not exercised) the proposed prohibition may be accepted.
service of the closure notice in accordance with subsection (6).
such a notice must be served on the premises to which it applies.
of the last of the sales to which the alleged offence relates.
an offence in respect of which a prosecution has already been brought.
72(1) of the Weights and Measures Act 1985.
in respect of an alleged offence under section 147A.
the notice would take effect.
person for the alleged offence or any related offence.
which the alleged offence relates.
at the end insert "or of his functions in relation to a closure notice".
that locality of alcohol-related crime or disorder.
period of more than 48 hours) by a constable.
4 on the standard scale.
and for this purpose "place" includes a place on a means of transport.
applies (knives and bladed weapons).
subsection (3)(b), and of the word "or" immediately preceding it.
a term not exceeding 10 years or to a fine, or to both.
relating to the offence or to the offender which justify its not doing so.
or to a fine, or to both.
if the offence had been committed on that day.
at that time and that the other person was not.
subsection (2), and of the reference to it in subsection (9).
The 1968 Act is amended as follows.
In subsection (4) of that section, for "seventeen" substitute "eighteen".


This is a new Passive House residence to be constructed in the Bloomington, IL area.
The house is just a single bedroom, compact and, I hope, cozy. Its oriented to the south with maximum window exposure in that direction. We will be aiming for an R-60 insulation value for the roof, R-40 walls – both above grade and in the basement – and even R-20 under the basement floor slab.
Here's the blog post where I introduced the project.
The main living spaces are all on one floor, with a roofline and interior ceiling rising to the south to give a sense of space, embrace the view and capture as much solar energy as possible.
This compact home for one person features an open concept living and dining area, a snug but open bedroom area and a shared powder design for the bath so that it can be easy access for any guests but stay functional for the person of the house. An airlock mud room keeps the chill or heat at bay and the mechanical spaces are tucked away in the basement (with room to add a second bedroom, bath and den at a later date if desired.


text:
Police Raids Being Used To Enforce Custody Orders, Sending Kids Back To Abusive Parents And 'Reunification Camps'
Michael Volpe Contributor
Seven cases examined by The Daily Caller show police raids being used in custody battles, with some parents ending up incarcerated
Experts say accusations of "parental alienation" are routinely abused
In one NC case, a mother was jailed for having her child baptized
A pattern of cases across the country show how custody battles can escalate into police raids, which sometimes force children into abusive situations or "reunification camps" on the order of judges.
The Daily Caller took a closer look at seven, in multiple different states, which show a disturbing trend of custody cases being mishandled.
In 2013, the Connecticut legislature created the "Task Force to Study Legal Disputes Involving the Care and Custody of Minor Children" after numerous complaints about that state's family court.
Minnie Gonzalez is a Democratic who is deputy majority leader in the Connecticut House of Representatives who has spoken to hundreds of parents and said that abuse continues.
"It happens a lot," said Gonzalez, of police raids being used in her state. "It's not about children or family here, it's about money." (RELATED: Arizona's Department Of Child Protective Services Has A Pattern Of Sending SWAT Teams For 'Medical Kidnapping)
Read on for details about these cases below.
Connecticut: Police Show Up At School To Take Away Ted Taupier's Kids
Edward "Ted" Taupier was featured in The Caller in March 2019, when a SWAT team from the Connecticut State Police stormed his home.
In another incident, his local police, the Cromwell Police Department, came to his kids' school to help his ex-wife forcefully take them during the school day.
Judge Elizabeth Bozzuto was presiding over his divorce when she signed an order on August 25, 2014, which stated in part, "The parties shall abide by the court order coded #127 dated August 13, 2013."
No further explanation was provided by Bozzuto.
This created confusion, because even though that order granted Taupier's ex-wife custody, it was expired.
The next day, Taupier's ex-wife's attorney filed an emergency motion to change custody. Before Bozzuto had a chance to rule, his ex-wife showed up to their school with police to remove the kids on August 26, 2014.
A representative in the Cromwell Police Records Department told The Caller the police were there to escort Taupier's ex-wife, because she feared for her safety, but not to get involved.
Taupier filmed the events.
Taupier is currently banned by court order from seeing his two children.
Connecticut: After Substantiating Neglect Against Lori Thaner's Ex-Husband, Police Forcibly Gave Her Kids To Him
Lori Thaner said police repeatedly showed up after her kids ran from an abusive situation.
CPS substantiated neglect against her ex-husband but that report appears to have been buried as no action was taken.
On May 25, 2015, her ex-husband first reached out to the Glastonbury, Connecticut Police Department, where Thaner lived, after their kids refused to go back to him when Thaner's custody time ended.
Glastonbury Police told her ex-husband he wasn't even allowed on her property, according to a warrant.
That same warrant stated, "He [Glastonbury Police Officer] stated he explained the situation to him [Thaner's ex-husband] and he told him they do not get involved in civil matters."
So, Thaner's ex went to the police department where he lived, the Norwalk Police Department and filed a report; the Norwalk Police Department later filed a criminal warrant for Thaner on June 2, 2015.
The Glastonbury Police then executed the warrant and removed the kids.
Glastonbury Police did not return messages for comment.
"The warrant speaks for itself," said the Norwalk Police Department officer who spoke with the Caller.
Bozzuto also presided over Thaner's case.
In January 2016, while in her father's custody, Thaner's daughter ran away to Thaner's home and refused to leave. Another police department, the Trumbull Police Department, was dispatched this time to forcefully take her.
Thaner's ex-husband referred to Bozzuto's orders giving him sole custody in filling out the application.
He didn't respond to a voicemail for comment. The Trumbull Police Department officer on duty who spoke with The Caller said, "You have the police report," but declined further comment.
Another time her kids ran away and refused to return, Bozzuto had Thaner incarcerated until the kids returned to their father.
Thaner said she served fifty-eight days in prison for custodial interference in 2017.
Thaner described her ordeal when she testified in front of the Connecticut legislature in 2017.
Bozzuto did not respond to an email for comment.
Bozzuto was a judge on the Hartford District from 2000-2018; she became a court administrator in 2018.
Abuse Of Parental Alienation
Parental alienation is, "a mental condition in which a child, whose parents are engaged in a high-conflict divorce, allies strongly with one parent (the preferred parent or alienating parent) and refuses to have a relationship with the other parent (the rejected or alienated parent) without a good reason." According to Vanderbilt Professor Bill Bernet, in a previous Caller article.
As a result of this designation, both Taupier and Thaner were ordered to give up their children so they could go to a reunification camp to be "deprogrammed," according to parental alienation lingo, before being sent to their ex.
Robin Yeamans has been practicing law for forty-years, often representing domestic violence victims. She told The Caller that the term can be twisted in court.
Yeamans said that abusive men and those of means are often able to falsely label a mother who is trying to protect her children an alienator.
A 2007 survey by the Leadership Council for Interpersonal Violence found that 58,000 children yearly are placed into abusive homes by American family courts. Dr. Joy Silberg, the president of LC, has said the false label of parent alienator is the primary driver of this number. (RELATED: Courts Separate American Families While Media Ignore Their Stories)
North Carolina: Diane Knudsen and Donna McCracken
Knudsen and McCracken have similar stories.
They were each the long-term primary caretaker for the children in their marriage and initially for years in a divorce.
Both their ex-husbands had only seen their children sporadically before court orders forced a switch in custody.
Both were accused of parental alienation.
Both provided video of the exchange in which their children were taken to a reunification camp.
While little can be seen in McCracken's video, she said there was police presence, including, she believed, SWAT on the bus.
A man in blue can be seen in McCracken's video. That man is a transporter, whose job is to make sure kids get on buses and get transported to these camps, which are often mandatory.
Knudsen's order warned there could be consequences for non-compliance, including jail, placing her children in CPS custody, and switching custody to her ex-husband.
The order was also issued spontaneously. "The court issues this order upon its own motion — sua sponte — over the objection of Ms. Knudsen," Mecklenburg County Judge Sean Smith said in the order.
Even though Smith is in Mecklenburg County, the warrant was executed by neighboring Union County, where Knudsen then lived, with their warrant stating, "order directing law enforcement to facilitate transfer."
Tony Underwood, public information officer for Union County, stated, "We executed the order, without incident, and that was our involvement in the matter. An order such as this one is valid throughout NC, so it does not matter what county it is issued in."
At roughly the same time, Judge Smith also jailed Kendra Stocks, a mother, for contempt of court for baptizing her daughter in violation of a Smith order.
Knudsen's video is below. This is the last time she saw her daughter.
After reunification therapy, Knudsen said her mother intervened. "I have them 50%, my mom has 50% and he has visitation."
McCracken said that when she mentioned to an evaluator that she was reporting abuse to CPS; she was warned by the evaluator she would lose custody if she did. That evaluator, Dr. Duke Bussey, did not return a voicemail.
Family Bridges: A Reunification Camp
McCracken's daughter was sent to the reunification camp, Family Bridges.
In the last eight months, Family Bridges has been the subject of three exposés by NBC Bay Area, NBC New York, and the Center for Investigative Reporting.
Collectively the three exposés found that all the kids interviewed were forced to be there, and that reunification therapy failed to heal their relationship with the targeted parent, often making things worse.
They also found that the psychologist who runs Family Bridges, Randy Rand, has an inactive medical license.
Randy evaluated McCracken's daughter as well.
In the NBC Bay Area broadcast, two of the children interviewed — Leo and Sam — said they were brought to Family Bridges by police.
Massachusetts Local Police Extract Cat Donovan's Child By N.C. Court Order
Donovan said her story is like the three previous ones, only she doesn't have video of the exchange.
She was the primary caretaker for her daughter during the marriage and initially during the divorce, like McCracken and Knudsen. Also like them, she said that until the order changing custody, her ex-husband had minimal contact with their daughter.
She was accused of parental alienation, also like McCracken and Knudsen.
The order changing custody stated, "Any and all law enforcement members are directed to assist defendant in obtaining custody."
The order was signed on September 1, 2015. The Athol, Massachusetts Police Department, where Donovan lived, showed up at Donovan's daughter's school later that day and extracted her.
The order was signed by Judge Addie Rawls, a Johnston County, North Carolina judge. Donovan's divorce started in North Carolina, but she moved to Massachusetts while it was being resolved.
A voicemail left with the APD was left unreturned, and an email to Rawls and the media department for the North Carolina judicial branch was also left unreturned.
Donovan was relegated to supervised visits with her daughter after this order. She last saw her in May 2018.
Sandra Grazzini-Rucki's Battle With Minnesota Courts
Like McCracken, Knudsen, and Donovan, Grazzini-Rucki was the long-time caretaker until she was accused of parental alienation.
Based on one meeting, which lasted less than thirty minutes, Dr. Paul Reitman diagnosed her with parental alienation in August 2012.
"The children appear very depressed and browbeaten." Reitman wrote in his report to the court. "Their mother appears out of touch and suffering from a personality disorder."
He concluded, "The children will benefit from being removed from their mother's custody and placed in a therapeutic foster home."
Reitman didn't respond to an email for comment.
The letter led to a telephone conference on September 5, 2012.
A court order signed by Judge David Knutson on September 7, 2012, ordered Grazzini-Rucki out of her home by noon that day and barred both parents from any contact with their children, granting temporary custody to David's sister, Tammy Love.
Love didn't return a voicemail for comment.
The kids ran to a police station when they came and their mother was gone; they were temporarily placed, despite the court order, with their maternal aunt, Nancy.
That remained the arrangement until April 19, 2013.
According to Grazzini-Rucki, based on conversations with her daughters, Gianna and Samantha, the girls were taken to a police station and told they were going to be living in their home with their aunt Tammy, as per the September 7 order, before transitioning to live with their father.
The girls were escorted home by police where Tammy awaited. Approximately 30 minutes after the police left, they ran away. On the road they called their mother for help.
"We're running with or without you," Grazzini-Rucki said she was told.
She took them to a friend, Dede Evavold, who recommended the girls live with a couple, Doug and Gina Dahlen, who ran a home for abused children.
Samantha made an audio tape to the judge and others while on the run begging to live with her mom.
The girls remained on the ranch until being found by police in November 2015.
David Rucki's police incidents include allegations of a bar fight, a road rage incident, threatening to kill his in-law, stalking his ex-wife, choking her, and repeatedly violating protective orders.
He also chased after his daughter Samantha on her thirteenth birthday until she barricaded herself in her house. His son, Nico, told CPS that when he was eight years old his father stuck a gun to his head.
There were also numerous reports to CPS against David Rucki, but all of them were shut down by the court, said Grazzini-Rucki.
A fuller accounting of David Rucki's violent history is below.
Rucki Police Reports by on Scribd
Katie Bauer, the public information officer for the Minnesota Department of Human Services which oversees CPS, didn't respond to an email.
Despite her insistence she was trying to protect her children from him, law enforcement, courts, and the media painted Grazzini-Rucki as a vengeful mother who illegally kept her children away from an innocent dad.
Grazzini-Rucki has been arrested by a SWAT team, transported twice from Florida to Minnesota by prison bus, jailed with an accused murderer, physically assaulted in jail, and been convicted of six felonies.
David Rucki, his attorney, Lisa Elliott, and Judge Knutson, did not respond to messages for comment.
Gianna and Samantha are both over eighteen; neither responded to an email for comment.
On her college webpage, Gianna Rucki lists her four siblings and her father, but doesn't list her mother at all. Erasing a parent — as Gianna appears to have done — is considered a form of parental alienation, the very thing Sandra Grazzini-Rucki was accused of doing.
Approximately a month before her mother's criminal trial- June 30, 2016- Samantha sat with Lakeville, Minnesota Police Detective Kelli Coughlin for an hour-long interview. The Caller is releasing that interview exclusively.
Michael Volpe is a freelance writer who wrote a book about the Rucki case entitled "Sandra Grazzini-Rucki and the World's Last Custody Trial" with Grazzini-Rucki's divorce attorney, Michelle MacDonald.
Tags : family courts
Michael Volpe

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
How to stuff an elephant
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Auckland and its people
It is almost 80 years since Rajah the elephant debuted in the Hall of General Natural History at Auckland Museum.
Rajah at Auckland Zoo.
Auckland War Memorial Museum - Tāmaki Paenga Hira.
An unsuitable companion
In 1930 Auckland Zoo paid £125 to a zoo in Tasmania for a 13-year-old male Asiatic elephant. This species, Elephas maximus, and one or two species of African elephants are the largest living animals on land.
Rajah, who was supposed to be a companion for Auckland Zoo's other elephant, Jamuna, had probably been taken from the wild in Burma. He was exhibited with a group of elephants at the 1924 British Empire Exhibition at Wembley, London, before travelling to Beaumaris Zoo in Hobart.
In Auckland, Rajah proved bad-tempered and difficult to control. It was said that in Australia a sadistic visitor had traumatised him by placing a lighted cigarette in the tip of his trunk. This may have been the problem, or perhaps Rajah was just a troubled adolescent male reacting against change and dislocation. He spat at visitors, and unlike good-natured Jamuna, could not be trusted with giving rides to children.
Finally his keeper could no longer handle him. There were few options other than keeping him permanently chained. He was shot early on the morning of 9 March 1936 by a keeper with experience of big-game hunting.
A fine piece of taxidermy
The stuffing of mammals, birds and reptiles that died at the zoo was a convenient way of increasing Auckland Museum's collection, and so it was with Rajah.
The Museum staff included a skilful taxidermist, Charles Dover. Dover and his assistants spent seven months preparing the elephant as a mounted exhibit - no easy task given that Rajah was about three metres long and weighed nearly 4000 kilograms.
Rajah's skin and bones were taken across town to the Museum. The bones were placed on the roof to weather. Accurate measurements of these bones were crucial for fabricating the false body on to which Rajah's skin would be fixed. Some of the enormous bones are still in the Museum's osteology collection.
Taxidermist Charles Dover built a frame to replace Rajah's skeleton.
Auckland War Memorial Museum - Tāmaki Paenga Hira. PH-CNEG-C23262 and PH-CNEG-C23255B.
Dover built a precisely measured framework of timber struts and iron rods, incorporating papier-mâché casts of Rajah's skull and pelvis and wooden replicas of the ribs. The framework was finished with a layer of fine wire netting, covered with scrim and packed out in places with fine wooden shavings.
The outer layer was papier-mâché, painted when dry so as to be waterproof. Finally the animal's wet skin was taken out of a tank of preservative and slid into place on the framework, which had been oiled to make the job easier. While the skin was still pliable the cut edges were sewn together, final adjustments were made and the finished mount was left to dry.
In October 1936 the reincarnated Rajah went on display in the Hall of General Natural History. The Museum's annual report congratulated Mr Dover "on a fine piece of taxidermy" and the elephant settled down to his role as a notable attraction.
A target for thieves
Rajah's time on display in the centre of the hall was uneventful until, in the mid 1980s, someone scaled the barrier and tore off part of his tail. The damage was quickly noticed and the attendants on every floor went into high alert. Two suspicious looking characters - just the sort who looked like they might steal the tail from an elephant - were followed at a distance, but to no avail. The tail was never found.
By the late 1980s Rajah's condition was a little embarrassing. He was inspected twice - by the taxidermist from the National Museum of New Zealand and by a pair of preparators from the Museum of Victoria, Melbourne - to see if he could be restored.
Both inspections revealed serious defects. The metal in the supporting framework, especially the sheet metal in the ears, was rusting. Lubricating grease used during the original taxidermy was seeping to the skin surface and oxidising. Any remedial work would be cosmetic and temporary.
After public consultation, it was decided to store Rajah off site. In March 1994 Rajah left the Museum where he had been exhibited for 58 years. The night before he was taken out through the front door to the steps of the Museum. He did not quite fit through the door, but this was fixed by cutting off his legs and trunk with a chainsaw.
Rajah's departure in 1994 was a public event.
Krzysztof Pfeiffer.Auckland War Memorial Museum - Tāmaki Paenga Hira. PH-2003-3.
The next morning a small crowd gathered to hear a speech from the governor general, Dame Catherine Tizard. An Indian dance troupe circled Rajah, and mounted on a trailer, the scars on his reattached appendages hidden by bandages of gold cloth, the elephant set off down the hill to the farewell strains of "Haere Rā", sung by the Museum's Māori cultural group.
During his time in storage, Rajah's small immature tusks were stolen for their ivory. They were never recovered.
Back on show
When the Museum employed a preparator who happened to have experience restoring museum elephants, it was possible to have Rajah's appearance improved. The elephant worked his way back into planning for one of the new social history galleries, which had the theme of connections with childhood.
In 10 weeks, David Weatherley, the preparator, cosmetically restored Rajah by remodelling his damaged ears and fashioning replicas to substitute for his missing tusks and tail. He strengthened his legs internally using aluminium rods. He cleaned his skin, filled holes - especially the amputation scars and gaps along the stitching lines - and painted the outer surfaces an elephant grey. Rajah looked surprisingly good.
On New Year's Day 2000, just a few weeks after the restored elephant had been unveiled, ivory hunters - or just plain old vandals - broke off his right tusk. A stronger false tusk was installed. This was followed by minor vandalism to the tail.
Today, cracks are evident in the cosmetic repairs of 1999 and more conservation work is needed. Rajah is currently off-display and undergoing required conservation work.
Gill, B. (2002). The rogue's return. New Zealand Geographic. Volume 55.
A longer version of this article was first published in 2012 as 'Rajah, the elephant' in The owl that fell from the sky. The ebook is available from Awa Press.
Gill, Brian. How to stuff an elephant. Auckland War Memorial Museum - Tāmaki Paenga Hira. First published: 14 January 2016. Updated: 8 February 2018.
URL: www.aucklandmuseum.com/discover/collections/topics/how-to-stuff-an-elephant
[Preparation of Rajah the elephant by Charles Dover]
Unknown, photographer
Type: Library / PictorialContributor: Unknown, photographerID: PH-CNEG-C23262
[Colour - Rajah outside Museum, being craned through window]
Pfeiffer, Krzysztof, photographer
Type: Library / PictorialContributor: Pfeiffer, Krzysztof, photographerID: PH-NEG-M1451Description: Colour - Rajah outside Museum, being craned through window
[Rajah the elephant returning to the Auckland War Memorial Museum at night]
Type: Library / PictorialContributor: Unknown, photographerID: InvestigateDescription: Rajah the elephant returning to the Auckland War Memorial Museum at night.
[Rajah the Elephant out in front of the Museum on Museum Supporter's Day]
Type: Library / PictorialContributor: Pfeiffer, Krzysztof, photographerID: PH-2003-3Description: Rajah the Elephant out in front of the Museum on Museum Supporter's Day
Elephas maximus
Type: Scientific SpecimenPlace: AsiaID: LM373
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text:
Йозеф Мария Пернтер (; 15 марта 1848 — 20 декабря 1908) — австрийский учёный, астроном и метеоролог.

Изучал физику в Венском университете. В 1890—1897 гг. профессор физики Инсбрукского, затем Венского университетов; в Вене одновременно возглавлял Центральный метеорологический институт, существенно реорганизовав его работу и введя ряд новшеств (вплоть до бесплатной телеграфной рассылки прогноза погоды по всей стране).

Основные работы Пернтера связаны с проблемами метеорологии и атмосферной оптики. Его главный труд «Метеорологическая оптика» (; 1906), содержащий, помимо прочего, историю наблюдения гало и других метеорологических аномалий, считался образцовым и несколько раз переиздавался (под редакцией и с дополнениями Феликса Марии Экснера). Пернтер также выступал одним из главных оппонентов Рудольфа Фальба и его теории критических дней.

Метеорологи Австрии
Физики Австрии
Физики по алфавиту
Персоналии по алфавиту
Родившиеся в 1848 году
Родившиеся 15 марта
Умершие в 1908 году
Умершие 20 декабря

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Developing cessation interventions for the social and community service setting: A qualitative study of barriers to quitting among disadvantaged Australian smokers
Jamie Bryant1,
Billie Bonevski1,
Christine Paul2,
Jon O'Brien3 &
Wendy Oakes3
Smoking rates remain unacceptably high among individuals who are socially disadvantaged. Social and community service organisations (SCSO) are increasingly interested in providing smoking cessation support to clients, however little is known about the best way to assist disadvantaged smokers to quit in this setting. This study aimed to explore barriers and facilitators to quitting within the conceptual framework of the PRECEDE model to identify possible interventions appropriate to the social and community service setting.
Semi-structured focus groups were conducted with clients attending five community welfare organisations located in New South Wales, Australia. Thirty-two clients participated in six focus groups. A discussion guide was used to explore the barriers and facilitators to smoking and smoking cessation including: current smoking behaviour, motivation to quit, past quit attempts, barriers to quitting and preferences for cessation support. Focus groups were audio-taped, transcribed and analysed using thematic analysis techniques.
Participants were current smokers and most expressed a desire to quit. Factors predisposing continued smoking included perceived benefits of smoking for stress relief, doubting of ability to quit, fear of gaining weight, and poor knowledge and scepticism about available quit support. The high cost of nicotine replacement therapy was a barrier to its use. Continual exposure to smoking in personal relationships and in the community reinforced smoking. Participants expressed a strong preference for personalised quit support.
Disadvantaged smokers in Australia express a desire to quit smoking, but find quitting difficult for a number of reasons. SCSOs may have a role in providing information about the availability of quit support, engaging disadvantaged smokers with available quit support, and providing personalised, ongoing support.
According to the World Health Organisation, tobacco is the single greatest preventable cause of death and disease worldwide [1]. It is a leading risk factor in the development of chronic diseases including cancer, lung diseases, and cardiovascular disease and is responsible for more than 5 million deaths each year [1]. If current trends continue, the number of deaths caused as a result of tobacco is expected to rise to between 8 and 10 million deaths annually by 2030 [2–4]. Within Australia, tobacco is estimated to be responsible for 7.8% of the total burden of disease [5], and costs the economy more than $31.5 billion dollars each year [6].
Public health campaigns, tobacco control programs and tobacco control policies have resulted in significant declines in the prevalence of tobacco use in many developed countries in recent decades [7–9]. Currently, prevalence of daily smoking in Australia is 16.6%, declining more than 30% since 1991[10]. However despite this overall decline, smoking rates remain unacceptably high among those who are both socially excluded and socioeconomically disadvantaged. For example, smoking rates are markedly higher among low income single women (46% [11]), individuals with a mental illness (41-62% [12, 13]), and the homeless (66-77% [14–17]).
Although disadvantaged smokers attempt to quit at rates similar to other smokers [18], they are less likely to succeed [18–21]. Social and community service organisations (SCSOs) are emerging as a novel and viable setting for targeting socially disadvantaged and marginalised groups for smoking cessation [22–24]. SCSO provide welfare services to socially disadvantaged individuals across a broad range of areas including support in accessing accommodation, emergency relief (groceries, assistance with paying bills), financial and relationship counselling, family support and support for individuals with a mental illness. SCSO are increasingly aware of the contribution of tobacco use to social exclusion, poverty and health disparities, and are interested in developing interventions addressing smoking cessation among their clients [25].
Developing effective interventions for novel settings requires thorough formative research to determine the normative beliefs and perceived barriers to change among the population to be targeted, and ensure a culturally relevant and acceptable intervention is developed [26, 27]. A considerable amount of research has explored barriers to quitting smoking, including among specific disadvantaged sub-groups (those living in socioeconomically deprived areas, institutionalised public mental health patients [28], and pregnant Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women [29]). Barriers including poor self efficacy, lack of knowledge, lack of willpower, pro-smoking community norms and barriers to accessing support are frequently identified [30–33]. However health behaviours are embedded within a social and cultural context [34], which is especially important to consider when attempting to address health disparities in vulnerable or marginalised groups [35]. A limited amount of research has explored barriers to cessation among disadvantaged Australian smokers, identifying stress as a barrier to quitting, and resilience as an important factor for quitting and maintaining abstinence [28, 36–38]. However, no research has explored barriers to quitting among severely disadvantaged individuals accessing community service organisations, nor examined these factors within a conceptual framework to identify appropriate individual-level intervention strategies appropriate to the community service setting [39].
The PRECEDE model [40] is a particularly valuable and widely applied framework for guiding the development of interventions [41]. Within the PRECEDE framework, factors contributing to health behaviours are classified as those that predispose, enable and reinforce behaviour. Predisposing factors are antecedents to behaviour including attitudes, knowledge, beliefs and self-efficacy for change. Enabling factors are those that help facilitate behaviour change such as availability of resources. Reinforcing factors include rewards, social support and attitudes of significant others that facilitate and reward change [42]. The PRECEDE model has been used extensively to guide planning of health behaviour interventions [41] including developing smoking cessation interventions to increase the provision of quit smoking counselling by primary care physicians [43], and has been applied to changing other health behaviours in disadvantaged groups including routine cancer screening and prevention of ischemic heart disease through changes to smoking, diet, and physical activity [44, 45]. The utility of the PRECEDE model is its capacity to consider in a systematic way the factors that influence health behaviours. This in turn allows identification and implementation of appropriate and effective strategies for behaviour change [39].
This study sought to describe the smoking behaviours and attitudes of disadvantaged Australian smokers attending SCSOs, including past experiences of quitting, preferences for quit support, and perceived barriers to quitting. These perceptions and experiences were considered within the conceptual framework of the PRECEDE model to provide recommendations for the development of appropriate individual-level interventions in the social and community welfare setting.
As part of a study examining the acceptability of the SCSO setting for providing smoking cessation support, semi-structured focus groups were conducted with clients attending five non-government community organisations for welfare support. Focus groups are integral to developing and tailoring complex interventions to address individual needs in different settings [46], and are well suited to in-depth exploration and understanding of underlying issues embedded within a social context [35].
Chief Executive Officers (CEO) of community service organisations in New South Wales, Australia, were approached for permission for their organisation to participate in a study examining smoking and quitting among disadvantaged clients. Community social service organisations are non-government organisations that provide welfare services to individuals in need in the communities in which they are based. Purposeful sampling was used to ensure inclusion of a diverse range of service and client types [47]. Following verbal or written consent, CEOs nominated services within their organisation to participate. Co-ordinators of services were briefed about the study and asked to distribute study information and consent statements to eligible clients. Clients who were in contact with the community service organisation and self reported smoking tobacco were eligible to participate in a one hour focus group. Sampling continued until both facilitators agreed that saturation had been reached and that no new insights or themes were identified by participants [48, 49].
Focus groups were conducted between December 2008 and March 2009 by two facilitators, one with training in behavioural science (JB), and one with experience working in the community service sector (JO). Each focus group was conducted at the participating community organisation in a private room. Prior to commencement of the research, participants were given an information statement and consent form and also had information about the study explained verbally. Participants were informed that the discussion would be audio-taped, but that only de-identified quotes would be used in reports arising from the research. Participants provided written informed consent prior to the commencement of discussions and were provided with a $50 gift voucher for reimbursement of their time and travel costs. The study gained ethics approval from the University of Newcastle Human Research Ethics Committee. Each participating community service organisation also provided approval for involvement of their organisation.
A semi-structured focus group protocol was used to guide discussions. Focus group questions were developed by the research team based on a review of the literature and consideration of the key research questions. Questions were designed to explore the barriers and facilitators to smoking and smoking cessation. Participants were asked about their current smoking behaviour (type of tobacco used, number of cigarettes used each day, times when they smoke more or less) and current motivation to quit. The focus groups allowed participants the opportunity to detail past quit attempts, including the type of help or support used, and what facilitated or undermined each quit attempt. Participants were asked about their preferences for cessation support, including whether they would like help to quit, perceptions of the role of the community organisation in providing support, and details about specific types of support they would or would not like to receive.
Discussions were audio-taped and transcribed verbatim. All transcripts were checked by the first author (JB) for typographical errors. Transcripts were analysed using thematic analysis techniques by reviewing each transcript and noting emergent themes. To establish reliability and validity of emergent themes, two transcripts were independently analysed by both facilitators (JB and JO) and identified themes compared and reconciled with input from the second author (BB) where necessary [50]. Analysis of the remaining transcripts was conducted by JB using Nvivo version 8. The following results are presented thematically, with barriers to quitting considered within the context of the PRECEDE model. De-identified quotes presented in subsequent analysis are followed by parentheses which describe the service the client attended (A-F: see Table 1) and the gender (Male or Female) of the speaker.
Table 1 Focus group participant number and gender by service type.
Participant and Group Characteristics
Six services from within five community organisations participated. Details of service and participant involvement are presented in table one. Participating services included two early intervention services for teenage mothers, one residential youth drug and alcohol rehabilitation service, one adult residential drug and alcohol rehabilitation service, one outreach service for homeless youth, and one community care drop in service that provided counselling and crisis relief services. Thirty-two clients, 22 female and 10 male, participated in six separate focus groups. Other demographic characteristics were not collected as individual-level and subgroup comparisons were not the aim of this study. All participants were aged over 16 years. Focus groups lasted between thirty-four minutes and one hour (M= 50.33 minutes), and comprised between 3 and 8 participants. All participants were current daily or occasional smokers and were either attending the community service organisation or had attended in the past.
Smoking behaviour
Most participants reported initiating smoking in their early teen years. One client reported starting smoking at the age of five or six years. The main reasons for initiating smoking included to fit in with friends and having brothers, sisters, and parents who smoked. About one third of participants reported smoking between 10 and 15 cigarettes per day, and a similar proportion reported smoking between 15 and 20 cigarettes per day or smoking one pack or more per day. Participants reported that the amount they smoked increased remarkably when they were socialising with friends and family who were also smokers and when drinking alcohol. The majority of participants seemed heavily addicted to smoking, reflected by most participants reporting that they smoked their first cigarette soon after waking or even that they woke up during the night to smoke. Participants perceived themselves as highly addicted, describing smoking as having "a hold on me" (E, Female) and being "part of my life now" (E, Female).
Most participants reported multiple past attempts to quit smoking. Many reported trying to quit cold turkey without support or use of cessation aids such as NRT. NRT had been used by some participants, but were generally considered ineffective. One participant said: "I have used all sorts of things, patches, the nicotine gum....They don't work" (F, Male). Three clients reported that they had tried Vaerenecline with some success "Last year I was taking Champix [Varenecline].... Yeah, they were really good. Um, I gave up for 10 weeks and I wasn't cranky or anything" (C, Female). Several participants reported contacting the Quitline, but few perceived the support offered useful "I rang them ages ago, but it didn't really do anything" (D, Male).
Barriers and facilitators to quitting smoking
Barriers to quitting smoking identified by participants were analysed thematically then categorised as those predisposing, enabling and reinforcing continued smoking.
Predisposing Factors
Strong motivation to quit
The majority of participants reported a strong desire to quit smoking. Short and long term health benefits like feeling fitter, being healthier and a fear of smoking related diseases like emphysema and lung cancer were the main reasons given for wanting to quit. "I've quit many times. I'm at the point now nearly that I'm going to quit for good. I feel as though I'm sick of all me mates dying around me because of lung cancer" (F, Male). The high cost of smoking was another strong motivating factor with participants reporting that finding money to smoke was a continual source of stress given their low incomes. "It gets pretty hard after a while thinking 'how am I going to get my next pack of durries(cigarettes)'? Or when you run out it's like, what do I do, how am I going to get my next lot of money to get them?" (F, Male).
Beliefs in the benefits of smoking for stress relief
Although the financial and health consequences of smoking were well understood by participants, many participants held a strong belief that smoking had many benefits. Smoking was described as relaxing, calming, a good way to relieve boredom and a "best friend" and a "superglue" that could hold a person together during stressful times. One participant said "I need it to help me stress-less and yeah, take my mind off a lot of things" (D, Male). Many participants used stress as a strong justification for continuing to smoke. "I need to stop.... But at the moment I'm very stressed out so I don't think I should stop at the moment. It does help me with stress relief heaps" (B, Female). The use of smoking as a form of stress relief was also a commonly cited reason for relapse "I gave it away and then 7 th of July last year, went off for four months and then me nerves played up on me so I went back on" (B, Male)
Doubting ability to quit
Despite a strong reported desire to quit smoking, many participants expressed doubt in their ability to successfully quit "I would like to quit but I honestly, I know this sounds bad, I honestly don't think I have the will power to do it. I honestly don't think I do" (E, Female). Participants descried quitting as "impossible" and the idea of making a quit attempt was often intimidating "I know I want to quit - it's just hard to do. I'm scared to do it" (A, Female). Feeling 'ready' and having willpower to quit were identified as the key to success "I think you've got to be ready aswell-you've got to want to feel ready within yourself. I know that's hard to say, 'well when are you going to be ready to actually want to do it?' You've got to think hard about it" (A, Female).
Poor knowledge of available quit support
Participants overall knowledge about the availability of quit support was poor. Many participants who had used NRT reported that it did not effectively reduce cravings, but often reported not wearing patches as prescribed, not using recommended doses of gum, and were unaware of recommendations to use stronger doses of NRT or multiple forms if they were heavy smokers. Several participants reported being told by others that NRT is ineffective, and this perception had discouraged some from using NRT during a quit attempt. One participant said: "I've been told that those stupid Nicorette patches don't work and the gum's gross and it doesn't work so, there's no point in even wasting your money on buying them if they're not going to help you" (A, Female). The majority of participants had no knowledge about what Varenicline was, how to access it or the cost. Knowledge of other support services such as the telephone quit service Quitline was also poor. While many participants had heard of Quitline, which is heavily advertised on television, many were unsure about the type of support Quitline provided, including the provision of the call-back service or that the service is free.
Fear of gaining weight
Among many female participants, fear of gaining weight was also a barrier to making a quit attempt. Participants recounted stories about friends and family members who had given up smoking and then gained weight, or reported that they had experienced weight gain themselves during previous quit attempts "I gave up for 5 months last year and gained about 40 kilos. Um yeah, and just took it back up again" (C, Female). One participant who had recently started smoking after a long period of abstinence reported loosing ten kilos when she began smoking again, which she described as "a nice side effect" (B, Female).
Enabling Factors
Limited provision of cessation support
Some participants had received advice from their General Practitioner (GP) about the use of Bupropion or Varenicline, but most were unaware that prescription only cessation medications were available through their GP. Some clients reported 'being told' or lectured by their GP to quit smoking without the offer of support to quit "Most doctors just tell me 'it's bad for your health, you've got to stop. I advise you to quit"(A, Female). Young mothers who had recently had repeated contact with physicians during prenatal and antenatal care reported being given educational pamphlets and advice to stop smoking, but felt they were not offered genuine support or assistance to quit "Yep, that's the most they give you. A pamphlet" (A, Female). As a result most reported that they continued to smoke throughout their pregnancies.
Limited use of available quit support
Despite awareness of the existence of the telephone Quitline, only three clients reported having contacted Quitline in the past. There was strong scepticism among participants that support provided over the telephone would be useful in aiding a quit attempt. Young participants were particularly doubtful about the motivations and ability of a person who did not know them personally helping them to quit smoking. The following two quotes illustrate this point - "It's a bit weird talking to some random person, you're like, oh yeah I want to quit and you know what I mean? They might not really care - they're just doing it for a job." (D, Male). "Nup. Wouldn't want to waste my time. Because they're getting paid to give you useful advice and they're not really supportive"(D, Male).
High cost of NRT
NRT was perceived as an expensive and ineffective substitute for smoking that would require a large initial outlay of money "I've looked at the patches occasionally and thought I'm not paying $32 or $35 for a box. It's just too expensive" (B, Female). Because of doubts about the effectiveness of NRT many participants did not recognise that if they were successful at quitting smoking, NRT would not be an ongoing cost "If they don't work then it's a waste of $50". When asked, the majority of participants agreed that if NRT was free or available at a heavily subsidised rate that they would consider using NRT "I'd take it for sure.... If you said patches they are for free or $2.50, I'm telling you there would be way more people having a crack at giving up" (E, Female). "Subsidise the quit smoking products.... maybe someone could subsidise these products so that they're affordable" (C, Female).
Reinforcing Factors
Smoking and Social Norms
Repeated social and environmental exposure to smoking was also a barrier to quitting smoking for many participants. Smoking was reported as a normal part of social interaction, with participants stating that the majority of their partners, family and friends also smoked "you've got your family and your friends come over and they're like oh yeah, and they light up...."(A, Female); "You always know someone that smokes" (A, Female). Participants spoke about smoking being depicted on television, seeing people smoking when walking down the street and commented that "you seem them everywhere you go" (A, Female). Not only did this strong presence of smoking in the community make it less likely for participants to make a quit attempt, it also served as a powerful trigger for relapse "Yeah, given up about 20 times in that time but yeah, for some reason just don't work because everyone else around me smokes and it's hard to quit" (F, Male). One participant reported being strongly motivated to quit and had tried setting quit dates in the past, but found quitting impossible because of the continued exposure to second-hand smoke at home "Well I have been trying to give it up. I sort of set today as a give up target, but I'm going to find it so hard because people are smoking outside my room at home" (B, Male). Several participants mentioned changing social norms around smoking, such as restrictions on smoking at shopping centres and at pubs often, made them feel 'uncomfortable' and 'ashamed' of their smoking, however no participants identified this as a factor motivating them to quit.
Preferences for Quit Support
When asked about the type of support they would like to receive to quit smoking, participants emphasised the need for personalised, ongoing support. "Support... I don't know, just a social worker to come around and you know, just have a bit of a chat...meet them at the park or something" (A, Female). Several participants emphasised the importance of having someone who genuinely cared about them providing support to quit "I'd like to go to someone for some serious advice, you know, someone who actually cares and will support you (D, Male) "Yeah, someone you can talk to and you're not going to talk to once and then they're not going to be there again.(D, Male). Family and friends who often were also smokers were considered a poor source of support.
This qualitative study extends knowledge of barriers to quitting smoking by examining barriers and facilitators among disadvantaged smokers attending SCSOs in Australia. Identifying factors that predispose, enable and reinforce a particular behaviour within the framework of the PRECEDE model provides a basis for the development of appropriate interventions to specifically target barriers to behaviour change.
While most participants reported a strong desire to quit smoking and had made multiple past quit attempts, predisposing factors acting as barriers to quitting included using smoking as a way of coping with stress, poor self efficacy, and fear of gaining weight. These findings confirm individual level barriers to quitting smoking identified among disadvantaged smokers both in Australia [36–38] and the UK [31, 32, 51], and particularly highlight the perceived role of stress and coping in continuing to smoke [31, 32, 38, 52], and the perception of willpower as the key to successfully quitting [32].
Poor knowledge about and low utilisation of available quit support were reported across the focus groups. Few participants reported ever receiving help to quit smoking from their GP and few had called the Quitline, which seemed to stem from a lack of understanding about the type of support offered. Despite Varenecline being available in Australia as a prescription-only smoking cessation treatment since January 2008 at a minimal cost for low income smokers [53, 54], few participants knew that this support was available or had accessed it. While participants had good knowledge of the availability of NRT, there were misconceptions about its use and effectiveness, and the cost was perceived as prohibitive. The availability of free or subsidised NRT was strongly supported. Participants strongly articulated a preference for ongoing, personalised support.
The predisposing, enabling and reinforcing factors identified suggest that strategies to increase knowledge of and engagement with evidence-based smoking cessation strategies may be crucial to overcoming barriers to quitting for disadvantaged smokers. Access to services is recognised as an important barrier for smokers attempting to quit in lower socioeconomic groups [30, 55]. Integration of referral and direct provision of smoking cessation support into the SCSO setting may also hold significant potential in addressing key barriers identified by SCSO clients. SCSOs are increasingly interested in addressing aspects of physical health that impact on wellbeing, and are well placed to provide cessation support given that they are heavily utilised by disadvantaged smokers (there are more than 5,700 SCSO in Australia [22, 23]). Recent research has noted the acceptability of providing support in this setting [22–24]. Interventions provided in this setting should focus on enhancing client access to existing services including Quitline and subsidized pharmacotherapy, and address individual barriers to quitting through integration of brief advice as part of usual care. A large randomized controlled trial to examine the effectiveness of providing brief advice, access to NRT and referral in the SCSO setting is planned [56].
Study strengths and weaknesses
A number of limitations regarding recruitment and sampling should be considered when interpreting the results of this study. While care was taken to recruit a range of organisations offering a variety of services to a cross-section of disadvantaged individuals, as a result of our sampling approach our findings are indicative only of the opinions of disadvantaged smokers who access community social services. Secondly, potential bias in the inclusion of organisations and clients should be considered. While the majority of services contacted agreed to take part, it may have been that only those services interested in smoking cessation agreed to their clients being contacted as part of the study. We did not collect detailed demographic information from participants. Furthermore, clients were recruited by staff of community service organisations with no involvement from researchers, which may have resulted in the selection only of clients known to be interested in smoking cessation. Finally, although the PRECEDE theory was chosen a priori to explore data, the researchers were cautious not to impose bias on data analysis. All themes emerged from the data and were not pre-determined by the theory. As a result of using this framework, which is behavioural in nature, structural barriers to quitting may not have been identified.
This is the first study to explore smoking behaviours, past quit attempts and barriers to quitting among disadvantaged smokers attending community service organisations for welfare support in Australia. Our findings identify multiple complex barriers to quitting, but suggest that SCSOs may have a role in increasing knowledge and use of available cessation support, and providing direct, personalised, and ongoing support to disadvantaged Australian smokers. Further research is needed to explore the effectiveness of these approaches.
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The study was conducted by the University of Newcastle and Cancer Council New South Wales' Centre for Health Research & Psycho-oncology (CHeRP) with infrastructure support from the Hunter Medical Research Institute. The views expressed are not necessarily those of The Cancer Council. Our gratitude is extended to the study participants and community organisations. This research was jointly funded by the Cancer Council New South Wales and the Cancer Institute NSW Research Scholar Award awarded to JB.
Centre for Health Research and Psycho-oncology, Cancer Council New South Wales, Priority Research Centre for Health Behaviour, University of Newcastle, Hunter Medical Research Institute, Room 230A, Level 2, David Maddison Building, Callaghan, NSW, 2308, Australia
Jamie Bryant & Billie Bonevski
Health Behaviour Research Group, Priority Research Centre for Health Behaviour, School of Medicine & Public Health, University of Newcastle, Hunter Medical Research Institute, Room 268 Level 2, David Maddison Building, Callaghan, NSW, 2308, Australia
Christine Paul
Cancer Council NSW, 153 Dowling Street, Woolloomooloo, NSW, 2011, Australia
Jon O'Brien & Wendy Oakes
Jamie Bryant
Billie Bonevski
Jon O'Brien
Wendy Oakes
Correspondence to Jamie Bryant.
All authors conceived of the study and participated in study design and co-ordination. JB co-facilitated the focus groups, analysed the data and drafted the manuscript. JO co-facilitated focus groups and assisted with data analysis and drafting of the manuscript. BB, CP and WO assisted in drafting of the manuscript. All authors have read and approved the final manuscript.
Bryant, J., Bonevski, B., Paul, C. et al. Developing cessation interventions for the social and community service setting: A qualitative study of barriers to quitting among disadvantaged Australian smokers. BMC Public Health 11, 493 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-2458-11-493
PRECEDE-PROCEED model


text:
Mario Monti (ur. 19 marca 1943 w Varese) – włoski ekonomista i polityk, komisarz Unii Europejskiej w latach 1995–2004, dożywotni senator Republiki Włoskiej, w latach 2011–2013 premier Włoch.

Życiorys
Ojciec Mario Montiego pochodzi z Varese, jednak większość życia spędził w Argentynie, gdzie wyemigrował podczas II wojny światowej. Matka Maria Montiego urodziła się w Piacenzy.

Ukończył ekonomię i zarządzanie na Uniwersytecie Bocconiego w Mediolanie. Kształcił się także na Uniwersytecie Yale, gdzie studiował m.in. u noblisty Jamesa Tobina. Po ukończeniu studiów wykładał ekonomię na Uniwersytecie Turyńskim (w latach 1970–1985). W latach 1982–1985 był prezydentem SUERF (The European Money and Finance Forum). Później powrócił na Uniwersytet Bocconiego, gdzie objął stanowisko rektora (1989–1994), a następnie prezydenta (od 1994). Był także dyrektorem Instytutu Ekonomii na tym uniwersytecie. Przez kilkanaście lat regularnie publikował na łamach "Corriere della Sera".

W 1994 został wyznaczony przez rząd premiera Silvia Berlusconiego na komisarza Unii Europejskiej ds. rynku wewnętrznego, usług finansowych, integracji finansowej, ceł i podatków w komisji Jacques'a Santera. W 1999 rząd Massima D'Alemy nominował go na komisarza Unii Europejskiej ds. konkurencji w komisji Romano Prodiego. W czasie urzędowania, które zakończył w 2004, doprowadził do zablokowania próby połączenia się koncernów Honeywell i General Electric, wszczął także postępowanie antymonopolowe przeciwko Microsoftowi.  W mediach był określany pseudonimem Super Mario.

W 2004 z jego inicjatywy powołano europejski think tank Bruegel. Mario Monti był jego prezesem w latach 2004–2008, a następnie objął funkcję honorowego przewodniczącego. W latach 2008–2010 zasiadał w tzw. grupie mędrców, której celem była analiza przyszłości europejskiego modelu gospodarczego. W 2010 wszedł w skład proeuropejskiej Grupy Spinelli. Został również honorowym europejskim prezesem Komisji Trójstronnej, think tanku założonego w 1973 przez Davida Rockefellera, jak również jednym z członków komitetu sterującego Grupy Bilderberg.

9 listopada 2011 prezydent Giorgio Napolitano w uznaniu zasług naukowych i społecznych mianował go w skład Senatu jako dożywotniego senatora.

13 listopada 2011, dzień po rezygnacji złożonej przez Silvia Berlusconiego, został desygnowany na premiera Włoch z misją utworzenia nowego rządu. 16 listopada 2011 rząd Maria Montiego został zaprzysiężony i rozpoczął urzędowanie. W jego skład weszły w większości osoby bezpartyjne, uzyskał charakter gabinetu eksperckiego. Sam Mario Monti został także pełniącym obowiązki ministra gospodarki i finansów, na tej funkcji 11 lipca 2012 zastąpił go Vittorio Grilli.

Na początku grudnia 2012 największa partia parlamentarna, Lud Wolności, faktycznie kierowana przez Silvia Berlusconiego, wycofała swoje poparcie dla rządu. Mario Monti zapowiedział podanie się do dymisji po uchwaleniu budżetu, co uczynił 21 grudnia 2012. Konsekwencją tej decyzji stało się przyspieszenie planowanych na kwiecień 2013 wyborów parlamentarnych o około dwa miesiące. 28 grudnia 2012 Mario Monti ogłosił, że w wyborach tych będzie patronował centrowej koalicji politycznej pod roboczą nazwą Agenda Monti per l'Italia. Kierowana przez niego koalicja, w tym związane z nim ugrupowanie Wybór Obywatelski, zdobyła kilkadziesiąt mandatów w obu izbach parlamentu. Jego rząd zakończył urzędowanie 28 kwietnia 2013.

Życie prywatne
Jest żonaty, ma dwoje dzieci. Jest katolikiem.

Odznaczenia
 Cavaliere di Gran Croce Orderu Zasługi Republiki Włoskiej – 2004
 Commendatore Orderu Zasługi Republiki Włoskiej – 1992

Przypisy

Premierzy Włoch
Komisarze Unii Europejskiej
Włoscy parlamentarzyści (od 1946)
Włoscy ekonomiści
Odznaczeni Orderem Zasługi Republiki Włoskiej
Absolwenci Uniwersytetu Yale
Włoscy senatorowie
Ludzie urodzeni w Varese
Urodzeni w 1943


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A Contemporary Account
Much of our knowledge about the building of Durham Cathedral comes from the account of Symeon, a Durham monk who witnessed its construction, and wrote what he called "The Little Book on the Origins and Progress of this Church, of Durham".
Symeon tells us that Bishop William of Saint Calais ordered the construction of a new cathedral to replace the one built 98 years earlier (by the Anglo-Saxon Bishop, Aldhun), "on a nobler and grander scale". The digging of the foundations of St Calais' Cathedral began after prayers on 29th July 1093, while the first stones were laid on August 11th of the same year.
A Monastic Cathedral
Durham Cathedral was built as a monastic cathedral, for a community of monks that followed the Benedictine Order.
Symeon also mentions that while the monastic buildings were paid for by the monks, the cathedral itself was funded by the Bishop, who must have also had a personal role in the design of the building.
The Cathedral as an Architectural Statement
There is little doubt that William of St Calais wanted his cathedral to outshine its English contemporaries, and to ensure that it would have a place as one of the great cathedrals of the Christian World.
Sixteenth-century painting of St Peter's Basilica, before its reconstruction. Old St Peter's, as it is now called, was constructed by the emperor Constantine in the 4th century AD. Around the shrine of St Peter were four antique spiral columns, allegedly brought from the temple of Solomon, and therefore an important element of the building. This Basilica inspired the original construction of Durham Cathedral as well as additions by later Durham Bishops.
St Peter's in Rome: A Source of Influence
One of the most important references for the construction of a cathedral in Norman times was the old St Peter's in Rome. Accordingly, the original length of Durham Cathedral from the apse housing St Cuthbert's shrine at the eastern end of the building to its former main entrance at the western end is just 70cm longer than St Peter's was; its nave is almost exactly the same width, and its spiral columns a clear reference to those which were to be found on the canopy around St Peter's Shrine.
Left: One of the 'Solomonic' Columns reused in Old St Peters Basilica, the Catholic mother church, and therefore a source of inspiration for religious buildings, especially shrines, throughout the Christian world. Right: One of the columns in the area before the shrine of St Cuthbert in Durham Cathedral, almost certainly inspired by the column to the left.
© Left: ronreznick.photoshelter.com; right: Durham Cathedral and Jarrold Printing
Norman Cathedrals and the Cult of Saints
In linking his building to the cathedral of St Peter, William of St Calais was following a tradition that had developed in slightly earlier cathedrals in Norman England, also comprising the shrines of saints. A comparison of Durham with Winchester Cathedral in particular (begun in 1079) shows many similarities, and it is plausible that both buildings were the work of the same master mason, who is thought to have been English (judging by the details of his work, which are more in the English tradition than in that of Normandy).
Interior views of the cathedral of Durham (left) and Winchester (right). Although Winchester is slightly simpler, the similarities between the two buildings are remarkable.
Were there other influences from further afield?
It is possible: the intersecting arches along the aisles in Durham Cathedral are thought to be inspired by the architecture of Islamic Spain. There are indeed striking similarities, and it is very possible that William of St Calais, in wanting to create a truly great building, would have readily incorporated architectural novelties that he had heard of or even seen.
Ranulf Flambard: The Cathedral's Second Patron
Unfortunately William of St Calais died in 1096, just three years after work on the Norman Cathedral began. He was succeeded by Ranulf Flambard, a man with grand ambitions, who was made Bishop of Durham in 1099. Flambard remained Bishop until his death in 1128, leaving behind an almost-completed cathedral. It was finished in 1133, just five years later.
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What Americans need to realize is that it is impossible to increase government power without decreasing individual liberty. Government power, after all, means coercing people into doing some things and into refraining from doing other things. Every law says to the citizen, "You must" or "You shall not." Thus, liberty is lost incrementally, law by law by law.
The problem with freedom is that it is a two-sided coin. On one side is the liberty to make decisions; on the other is responsibility.
If one wishes to be an idealist, it's probably a good idea to become a hermit at the same time.
It's OK with me if the government wishes to come pick up the body of a would-be burglar, but when someone attempts to invade my home, I consider it my personal responsibility to stop him. I consider that it is my unalienable right to acquire the means to do so.
As a rule of thumb, don't believe anybody above the rank of lieutenant colonel. That's the rank most warriors are forced to retire at. Most of the rest are politicians in uniform.
What people require for a good life – and many smart people have written books on this subject – are meaning and purpose. I personally have never met a self-centered person who was happy or content. The happy people I know are serving something greater than themselves – a cause, a religion or a family.


I'm an ordinary person trying to live a, well, slightly less than ordinary life and I care deeply about the beautiful world we live in. I'm also obsessive in my research on a given topic.
I like my life. I like the modern conveniences, the technological advances and the huge opportunities that we've been blessed with in the 21st century. But I'm horrified at the damage to the earth that has gone along with it. I'm also embarrassed and ashamed that my generation, and my parents' before me, are largely the ones responsible.
You've seen it. On the TV and the internet; the mountains of plastic that we generate daily, the destruction of huge swathes of our natural landscapes and habitats, our impacts on the oceans, the rise in pollution and health risks, the excess.
And I know you care about it too.
The truth is, it's not possible to wave a magic wand and make the huge, politically charged global changes needed. But what we can do, as individuals, is to make informed choices on a day to day basis that will make a difference.
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text:
FIATA:
Hans Günther Kersten, Director General
E-mail: kersten(at)fiata.com
www.fiata.com
FIATA underlines SMEs importance in Sustainable Development
22 July 2016 (Zurich) – For 10 days the United Nations focussed on the High Level Political Forum (HLPF) in New York. Unlike in the MDGs launched in 2000, trade, transport and logistics have now hit the targets of the new 2030 SDG agenda, after a long campaign promoted by FIATA and other important business and trade organisations.
FIATA's presence at the forum was the voice of Small and Medium Size Enterprises (SMEs) that make up the bulk of the logistics and freight industry. Their involvement throughout this process is crucial. SMEs are heavily involved in their day to day business and appreciate the time FIATA spends to follow and engage with the SDG process on a step by step basis. It is critical to inform and advise SMEs to ensure successful SDG implementation, not only in the logistics sector, but in all sectors and FIATA is fully committed in this objective.
During the SDG Business Forum, ICC Secretary General Mr John Danilovich in his opening remarks said "A concerted push to restore trade-led growth would provide a significant boost in our global efforts to achieve the SDGs. This should start with a focus on making trade easier and simpler for SMEs." Mr Babar Badat, head of FIATA's Advisory Body International Affairs and Senior Vice President commented: "I hear Mr Danilovich's words with great pleasure and I am confident this clearly means the voice of our members has a growing importance in international trade, where freight forwarders play a crucial role in trade facilitation."
Within the margins of the UN HLPF, there were also a number of side events to promote SDG efforts in logistics and transport. One in particular, the Global Partnership on Sustainable Transport (GPST) held an event which aimed to raise awareness on financing gaps and the need to establish green funds which lead to more investments into transport infrastructure ultimately leading to SDG achievement.
FIATA's most recent engagement to the SDGs is through its training activities providing capacity building for local industry development leading towards poverty reduction and creating opportunities for employment; goals 1 and 8 respectively. The publication is available on FIATA's website.
Email: kersten(at)fiata.com
FIATA, the International Federation of Freight Forwarders Associations, was founded in Vienna, Austria on May 31st 1926. It is a non-governmental organisation that today represents an industry covering approximately 40,000 forwarding and logistics firms, employing around 10 million people in some 160 countries. FIATA has consultative status with the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the United Nations (inter alia ECE, ESCAP, ESCWA, etc.), the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and the UN Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) as well as many other UN related bodies, e.g. the World Bank. It is recognised as representing the freight forwarding industry by many other governmental organisations, governmental authorities, private international organisations in the field of transport and logistics, such as the European Commission (through CLECAT), the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), the International Air Transport Association (IATA), the International Union of Railways (UIC), the International Road Transport Union (IRU), the World Customs Organization (WCO), the World Trade Organization (WTO), etc.
For further information, please go to: www.fiata.com
Glattbrugg, 22 July 2016


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CONSTRUCTION OF MT. KENYA UNIVERSITY (RWANDA)
Project: Construction of Mt. Kenya University (Rwanda)
Client: Mount Kenya University (Rwanda)
Project Consultants: Landmark (Design & Supervision)
Contractor: Ndovu Builders Ltd
Duration: Design 2013-2014, Supervision 2014-2016
Project Brief Description:
Mount Kenya University, Rwanda, in wanting to provide a one stop learning center for its Kigali Campus, engaged the top notch services of Landmark ltd to provide the design and supervision services of its first ever Kigali Campus. The university consists of Tuition block, hostel, Administration block, Parking and is to be implemented in Phases. As part of the first phase, a tuition block with capacity of over 3000 students, on a built up area of approximately 8100SM, State of the art computer Laboratory, Library and Science laboratories. The campus is located in the education hub of Kigali city, Kicukiro District.
Landmark is one of the competitive East African architectural firm renowned for its superb architectural designs. As one of Rwanda's pre-eminent architectural firms, we have excelled by working with the country's most prominent corporate & public clients, in addition to international corporations such as John McAslan, Partners.UK, GreenA Consultants, Singapore, etc.
info@landmark.co.rw
KK15 Rd, Hse No.13, Kigali
© 2007 - 2020 Landmark Studio. All Rights Reserved. | Development & Hosting By e-Business Developers To Top


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Q: How can I use mysql as jupyterhub's database? The default database for JupyterHub is a SQLite database. But I want to replace SQLite database with MySQL. I tried with the config variable in the config file.
c.JupyterHub.db_url = 'jdbc:mysql://localhost:3306/test'

But when I run jupyterhub then it yields the error as :
sqlalchemy.exc.ArgumentError: Could not parse rfc1738 URL from string 'jdbc:mysql://localhost:3306/test'

I searched and researched the official docs of jupyterhub but didn't find any thing related to my issue. Any solution to this problem?? Anyone ???
Thank you !

A: Found the exact line that solve the above problem.
c.JupyterHub.db_url = 'mysql+mysqlconnector://{}:{}@{}/{}{}'.format("username","password","host","database","")

A: Its an addition to the correct answer above if you dont add that arguement when using mysql you will have timeout issues, as mentioned as per documentation (https://jupyterhub.readthedocs.io/en/stable/reference/database.html)

A: RFC1738 says that url syntax has to be defined as follows:
//<user>:<password>@<host>:<port>/<url-path>

RFC1738 is not the same syntax than JDBC specification. It looks like you're trying to parse a RFC1738-url (needed by JupyterHub) with JDBC syntax.

A: Make you also add the option for pool recycling in your JH config.  As per documentation.
c.JupyterHub.db_kwargs = {"pool_recycle":300}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


School psychologists help children and youth succeed academically, socially, and emotionally. They collaborate with educators and families to create safe, healthy, and supportive learning environments.
School psychologists are highly trained in both psychology and education. They must complete a minimum of a Specialist-level degree program (60 graduate semester credits) that includes a 1200-hour internship and emphasizes preparation in the following: data-based decision making, consultation and collaboration, effective instruction, child development, student diversity and development, school organization, prevention, intervention, mental health, learning styles, behavior, research, and program evaluation. School psychologists must be certified and/or licensed by the state in which they work. They also may be nationally certified by the National School Psychology Certification Board (NSPCB).
School psychologists work to find the best solution for each student and situation; they use different strategies to address student needs and to improve school and district-wide support systems. School psychologists work with students individually and in groups. They also develop programs to train teachers and parents about effective teaching and learning strategies, techniques to manage behavior at home and in the classroom, working with students with disabilities or with special talents, addressing abuse of drugs and other substances, and preventing and managing crises.
This was developed by Arlene Silva, University of Maryland school psychology graduate student intern at the NASP office (summer 2003), with contributions from NASP staff and leadership.


No idea whether the Gamme 54 is updated...BUT- it has always had a "rockered" tip- with a "moderate wax pocket" (i.e. camber-and-a-half), and "longitudinally-rigid flex".
lilcliffy wrote: Definitely waiting for LaCordee and Norseman stock and pricing.
Last I checked, Neptune still had a full size range (when I ordered some 205s!!!). $429USD. Now they seem to be lost in the shipping void!? Welcome to living in rural Alaska... 2 day fed ex takes a month. If they get here at all!?
I've been waiting years for a ski like this, so I'll wait a bit longer I suppose! Can't wait to get on em- we've been skiing for weeks here north of the AK Range. And it's been very good- too deep for Nansens. My Nansens have no Nordic rocker by the way, nor do they ski like it. Very fast with a nice flex pattern, traditional well made ski. They do it all, but do not shred like my e109s. However, I have shredded my e109s to tatters in two years! Not a durable ski at all, at least for someone who skis daily in the subarctic. I will share more when (and if) the Ingstads show up. My ski bench is ready.
w8n4snow wrote: we've been skiing for weeks here north of the AK Range.
Niiice...! 20th powder day here near the VT border... Not bad for November...!
I think this is just the very beginning of the whole NR thing. This is just the first experiments and prototypes. This is without a doubt THE future of XCD skis: A perfect balance between camber, flex, and now rocker and nordic rocker contact points, taper and height.
w8n4snow wrote: I've been waiting years for a ski like this, so I'll wait a bit longer I suppose!
Did you buy the new Ingstad- or the previous generation?
My Nansens have no Nordic rocker by the way, nor do they ski like it.
Again- thank you- great info.
They do it all, but do not shred like my e109s.
VERY interesting...I am assuming that you have the current model E109 with the Nordic-rockered tip? What produces that "turniness" in the E109 vs. the Nansen- the rockered tip?
I will share more when (and if) the Ingstads show up. My ski bench is ready.
I have only been skiing them for a few days... The huge NR on the Ingstad BC is not super noticeable on deep fluff. But it really shines when you can feel a bottom beneath fresh snow or on a few days old consolidated powder.
How stable are they in truly deep snow?
My Gamme 54 have some nordic rocker but I would categorize it as miniscule, it looks about the same as my 2011-2012 vintage E99's, and only slightly more than my Asnes Mountain Tour 51's - the tips open maybe 1-2cm farther back.
I ordered the new Ingstad BC of course! In 205, same as my Nansens. I do ski with a pack mostly, sometimes a pulk on trips,and wanting a fast ski with max floatation for breaking trail, I went long. E109s (yes new rockered version) are slow on our cold snow, don't break trail for crap, and can't be tuned well with their dainty edges and waxless base- I'm talking longevity tuning here, sharpening filing filling grinding. Abrasive cold snow, usually shallowish snowpack, above tree line rocks, no "trails"... all these things wear out skis eventually, but I have many pairs that are still cruising along thanks to their rejuvenating spa days in the shop. However, e109s are very fun on the hills and routes around our place, shredding up and down. Their willingness to turn and dance I attribute mostly to the NR, and some to sidecut (a little too squirrelly on the flats, but hey). They opened my eyes to NR and left me wanting more. I have a feeling that lil' cliffy and I are on the same page about all this.
I am pumped to hear your initial assessment LJ! We usually do not have catalog conditions around here, and are not deterred by such like, and it sounds like Helge in his new getup will be game for whatever. I am keen to hear your opinion of mounting position at this point.( Nnnbc of course! I have yet to bust a NNNBC binding blah blah blah not trying to start some debate but impressed with them for 15 years) Usually bars on balance point is my jam and as Asnes builds a balanced ski im not expecting any weirdness.
Enough prattling on for now, can barely stand to deal with the conputter but I have enjoyed reading the forum from time to time and it's time to put a little back in. Will check the friggin mail tomorrow.
I will have more feedback when I will put more miles on them, on different terrain and conditions... About mounting, I guess I must be a bit stubborn, I did not follow Asnes recommendation to the letter... After standing on the skis with my boots on (Alaska BCs) and trying to visualize internally the best mounting point (A very advanced yogic XCD technique from the Himalayas), I ended up mounting the NNN bar about 1-2cm back of balance point... Well, which actually is pretty much the same as pin line on BP with NN boots.
I am not worried about the challenging terrain- not for the new Ingstad- nor for you!
I am sure those open tips are going to be dreamy downhill skiing.
That is a good sign- and, I am JEALOUS- the snow base is VERY late here in the hills!