilarious Anti-Jazz campaign of 1934 is well worth exploring for anyone unfamiliar with it. The early years of radio in Ireland were often marked by this tension between official (or self-appointed) guardians' anxieties about its impact on Irish culture, language, morals or politics, and the fairly enthusiastic response to 2RN and other stations which could be picked up in homes around the country. As JJ Walsh, the first minister to preside over Irish radio put it, in his own burst of considerable enthusiasm in his speech at the Wireless Exhibition in 1925,
"Hearing is surely the most precious sense mankind possesses; through it he receives the most rousing appeals that can be made to his reason and to his imagination. Powerful as the written word may be, how much more powerful is the living voice which adds to the matter of the discourse the impetus of that subtle quality, the personality of the speaker?"
Maurice Gorham, Forty Years of Irish Broadcasting (Talbot Press, 1967)
Johannah Duffy 'Jazz, Identity and Sexuality in Ireland During the Inter-War Years', Irish Association for American Studies, No. 1 (2009)


text:
Josh Wilson – The Acoustic EP
November 13, 2016 Jonathan Andre	Leave a comment
Mount Richmar Records
Josh Wilson– The Acoustic EP (iTunes/Amazon mp3)
Amazing Grace (Instrumental)
All Creatures of Our God and King (Instrumental)
How Much More (Asher's Song)
How Great Thou Art (Instrumental)
Be Thou My Vision
On the heels of quite possibly one of his most successful albums to date (That Was Then, This is Now received a 5/5 score from us here at 365 Days of Inspiring Media), Josh Wilson the multi-instrumentalist has once again delivered with this 5 track EP, released independently through Mount Richmar Records. In fact, Josh's talent as a multi-instrumentalist makes him one of the most underrated singer/songwriters I've heard and enjoyed within the last few years, even in the same league and realm as artists like Jason Gray, Steven Curtis Chapman, Nichole Nordeman, Andrew Peterson and Bebo Norman. Josh has always given us stories to think about and songs to sing, and nothing is any different in this encouraging, albeit short, EP. To be honest, one of the most unique artists I've come across this side of the millennia (I can't even think of any other artists that can undertake the acoustic guitar, electric guitar, bass guitar, keyboards, ukulele, banjo, glockenspiel, as well as some percussion with such poise and professionalism), Josh Wilson has always written songs that are honest and heartfelt. Having an ability to deliver and write some of the most relevant songs I've heard, from "3 Minute Song", "Before the Morning" and "Carry Me", to "They Just Believe", "Fall Apart" and "Pushing Back the Dark"; Josh's fast bolt into CCM stardom occurred shortly after his debut label album Trying to Fit an Ocean in a Cup that released in 2008.
7 years and 5 albums later, his 2015 album That Was Then, This is Now continued to remind us of God's never-ending and always life-changing grace, and our emotive yet equally poignant response to this unbelievable decision in this album that in my opinion, was a certain standout, amongst any album, in 2015. With honesty that is as frank as what it should be (but not necessarily the case) in the CCM industry, Josh has continued to tackle issues that a necessary for us to hear- from identity, and doubt, to self-worth, being amazed by creation, as well as saying yes to God no matter what and believing that the grace freely given to us is and should be enough for us to live life guilt-free, all within the confines of his 2015 masterpiece. Now a year and a bit later, we are given 5 tracks, 3 of which are instrumentals, as Josh highlights his musical prowess in an EP which is just too short for us to enjoy (by the time I have enjoyed it, the 5 tracks have ended!). Weaving together personal experience in "How Much More (Asher's Song)", as well as the instrumental tracks being as catchy as ever, this is an album you don't want to miss, if you are a fan of Josh's music prior, or a fan of any of the similar artists I mentioned previously!
"Amazing Grace", "How Great Thou Art" and "All Creatures of Our God and King" are all instrumentals- in fact, these tracks are indeed the highlights of the EP. Though I have and will always enjoy Josh's songwriting and knack to weave together lyric lines that are deep and meaningful as well as fun-filled; I nevertheless cannot knock back a powerful acoustically driven instrumental track. We all know these three hymns, either from Sunday School back in the day or just from hearing hymns on the radio or even from our family or our local church on Sundays. Yet Josh naturally brings something to life, as these hymns are given the acoustic treatment- with various acoustic instruments and looping percussion, Josh invites us all to praise alongside him, despite there being no words to these songs.
In a similar vein to Bethel Music's Without Words: Synesthesia, where songs are translated and re-recorded without words, to make them more seeker-sensitive, this is what I reckon these three tracks by Josh will do- encourage those who may not have heard much about Jesus to listen to these instrumental tracks, and in some ways, bask in the glory of God through hearing these tracks, while not even knowing it themselves. These three songs are a masterpiece, technically sound and prolific, as Josh encourages us all that worship is far more than the arrangements of the songs, and even far more than the lyrics themselves. We can worship without the words, and this is very true of these three Josh Wilson-ized hymns above! The EP also imparts to us "Be Thou My Vision", yet another hymn that is piano led and reminds us all that God is our vision and sight when we cannot see the end of the road that we are on, alongside a brand-new song called "How Much More (Asher's Song)", a track written for Josh's young son called Asher. A love song that indeed mirrors the love Christ has for His creation, we see Josh sing to his son about how much he loves him, as we're reminded that God loves us a million times more than we can ever love anyone here on this earth!
A musical masterpiece from start to finish, Josh's poetic nature in writing songs is what has drawn me to his music in the first place. With a singer-songwriter atmosphere akin to other artists like Steven Curtis Chapman, Nichole Nordeman or Andrew Peterson, Josh has continued to deliver a plethora of musical arrangements, to present to us Acoustic EP, as we are reminded that great music can be more than just the lyrics sung. Unique in every way imaginable, this is an album not for the casual listener just wanting a song to hear on their road trips- this album requires serious attention, with the musical layers upon layers that each song unveils to the listener. Josh has delivered a standout EP, albeit a short one, destined to be on my iTunes playlist for years to come. Well done Josh for such an innovative EP, fans of artists like Nichole, Steven or Andrew will be sure to enjoy an album by personally one of my favourite songwriters this side of the 2010s!
3 songs to listen to: How Much More, Amazing Grace, All Creatures of Our God and King
RIYL: Andrew Peterson, Steven Curtis Chapman, Nichole Nordeman, Bebo Norman
acousticccmjosh wilsonpopthe acoustic ep
Previous PostSoul Survivor – Never Gonna StopNext PostJason Bare – Night Of Wonder EP


text:
Explore Our Campuses
Memorial University Research Repository
Department (theses only)
Biotic and Human Vulnerability to Projected Changes in Ocean Biogeochemistry over the 21st Century
Mora, Camilo and Wei, Chih-Lin and Rollo, Audrey (2013) Biotic and Human Vulnerability to Projected Changes in Ocean Biogeochemistry over the 21st Century. PLoS Biology, 11 (10). ISSN 1545-7885
[English] PDF (Migrated (PDF/A Conversion) from original format: (application/pdf)) - Published Version
[English] PDF - Published Version
Available under License Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial. (Original Version)
Official URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.1001682
Ongoing greenhouse gas emissions can modify climate processes and induce shifts in ocean temperature, pH, oxygen concentration, and productivity, which in turn could alter biological and social systems. Here, we provide a synoptic global assessment of the simultaneous changes in future ocean biogeochemical variables over marine biota and their broader implications for people. We analyzed modern Earth System Models forced by greenhouse gas concentration pathways until 2100 and showed that the entire world's ocean surface will be simultaneously impacted by varying intensities of ocean warming, acidification, oxygen depletion, or shortfalls in productivity. In contrast, only a small fraction of the world's ocean surface, mostly in polar regions, will experience increased oxygenation and productivity, while almost nowhere will there be ocean cooling or pH elevation. We compiled the global distribution of 32 marine habitats and biodiversity hotspots and found that they would all experience simultaneous exposure to changes in multiple biogeochemical variables. This superposition highlights the high risk for synergistic ecosystem responses, the suite of physiological adaptations needed to cope with future climate change, and the potential for reorganization of global biodiversity patterns. If co-occurring biogeochemical changes influence the delivery of ocean goods and services, then they could also have a considerable effect on human welfare. Approximately 470 to 870 million of the poorest people in the world rely heavily on the ocean for food, jobs, and revenues and live in countries that will be most affected by simultaneous changes in ocean biogeochemistry. These results highlight the high risk of degradation of marine ecosystems and associated human hardship expected in a future following current trends in anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions.
http://research.library.mun.ca/id/eprint/6299
Memorial University Open Access Author's Fund
Science, Faculty of > Ocean Sciences
Downloads per month over the past year
Memorial University Research Repository is powered by EPrints 3 which is developed by the School of Electronics and Computer Science at the University of Southampton. More information and software credits.


text:
Charles Elliot (Dresde, Sajonia; 15 de agosto de 1801-Exmouth, Devon, Reino Unido; 9 de septiembre de 1875) fue un diplomático, funcionario colonial y oficial de la marina británica. En 1839, como Superintendente de Comercio del Reino Unido en Cantón, Elliot jugó un papel clave en el estallido de la Primera Guerra del Opio. Durante la contienda, el gobierno británico lo nombró ministro plenipotenciario y co-comandante de la escuadra británica, y se convirtió en el primer Administrador de Hong Kong en 1841. Fue uno de las personas clave en la fundación de Hong Kong como colonia británica.

Primeros años
Elliot nació en Dresde, Sajonia, el 15 de agosto de 1801. Era hijo de Margaret y de Hugh Elliot, ambos de clase alta. Hugh Elliot era un diplomático británico de ascendencia escocesa. Había servido en el ejército ruso durante la Guerra ruso-turca de 1768, y posteriormente como embajador británico en las cortes de Baviera (1773–1776), Prusia (1776–1782), Dinamarca (1782–1789) y Sajonia (1791–1803), donde nació su hijo Charles. El tío de Hugh era el también diplomático escocés Gilbert Elliott, primer Conde de Minto.

En 1803 la familia se mudó a Nápoles cuando Hugh fue nombrado embajador británico ante el Reino de las Dos Sicilias, y en 1806 la familia retornó al Reino Unido al tiempo que Hugh Elliot era nombrado gobernador de las Islas de Sotavento, en las Antillas Menores. Hugh educado en Reading, Berkshire, England. El 26 de marzo de 1815, Charlees Elliot se unió a la Marina Real Británica como voluntario de primera clase en el HMS Leviathan, que servía en la flota del Mediterráneo. En julio de 1816, se convirtió en alférez de marina en el HMS Minden, en el que participó en el bombardeo de Alger contra los piratas de Berbería en agosto de 1816. Pasó a servir en las Indias Orientales durante cuatro años bajo el mando de Sir Richard King. En 1820, pasó a servir en el cúter Starling bajo el mando del comandante John Reeve, y en el HMS Queen Charlotte bajo James Whitshed.

África Occidental e Indias Occidentales
En 1821, se unió al HMS Iphigenia bajo el mando de Sir Robert Mends, y pasó a servir en el Escuadrón de África Occidental. El 11 de junio de 1822, fue ascendido a teniente de marina durante su servicio en el HMS Myrmidon bajo el capitán Henry John Leeke. Volvió al Iphigenia, y luego de varios puestos en África Occidental, pasó a las Indias Occidentales donde sirvió hasta ser nombrado capitán el 28 de agosto de 1828.

Guyana
Tras retirarse del servicio activo, se casó con Clara Windsor, a quien había conocido en Haití en 1828, y pasó a trabajar para la Foreign Office. En 1830 fue enviado a Demerara en la Guyana Británica como "Protector de los Esclavos", encargado de asegurarse del buen tratamiento de los esclavos. Esta experiencia fue fundamental para Elliot; su papel era precario, y estaba asediado por esclavistas y dueños de plantaciones opuestos a sus tareas. En 1833 fue llamado de vuelta a Gran Bretaña para asesorar al gobierno británico en los problemas administrativos relacionados con la incipiente manumisión de los esclavos en los territorio británicos, que se produjo en 1834.  En una carta al Ministro de Hacienda de 1833, el Primer Ministro británico Charles Grey escribió:

Lord Goderich [Secretario de Estado para las Colonias] se siente obligado a reconocer que el Gobierno de Su Majestad está en deuda con él [Elliot], no sólo por la celosa y eficiente ejecución de las obligaciones de su cargo, sino por las importantes informaciones de valor tan insólito que nos ha hecho llegar desde la Colonia [Guyana] en los últimos doce meses, y por los servicios tan esenciales que ha rendido a su país durante un período tan crítico ... Elliot ha contribuido [a la abolición de la esclavitud] muy por encima de lo requerido por sus funciones.

China
Pese a sus servicios, a finales de 1833 Elliot fue de facto degradado, y enviado a China como ayudante en jefe del recién nombrado Superintendente de Comercio Lord Napier. El cargo de Superintendente era un cargo de nuevo cuño, destinado a reemplazar a los sobrecargos de la Compañía Británica de las Indias Orientales en el comercio con China. El monopolio comercial que la Compañía de las Indias Orientales tenía en el transporte de mercancías entre China y Europa acababa de ser abolido, y las peculiares condiciones del comercio en Cantón requerían una cierta presencia oficial en Cantón. Aunque era el representante oficial del gobierno británico en Cantón, Napier no contaba con poderes plenipotenciarios, ni poderes para controlar a los comerciantes británicos, una buena parte de los cuales estaban dedicados al tráfico de opio. El puesto de Elliot estaba aún peor definido que el de Napier.

A su llegada a Macao en septiembre de 1834, Lord Napier ignoró los consejos de sus colegas y decidió dirigirse directamente a Cantón (China)Cantón acompañado por Elliot. Se presentó ante las puertas de Cantón, y requirió ser conducido ante Lu Kun, el Virrey de Liangguang. Esto iba en contra de las regulaciones imperiales chinas: los extranjeros sólo tenían permitido relacionarse con los mandarines de Cantón por medio de los mercaderes Hong. Napier montó en cólera cuando los Hong le transmitieron un mensaje de Lu Kun, que fue traducido al inglés como "El Ojo Bárbaro [desafortunada traducción del cargo de Napier], si desea venir a Cantón, ha de informar primero a los mercaderes Hong para que sean ellos quienes me lo pidan a mí."

Napier se retiró airado de vuelta a Macao, donde murió de fiebres en octubre de 1834. A la muerte de su superior, Elliot fue ascendido a Secretario de la misión comercial ese mismo mes, en enero de 1835 a Superintendente de Tercera, y en abril de 1835 a Superintendente de Segunda. Estos ascensos siguieron a la dimisión del sucesor inmediato de Napier, John Francis Davis, poco satisfecho con los pocos poderes del cargo, y de su tercero al mando, John Harvey Astell. Para mayo de 1835 la misión comercial estaba a cargo de George Robinson, un antiguo sobrecargo de la Compañía de las Indias Orientales con mucha experiencia en el comercio de Cantón.

Robinson no contaba con el favor de Lord Palmerston, por entonces Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores. Robinson, como antiguo sobrecargo de la Compañía, perseguía una política conservadora y poco favorable al libre comercio con China que defendía Palmerston. A fin de evitar toda confrontación con el gobernador de Cantón, Robinson decidió en noviembre de 1835 retirarse de Cantón, y operar desde un barco con Macao como base. Cuando estas noticias llegaron a Gran Bretaña, Palmerston decidió abolir el cargo de Superintendente en Jefe para poder cesar de forma fulminante Robinson, quien decidió regresar al Reino Unido dejando a Elliot a cargo de los restos de la misión comercial.

Poco después del cese de Robinson, Palmerston re-estableció el cargo de Superintendente en Jefe y nombró a Elliot al mismo. Elliot siguió el protocolo establecido, y pidió permiso a los mercaderes Hong para que intercedieran por él ante el Virrey de Liangguang, quien esta vez accedió a permitirle establecerse en Cantón. Elliot operó desde Cantón como Superintendente y jefe de la misión comercial británica. Ante el obvio tráfico de opio que se desarrollaba a sus puertas, Elliot se vio en la incómoda posición de tener que defender nominalmente a sus comerciantes pese a desaprobar el narcotráfico. En un despacho fechado el 16 de noviembre de 1839 Elliot escribió a Lord Palmerston que "No hay hombre que sienta mayor aversión contra la desgracia y el pecado que [es] este tráfico ilegal en las costas de China. He intentado reprimirlo por medio de todos los medios legales a mi alcance, y a costa del completo sacrificio de mi bienestar privado en esta sociedad en la que llevo viviendo unos cuantos años."

Lin Zexu
Entre 1836 y 1839, comenzaron a circular rumores de que el emperador Daoguang se estaba inclinando por legalizar el tráfico de opio, sobre todo desde que el Virrey de Liangguang, Deng Tingzhen, apoyara la medida en un memorial de 1836 que, al menos en parte, había sido filtrado a Elliot por los mercaderes Hong. Sin embargo, mientras su gobierno deliberaba Daoguang había ordenado a Deng Tingzhen que empleara todos los medios precisos para abolir el tráfico de opio en Cantón. Deng Tingzhen inició una campaña contra los traficantes chinos y los fumaderos, aunque nunca se enfrentó a los traficantes extranjeros, para solaz de Elliot.

Deng Tingzhen tuvo tanto éxito en su empeño que Daoguang, espoleado por éxitos similares por parte de Lin Zexu, gobernador general de Hubei, y de Qishan, virrey de Zhili, decidió no legalizar el opio, y en 1839 nombró a Lin Zexu, con fama de incorruptible, Comisario Imperial plenipotenciario para acabar con el tráfico de opio en Cantón. A su llegada a Cantón, Lin Zexu ordenó a los comerciantes extranjeros que entregaran a las autoridades todo el opio que albergaban. Elliot, forzado por muchos de los comerciantes británicos en Cantón, en particular William Jardine y James Matheson, hubo de negarse a ello, e hizo llegar a Lin Zexu una protesta oficial.

Elliot ordenó a todos los barcos que transportaran opio que se retiraran del estuario del Río de las Perlas, y se prepararan para prestar batalla. Lin Zexu respondió a la provocación de Elliot ordenando el asedio del distrito de las factorías de Cantón donde residían los comerciantes extranjeros, y cortó toda comunicación entre los mismos y su flota mercante. A fin de solventar el conflicto, que de facto significaba el colapso del lucrativo comercio legal de té y otros bienes de China, Elliot convenció a los mercaderes británicos que cooperaran con las autoridades chinas, convenciéndoles de que le entregaran a él, como representante legal del gobierno británico, todo su opio a cambio de pagarés por el valor de mercado de las mercancías. Esto significaba que el gobierno británico accedía a compensar a los traficantes de opio por el valor total de un opio que de otro modo hubiera sido confiscado por Lin Zexu. Los mercaderes aceptaron tal propuesta encantados.

Elliot no tenía autoridad para ello. Lord Palmerston le había dejado claro en sus instrucciones que todas las pérdidas relacionadas con el tráfico de opio habían de ser asumidas por los propios traficantes, y que el Gobierno Británico no reconocía la legitimidad de ese tráfico. Pese a ello, Elliot ideó el canje por dos razones. Por un lado, se veía como el salvador del comercio mundial: creía que una vez entregado el opio, Lin Zexu reabriría el comercio legal en Cantón, que para entonces suponía más del 10% del PIB británico. Por otro, en su experiencia previa con la manumisión de los esclavos, los antiguos esclavistas habían sido indemnizados por el Gobierno Británico, que de facto reconocía a los antiguos esclavos como propiedad indemnizable. Creyendo que tras esta confiscación el tráfico de opio con China llegaría a su fin, Elliot imaginó que su canje calmaría los ánimos de los traficantes de opio al tiempo que acababa con su tráfico. Entre abril y mayo de 1839, los traficantes británicos y americanos entregaron a las autoridades chinas un total de 20.283 cofres de opio (unas 1200 toneladas de opio), por valor de unos 10 millones de dólares de plata. Lin Zexu destruyó la droga de forma pública en una playa a las afueras de Cantón.

Primera Guerra del Opio
La actuación de Elliot, lejos de solucionar la situación, sólo la empeoró. A ojos de Lin Zexu, las acciones de Elliot suponían un reconocimiento tácito de que el gobierno británico sancionaba el narcotráfico con China. Por ello, Lin Zexu no retiró el asedio al distrito de las factorías hasta que todo el opio fue entregado, un proceso que llevó más de seis semanas puesto que muchos de los barcos traficantes se habían retirado más allá de la costa china hasta Manila. Para el gobierno británico de Lord Melbourne, el hecho de que Elliot se hubiera comprometido de tal modo a indemnizar a los traficantes de opio era un serio problema. De hecho, la primera noticia que Lord Palmerston tuvo del asunto fue por vía de uno de los traficantes de opio, que le reclamaban las indemnizaciones prometidas. Estas alcanzaban los 2 millones de libras, una serie carga fiscal, y el público británico estaba totalmente opuesto a indemnizar con dinero público a los traficantes.

Una vez se entregó el opio, Lin Zexu reabrió el comercio legal en Cantón en mayo de 1839 bajo la estricta condición de que no se traficara nunca más con opio. A fin de asegurarse de que el narcotráfico nunca volvía a tener lugar, Lin Zexu decidió extender la pena de muerte a cualquier comerciante extranjero que fuera pillado traficando, e impuso rigurosas inspecciones en todos los barcos extranjeros. Todos los mercaderes que quisieran comerciar en China debían firmar su consentimiento a estos términos. Esto horrorizó a Elliot, quien prohibió a los mercaderes británicos que aceptaran firmar tal acuerdo.

Elliot se retiró de Cantón, y junto con el capitán del HMS Andromache se replegó a Macao, donde se preparó para una contienda con las autoridades chinas. Elliot había interpretado el sitio continuado de Cantón como un insulto diplomático, y las amenazas de pena de muerte a los traficantes llevaron a Elliot a defender abiertamente la confrontación armada: luego de salir de Cantón escribió inmediatamente a Lord Palmerston justificando sus acciones y reclamando una flotilla de guerra con la que forzar la apertura del comercio con China.

Escalada del conflicto
La situación se degradó rápidamente. En julio de 1839, unos marineros mercantes británicos estacionados en Kowloon se emborracharon, y atacaron y dieron muerte a Lin Weixi, un campesino de la cercana aldea de Tsim Sha Tsui. Elliot ordenó el arresto de los marineros, y pagó una indemnización a la familia de la víctima, pero se negó a entregar a los marineros a las autoridades chinas, temeroso de que se les aplicara el código penal chino, y fueran ajusticiados. Lin Zexu interpretó esto como obstrucción a la justicia, y exigió a Elliot que entregara a los marineros. Elliot se negó, y a cambio celebró un juicio sumario en su buque, ejerciendo él mismo de juez y varios capitanes de jurado. Invitó a las autoridades chinas a presenciar el juicio, algo a lo que se negaron. Elliot acabó condenando a los marineros a una multa y a trabajos forzados por amotinamiento y asalto, si bien esta sentencia fue anulada posteriormente por un tribunal británico, aduciendo que Elliot no tenía potestad para celebrar juicios.

Enfadado por lo que veía como una insurrección británica, Lin Zexu ordenó la retirada de todos los trabajadores chinos de Macao, que servían a los occidentales afincados allí, y emitió un edicto prohibiendo a los chinos abastecer de alimentos a los británicos. También desplegó junques de guerra en la desembocadura del Río de las Perlas para impedir el acceso a Cantón. El 23 de agosto de 1839, un barco perteneciente a un notorio traficante de opio británico fue asaltado por piratas cuando realizaba el trayecto de Macao a Cantón, y ante el temor (infundado) de que hubiera sido asaltado por las tropas de Lin Zexu, Elliot ordenó la retirada de toda la flota mercante británica a alta mar. Una vez hubieron levado anclas del puerto de Macao el 24 de agosto, las autoridades portuguesas de Macao decidieron prohibir a los británicos fondear en Macao.

Para finales de agosto, Elliot estaba al frente de una flota de unos 60 buques británicos y 2000 personas, fondeadas en alta mar frente a la costa de China, y con muy pocas provisiones. El 30 de agosto llegó de la India el HMS Volage con la misión de defender la flota de un potencial ataque británico. Elliot, temeroso de un motín si se agotaban las provisiones, lanzó un ultimátum a las autoridades chinas de Kowloon para que pusieran fin al embargo de víveres y agua al que estaban sometidos.

El 4 de septiembre, tras intentar abastecerse en Kowloon, Elliot ordenó abrir fuego contra los barcos de guerra chinos fondeados en esta localidad, y los expulsó de Kowloon con facilidad. Elliot sobornó al comandante chino de Kowloon, Lai Enjue, quien envió una carta a Lin Zexu declarando la victoria china en el altercado con los británicos. En realidad, estos habían tomado Kowloon con su connivencia y abastecido sin problemas, tomando la zona de Kowloon como base de operaciones.

A finales de octubre de 1839, el Thomas Coutts, un buque mercante británico perteneciente a mercaderes cuáqueros llegó al estuario del Río de las Perlas y se dirigió a Cantón. Las autoridades chinas le dejaron pasar a sabiendas de que los cuáqueros se negaban a traficar con opio por razones religiosas y morales. El capitán del barco, que creía que Elliot no tenía autoridad para prohibirle aceptar los términos chinos, negoció con Lin Zexu poder descargar su mercancía en Chuenpi, una isla cercana a Humen.

Temeroso de que otros barcos británicos aceptaran términos como la posible pena de muerte, Elliot ordenó bloqueó el estuario del Río de las Perlas. El 3 de noviembre de 1839 el Royal Saxon intentó romper el bloqueo y acceder a Cantón. La escuadra británica abrió fuego contra él, y varios navíos de guerra chinos salieron a socorrerlo. En la contienda subsiguiente, los británicos hundieron varios buques chinos, y se replegaron a las islas cercanas a Hong Kong. Elliot pidió permiso a Adrião Acácio da Silveira Pinto, el gobernador portugués de Macao, para poder descargar y almacenar en Macao las mercancías que llevaba su flota, a lo que el portugués se negó temeroso de que Lin Zexu volviera a bloquear los suministros a Macao. Para el 14 de enero de 1840, el emperador Daoguang pidió a todos los extranjeros en China que dejaran de colaborar con los británicos. Elliot se estableció en la zona de Hong Kong a cargo de su flotilla.

Guerra del Opio
Ante la precaria situación de los comerciantes británicos y la necesidad de reabrir el comercio de China, Lord Palmerston impulsó en el Parlamento británico un plan para atacar China y "liberalizar" el comercio con la misma. La idea era enviar una pequeña flota armada con la que amedrentar a las autoridades chinas, sabedores de su superioridad naval. Esta polémica decisión estaba sobre todo motivada por el deseo de extraer de las autoridades chinas una indemnización semejante al coste del opio incautado, y fue justificada porque el opio confiscado por Lin Zexu era legalmente propiedad del gobierno británico, dado que había sido "adquirido" por Elliot.

En julio de 1840, tras un debate público muy divisivo, el gobierno británico consiguió los apoyos suficientes para enviar una flota armada a China, cuyos primeros destacamentos "preventivos" habían llegado desde la India en junio de 1840 al Río de las Perlas. Junto con la flotilla, llegó el nombramiento de Elliot como ministro plenipotenciario para negociar los términos de paz con China.

La escuadra británica estaba encabezada por George Elliot, primo de Charles. En vez de prestar batalla en Cantón, donde Lin Zexu había preparado las defensas del Río de las Perlas para cualquier potencial ataque, los Elliot decidieron dirigir la flotilla británica hacia el norte de China, donde la escuadra británica asestó sonadas derrotas a las mal provistas tropas chinas. En julio de 1840 tomaron Dinghai, puerto clave que daba acceso a Nankín, la segunda capital de China, y su ciudad más poblada. Luego de guarnecer la ciudad, los Elliot se dirigieron hacia el norte con la intención de atacar Tientsin.

Cuando en agosto de 1840 amenazaron los fuertes de Taku en la desembocadura del río Hai, entrada a Tientsin y Pekín, el emperador Daoguang destituyó a Lin Zexu, al que la Corte Imperial culpaba de haber puesto en riesgo la seguridad de China, y nombró a Qishan (ᡴᡳᡧᠠᠨ), el virrey de Zhili, Comisario Imperial y virrey interino de Liangguang en sustitución de Lin Zexu, al que hizo arrestar y desterró a Xinjiang.

Vista la superioridad naval británica, Qishan decidió entablar negociaciones de paz con Elliot inmediatamente. Se reunieron primeramente en Peiho, en la desembocadura del río Hai, donde Qishan, culpando de todo a Lin Zexu, convenció a Elliot de que retirara la escuadra británica de vuelta a Cantón, donde él mismo se dirigía para tomar posesión como virrey, y donde a finales de 1840 entablaron conversaciones de paz en Chuanbi, una isla en el estuario del Río de las Perlas. El resultado de estas conversaciones fue la llamada Convención de Chuanbi del 20 de enero de 1841, por medio de la cual China accedía a indemnizar al Reino Unido con medio millón de libras, y le cedía el control de la isla de Hong Kong; el tratado no mencionaba el tráfico de opio. Elliot accedió a estos términos deseoso de terminar una contienda costosa y en su opinión, absurda, pues significaba la suspensión del valioso comercio de Cantón. Seguido del tratado, desplegó sus tropas en Hong Kong, que estableció como territorio bajo soberanía británica el mismo 20 de enero de 1841, convirtiéndose de facto en su primer Administrador Colonial.

Cuando Palmerston se enteró de los términos de paz, entró en cólera y cesó de forma fulminante a Elliot, acusándolo de haber tratado sus instrucciones como "basura". Nombró a Henry Pottinger como plenipotenciario en mayo de 1841, y la contienda continuó cuando Pottinger y las noticias del cese de Elliot llegaron a China a principios de agosto de 1841. Pottinger no obstante decidió continuar con la ocupación de Hong Kong que Elliot había iniciado. El 24 de agosto, Elliot abandonó Macao junto con su familia, y retornó a Inglaterra en el Atlanta. El fuerte portugués de Macao lo despidió con un saludo de 13 salvas de cañones. Curiosamente, su interlocutor Qishan corrió una suerte similar: el emperador Daoguang condenó la Convención de Chuanbi como una humillación, cesó a Qishan y lo desterró a Xianjiang.

El desempeño de Elliot como Superintendente y Plenipotenciario fue muy criticado. Elliot era dado a ataques de pánico, a sobrereaccionar, y muy temeroso de la influencia de los comerciantes de Cantón; los traficantes William Jardine y James Matheson condicionaron la respuesta doméstica británica y sus acciones militares. El gran error de Elliot fue el de asimilar la abolición del tráfico de opio, que aborrecía, con la abolición de la esclavitud que había experimentado en Guyana. Desconocedor de las complejidades del aparato estatal chino, creyó que su actitud conciliadora y "abolicionista" satisfarían a Lin Zexu. Por el contrario, su acciones sólo empeorarían la situación, dando legitimidad legal a la Guerra del Opio, que fue aprovechada por traficantes y defensores del libre comercio para forzar la apertura comercial en China. El historiador George Endacott señaló que "la política de Elliot de conciliación, indulgencia, y los objetivos militares moderados fueron profundamente impopulares, y suscitaron todo tipo de resentimientos entre los oficiales navales y militares de la expedición." En respuesta a estas acusaciones, Elliot dijo que "se me ha objetado mucho que los chinos me importaran demasiado",
Pero sostengo que me importaron más el honor Británico y los sustanciosos intereses Británicos, proteger a gente amistosa y servicial, y poder recuperar la confianza de la gran masa de comerciantes de las Provincias del Sur, con la que es nuestra principal obligación el cultivar relaciones más íntimas, sociales, y comerciales.

Carrera posterior
Elliot volvió al Reino Unido en desgracia, y en 1842 fue enviado como chargé d'affaires y cónsul general a la República de Tejas. Posteriormente, sirvió como administrador colonial en el Caribe, ocupando varios puestos de gobernador en colonias de segunda fila. Así, sería el Gobernador de Bermuda (1846-54), Gobernador de Trinidad (1854-56) y Gobernador de Santa Helena (1863-69). Fue nombrado Caballero de la Orden del Baño en 1856.

Fue ascendido a contraalmirante el 2 de mayo de 1855, vicealmirante el 15 de enero de 1862, y almirante el 12 de septiembre de 1865, todos ellos cargos nominales. Luego de jubilarse, se retiró a Devon, donde murió en 1875.

Referencias

Bibliografía
 Endacott, G. B. (2005) [1962]. A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press. .
 Hoe, Susanna; Roebuck, Derek (1999). The Taking of Hong Kong: Charles and Clara Elliot in China Waters. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press. .

Gobernadores de Hong Kong
Nacidos en Dresde
Diplomáticos de Reino Unido
Marinos del Reino Unido del siglo XIX
Gobernadores de Santa Elena, Ascensión y Tristán de Acuña
Caballeros comendadores de la Orden del Baño


新课标高中英语 ? ? ? ? ? Warming Up Pre-reading Reading Comprehending Learning about Language 修订版高中英语 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?
? Pre-listening prediction, vocabulary (new/difficult), etc.
? background knowledge related to the main reading passage: who, when, where, what, how.
the purpose of each activity teaching suggestions (steps) adding skills where appropriate listening text/sample dialogue (easier and shorter)/sample writing (shorter) ? answer key ? ? ? ?


farmhouse queen bed set canopy dresser.
better homes gardens modern farmhouse queen platform bed with storage rustic gray finish frame.
farmhouse queen bed style frame and headboard.
mole creek cabins farmhouse queen bed metal frame.
i have since made several farmhouse beds and am always very happy with this particular furniture spent a total of on bed queen bedroom set save.
farmhouse queen bed large size of with glorious white storage style frame farmhou.
rustic queen headboard full size of farmhouse style arched bed barn wood for sale distressed white metal frame sty.
farmhouse bed frame queen white style plans.
efficiency rental queen bed plus 1 twin in room farmhouse frame.
farmhouse bed frame farm house collection plans queen french bedside table set hous.
farmhouse antique white queen poster bed frame.
farmhouse bed frame queen size.
farmhouse twin bed full size of white style frame queen with storage set.
rod iron queen bed wrought frames bedroom farmhouse with 4 post black pertaining to metal frame farm.
print block whitewash queen headboard farmhouse bed metal frame n.
retreat queen farmhouse panel bed with charging ports frame plans.
ft rustic modern farmhouse industrial queen size bed oak from e metal frame.
plans for a farmhouse queen bed frame.
antique copper chrome queen platform bed farmhouse frame n.
gorgeous farmhouse projects king size bed by free woodworking plans queen metal frame.
queen size farmhouse bed frame style.
farmhouse queen bed bedroom set king.
modern farmhouse walnut full queen platform bed furniture store frame.
image 0 farmhouse queen bed frame wood platform.
modern farmhouse brown full queen platform bed furniture store bedroom set.