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Bone Marrow Transplantation (PEDS) – (Course Code: PEDS-219)
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Elective Course Description
This elective introduces stem cell transplantation and its role in lethal acquired hematological diseases (aplastic anemia and leukemia) and genetic diseases such as severe combined immunodeficiency (SCID), Wiskott-Aldrich syndrome, thalassemia, and certain white cell disorders. Students will be introduced to the clinical and biological basis of stem cell transplantation, the basic concepts of immunogenetics and their importance in the selection of recipient and donor matches, and the principles of management of transplant-related disorders such as graft failure, graft vs. host disease and transplant-associated infections, as well as techniques for removing T-cell or alternatively selecting progenitor cells for transplant purposes. Students will accompany the attending and fellow during daily rounds and will attend weekly Transplant Rounds with other members of the service. Students will be evaluated throughout their rotation directly, based on interaction with teaching faculty. During the rotation, students will also have an opportunity to visit the various immunology and hematology laboratories that interact with the marrow transplant program and observe those laboratory techniques which are used to evaluate donors and recipients.
Obtain a complete and reliable history in pediatric stem cell transplant patients.
Perform a thorough physical examination in pediatric stem cell transplant patients.
Organize and deliver a clear, concise, and thorough oral presentation of a patient's history and examination.
Explain the findings on clinical history and examination that suggest a hematologic or oncologic disorder which requires further evaluation and treatment.
Demonstrate knowledge of the diseases for which stem cell transplantation is indicated.
Become familiar with the principles of stem cell transplantation.
Develop an efficient approach to finding information resources related to pediatric stem cell transplantation (i.e.., internet, medical literature, textbooks) to obtain rapid information relevant to a presenting patient problem.
Understand the role that research (clinical, translational, basic sciences) plays in the treatment of pediatric hematologic and oncologic disorders.
Suggested Literature
Edward Copelan Hematopoietic Stem-Cell Transplantation NEJM 2006; 354:1813-26
Richard O'Reilly T cell depleted Allogeneic Hematopoietic Cell Transplants as a Platform for Adoptive Therapy with Leukemia Selective or Virus-Specific T Cells. BMT 2015; 50: 543-550
For the program calendar, please see the elective module dates section of our website.


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Following the ruling, Ms Titilayo Shitta-Bey, Lagos State Director of Public Prosecution (DPP), requested for an adjournment due to the absence of the fourth prosecution witness, Insp. Idowu Haruna.


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Poker-Royal777.com - Byron Kaverman became the EPT London champion
Byron Kaverman became the EPT London champion
The EPT London series started in the British capital this week. A series of 49 events will be held from October 18 to 28, and the central tournament will be the main event with a buy-in of 5,300 pounds, which starts on October 22 and ends on the last day of the championship. In addition to the main event, there are many others for players of different levels. Buy-ins start at 330 pounds and end at 50,000. In the first of several one-day high rollers, Byron Kaverman became the EPT London champion.
The £25,000 event collected 30 entries, so the prize pool was 720,300 pounds. It took Kaverman about 13 hours to beat all the rivals in the fight for 273,710 pounds. Kaverman is an American professional poker player with a career income of more than 17.7 million USD. This is the 42nd six-figure prize money for the bracelet owner from Ohio.
Byron Kaverman — 273,710 pounds
Orpen Kisacikoglu — 176,470 pounds
Steve O'Dwyer — 117,050 pounds
Espen Jorstad — 84,640 pounds
Ben Heath — 68,430 pounds
In addition to the title and money, Kaverman received rating points. He received 336 POY points and is now in the top 200 of the CardPlayer rating with a yearly income of $1,250,931. It was his 6th final table in 2022 and his first title.
Orpen Kisacikoglu and Byron Kaverman played in the heads-up
Only the top five players received the money. The owner of the bracelet, Sam Greenwood, became a bubble boy when his Q-J lost to K-9 of Steve O'Dwyer, who collected a flush. The remaining five guaranteed themselves at least 68,430 pounds. This amount eventually went to the WSOP champion from England, Ben Heath. He had only 8 BB, so he had to go all-in with K-4 and face Kaverman's J-3. A jack appeared on the board, and Heath was eliminated.
The current winner of the WSOP main event, Espen Jorstad, was eliminated next. He went all-in with Q-J, and Orpen Kisacikoglu with K-8 answered with a call. None of the players improved, and Jorstad took 4th place. After that, Kisacikoglu scored another knockout, having dealt with O'Dwyer. O'Dwyer had only 11 BB when he went with K-4, and Kisacikoglu had 10-9. Kisacikoglu got another nine on the flop, enough to win the hand. It was the 9th final table for the champion of the main event EPT Grand Final 2013. In the CardPlayer rating, O'Dwyer ranks 17th.
Orpen Kisacikoglu and Byron Kaverman played in the heads-up. The Turkish player had the advantage at the beginning of the game, who had twice as many chips, but then Kaverman not only caught up with the opponent, but was also able to get ahead. By the time of the decisive hand, the stack ratio was 3 to 1 in favor of Kaverman.
In the last hand of the tournament, Kaverman placed a bet with J-9, and Kisacikoglu answered with a call with A-6 of the same suit. On the K-9-2 flop, Kaverman collected a pair, and Kisacikoglu had a flush draw. Neither on the turn nor on the river did any of the players improve, and Kaverman became the champion. Kisacikoglu, having earned 176,470 pounds, increased his career earnings to 9 million.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Дэвид «Дэйв» Но́нис (; 25 мая 1966, Бернаби, Британская Колумбия, Канада) — канадский хоккейный менеджер, в прошлом хоккеист, защитник. В настоящее время работает в клубе НХЛ «Анахайм Дакс» в должностях специального скаута и советника генерального менеджера. До 12 апреля 2015 года был старшим вице-президентом по хоккейным операциям и генеральным менеджером клуба НХЛ «Торонто Мейпл Лифс».

Биография
Дэйв Нонис родился в городе Барнаби, Британская Колумбия. Выступал за хоккейную команду Университета штата Мэн, в течение двух сезонов был капитаном команды. В 1988 году окончил университет в степени бакалавра. После отыграл один сезон на профессиональном уровне в Дании и вернулся в Мэн в качестве тренера университетской команды.

«Ванкувер Кэнакс»
В 1990 году поступил на работу в структуру «Ванкувер Кэнакс», где занимал различные должности. В 1998 году Нонис был назначен старшим вице-президентом, директором по хоккейным операциям. 6 мая 2004 года Нонис был назначен генеральным менеджером клуба, при этом став самым молодым генеральным менеджером в истории «Кэнакс». 15 апреля 2008 года руководство «Ванкувера» приняло решение уволить Нониса из-за непопадания команды в плей-офф.

«Анахайм Дакс»
20 июня 2008 года Дэйв Нонис стал старшим советником клуба «Анахайм Дакс» по хоккейным операциям.

«Торонто Мейпл Лифс»
6 декабря 2008 года Нонис был назначен старшим вице-президентом «Торонто» по хоккейным операциям. 9 января 2013 года с поста генерального менеджера «Торонто» был уволен Брайан Бурк и Дэйв Нонис занял его место. 25 июля 2013 года подписал новый контракт с клубом, рассчитанный на пять лет.

В начале сезона 2013/14 в матче против «Оттавы Сенаторз» Нонис почувствовал себя плохо и был госпитализирован, но уже спустя сутки был выписан из больницы.

12 апреля 2015 Нонис был уволен.

Возвращение в «Анахайм»
5 июля 2015 года стал советником генерального менеджера в клубе «Анахайм Дакс». На этой должности он уже работал до прихода в «Торонто».

Сборная Канады
Дэйв Нонис был генеральным менеджером сборной Канады на Чемпионате мира в Словакии в 2011 году.

Примечания

Ссылки
 Биография Дэйва Нониса на официальном сайте «Торонто Мейпл Лифс»

Хоккеисты Канады
Хоккейные защитники
Хоккейные тренеры Канады
Генеральные менеджеры «Ванкувер Кэнакс»
Генеральные менеджеры «Торонто Мейпл Лифс»

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Fiji is a small, relatively isolated country, yet it has been able to provide its population with a reasonable standard of living. The current GDP per capita is around $US1 200, more than 90 percent of the population can read and write, life expectancy is around 72 years, infant mortality is 22 per thousand, and there is a reasonable level of food security. All this was put at risk with the armed takeover of Parliament in May 2000. Despite a return to constitutional government in September 2001, investment and economic growth levels remain low in the face of political uncertainty and a sugar industry in crisis.
The Fiji Islands have a total land area of approximately 18 400 km2 made up of some 300 islands. The two largest islands make up 88 percent of the area. Approximately 16 percent of the land is suitable for arable agriculture, and a further 43 percent can be used for tree cropping and grazing.
Fiji's generally benign climate is punctuated by climatic extremes in the form of hurricanes and floods and, more insidiously, drought. These climatic extremes have far-reaching impacts on land-use patterns. There have been around 136 cyclones recorded in the Fiji group over the last 120 years. From time to time, extreme drought conditions prevail. The worst drought of the century occurred in 1997/98.
Fiji's population is about 800 000, with indigenous Fijians making up about 51 percent. Indo-Fijians (mainly the descendants of indentured labourers brought to work on the sugar cane plantations) account for some 44 percent of the population. The population growth rate is less than 1 percent per annum. The average population density is not high by world standards. However, it is distorted by a land tenure system that created substantial inequities in the distribution of land. Fiji is rapidly evolving from an agrarian to a semi-urban society, with almost half the population living in urban or peri-urban areas. The decline in the rural population has been greatest in the outer islands and sugar cane areas.
The contribution of the agriculture sector to total GDP has declined from 19 percent in 1989 to 10 percent in 2001 and has been surpassed by tourism and textiles. The foreign exchange earnings of the agricultural sector have remained fairly constant in real terms over recent decades, and the sector remains the main source of employment. Despite substantial government and aid expenditure in various agricultural development projects, the overall pattern of production has changed little. The structure of the various agricultural subsectors, their performance and contribution to the economy are presented in Table 1.
23 000 contract growers - but declining with the non-renewal of leases.
Number of farms Dairying 2 000 commercial Beef 1 800 commercial Pigs 14 500(note: commercial piggeries not included in census) Poultry 1 000.
Source: Derived and updated from ADB (1996).
An impressive quantity and range of traditional food crops are grown in Fiji. These are grown throughout Fiji and are identified as a "hidden strength" of the economy (Asian Development Bank [ADB], 1996). Yet, only 40 percent of energy needs come from locally grown food (FAO, 1999, p. 6). Food imports are still relatively low when compared with other small island developing states (SIDS). These imports have fallen slightly as a percentage of total imports over the last decade despite deregulation. This suggests that food supply has been able to expand to meet increases in demand from a rapidly growing urban population. Government's investment in roading has been a major contributing factor to this process (ADB, 1996, p. 4).
The contribution of subsistence production to GDP is similar to that of sugar (average of 40 percent of total agricultural GDP at current prices) as shown in Figure 1. Farming systems and the crops grown have not changed over the last two decades. From a policy viewpoint, the nation's food security is dependent on the continuation of subsistence farming and its ongoing transformation to semicommercial farming of crops for which Fiji has a competitive advantage.
Figure 1. Percentage of agricultural GDP by activity (current prices at factor cost).
Source: Fiji Bureau of Statistics.
The sugar industry remains of fundamental importance to the economy. Cane occupies over 50 percent of arable land, and the industry directly employs 13 percent of the labour force, contributes around 9 percent of GDP and generates some 30 percent of total domestic exports (ADB, 2000). The import leakage from growing and processing cane remains relatively small, and because of its small farm structure, the multiplier linkages are more favourable than for most other foreign exchange generating industries. The industry, and thus the Fiji economy, is now facing a major crisis. Production is being severely affected by the nonrenewal of the leases of many Indo-Fijian tenant farmers. There is also price and quota uncertainty regarding sugar sold to the EU under preferential arrangements.
Copra, the traditional cash crop of the outer islands, has experienced continuing decline over the last few decades. Several attempts to diversify the industry have been made, but with little success. Copra production varies with price, but the trend continues to be downward. Much of the area under coconuts has now been abandoned. Cocoa, promoted as a major diversification crop with substantial government funding, has all but disappeared.
The situation for horticultural export crops is more encouraging. This entirely small farmer-based subsector includes ginger, tropical fruit, root crops and vegetables. Horticulture is now, after years of disappointment, the fastest growing part of the agricultural sector. However, it is being impeded by unreasonable quarantine constraints of importing countries. Fruit exports would have been significantly greater had the Australian market not remained closed to fruit fly host products. The continued growth in niche horticultural exports has confirmed the competitive advantage of this area of Fiji's agriculture, although this has not been anywhere near sufficient to offset the accelerating demise of the sugar industry.
For many years, Fiji's import substitution industries (rice, dairying, poultry, beef, pork and tobacco) were protected by a complex array of quotas, tariffs and subsidies. Since the early 1990s, de-licensing has widened, and there has been a gradual reduction in the overall level of tariff protection. These reform measures have not had the significant adverse effect on the import substitution industries that was expected.
Policies of import substitution and direct government investment in agricultural development projects were vigorously pursued during the two decades following independence in 1970. The costs of this approach were high and the production gains unsustainable.
The import substitution policy focused on growing local food to directly replace products that were imported: rice, beef, dairy, poultry and feed grains. There was also a drive to develop new commodity exports, notably cocoa. Not only did government set the policy, but it provided project managers, extension and administration staff to implement these projects. The role of farmers (the private sector) was merely to respond to the benefits provided and increase production.
To reduce competition from imported food, and to enable local producers to "get a fair return for their labour", imports were restricted either by tariff or by licences. Government also became involved in the processing and marketing of some products (rice and cocoa) to fill the perceived gap in the marketing of agricultural produce.
In 1989, there was a major shift in national economic policy, with a broad range of economic reforms being adopted. These reforms were aimed at reducing the cost of business, providing flexibility in pricing, and exposing domestic firms to international pricing. There was a switch from licensing and import controls to tariff protection with a gradual reduction in tariffs. Import licensing controls were removed on 34 food items, and the overall level of tariff protection was reduced. The monopoly status afforded the National Trading Corporation, a marketing parastatal, was withdrawn.
Deregulation represented a fundamental change for the agricultural sector after decades of protection and government-led investment projects. The private sector, which had grown dependent on government, suddenly found itself faced with unfamiliar responsibilities. The private sector (farmers, processors and exporters) now had to lead the way and set the course for the sector (which crops, which markets). Overall, the sector has responded positively to the opportunities offered.
privatize public enterprises directly involved in the sector.
Despite the apparent success of the new policy direction, the late 1990s saw a major policy reversal back towards "government-led" agricultural development. A ministerial change saw government embark on a four-year investment programme, known as the Commodity Development Framework (CDF). The rationale for this large increase in public expenditure was to "jump start" the sector which was perceived as providing the best opportunities for employment opportunities. The CDF programme was highly controversial both inside and outside government. The value of any attributable increase in output has been nowhere near the level of expenditure on the CDF programme, let alone the $F1.71 billion increase in export earnings projected by the end of 2000.
A new government took office in May 1999, with a manifesto to restore protection to the rice industry. A programme of quantitative restrictions, increased tariffs and input subsidies was formulated. The government was overthrown in May 2000, before most of this programme was implemented. Following the intervention of the army, an Interim Administration was installed, and new elections were held in September 2001.
In the lead-up to the 2001 elections, the Interim Administration embarked on an interventionist agricultural policy similar to that of the CDF programme. The focus was on indigenous Fijian villages in politically sensitive areas. The justification of this new programme, known as the Farm Assistance Scheme (FAS), was "affirmative action" to uplift the economic well-being of indigenous Fijians. An estimated $F25 million was spent on the distribution of free inputs to mainly village farmers. These ranged from planting material for taro to chainsaws and outboard motors.
The new elected Government has indicated that it wishes to continue its policy of "affirmative action" through its FAS programme - albeit with tighter financial control. Government has also indicated that it wants again to be actively involved in agricultural marketing for village farmers. The Minister of Public Enterprises, in his maiden speech to Parliament, outlined government's plans to rehabilitate the National Trading Corporation as part of this programme.
Fiji has been an active participant in regional integration efforts, commencing in 1981 with the South Pacific Regional Trade Cooperation Agreement (SPARTECA). SPARTECA is a preferential non-reciprocal agreement between the Forum Island Countries and Australia and New Zealand. Specified commodities are allowed duty-free access into the Australian and New Zealand market without quantitative restrictions. SPARTECA has not provided any significant benefits for agricultural exports, as competing countries also have duty-free access. The main barriers to agricultural trade with Australia and New Zealand have been quarantine barriers.
In 1996, Fiji joined the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), which is a trade agreement between Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji. The MSG provides duty-free access into these markets for over 150 items. In 1998, Fiji entered into a trade agreement with Tonga, which provides reciprocal dutyfree access for around 50 items. Sugar from Fiji and onions and vanilla from Tonga are covered by the agreement. Fiji has been a prime mover in the formation of a free trade area (FTA) among all the Pacific Island Countries (PICs). Most of the benefits would accrue to the much more diversified Fijian economy, with its generally lower tariff structure.
Fiji is a signatory to the Cotonou Agreement, which was signed between the EU and ACP states in 2000 to extend the Lomé Convention until 2007. The EU has obtained a waiver from WTO for the Lomé extension. From 2007, trade preferences between ACP states and the EU will be reciprocal under free trade agreements. Fiji is a significant beneficiary of the Lomé Convention's Sugar Protocol. Under the Sugar Protocol, Fiji has a 174 000 tonne quota for sugar sold to the EU. The price obtained for this sugar is pegged to the intervention price paid to EU growers. Over the last two decades, this price has been two to four times world market prices (representing an average net transfer of about $F90 million annually to the Fiji sugar industry).
Fiji became a signatory to GATT on November 1993 and a full member of the WTO on January 1996. The first Trade Policy Review Mechanism review was in 1996, and a second review is now due.
During the 1970s and 1980s, a range of tariff and quantitative trade restrictions protected Fiji's import substitution industries. The first step in dismantling this system began in 1989, when import licensing controls were removed on 34 food items. Fiji, at accession to WTO in 1996, opted to offer ceiling bindings rather than tariffication. It chose a single bound rate of 40 percent for all agricultural products except for rice and milk powder (bound at 60 percent - to be reduced to 46 percent by 2005).
By 1994, all licensing on agricultural products was removed and replaced by tariffs. At that time, most non-protection tariffs were set at 10 percent and most protection tariffs at 20 percent. An exception was white rice, which had a protective tariff of 40 percent. These high tariffs for rice were designed to provide farmers with some continuing protection and to protect the brown rice-milling industry. At the same time, all agricultural inputs were allowed to enter duty free or were subject to only a 10 percent duty.
The tariff structure was simplified and reduced in subsequent national budgets. By 1999, the maximum ad valorem tariff was set at 27 percent (e.g. whole milk). The numbers of tariff bands were also reduced from seven to four in the 1999 Budget (0 percent, 3 percent, 10 percent and 27 percent). Since 1992, all imports have been subject to a 10 percent value-added tax.
In recent years, there has been some backsliding in tariff levels in response to pressure from local manufacturers. The 1998 Budget saw the protective tariff on many locally manufactured items increased to 35 percent. The current average general level of tariff was 27 percent, with most agricultural products set at 15 percent. Some dairy products were set at 27 percent. The 2002 Budget saw the tariff on meat products increased from 10 percent to 27 percent. However, all the applied tariffs on agricultural and food items lie well within Fiji's bound rates. The current tariff rates that apply to agricultural products are shown in Table 2.
There has also been some backsliding with respect to licensing. The Labour Government re-imposed licensing on brown rice in its 2000 Budget, which was again removed by the Interim Administration. Licensing has also been used as an instrument to encourage indigenous Fijian business participation, as was the case of the importation of United States chicken in 1995. A 1 600 tonne import quota was set for US chicken, with import licences only being given to indigenous Fijians. This discriminatory measure was inconsistent with Fiji's WTO commitments (para 2 of Article 4 of the AoA). The current government has given notice that licensing might be used as a measure in its "Affirmative Action" programme.
Fiji enjoys duty-free access for all its agricultural exports to its most important export markets Australia and New Zealand. Prior to the UR, Fiji faced no quota restrictions on agricultural exports, though the volume of sugar exports to the EU at preferential prices is fixed. The UR saw no change in the arrangements for sugar.
Fiji did not make any domestic support commitments in its schedule of AoA commitments and thus must limit support in future to Green Box and de minimis levels. Fiji currently has very low levels of domestic support as agricultural subsidy (well below the 10 percent de minimis Aggregate Measure of Support). Although Fiji had a range of input subsidies to encourage production of rice, cocoa, copra and dairying in the 1970s and 1980s, most of these subsidies were removed in 1992. All of Fiji's non-price distorting support is notified under the Green Box procedure (Kunatuba, 1998, p. 4).
Although the return to "government-led" agricultural development under the CDF and FAS Programmes remains highly controversial within Fiji, it is unlikely to have violated Fiji's commitments under the AoA, as these programmes satisfy the general requirements for Green Box measures. These farmer support programmes have involved income transfers to largely village-based producers and have not been linked to production. These programmes have not been based on, or linked to, current prices, or the prices of other factors of production. While increased production was seen as an objective of these programmes, it has largely not been realized.
The Ministry of Agriculture's ongoing programme in research, extension and quarantine is exempt from any reduction commitments. Regrettably, since 1997, there has been a reduction in these core services, with the Ministry's financial resources diverted to CDF and FAS.
At the end of the 1998 season, the sugar industry had endured a "100-year drought". A US$43 million rehabilitation programme was initiated, with US$23.7 million coming as a Government grant. Disaster relief is permitted under the Green Box provisions, where production has declined by at least 30 percent compared with average of the previous three years.
The Green Box provisions allow for regional assistance programmes. Payments can be made to overcome difficulties faced by producers in disadvantaged areas. One of the main rationales for CDF and FAS is that village-based farmers are a disadvantaged group. The FAS is now part of the Government's "Affirmative Action" Policy.
Fiji faces little difficulty, even with CDF and FAS, in meeting its commitments under the current total Aggregate Measure of Support (AMS). Existing WTO provisions are not seen as a constraint to Fiji in pursuing its agricultural policy objectives. However, there are implementation difficulties, which could be a significant constraint in the future. WTO members are required annually to notify the WTO Committee on Agriculture on the extent of their domestic support - this includes all Green Box, SDT and de minimis levels of support. Fiji has made no notification since its accession to WTO in 1996. This is mainly due to the lack of technical capacity to undertake this onerous task. It is important that Fiji look at this as a priority strategic exercise, otherwise its options in the current negotiations will be limited.
Fiji has never used export subsidies as a policy instrument. Thus, it has no commitments to reduce these subsidies.
The Fiji Islands Trade and Investment Board (FITB) has offered, since the early 1990s, attractive fiscal incentives to export-oriented businesses. As a part of the 1996 Budget, businesses producing primary agricultural products for export became eligible for 13-year export incentives renewable for a further five years. In January 2002, the FITB published a new set of incentives for investing in the Fiji Islands, in which enterprises involved in exports are allowed deductions from total income for taxation purposes. As yet, only a small number of agricultural investors have sought out these incentives, and an even smaller number proceeded with the project for which the incentives were granted.
Most of Fiji's horticultural export markets were closed with the loss of the chemical EDB as a quarantine treatment in 1990. Fiji was proactive in addressing this technological constraint. An ambitious project to acquire HTFA quarantine treatment technology was embarked on with USAID assistance. Today, Fiji has a viable industry-operated quarantine treatment facility and a thriving industry in the export of fruit fly host commodities. Unfortunately, Fiji's initiative in adopting the necessary technology to facilitate exports has not been matched by the regulatory authorities in the importing countries.
the acceptance of HTFA quarantine treatment by Australia and the US.
Unfortunately, these expectations are yet to be realized.
The New Zealand non-host methodology, based on an experimental procedure, does not require sampling of large quantities of fruit. The sampling requirements to meet the standard of other importing countries make it prohibitive for a small export industry. Using the New Zealand methodology, it has been shown that a range of fruits are non-fruit fly hosts in Fiji. As a consequence, bilateral quarantine agreements have been negotiated for the export of chilies and cucurbits to New Zealand without quarantine treatment. Fiji, and other PICs, has a strong case for general acceptance of the New Zealand non-host methodology. After all, New Zealand has no fruit flies, and horticulture is the major export industry. However, whether these small countries have the expertise and resources to see the successful outcome of such a case is another matter.
With the re-commencement of papaya exports to New Zealand in 1996, it was assumed that exports to Australia would soon follow. The Australia papaya market was estimated to be four times larger than that of New Zealand and provided a market basis for developing a substantial export diversification industry. Australia is yet to approve HTFA treatment for Fiji papaya, despite this being a likely violation of the SPS Agreement (harmonization and equivalence). Fiji is unlikely to have the expertise or resources to mount a successful WTO challenge against Australia. Also, since May 2000, Fiji has been in a politically weak position to mount such a challenge. Fortunately, the issue seems to be moving towards a satisfactory resolution without having to resort to international law. In 2001, an Australia Quarantine Inspection Service (AQIS) officer finally visited Fiji to inspect the HTFA facility and the papaya growing and marketing system. A draft protocol has now been prepared for submission to the stakeholders for their comment.
USDA, surprisingly, has also not as yet accepted HTFA treatment for fruit transhipped through Hawaii to Canada. HTFA is US technology, developed originally for papaya, which was transferred to Fiji under a USAID programme. In June 1999, the United States Department of Agriculture Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service sent a team to Fiji to inspect the HTFA facility. Approval is yet to be given.
Market access problems with Australia and New Zealand in recent years have been compounded by the adoption of new pest risk assessment and industry consultation procedures. In the case of Australia, this access has been made even more arduous by the lack of clear guidelines on requirements.
New Zealand has also introduced new and more complex pest risk assessment procedures. Complete and up-to-date pest lists are now required for a commodity before a bilateral quarantine agreement (BQA) can be negotiated. The cost of a complete pest list that meets New Zealand requirements poses a major problem for minor products. One such product is cut flower dendrodium orchids, which pose no obvious quarantine risk to New Zealand. The Strategic Plan of the Fiji Floriculture Council illustrates the problem. It highlights the vulnerability of small export industries to the vagaries of the quarantine procedures of larger importing countries, compounded by a weak domestic quarantine service.
Australia's quarantine restrictions have not only impacted on fruit fly host material. For example, southern Australia potentially offers a sizeable market for Fiji ginger. However, these imports are not permitted on quarantine grounds. Such restrictions are difficult to understand, given that Fiji exports fresh ginger to Hawaii, which in turn is a major distributor of fresh ginger to North America.
In summary, the agonizingly slow progress of quarantine approval process for Fiji products can be explained in part by the fact that these are minor products from a small politically weak country. They are given low priority when it comes to allocating scarce resources to pest risk assessments. However, Fiji has not been sufficiently proactive in pushing the process along among quarantine officials in importing countries. Industry complains that the Ministry of Agriculture, Forests and Fisheries - Fiji (MAFF) has been slow in supplying data required by importing countries, and when it is finally supplied, it is not presented in the required format. In hindsight, MAFF Quarantine could have benefited from technical assistance in the preparation of submissions to importing country's quarantine authorities. Fiji has taken on the commitments implied by the SPS Agreement, without the supporting changes in human resources and institutional structures. Belatedly, a major technical assistance and training programme is required to allow the necessary changes to be made. Making the necessary structural changes will require a political commitment on the part of government.
Fiji choose ceiling bindings, and so it does not have the right to use SSGs. Nor have the SSGs of other countries had any impact on Fiji's agricultural exports.
General safeguards (anti-dumping, subsidies and countervailing measures, emergency safeguards, etc.) are necessary, given the volatility of agricultural trade for small developing countries like Fiji. However, extensive procedural requirements and conditions make these mechanisms difficult to use. Fiji is yet to introduce anti-dumping legislation in line with the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture, owing to a lack of technical capacity and resources. Kunatuba notes "The implementation of these procedures will prove difficult for Fiji, which has only limited legal capacity and no permanent representative in Geneva" (p. 10).
Codex Alimentarius determines quality standards for food. Most of Fiji's larger food processing enterprises conform to these standards. However, some smaller food processing and handling operations do not. Fiji does not have the financial and technical resources to enforce Codex compliance on these enterprises. Thus, because there is not total domestic compliance, it has not been possible to enforce Codex standards on imports, which leaves Fiji vulnerable to the dumping of poor quality foods.
The TRIPS areas of concern to Fiji are the commercial uses of traditional products. Examples of the commercial exploitation of traditional products by multinational pharmaceutical companies are kava (Piper methysticum) and kura (Morinda citrifolia). There is still no intellectual property rights legislation in Fiji. The Permanent Secretary of Agriculture notes "this is another area where Fiji needs to catch-up and take-stock before entering into more trade reform" (Kunatuba, 1999, p. 10). Fiji not only faces the task of drafting and obtaining parliamentary approval for new TRIPS-compliant legislation - there are other issues that need to be dealt with. For example, Fiji also needs the legal expertise and resources in a number of fields to amend, develop and enforce new legislation. Over the last year or so, Fiji has had other immediate constitutional and legal priorities to contend with.
Fiji's agricultural and food exports for the period 1985-2000 are shown in Table 3. To assist with the interpretation of these export flows, real and nominal exchange rates are also presented. These data show no discernible impact of the AoA on Fiji's agricultural exports. Individual food commodity exports are discussed briefly below.
Source: Fiji Bureau of Statistics, Trade Statistics, Key Statistics, Current Economic Statistics (various issues); MAFF Annual Reports; Natures Way Cooperative (Fiji) Ltd; Fiji Ginger Industry Council.
Sweeteners (cane sugar and related products) overwhelmingly dominate food exports. In recent years the value of these exports has ranged from 20 to 30 percent of total exports and around 70 percent of total food exports. For the 15 years commencing in 1985, sugar production and export earnings have oscillated widely, with no discernible trend. However, from 2001 onwards, a downward trend is expected as the impact of the non-renewal of leases to Indo-Fijian farmers is increasingly felt. This downward trend is likely to be accentuated with the declining real value of the preferential price received for sugar sold to the EU.
The wide fluctuations in sugar production and revenue until 2001 have been almost entirely weather induced. There was a major drought in 1987 and a "100- year drought" in 1997-1998. There has been a much smaller price variation over the period. Fiji has a 174 000 tonne quota under the Sugar Protocol of the Lomé Convention, which normally accounts for about 40 percent of production. The price received for this sugar is pegged to the raw sugar intervention price paid to EU growers. This intervention price has remained fairly constant over the last decade or so. There has been a small but declining preferential quota for sugar sold to the United States. The remainder of Fijian sugar is sold to various markets at prices determined by the world market.
The UR led to no change in the world sugar trade regime. Fiji could have expected to benefit from an increase in world market prices had trade liberalization occurred. This would have gone some way to offset any loss of EU preferences. The export of the EU's chronic sugar surpluses, in particular, has had a major dampening effect on world prices. A wider free market for sugar, which is not a dumping ground for residual production, could be expected to lead to more stable and higher world market prices. Reform of the world sugar economy remains a major area of unfinished business for WTO. Unfortunately, the Fiji industry, in the face of declining production and efficiency, is unlikely to be a beneficiary of sugar trade liberalization when it occurs.
Copra is the traditional cash crop of the outer islands. Copra production varies with price, but the trend continues to be downward. Much of the total area under coconuts has been abandoned, and there has been virtually no replanting. World prices for coconut oil have been generally unfavourable, and the financial viability of the sector has relied on government price support. A number of attempts to diversify the industry have been made, but with little success. The occasional improvement in copra prices has led to short-term upturns in production with producers having an incentive to gather more of the nuts available. Cyclones and droughts also have an impact on production.
The AoA has had no impact on the copra industry. A free market existed for copra and coconut oil prior to 1995. The largest market for coconut oil is the EU, where no preferential arrangements are on offer. The only other market for copra outside Europe is Bangladesh, which purchased at world market prices.
Cocoa exports achieved a high of some 400 tonnes dry beans in 1990. Since then, the industry all but collapsed in the face of low grower prices. The single parastatal exporter policy was abandoned in 1993, together with government price support. Since then, the private sector has developed niche markets in Australia, New Zealand and the United States. These markets operate independently of the world market and have not been influenced by the AoA.
Fish products are now firmly established as Fiji's second major food export earner. The two main product streams are fresh tuna exported to Japan and canned tuna sold to the EU. Under Lomé (and now Cotonou) Agreements, ACP canned tuna enters the EU duty-free, compared with a 24 percent duty incurred on tuna from Thailand, Philippines and Indonesia. Grynberg and White (1998) note that this preference has been crucial in overcoming the disadvantages of location, size and attendant size structure (p. 68). Fortunately for Fiji, the AoA does not cover fish products.
Fiji's small private exporters have been successful in developing a wide range of niche exports. More significant examples are fresh ginger to North America, papaya to Japan, taro to New Zealand and the United States, breadfruit to New Zealand, eggplant to Canada and New Zealand, coconuts to Australia, organic banana purée to France, cut flowers to Canada and kava to Germany. None of these products receives any protection on the domestic or international markets. All these market niches taken together represent a significant degree of export diversification and represent the future for Fiji's agricultural exports.
Taro, until recently, was almost entirely a subsistence or locally traded crop. Starting from 1994, taro exports have grown rapidly to become Fiji's second largest agricultural export earner (excluding fish). The trigger was the decimation of Samoan taro by disease. In 2000, 8 400 tonnes were exported for an f.o.b. value of US$13.9 million. The market is Pacific islanders resident in New Zealand, Australia and the United States. AoA cannot be considered as a contributing factor to this development.
Ginger exports date back to the 1950s, with shipments to New Zealand. Exports to North America commenced in the late 1960s, where a seasonal niche market proved to be highly profitable. Fiji was virtually the only supplier of ginger to North America in the second half of the year. Fresh ginger exports peaked in 1986 at 2 356 tonnes. Since then, the fresh export industry has been in steady decline in the face of competition. In 1999, the industry produced 551 tonnes for fresh exports and 1 500 tonnes for processing, from a harvested area of approximately 90 ha (Fiji Ginger Council). This decline can be explained by a combination of factors unrelated to the AoA.
Kava (piper methysticum) is a traditional beverage crop. The post-independence period has seen rapid growth in the social use of kava. During the 1980s and early 1990s, kava exports enjoyed steady growth. Sales were mainly to the Pacific islanders' beverage market, with some shipment to Germany for pharmaceutical uses. The value of kava exports in 1994 totalled around US$2 million. In 1998, there was an explosion in the international demand from the pharmaceutical and herbal markets, where it had been identified as a non-addictive alternative to benzodiazepines. The value of kava exports in 1998 reached US$36 million, up from US$3.4 million the previous year. Kava's spectacular performance in 1998 raised hope that a diversification crop that might approach the importance of sugar had been found. However, by early 1999, there was a substantial decline in export prices. Hopes of a major diversification crop were further dashed in 2001 when Germany placed a ban on kava imports. The ban has been based on claims that capsules containing kavalactons might cause liver cancer. Even if clinical tests do not substantiate these claims, the market damage has already been done. Such was the case with coconut oil two decades ago in the face of claims by the soybean industry.
The roller coaster experience of the kava industry is not related to the AoA. However, it does show the vulnerability of small island exporters to adverse health claims made by competing industries in industrial countries. These small countries do not have the financial and technical resources to defend themselves against these assertions. Irrevocable damage can be done in the eyes of consumers, even if claims subsequently can be refuted. Any future AoA needs to provide some protection and resources to level the playing field for small developing countries in addressing the health claims of industrial countries.
Fresh fruit, particularly papaya, has been promoted as a major diversification crop since the early 1980s. Optimistic projections were based on the excellent growing conditions for papaya and identified markets. The achievement during the 1980s was well below expectations. After numerous disappointments, the fruit export industry is beginning to takeoff. The main constraint has been quarantine. With the certification of an industry-owned and operated HTFA fruit fly quarantine treatment facility in 1996, this constraint was effectively removed. In 2000, the facility treated nearly 1 500 tonnes of produce (papaya, mango, eggplant and breadfruit). It is projected that this will increase threefold over the next five years (Nature's Way Cooperative). The AoA should have been a facilitating factor in expanding Fiji horticultural exports, by prohibiting the use of quarantine restrictions as a trade barrier. However, this has not proven to be the case. Fiji's application to Australia for the export of HTFA-treated fruit has now been pending for six years.
Eggplant, once a minor export product, has become Fiji's major horticultural export. Previously, the market for Fiji eggplant was narrow, being principally Auckland in the winter when no locally grown eggplant was available. HTFA treatment has greatly enhanced shelf-life compared with the previously chemically treated fruit. Eggplant shipments are now year-round, resulting in more than a fivefold increase in sales. While the Fiji community remains the foundation of the New Zealand eggplant market, sales are now being made to the broader market. Canada and Australia also have large Indo-Fijian communities, which provide large markets. Yet, as with papaya, USDA and AQIS approval for HTFA-treated fruit is still to be obtained.
Processed fruit exports have also made significant progress. Purées (banana, guava, mango) have expressed strong growth in recent years, which cannot be attributed to the AoA. Currently, around 1 000 tonnes of frozen product are being exported to markets in Europe, Australia, and New Zealand. These products recently acquired organic certification, enhancing their marketability. Fruit for processing is supplied entirely by village-based growers. Overall, the AoA cannot take direct credit for the growth in Fiji non-traditional exports. However, it can be argued that the provisions of the AoA enhance security of access to these markets by guaranteeing that arbitrary import restrictions cannot be introduced in the future, which could facilitate further growth.
The total food imports over the period 1988-2000 are presented in Table 4. Food imports as a percentage of total imports and as a percentage of food exports are plotted in Figure 2. Fiji has a low level of self-sufficiency in terms of the production of major food commodities; in 1994, only 39 percent of energy was derived from local foods (FAO, 1999, p. 6). Yet food imports as a percentage of total imports have remained remarkably constant over the last 20 years, averaging less than 15 percent. The level is somewhat higher than for all developing countries (just under 10 percent for the period 1994-1996). However, if adjustment is made for country size, this is a much more creditable performance. Samoa and Tonga's food imports as percentage of total imports over the period 1994-1996 were 26 percent and 24 percent, respectively (Sharma, 1999, p. 11).
Source: Bureau of Statistics, Key Statistics (various), Current Economic Statistics (various).
Food imports as a percentage of food exports oscillated between 40 and 60 percent, with no discernible trend. The ratio of food imports to total merchandise exports (an indicator of a county's ability to import food) stands at about 20 percent, having fallen in recent years. This ratio is much lower than other PICs, but somewhat higher than for developing countries as a whole (Sharma, 1999, p. 11). Controlling for size, Fiji has performed well in terms of this food security indicator. The years 1998 and 1999 saw a large increase in the ratio of total food imports to total food exports. This was the result of severe drought conditions, which substantially reduced food exports.
The AoA has had no discernible impact on food imports, as shown by the nominal and real value of food imports for the period 1993-2000 (Table 5). There was some upsurge in food imports in the period immediately following deregulation. However, the real value of food imports has declined over the period 1996-1999. There was again an increase in food imports in 2000 as a result of disruption to domestic food supplies as a result of the political crisis. The increase in the overall price of food over the period 1993-2000 has been slightly below that of the overall consumer price index.
Cereals, particularly rice, dominate Fiji's food imports. For the period 1993-1995, imported rice and wheat flour accounted for 59 percent of total dietary energy supply (DES), up from 37 percent in the period 1964-1966 (FAO 1999, p. 10). This high dependency on imported energy led to rice self-sufficiency becoming a prime objective of agricultural policy. However, the closest Fiji got to achieving this objective was in 1989, when domestic production met 66 percent of consumption requirements (Table 6).
Source: Prasad 1996; MAFF Annual Reports; Bureau of Statistics, Trade Reports.
During the 1980s, there was a general decline in rice imports. The volume of imports depended on the limits set by the government. From 1990 onwards, imports began to increase as production from the irrigation schemes began to fall. Since 1992, rice production has been grown in more direct competition with imports, with licence controls being fully removed. In 1994, imports more than doubled those of the previous year to reach 63 000 tonnes. Importers had overreacted to the new freedoms of deregulation. However, within a year, imports returned to their 1990 level and have remained at about that level until 2000.
Rice production was in decline before deregulation and well in advance of the AoA coming into effect. The downward trend has just continued at an accelerating pace. The underlying reason has been the low relative returns to farmers (Prasad, 1997, p. 24). With the loss of protection in 1993 the returns from growing irrigated rice became negative. Thus, hardly surprisingly, production from the irrigation schemes, with the exception of the second main island Vanua Levu, has now ceased. Low-input traditional rice remains an important subsistence crop, particularly in the cane areas. The reform of Fiji's rice policy was not a direct result of the AoA. However, it could be argued that to some extent, the reform of rice policy was undertaken with a view to bringing it into line with the expected disciplines after Fiji acceded to the WTO.
Despite heavy protection, domestic dairy production has not been impressive, and a heavy reliance on milk powder and butter imports has persisted. Dairy production fell away sharply in 1998, more as a result of the drought than the impact of deregulation (Table 7). Production reached a 20-year low in 2000, with the dairying production area bearing the brunt of the insurrection that followed the attempted coup.
Since 1992, the dairy industry has faced more direct competition with imports, with licence controls being removed in 1994. These were replaced with a range of tariffs on imported dairy products - this included a 35 percent tariff on powdered milk.
With deregulation, there was an initial surge in the importation of dairy products, increasing from 3 400 tonnes milk fat equivalent (TMFE) in 1994 to 5 000 TMFE in 1995. However, in 1996 and 1997, imports had subsided somewhat. In the longer term, in a competitive environment, it is probable that only the fresh milk segment of the industry is sustainable.
Source: Sugrim 1998; MAFF Annual Reports, various years; Bureau of Statistics, Trade Reports, various years.
Commercial beef production has been in decline for several decades. Government attempted to develop some beef schemes in the 1990s, but these have suffered from poor management, competition from cheap imported mutton, and distorted marketing structures. Deregulation saw the tariff on imported meat reduced to only a 5 percent tariff, although this was raised to 27 percent in 2002. As a result, sheep meat imports almost doubled over a 5-year period, although these subsided somewhat towards the end of the decade (Table 8). Sheep meat imports are from New Zealand and are dominated by low-value cuts. Beef imports have been largely unaffected by deregulation.
The poultry industry developed rapidly during the 1970s under generous trade protection. Deregulation began in 1989 with the removal of import licensing. Tariffs have fallen progressively from 75 percent to 10 percent (increasing again to 27 percent in the 2002 Budget). Yet, domestic production increased significantly to reach 8 760 tonnes in 1995. The highly integrated structure of the poultry industry, in contrast to the beef industry, has been a contributing factor to its strong market performance.
Deregulation has also had minimal impact on the pork industry. With increasing efficiency, commercial pork production increased strongly over the period, reaching a record level of 832 tonnes in 1994. Further gains in efficiency are achievable, and the industry has now reached the stage where it is more than competitive with imported pork.
Deregulation, commencing in 1992, brought with it an initial surge in the imports of some major agriculture products, notably rice, potatoes and sheep meat (Table 8). However, these imports soon subsided towards pre-deregulation levels. This surge in food imports predates the AoA. Other major food import items such as milk powder, onions and garlic appear not to have been measurably affected by deregulation.
Source: Bureau of Statistics, Trade Reports (various issues).
Per capita energy requirements in 1995 stood at 2 259 kcal/day, an increase of 4 percent from 1965 (FAO, 1999, p. 7). Over the same period, the DES increased from 2 632 kcal/day to 3 005 kcal/day - an increase of 14 percent. The increase can be attributed to a growth in food imports and domestic food production. The share of fat in total DES has increased by more than 50 percent over the period, while the percentage of carbohydrates decreased by 18 percent. Protein's share of the total DES remained constant at about 10 percent over the entire 20-year period.
access to food at the household level, especially those with low incomes.
Fiji's ability to meet the four conditions of food security are summarized in Table 9.
A reasonable adequacy of overall food supplies stems from a strong traditional subsistence base, which by and large remains intact. Traditional crops are grown throughout Fiji and represent a "hidden strength" of the economy. However, locally grown food crops account for only around 40 percent of energy requirements. There are also quality factors leading to great nutritional insecurity. Increased overweight and obesity have been attributed to changes in diets, with a trend away from root crops, green leafy vegetables and fresh fish towards more fatty foods, flour-based food products, rice and sugar. Changes in diet have brought with them substantial health and productivity costs to society.
Fiji has a strong commercial food production sector supplying domestic markets. The evidence of a strong upward trend in traded food crops indicates that Fiji's agricultural sector, far from stagnating at subsistence levels, has sustained a dynamic process of increased commercialization through the last few decades. Commercial food production is supported by a vibrant private food marketing system. Municipal markets in the main cities have had to expand the municipal facilities in order to cope with the increased trade.
The vulnerability of Fiji to natural disasters results in a degree of instability in food supply. This has been accentuated by a breakdown in traditional coping mechanisms.
Mainly an urban poverty problem. The 1996 Poverty Report found that25 percent of the population lived below the poverty. There is also food insecurity, associated with a lack of access to land and other resources, together with increasing land degradation. The displacement of tenant farmers and loss of jobs in the garment industry in recent years have accentuated these problems.
Food imports are still comparatively low and had fallen slightly as a percentage of total imports over the last decade despite deregulation. This suggested that food supply had been able to expand with increases in demand from a rapidly growing urban population. This apparent high level of food security was severely tested with the "great" 1997-98 drought. The sustenance of some vulnerable groups (e.g. those whose livelihood depended on cutting sugar cane or growing rain-fed rice) required food rations over an extended period. However, the overall level of food imports as a percentage of total imports did not increase. Since the arrival of the rains there has been a rapid turn around in food production as witnessed by the volume and price of produce in municipal markets.
Aggregate food security has not been adversely affected by deregulation. This is not to say that vulnerable groups, particularly in urban areas, are not obtaining sufficient food to meet their nutritional needs. According to UNDP (1997), around one-quarter of the population in Fiji currently live in poverty. The poor are unevenly distributed spatially and are well represented in both the Indian and Fijian populations. Most poor households are headed by somebody in employment but not earning enough to meet basic family needs.
Almost 40 percent of children below five years of age had diets low in iron and protein.
Over one-quarter of Indian children less than ten years of age were underweight for their age and showed signs of malnutrition.
At least 20 percent of children live in households that cannot afford to provide a sufficient diet.
It had become increasingly costly for households to provide a nutritionally adequate diet to children.
In the intervening decade, children are likely to face greater vulnerability with respect to nutrition. Urbanization has accelerated, and large-scale job and livelihood losses have accompanied Fiji's political crisis However, this vulnerability is not a consequence of deregulation or Fiji's accession to WTO. For Fiji's increasingly urban society, deregulation has, if anything, enhanced food security by reducing the price of basic imported staples. Deregulation also allowed for significant employment creation in the manufacturing sector, particularly for women.
The Marrakesh Decision is not currently of relevance to Fiji as it is not a recipient of food aid and is not a net importer of food. Since 1988, food imports have never exceeded 60 percent of food exports. However, this situation could change in the face of a collapsing sugar industry.
The concept of "multi-functionality" of agriculture was first promoted by the EU, with an element of protectionism embodied it. Fiji, while embracing the concept of "multi-functionality", should be careful in accepting commitments that it is not ready for, e.g. onerous environmental and animal welfare standards. These issues have the potential of being used as non-tariff trade barriers. Fiji's experience with enforcing Codex Alimentarius requirements should be a salutary lesson here.
Prime Minister Chaudhary, in his speech to the Seattle WTO meeting, referred to "the need to raise living standards in rural areas and to reduce poverty and that these are the issues to be addressed in the context of any review of the AoA". This has remained the position of the newly elected government.
The elimination of all trade-distorting support would see the end of the EU's existing sugar regime, which is still characterized by "high domestic market prices buttressed by significant taxes on imports and an aggressive export subsidy program" (Swinbank et al., 1998, p. 32). Liberalization of the EU sugar regime implies linking the price to sugar growers with world market prices. If this occurred, it is politically inconceivable that the EU would be willing in the future to pay more for sugar grown in ACP countries than it pays for domestically grown sugar.
The pace of reform of the world sugar economy will likely depend on the second round of WTO negotiations. A shakeout of the world sugar economy should benefit efficient sugar producers in the longer term. The current free market for sugar has structural characteristics that lead to prolonged price troughs punctuated by extreme, but short, price peaks. The major depressing impact on prices has been the chronic EU sugar surpluses that have entered the market. A wider free market for sugar, which is not used as a dumping ground for residual production, can be expected to lead to more stable and higher world market prices.
If the Fiji industry can become efficient, it can survive and potentially thrive - if it cannot, then it is doomed. The last few years have seen a haphazard uncontrolled reduction in the size of the sugar industry, as a high percentage of leases have not been renewed. This has made the longer-term survival of the Fiji sugar industry even more problematic. The loss of the sugar industry would have catastrophic consequences for the economy and income distribution. The economic impact of the drought of 1997 and 1998 is an indication of how dependent the economy is on the sugar industry. With two successive years of low sugar production, the economy contracted by 4 percent despite a very strong performance of the tourism, garments and kava sectors. While recent years have seen good progress made in export diversification, no single crop or group of crops have been identified that could replace sugar in the foreseeable future.
Asian Development Bank. 1985. Fiji agricultural sector study: A program for crop intensification.
Asian Development Bank. 1996. Fiji agricultural sector review: A strategy for growth and diversification, Pacific Studies Series.
Asian Development Bank. 2000. Republic of Fiji islands 1999 economic report.
FAO, 1999. Nutritional country profile of Fiji islands.
Fiji Floriculture Council. 2000. The strategic plan of the Fiji floriculture council. January.
Fiji Islands Ministry of Foreign Affairs and External Trade. 1999. Minister's Brief: Cairns Group Ministerial Conference, Buenos Aires, August 1999.
Grynberg, R. & White, M. 1998. EU tuna preferences in the post-Lomé environment. In Grynberg, R., ed. The Lomé Convention and the Pacific. Forum Secretariat and University of the South Pacific.
Kunatuba, P. 1998. Fiji country paper to the FAO Round Table on the Uruguay Round Agreements: Implications for agriculture and fisheries in Pacific island countries. Auckland.
Mataitoga, I. 2001. Republic of the Fiji islands statement, Ambassador, Permanent Representative to WTO. Ministerial Conference, Fourth Session, Doha, 9-13 November 2001.
Mataitoga, I. 2000. Post Seattle negotiations under WTO Agreement on Agriculture - Special sessions on the Committee on Agriculture (working paper).
Mathur, S. 2002. Notes on the Agreement on Agriculture. Third WTO/Forum Secretariat Trade Policy Course for Pacific Island Countries. Forum Secretariat, Suva. March.
Prasad, K.D. 1996. Deregulation of the rice industry in Fiji, an assessment of macro and micro effects. Unpublished, University of the South Pacific MA thesis, Suva, Fiji.
Sharma, R. 1999. Overview of global market developments in the post-Uruguay Round period. FAO Round Table on the Uruguay Round Agreements: Implications for agriculture and fisheries in Pacific island countries. Auckland.
Sugrim, A. 1998. Overview of Fiji's dairy industry: A paper presented at the South Pacific Regional Training Workshop on Milk Production and Processing in Fiji-Tonga-Samoa.
Swinbank, A., Jordan, K. & Beard, N. 1997. Implications for developing countries of likely reforms on the Common Agricultural Policy of the EU. Report prepared for the Economic Affairs Division of the Commonwealth Secretariat and published in the ISO Sugar Year Book.
 Study prepared for FAO by Dr Andrew McGregor of the Trade Development Office, Suva Fiji. The author acknowledges the contribution and assistance of Mr Sakiusa Tubuna (Principal Economic Planning Officer Ministry of Agriculture, Sugar and Land Resettlement), Mr Waisiki Gonemaituba (Acting Principal Economic Planning Officer Ministry of Agriculture, Sugar and Land Resettlement) and Ms Joann Young (Senior Economic Planning Officer Ministry of Agriculture, Sugar and Land Resettlement).
 The last estimate of multiplier impact of income generated by the sugar industry was contained in the 1985 ADB Agricultural Sector Study. The "full" multiplier for the sugar industry was 2.04 at factor cost and 2.23 at market prices (ADB, 1985, p. 13). The respective values for the tourist sector were 1.41 and 1.58. The 1985 Sector Study estimated direct import leakages for the sugar industry to be 18.2 percent (p. 19).


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Жан Луи Кабанис (; , Берлин — , там же) — немецкий орнитолог.

Биография

Жан Луи Кабанис родился 8 марта 1816 года в городе Берлине. С 1835 по 1839 годы Кабанис изучал естествознание в Берлинском университете

По окончании обучения предпринял зоологическое путешествие в Северную Америку, где провёл более полутора лет в Северной и Южной Каролине и собрал богатые коллекции. После возвращении в Берлин в 1841 году поступил на службу в Зоологический музей, где проработал до 1892 года. В 1874 году был назначен профессором.

Исследования Кабаниса имели в своё время важное значение в систематике птиц; свои работы он помещал в «Archiv für Naturgeschichte», Вигманна (1841) и в «Museum Heineanum» (1850—1863), он обработал также птиц в «Reisen in Britisch-Guyana», Шомбургка (1848) и в «Reisen in Ostafrica» фон дер Деккена (Б., 1869). В 1853 году Кабанис основал «Journal für Ornithologie», который с 1868 года служит органом основанного Кабанисом Немецкого Орнитологического общества в Берлине.

Почести
Несколько орнитологов назвали таксоны в честь Кабаниса, например:
 Белобровая овсянка (Emberiza cabanisi) (Reichenow, 1875)
 Иглохвостый печник Кабаниса (Synallaxis cabanisi) (Berlepsch & Leverkuhn, 1890)
 Танагра Кабаниса (Tangara cabanisi) (Sclater, 1868)
 Бурый бюльбюль Кабаниса (Phyllastrephus cabanisi) (Sharpe, 1882)
 Сероспинный сорокопут (Lanius cabanisi) (Hartert, 1906)
 Черноголовый общественный ткач (Pseudonigrita cabanisi) (Fischer & Reichenow, 1884)

Кабанис был автором или соавтором целого ряда таксонов птиц. Вместе с Шарлем Люсьеном Бонапартом он описал в 1850 году род Stenostira. Он описал среди прочих виды: белогрудый лесной крапивник (Henicorhina leucosticta), чешуйчатая короткохвостая муравьянка (Hylophylax poecilinotus), желтогрудый тиранн-плоскоклюв (Rhynchocyclus brevirostris), а также роды Poospiza, Baeolophus и Cichlopsis.

Литература
 Bo Beolens, Michael Watkins: Whose Bird?: Common Bird Names and the People They Commemorate, Yale University Press, 2004, Seite 73ff, ISBN 978-0-300-10359-5
 Ludwig Gebhardt: Die Ornithologen Mitteleuropas. AULA-Verlag, Wiebelsheim 2006, S. 60f, ISBN 3-89104-680-4

Зоологи Германии
Персоналии по алфавиту
Родившиеся в 1816 году
Умершие в 1906 году
Родившиеся в Берлине
Умершие в Берлине
Орнитологи Германии
Главные редакторы Journal of Ornithology


text:
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As a cytotechnologist, you are responsible for closely studying cells for cellular changes and anomalies with the purpose of early detection of medical issues like infection or diseases. Information provided by cytotechnologists helps pathologists to diagnose and treat ailments.
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To work as a cytotechnologist, one has to take on the following tasks on a regular basis:
Assess patient samples for microscopic evaluation of cellular material under the direction of the cytology supervisor
Examine prepared cell specimens for the presence of anomalies, and note down observations that might indicate an immediate threat
Ensure that established rules and procedures for handling and disposing toxic or contaminated waste is followed
Maintain accurate workload records of the slides screened and hours worked during a period of 24 hours
Provide interpretations and reports of cytologic results in standard nomenclature for easy accessibility when deciding on patient management.
During a normal workday, a cytologist has to take on a variety of tasks including working in collaboration with a pathologist, running tests of pap smears and other bodily fluids under microscopes for any atypical, suspicious or abnormal cells. You will also support radiologists to collect fine-needle aspiration biopsies while ensuring that scientific laboratory regulations are adhered to at all times. Other work will be to effectively collect, analyse and maintain the reporting of results as needed by the medical facility.
In your role, you will be expected to take important decisions day-to-day pertaining to the accurate analysis of changes and developments in microscopic cells that will directly impact the patients' treatment. For instance, a cytologist may successfully detect the early stages of cervical cancer to save lives of patients. A big part of the work involves working with a diverse range of medical staff such as doctors, nurses, pathologists, radiologists as well as patients.
Work Schedule And Typical Hours
Most job positions are full-time with 40 hours per week and weekend shifts as required. Cytotechnologists work at commercial or hospital settings for most jobs. As you gain experience in this sector, you may have the opportunity to work in private industry or in advanced research or teaching positions. Due to hazards associated with toxic chemical exposure, you will often need to wear protective gear as appropriate. The work also requires lifting of moderately heavy objects such as a case of solvent weighing approximately 30 pounds from the floor to a bench at waist height.
Growth Of The Job
Professions in this field are projected to experience a significant growth over the next two decades. According to the US Bureau of Labour Statistics, a job growth of 14% is predicted for clinical laboratory technologists during 2014-2024 period. With more advanced technology available to healthcare industry, technologists with a grasp on new page diagnostic skills and ASCP certification in related fields of study, can find a host of employment opportunities.
Individuals working in this job area can find lucrative careers working with universities, colleges, clinics, hospitals, private laboratories, government facilities and other associated industries. Benefits typically offered in these positions include comprehensive plans such as paid vacation, sick leave, holidays, life insurance, health benefits, thrift savings plan, and participation in the Federal Employees Retirement System.
Examples of employers include: University of Maryland Medical System, American Pathology Partners, The Guthrie Clinic, Sunrise Medical Laboratories, Bio-Reference Laboratories, Inc., Northwest Community Healthcare, Doctors Hospital at Renaissance, Temple University Health System, WVU Healthcare and more.
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How To Become a Cytotechnologist
In order to find jobs in this employment sector, you must at least possess a relevant bachelor's degree in health sciences or other allied sciences appropriate to the work, from an accredited college or university. Coursework in cytotechnology programs include a minimum of 28 credits of science, with subjects such as chemistry, physics and biology. Study is focused on areas such as laboratory operations, ancillary testing, cytologic processes, mathematics and statistics.
To be successful as a cytologist, one has to have the passion for healthcare laboratory sciences and cancer research. Working with cellular specimens on a daily basis requires patience and superior attention to detail. The work is challenging and gives you exposure to handling different levels of data, such as patient history, medical reports, etc. in a hospital setting. Mastering a full range of routine, non-routine, and specialized laboratory tests and knowledge of mathematical and statistical procedures will give you a competitive edge over other candidates seeking work in this job sector.
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Cytotechnologist Salary Data
How do Cytotechnologist salaries stack up to other jobs across the country? Based on the latest jobs data nationwide, Cytotechnologist's can make an average annual salary of $61,860, or $30 per hour. On the lower end, they can make $51,080 or $25 per hour, perhaps when just starting out or based on the state you live in.
Here are the most common degrees for becoming a Cytotechnologist. a Bachelor's is usually recommended and specifically a degree or coursework that prepares you for the particular field, see below.
Highest Education Among Cytotechnologist
2.3% Doctorate
6.5% Masters
44.1% Bachelors
17.2% Associates
19% College
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How does Cytotechnologist job growth stack up to other jobs across the country? By 2024, there will be a change of 23,100 jobs for a total of 187,900 people employed in the career nationwide. This is a 14% change in growth over the next ten years, giving the career a growth rate nationwide of Above Average.
What Companies Employ The Most Cytotechnologists
General medical and surgical hospitals; private	 80,500	 5,600	 6%
Medical and diagnostic laboratories 28,500	 9,500	 10%
Offices of physicians 12,600	 2,900	 3%
Ambulance Driver
Embryologist
Biological Laboratory Technician
Biochemical Engineer
Cardiovascular Technologist
Chemical Laboratory Analyst
Organic Chemist


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Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh
Irish judge and 5th President of Ireland
Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh (12 February 1911 – 21 March 1978, IPA: ['caɾˠwaɫ̪ o: 'dˠa:ɫ̪i]) served as fifth President of Ireland, from 1974 to 1976. He was elected after the death of President Childers, but he resigned in 1976 after a clash with the government. He also had a notable legal career, including serving as Chief Justice of Ireland.
5th President of Ireland
19 December 1974 – 22 October 1976
Taoiseach
Liam Cosgrave
Erskine H. Childers
Patrick Hillery
Judge of the European Court of Justice
10 March 1973 – 19 December 1974
Nominated by
Government of Ireland
4th Chief Justice of Ireland
Éamon de Valera
Conor Maguire
William FitzGerald
Judge of the Supreme Court
3 November 1953 – 22 September 1973
Seán T. O'Kelly
9th Attorney General of Ireland
14 June 1951 – 11 July 1953
Charles Casey
Thomas Teevan
30 April 1946 – 18 February 1948
Kevin Dixon
Cecil Lavery
Cearbhall Aedan Ó Dálaigh
(1911-02-12)12 February 1911
Bray, County Wicklow, Ireland
Portobello, Dublin, Ireland
Coronary thrombosis
Sneem, County Kerry, Ireland
Fianna Fáil
Máirín Uí Dhálaigh (m. 1943)
Fionn Ó Dálaigh
Mary Ó Dálaigh
King's Inns
Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh was born in Bray, County Wicklow.
Ó Dálaigh trained as a lawyer. He became Ireland's youngest Attorney-General in 1946 under Taoiseach Éamon de Valera. He was re-appointed as Attorney-General in 1951 and in 1953 he became the youngest member of the Supreme Court. Less than a decade later, he became the youngest Chief Justice of Ireland.
When Ireland joined the European Economic Community, Jack Lynch appointed Ó Dálaigh as Ireland's judge on the European Court of Justice. When President Childers died suddenly in 1974, all parties agreed to nominate Ó Dálaigh for the post.
President of IrelandEdit
Ó Dálaigh proved to be a mixed success as president. While popular with Irish language enthusiasts and artists he had a strained relationship with the Coalition Government.
In 1976 he decided to refer a series of tough state security Bills to the Supreme Court to test their constitutionality. This worried and angered members of the Fine Gael-Labour national coalition government. Ó Dálaigh then announced that he would sign the bill at midnight of the 15th of October, which he made public. There was a historical precedent for the referral of this bill. Dubhghlas de hÍde referred the Offences Against the State (Amendment) Act of 1939 to the Supreme Court. Jim Duffy claims that, as a result of this, the PIRA arranged an attack in Mountmellick which resulted in the killing of Garda Clerkin.[1] Others would dispute that the PIRA would have held the President's opinion in such high regard as their members at the time did not recognise the State of which Ó Dálaigh was then the Head.
Ó Dálaigh's actions were seen by government ministers to have contributed to the killing of this Garda and greatly angered them. The following day, following a minor car accident, Paddy Donegan, a controversial and outspoken Minister for Defence, described the incident as a "thundering disgrace". The president thought the minister meant that the President was a disgrace, not what the President was doing was a disgrace. Donegan, a known alcoholic, was likely under the influence of alcohol at the time he spoke. He was speaking to members of the Irish Defence Forces, and was only at the barracks to open a new cookhouse. Donegan insulted the President, who is Head of the Defence Forces in front of the defence forces. created a major political incident. Ó Dálaigh thought that the President and the Minister of Defence would be unable to work together.[2]
The apologetic Donegan immediately offered his resignation. But Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave refused the offers, an offer he repeated subsequently. Cosgrave never met the President personally to apologise.[1] That added to two years in which Cosgrave had failed to do his constitutional duty to regularly brief the President. The manner in which his government treated the President was the last straw for President Ó Dálaigh.
He became the first Irish president to resign.
The incident meant even more people saw the Government as arrogant and out of touch with public opinion and contributed to their defeat in the 1977 general election.[3]
The opposition proposed outgoing EEC Commissioner Patrick Hillery for the presidency. Hillery served two unchallenged terms of office before retiring at the end of his second term in 1990.
Death and assessmentEdit
Ó Dálaigh died in 1978, less than two years after leaving office. He is buried in Sneem, County Kerry.
Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh was the most politically naïve president, but the Government he worked with was notable for its own inability to offer him the help to overcome the problem. The Taoiseach did not support Ó Dálaigh when Donegan attacked him.
↑ 1.0 1.1 "Naivete blighted Ó Dálaigh's tenure" by Jim Duffy in the Irish Times, Tuesday, 24 October 2006
↑ Sunday Independent, 29 October 2006 – The many resignations of Ó Dálaigh
↑ Gene Kerrigan and Patrick Brennan (1999) This Great Little Nation: The A to Z of Irish Scandals and Controversies
Kevin Dixon Attorney General of Ireland
Charles Casey Attorney General of Ireland
Conor Maguire Chief Justice of Ireland
Erskine H. Childers President of Ireland
Retrieved from "https://simple.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Cearbhall_Ó_Dálaigh&oldid=6508494"


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I'd just like culture start building by offering values
And yes, I've before, but it was my fault that I was cramping that time.
It's time now, it's time to play big boy ball, so all that losing is done.
Bojorquez was claimed off waivers by the Bills last weekend, after being released by New England.
Everything seems like it's crashing down around you, it's going to be fine – was there any moment like that for you?
So, it's an offense that's very capable of exploding and we'll have to do a great job of trying to limit their explosive plays and find ways to contain their passing game.
I just want to continue to do that.
You see everybody across the league getting huge numbers, huge tackles, huge sacks baseball jersey design stuff like that and that's just not really what our defense is made for.
We're not really too pressed about that right now.
We're just getting ready to go for the challenge ahead on Sunday.
It found a way to survive.
I noticed when you played against the Maryland Terrapins, you leaped over the players, but I noticed that you do that quite often.
It was just electric in there.
They don't have a friend who can give them a couple hundred dollars, whether it be to bail them out of jail or bail them out of their car being towed.
That's what makes it so interesting and kind of fun this year.
If he can force his way into the backfield to disrupt Mahomes' timing, that could lead to opportunities for the secondary to capitalize on mistakes.
2 in both fourth-down stops and opponent QB rating .
He's a good football player, I think that's the main thing.
That love, that genuine love that I've always had for the city of Baltimore, for that team when Ray Lewis and Ed Reed and those guys were locking guys down – that was really the example that I had when I started playing defense.
We've been working the last couple days on Dallas and watching a lot of film and stuff like that.
It started off slow, just getting used to the COVID-19 and stuff like that.
Three Ravens players traveled to the Pro https://www.fiitg.net T Jonathan Ogden, LB Peter Boulware and 1st-timer TE Todd Heap.
Very few players will ever publicly say why they turned down an offer, especially if there's a chance at a pairing in the future.
It cost at least one poor soul $40.
They could definitely still decide to use this pick on an offensive tackle, like Alabama's Jonah Williams, but I think they'll go for defensive line help here.
Then, you had the Pistons and the Bulls.
I think last year would have been a little too early, but I think playing one more would be a year too late.
We have to continue to do that, and do that on Saturday, and the weeks to come if we want to be successful and we want to go on to the next game.
We always give good effort, the whole team does.
His duties have also included contract negotiations, directing the team's marketing department and serving on committees to interview custom jerseys select Ravens head coaches.
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text:
A date in a calendar is a reference to a particular day by means of a calendar system. The calendar date allows the particular day to be identified and relative to all other dates. For example February 17, 2003 is ten days after February 7, 2003 in the Gregorian calendar.
In most calendar systems the date consists of three parts: the year, the month and the day of month. There may also be additional parts, such as the day of week. Years are counted from a particular starting point, usually called an era, but sometimes an epoch.
A date with the year part removed may also be referred to as a date or calendar date (e.g. February 7 rather than February 7, 2003). As such it defines the days of an annual festival such as a Birthday or Christmas on December 25th.
Related to the classification of a day as a specific calendar date, is the format used to express that date.
Even for one calendar system, different formats are used. For example, the following formats all express the same date in the Gregorian calendar:
11/16/2001 - used in places with American influence. This format was traditional in England, whence it was brought to America. Since the 1900s the English have begun to use the d/m/y format, imported from Europe.
16/11/2001 or 16.11.2001 or 16-11-2001 - used in places with European influence
2001-11-16 - the ISO 8601 International standard ordering for dates.
These are further complicated by the common practice of abbreviating the year to its final two digits, and/or abbreviating the full name of the month to its initial three letters.
A significant amount of confusion arises from the ambiguity of a date order; especially with low day, month and/or year numbers, it is impossible to tell which order is being used. Various schemes are used to correct these ambiguities; common schemes include spelling out the month name (or its abbreviation) and using four-digit years. The ISO 8601 date order, with four digit years, is specifically chosen to be unambiguous.
d/m/y (day, month, year) is used by:
m/d/y (month, day, year) is used by:
some traditional UK organisations
y/m/d (year, month, day), the ISO 8601 standard, is used by:
See also: calendar, time, date-time group, Japanese calendar, Wikibooks:English:Time