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Taking Back Public Broadcasting
by Bill Moyers On June 13, 2005 1 Comment
Editor's Note: At the May 2005 National Conference for Media Reform, television journalist Bill Moyers explained why public media—including youth media—is critical and why it must be defended. His plea is particularly timely: On June 9, a House Appropriations panel approved a spending bill that would cut the budget for public television by nearly 50 percent. The following is the prepared text of Moyers's speech. The event, which took place in St. Louis, was sponsored by the Free Press.
I can't imagine better company on this beautiful Sunday morning in St. Louis. You're church for me today, and there's no congregation in the country where I would be more likely to find more kindred souls than are gathered here.
There are so many different vocations and callings in this room — so many different interests and aspirations of people who want to reform the media — that only a presiding bishop like Bob McChesney with his great ecumenical heart could bring us together for a weekend like this.
What joins us all under Bob's embracing welcome is our commitment to public media. Pat Aufderheide got it right, I think, in the recent issue of In These Times when she wrote: "This is a moment when public media outlets can make a powerful case for themselves. Public radio, public TV, cable access, public DBS channels, media arts centers, youth media projects, nonprofit Internet news services … low-power radio and webcasting are all part of a nearly invisible feature of today's media map: the public media sector. They exist not to make a profit, not to push an ideology, not to serve customers, but to create a public — a group of people who can talk productively with those who don't share their views, and defend the interests of the people who have to live with the consequences of corporate and governmental power."
She gives examples of the possibilities. "Look at what happened," she said, "when thousands of people who watched Stanley Nelson's The Murder of Emmett Till on their public television channels joined a postcard campaign that reopened the murder case after more than half a century. Look at NPR's courageous coverage of the Iraq war, an expensive endeavor that wins no points from this administration. Look at Chicago Access Network's Community Forum, where nonprofits throughout the region can showcase their issues and find volunteers."
The public media, she argues, for all our flaws, are a very important resource in a noisy and polluted information environment.
You can also take wings reading Jason Miller's May 4 article on Z Net about the mainstream media. While it is true that much of the mainstream media is corrupted by the influence of government and corporate interests, Miller writes, there are still men and women in the mainstream who practice a high degree of journalistic integrity and who do challenge us with their stories and analysis.
But the real hope "lies within the Internet with its two billion or more websites providing a wealth of information drawn from almost unlimited resources that span the globe. … If knowledge is power, one's capacity to increase that power increases exponentially through navigation of the Internet for news and information."
Surely this is one issue that unites us as we leave here today. The fight to preserve the web from corporate gatekeepers joins media, reformers, producers and educators — and it's a fight that has only just begun.
The quality of democracy and the quality of journalism are deeply entwined.
I want to tell you about another fight we're in today. The story I've come to share with you goes to the core of our belief that the quality of democracy and the quality of journalism are deeply entwined. I can tell this story because I've been living it. It's been in the news this week, including reports of more attacks on a single journalist — yours truly — by the right-wing media and their allies at the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.
As some of you know, CPB was established almost 40 years ago to set broad policy for public broadcasting and to be a firewall between political influence and program content. What some on this board are now doing today — led by its chairman, Kenneth Tomlinson — is too important, too disturbing and yes, even too dangerous for a gathering like this not to address.
We're seeing unfold a contemporary example of the age-old ambition of power and ideology to squelch and punish journalists who tell the stories that make princes and priests uncomfortable.
Let me assure you that I take in stride attacks by the radical right-wingers who have not given up demonizing me although I retired over six months ago. They've been after me for years now, and I suspect they will be stomping on my grave to make sure I don't come back from the dead.
I should remind them, however, that one of our boys pulled it off some 2,000 years ago — after the Pharisees, Sadducees and Caesar's surrogates thought they had shut him up for good. Of course I won't be expecting that kind of miracle, but I should put my detractors on notice: They might just compel me out of the rocking chair and back into the anchor chair.
Who are they? I mean the people obsessed with control, using the government to threaten and intimidate. I mean the people who are hollowing out middle-class security even as they enlist the sons and daughters of the working class in a war to make sure Ahmed Chalabi winds up controlling Iraq's oil. I mean the people who turn faith-based initiatives into a slush fund and who encourage the pious to look heavenward and pray so as not to see the long arm of privilege and power picking their pockets. I mean the people who squelch free speech in an effort to obliterate dissent and consolidate their orthodoxy into the official view of reality from which any deviation becomes unpatriotic heresy.
That's who I mean. And if that's editorializing, so be it. A free press is one where it's OK to state the conclusion you're led to by the evidence.
One reason I'm in hot water is because my colleagues and I at NOW didn't play by the conventional rules of Beltway journalism. Those rules divide the world into Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives, and allow journalists to pretend they have done their job if, instead of reporting the truth behind the news, they merely give each side an opportunity to spin the news.
Jonathan Mermin writes about this in a recent essay in World Policy Journal. (You'll also want to read his book Debating War and Peace, Media Coverage of US Intervention in the Post Vietnam Era.)
Mermin quotes David Ignatius of the Washington Post on why the deep interests of the American public are so poorly served by Beltway journalism. The "rules of our game," says Ignatius, "make it hard for us to tee up an issue … without a news peg." He offers a case in point: the debacle of America's occupation of Iraq. "If Senator so and so hasn't criticized postwar planning for Iraq," says Ignatius, "then it's hard for a reporter to write a story about that."
Mermin also quotes public television's Jim Lehrer acknowledging that unless an official says something is so, it isn't news. Why were journalists not discussing the occupation of Iraq? Because, says Lehrer, "the word occupation … was never mentioned in the run-up to the war." Washington talked about the invasion as "a war of liberation, not a war of occupation, so as a consequence, "those of us in journalism never even looked at the issue of occupation."
"In other words," says Jonathan Mermin, "if the government isn't talking about it, we don't report it." He concludes: "[Lehrer's] somewhat jarring declaration, one of many recent admissions by journalists that their reporting failed to prepare the public for the calamitous occupation that has followed the 'liberation' of Iraq, reveals just how far the actual practice of American journalism has deviated from the First Amendment ideal of a press that is independent of the government."
Take the example (also cited by Mermin) of Charles J. Hanley. Hanley is a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter for the Associated Press, whose fall 2003 story on the torture of Iraqis in American prisons — before a U.S. Army report and photographs documenting the abuse surfaced — was ignored by major American newspapers. Hanley attributes this lack of interest to the fact that "it was not an officially sanctioned story that begins with a handout from an official source."
Furthermore, Iraqis recounting their own personal experience of Abu Ghraib simply did not have the credibility with Beltway journalists of American officials denying that such things happened. Judith Miller of the New York Times, among others, relied on the credibility of official but unnamed sources when she served essentially as the government stenographer for claims that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction.
These "rules of the game" permit Washington officials to set the agenda for journalism, leaving the press all too often simply to recount what officials say instead of subjecting their words and deeds to critical scrutiny. Instead of acting as filters for readers and viewers, sifting the truth from the propaganda, reporters and anchors attentively transcribe both sides of the spin invariably failing to provide context, background or any sense of which claims hold up and which are misleading.
I decided long ago that this wasn't healthy for democracy. I came to see that "news is what people want to keep hidden and everything else is publicity." In my documentaries – whether on the Watergate scandals 30 years ago or the Iran-Contra conspiracy 20 years ago or Bill Clinton's fundraising scandals 10 years ago or, five years ago, the chemical industry's long and despicable cover-up of its cynical and unspeakable withholding of critical data about its toxic products from its workers, I realized that investigative journalism could not be a collaboration between the journalist and the subject. Objectivity is not satisfied by two opposing people offering competing opinions, leaving the viewer to split the difference.
I came to believe that objective journalism means describing the object being reported on, including the little fibs and fantasies as well as the Big Lie of the people in power. In no way does this permit journalists to make accusations and allegations. It means, instead, making sure that your reporting and your conclusions can be nailed to the post with confirming evidence.
This is always hard to do, but it has never been harder than today. Without a trace of irony, the powers-that-be have appropriated the newspeak vernacular of George Orwell's 1984. They give us a program vowing "No Child Left Behind," while cutting funds for educating disadvantaged kids. They give us legislation cheerily calling for "Clear Skies" and "Healthy Forests" that give us neither. And that's just for starters.
In Orwell's 1984, the character Syme, one of the writers of that totalitarian society's dictionary, explains to the protagonist Winston, "Don't you see that the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of thought? Has it ever occurred to you, Winston, that by the year 2050, at the very latest, not a single human being will be alive who could understand such a conversation as we are having now? The whole climate of thought will be different. In fact there will be no thought, as we understand it now. Orthodoxy means not thinking — not needing to think. Orthodoxy is unconsciousness."
An unconscious people, an indoctrinated people, a people fed only on partisan information and opinion that confirm their own bias, a people made morbidly obese in mind and spirit by the junk food of propaganda, is less inclined to put up a fight, to ask questions and be skeptical. That kind of orthodoxy can kill a democracy — or worse.
I learned about this the hard way. I grew up in the South, where the truth about slavery, race, and segregation had been driven from the pulpits, driven from the classrooms and driven from the newsrooms. It took a bloody Civil War to bring the truth home, and then it took another hundred years for the truth to make us free.
Then I served in the Johnson Administration. Imbued with Cold War orthodoxy and confident that "might makes right," we circled the wagons, listened only to each other, and pursued policies the evidence couldn't carry. The results were devastating for Vietnamese and Americans.
I brought all of this to the task when PBS asked me after 9/11 to start a new weekly broadcast. They wanted us to make it different from anything else on the air — commercial or public broadcasting. They asked us to tell stories no one else was reporting and to offer a venue to people who might not otherwise be heard.
That wasn't a hard sell. I had been deeply impressed by studies published in leading peer-reviewed scholarly journals by a team of researchers led by Vassar College sociologist William Hoynes. Extensive research on the content of public television over a decade found that political discussions on our public affairs programs generally included a limited set of voices that offer a narrow range of perspectives on current issues and events.
Instead of far-ranging discussions and debates, the kind that might engage viewers as citizens, not simply as audiences, this research found that public affairs programs on PBS stations were populated by the standard set of elite news sources. Whether government officials and Washington journalists (talking about political strategy) or corporate sources (talking about stock prices or the economy from the investor's viewpoint), public television, unfortunately, all too often was offering the same kind of discussions, and a similar brand of insider discourse, that is featured regularly on commercial television.
Who didn't appear was also revealing. Hoynes and his team found that in contrast to the conservative mantra that public television routinely featured the voices of anti-establishment critics, "alternative perspectives were rare on public television and were effectively drowned out by the stream of government and corporate views that represented the vast majority of sources on our broadcasts."
The so-called experts who got most of the face time came primarily from mainstream news organizations and Washington think tanks rather than diverse interests. Economic news, for example, was almost entirely refracted through the views of business people, investors and business journalists. Voices outside the corporate/Wall Street universe — nonprofessional workers, labor representatives, consumer advocates and the general public were rarely heard. In sum, these two studies concluded, the economic coverage was so narrow that the views and the activities of most citizens became irrelevant.
All this went against the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 that created the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. I know. I was there. As a young policy assistant to President Johnson, I attended my first meeting to discuss the future of public broadcasting in 1964 in the office of the Commissioner of Education. I know firsthand that the Public Broadcasting Act was meant to provide an alternative to commercial television and to reflect the diversity of the American people.
This, too, was on my mind when we assembled the team for NOW. It was just after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. We agreed on two priorities. First, we wanted to do our part to keep the conversation of democracy going. That meant talking to a wide range of people across the spectrum — left, right and center.
It meant poets, philosophers, politicians, scientists, sages and scribblers. It meant Isabel AlIende, the novelist, and Amity Shlaes, the columnist for the Financial Times. It meant the former nun and best-selling author Karen Armstrong, and it meant the right-wing evangelical columnist Cal Thomas. It meant Arundhati Roy from India, Doris Lessing from London, David Suzuki from Canada, and Bernard Henry-Levi from Paris. It also meant two successive editors of the Wall Street Journal, Robert Bartley and Paul Gigot, the editor of The Economist, Bill Emmott, The Nation's Katrina vanden Heuvel and the L.A. Weekly's John Powers.
It means liberals like Frank Wu, Ossie Davis and Gregory Nava, and conservatives like Frank Gaffney, Grover Norquist, and Richard Viguerie. It meant Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Bishop Wilton Gregory of the Catholic Bishops conference in this country. It meant the conservative Christian activist and lobbyist, Ralph Reed, and the dissident Catholic Sister Joan Chittister. We threw the conversation of democracy open to all comers.
Most of those who came responded the same way that Ron Paul, the Republican and Libertarian congressman from Texas, did when he wrote me after his appearance, "I have received hundreds of positive e-mails from your viewers. I appreciate the format of your program, which allows time for a full discussion of ideas. … I'm tired of political shows featuring two guests shouting over each other and offering the same arguments. … NOW was truly refreshing."
Hold your applause because that's not the point of the story. We had a second priority. We intended to do strong, honest and accurate reporting, telling stories we knew people in high places wouldn't like.
I told our producers and correspondents that in our field reporting our job was to get as close as possible to the verifiable truth. This was all the more imperative in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks. America could be entering a long war against an elusive and stateless enemy with no definable measure of victory and no limit to its duration, cost or foreboding fear. The rise of a homeland security state meant government could justify extraordinary measures in exchange for protecting citizens against unnamed, even unproven, threats.
Furthermore, increased spending during a national emergency can produce a spectacle of corruption behind a smokescreen of secrecy. I reminded our team of the words of the news photographer in Tom Stoppard's play who said, "People do terrible things to each other, but it's worse when everyone is kept in the dark."
I also reminded them of how the correspondent and historian Richard Reeves answered a student who asked him to define real news. "Real news," Reeves responded, "is the news you and I need to keep our freedoms."
For these reasons and in that spirit, we went about reporting on Washington as no one else in broadcasting — except occasionally "60 Minutes" — was doing. We reported on the expansion of the Justice Department's power of surveillance. We reported on the escalating Pentagon budget and expensive weapons that didn't work. We reported on how campaign contributions influenced legislation and policy to skew resources to the comfortable and well-connected while our troops were fighting in Afghanistan and Iraq with inadequate training and armor. We reported on how the Bush administration was shredding the Freedom of Information Act. We went around the country to report on how closed-door, backroom deals in Washington were costing ordinary workers and tax payers their livelihood and security. We reported on offshore tax havens that enable wealthy and powerful Americans to avoid their fair share of national security and the social contract.
And always — because what people know depends on who owns the press — we kept coming back to the media business itself, to how mega media corporations were pushing journalism further and further down the hierarchy of values, how giant radio cartels were silencing critics while shutting communities off from essential information, and how the mega media companies were lobbying the FCC for the right to grow ever more powerful.
The broadcast caught on. Our ratings grew every year. There was even a spell when we were the only public affairs broadcast on PBS whose audience was going up instead of down.
Our journalistic peers took notice. The Los Angeles Times said, "NOW's team of reporters has regularly put the rest of the media to shame, pursuing stories few others bother to touch."
The Philadelphia Inquirer said our segments on the sciences, the arts, politics and the economy were "provocative public television at its best."
The Austin American-Statesman called NOW, "the perfect antidote to today's high pitched decibel level, a smart, calm, timely news program."
Frazier Moore of the Associated Press said we were hard-edged when appropriate but never Hardball. "Don't expect combat. Civility reigns."
And the Baton Rouge Advocate said, "NOW invites viewers to consider the deeper implication of the daily headlines," drawing on "a wide range of viewpoints which transcend the typical labels of the political left or right."
Let me repeat that: NOW draws on "a wide range of viewpoints which transcend the typical labels of the political left or right."
The Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 had been prophetic. Open public television to the American people — offer diverse interests, ideas and voices … be fearless in your belief in democracy — and they will come.
Hold your applause — that's not the point of the story.
The point of the story is something only a handful of our team, including my wife and partner Judith Davidson Moyers, and I knew at the time — that the success of NOW's journalism was creating a backlash in Washington.
The more compelling our journalism, the angrier the radical right of the Republican Party became. That's because the one thing they loathe more than liberals is the truth. And the quickest way to be damned by them as liberal is to tell the truth.
This is the point of my story: Ideologues don't want you to go beyond the typical labels of left and right. They embrace a world view that can't be proven wrong because they will admit no evidence to the contrary. They want your reporting to validate their belief system and when it doesn't, God forbid.
Never mind that their own stars were getting a fair shake on NOW: Gigot, Viguerie, David Keene of the American Conservative Union, Stephen Moore, then with the Club for Growth, and others. No, our reporting was giving the radical right fits because it wasn't the party line. It wasn't that we were getting it wrong. Only three times in three years did we err factually, and in each case we corrected those errors as soon as we confirmed their inaccuracy. The problem was that we were telling stories that partisans in power didn't want told … we were getting it right, not right-wing.
I've always thought the American eagle needed a left wing and a right wing. The right wing would see to it that economic interests had their legitimate concerns addressed. The left wing would see to it that ordinary people were included in the bargain. Both would keep the great bird on course. But with two right wings or two left wings, it's no longer an eagle and it's going to crash.
My occasional commentaries got to them as well. Although apparently he never watched the broadcast (I guess he couldn't take the diversity), Sen. Trent Lott came out squealing like a stuck pig when after the midterm elections in 2002 I described what was likely to happen now that all three branches of government were about to be controlled by one party dominated by the religious, corporate and political right.
Instead of congratulating the winners for their election victory as some network broadcasters had done — or celebrating their victory as Fox, the Washington Times, The Weekly Standard, talk radio and other partisan Republican journalists had done — I provided a little independent analysis of what the victory meant. And I did it the old-fashioned way: I looked at the record, took the winners at their word, and drew the logical conclusion that they would use power as they always said they would. And I set forth this conclusion in my usual modest Texas way.
Events since then have confirmed the accuracy of what I said, but, to repeat, being right is exactly what the right doesn't want journalists to be.
Strange things began to happen. Friends in Washington called to say that they had heard of muttered threats that the PBS reauthorization would be held off "unless Moyers is dealt with." The chairman of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Kenneth Tomlinson, was said to be quite agitated. Apparently there was apoplexy in the right-wing aerie when I closed the broadcast one Friday night by putting an American flag in my lapel and said – well, here's exactly what I said:
"I wore my flag tonight. First time. Until now I haven't thought it necessary to display a little metallic icon of patriotism for everyone to see. It was enough to vote, pay my taxes, perform my civic duties, speak my mind, and do my best to raise our kids to be good Americans.
"Sometimes I would offer a small prayer of gratitude that I had been born in a country whose institutions sustained me, whose armed forces protected me, and whose ideals inspired me; I offered my heart's affections in return. It no more occurred to me to flaunt the flag on my chest than it did to pin my mother's picture on my lapel to prove her son's love. Mother knew where I stood; so does my country. I even tuck a valentine in my tax returns on April 15.
"So what's this doing here? Well, I put it on to take it back. The flag's been hijacked and turned into a logo — the trademark of a monopoly on patriotism. On those Sunday morning talk shows, official chests appear adorned with the flag as if it is the good housekeeping seal of approval. During the State of the Union, did you notice Bush and Cheney wearing the flag? How come? No administration's patriotism is ever in doubt, only its policies. And the flag bestows no immunity from error. When I see flags sprouting on official lapels, I think of the time in China when I saw Mao's little red book on every official's desk, omnipresent and unread.
"But more galling than anything are all those moralistic ideologues in Washington sporting the flag in their lapels while writing books and running Web sites and publishing magazines attacking dissenters as un-American. They are people whose ardor for war grows disproportionately to their distance from the fighting. They're in the same league as those swarms of corporate lobbyists wearing flags and prowling Capitol Hill for tax breaks even as they call for more spending on war.
"So I put this on as a modest riposte to men with flags in their lapels who shoot missiles from the safety of Washington think tanks, or argue that sacrifice is good as long as they don't have to make it, or approve of bribing governments to join the coalition of the willing (after they first stash the cash). I put it on to remind myself that not every patriot thinks we should do to the people of Baghdad what Bin Laden did to us. The flag belongs to the country, not to the government. And it reminds me that it's not un-American to think that war — except in self-defense — is a failure of moral imagination, political nerve, and diplomacy. Come to think of it, standing up to your government can mean standing up for your country."
That did it. That — and our continuing reporting on overpricing at Haliburton, chicanery on K Street, and the heavy, if divinely guided hand, of Tom DeLay.
When Senator Lott protested that the Corporation for Public Broadcasting "has not seemed willing to deal with Bill Moyers," a new member of the board, a Republican fundraiser named Cheryl Halperin, who had been appointed by President Bush, agreed that CPB needed more power to do just that sort of thing. She left no doubt about the kind of penalty she would like to see imposed on malefactors like Moyers.
As rumors circulated about all this, I asked to meet with the CPB board to hear for myself what was being said. I thought it would be helpful for someone like me, who had been present at the creation and part of the system for almost 40 years, to talk about how CPB had been intended to be a heat shield to protect public broadcasters from exactly this kind of intimidation.
After all, I'd been there at the time of Richard Nixon's attempted coup. In those days, public television had been really feisty and independent, and often targeted for attacks. A Woody Allen special that poked fun at Henry Kissinger in the Nixon administration had actually been cancelled. The White House had been so outraged over a documentary called The Banks and the Poor that PBS was driven to adopt new guidelines. That didn't satisfy Nixon, and when public television hired two NBC reporters — Robert McNeil and Sander Vanoucur to co-anchor some new broadcasts, it was, for Nixon, the last straw. According to White House memos at the time, he was determined to "get the left-wing commentators who are cutting us up off public television at once — indeed, yesterday if possible."
Nixon vetoed the authorization for CPB with a message written in part by his sidekick Pat Buchanan, who in a private memo had castigated Vanocur, MacNeil, Washington Week in Review, Black Journal and Bill Moyers as "unbalanced against the administration."
It does sound familiar.
I always knew Nixon would be back. I just didn't know this time he would be the chairman of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.
Buchanan and Nixon succeeded in cutting CPB funding for all public affairs programming except for Black Journal. They knocked out multiyear funding for the National Public Affairs Center for Television, otherwise known as NPACT. And they voted to take away from the PBS staff the ultimate responsibility for the production of programming.
But in those days — and this is what I wanted to share with Kenneth Tomlinson and his colleagues on the CPB board — there were still Republicans in America who did not march in ideological lockstep and who stood on principle against politicizing public television. The chairman of the public station in Dallas was an industrialist named Ralph Rogers, a Republican but no party hack, who saw the White House intimidation as an assault on freedom of the press and led a nationwide effort to stop it.
The chairman of CPB was former Republican Congressman Thomas Curtis, who was also a principled man. He resigned, claiming White House interference. Within a few months, the crisis was over. CPB maintained its independence, PBS grew in strength, and Richard Nixon would soon face impeachment and resign for violating the public trust, not just public broadcasting.
Paradoxically, the very National Public Affairs Center for Television that Nixon had tried to kill — NPACT — put PBS on the map by rebroadcasting in primetime each day's Watergate hearings, drawing huge ratings night after night and establishing PBS as an ally of democracy. We should still be doing that sort of thing.
That was 33 years ago. I thought the current CPB board would like to hear and talk about the importance of standing up to political interference. I was wrong. They wouldn't meet with me. I tried three times. And it was all downhill after that.
I was naive, I guess. I simply never imagined that any CPB chairman, Democrat or Republican, would cross the line from resisting White House pressure to carrying it out for the White House. But that's what Kenneth Tomlinson has done.
On Fox News this week he denied that he's carrying out a White House mandate or that he's ever had any conversations with any Bush administration official about PBS. But the New York Times reported that he enlisted Karl Rove to help kill a proposal that would have put on the CPB board people with experience in local radio and television. The Times also reported that "on the recommendation of administration officials" Tomlinson hired a White House flack (I know the genre) named Mary Catherine Andrews as a senior CPB staff member. While she was still reporting to Karl Rove at the White House, Andrews set up CPB's new ombudsman's office and had a hand in hiring the two people who will fill it, one of whom once worked for … you guessed it … Kenneth Tomlinson.
I would like to give Mr. Tomlinson the benefit of the doubt, but I can't. According to a book written about the Reader's Digest when he was its Editor-in-Chief, he surrounded himself with other right-wingers — a pattern he's now following at the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.
There is Ms. Andrews from the White House. For acting president, he hired Ken Ferree from the FCC, who was Michael Powell's enforcer when Powell was deciding how to go about allowing the big media companies to get even bigger. According to a forthcoming book, one of Ferree's jobs was to engage in tactics designed to dismiss any serious objection to media monopolies. And, according to Eric Alterman, Ferree was even more contemptuous than Michael Powell of public participation in the process of determining media ownership. Alterman identifies Ferree as the FCC staffer who decided to issue a "protective order" designed to keep secret the market research on which the Republican majority on the commission based their vote to permit greater media consolidation.
It's not likely that with guys like this running the CPB some public television producer is going to say, "Hey, let's do something on how big media is affecting democracy."
Call it preventive capitulation.
As everyone knows, Mr. Tomlinson also put up a considerable sum of money, reportedly over $5 million, for a new weekly broadcast featuring Paul Gigot and the editorial board of the Wall Street Journal. Gigot is a smart journalist, a sharp editor, and a fine fellow. I had him on NOW several times and even proposed that he become a regular contributor. The conversation of democracy — remember? All stripes.
But I confess to some puzzlement that the Wall Street Journal, which in the past editorialized to cut PBS off the public tap, is now being subsidized by American taxpayers although its parent company, Dow Jones, had revenues in just the first quarter of this year of $400 million. I thought public television was supposed to be an alternative to commercial media, not a funder of it.
But in this weird deal, you get a glimpse of the kind of programming Mr. Tomlinson apparently seems to prefer. Alone of the big major newspapers, the Wall Street Journal has no op-ed page where different opinions can compete with its right-wing editorials. The Journal's PBS broadcast is just as homogenous –- right- wingers talking to each other. Why not $5 million to put the editors of The Nation on PBS? Or Amy Goodman's Democracy Now! You balance right-wing talk with left-wing talk.
There's more. Only two weeks ago did we learn that Mr. Tomlinson had spent $10,000 last year to hire a contractor who would watch my show and report on political bias. That's right. Kenneth Y. Tomlinson spent $10,000 of your money to hire a guy to watch NOW to find out who my guests were and what my stories were. Ten thousand dollars.
Gee, Ken, for $2.50 a week, you could pick up a copy of TV Guide on the newsstand. A subscription is even cheaper, and I would have sent you a coupon that can save you up to 62 percent.
For that matter, Ken, all you had to do was watch the show yourself. You could have made it easier with a double Jim Beam, your favorite. Or you could have gone online where the listings are posted. Hell, you could have called me — collect — and I would have told you.
Ten thousand dollars. That would have bought five tables at Thursday night's "Conservative Salute for Tom DeLay." Better yet, that ten grand would pay for the books in an elementary school classroom or an upgrade of its computer lab.
But having spent that cash, what did he find? Only Mr. Tomlinson knows. He's apparently decided not to share the results with his staff, or his board or leak it to Robert Novak. The public paid for it — but Ken Tomlinson acts as if he owns it.
In a May 10 op-ed piece, in Reverend Moon's conservative Washington Times, Tomlinson maintained he had not released the findings because public broadcasting is such a delicate institution that he did not want to "damage public broadcasting's image with controversy." Where I come from in Texas, we shovel that kind of stuff every day.
As we learned only this week, that's not the only news Mr. Tomlinson tried to keep to himself. As reported by Jeff Chester's Center for Digital Democracy (of which I am a supporter), there were two public opinion surveys commissioned by CPB but not released to the media — not even to PBS and NPR. According to a source who talked to Salon.com, "The first results were too good and [Tomlinson] didn't believe them. After the Iraq War, the board commissioned another round of polling, and they thought they'd get worse results."
But they didn't. The data revealed that, in reality, public broadcasting has an 80 percent favorable rating and that "the majority of the U.S. adult population does not believe that the news and information programming on public broadcasting is biased." In fact, more than half believed PBS provided more in-depth and trustworthy news and information than the networks and 55 percent said PBS was "fair and balanced."
Tomlinson is the man, by the way, who was running The Voice of America back in 1984 when a partisan named Charlie Wick was politicizing the United States Information Agency of which Voice of America was a part. It turned out there was a blacklist of people who had been removed from the list of prominent Americans sent abroad to lecture on behalf of America and the USIA. What's more, it was discovered that evidence as to how those people were chosen to be on the blacklist, more than 700 documents had been shredded. Among those on the blacklists of journalists, writers, scholars and politicians were dangerous left-wing subversives like Walter Cronkite, James Baldwin, Gary Hart, Ralph Nader, Ben Bradlee, Coretta Scott King and David Brinkley.
The person who took the fall for the blacklist was another right-winger. He resigned. Shortly thereafter, so did Kenneth Tomlinson, who had been one of the people in the agency with the authority to see the lists of potential speakers and allowed to strike people's names. Let me be clear about this: There is no record, apparently, of what Ken Tomlinson did. We don't know whether he supported or protested the blacklisting of so many American liberals. Or what he thinks of it now.
But I had hoped Bill O'Reilly would have asked him about it when he appeared on The O'Reilly Factor this week. He didn't. Instead, Tomlinson went on attacking me with O'Reilly egging him on, and he went on denying he was carrying out a partisan mandate despite published reports to the contrary. The only time you could be sure he was telling the truth was at the end of the broadcast when he said to O'Reilly, "We love your show."
We love your show.
I wrote Kenneth Tomlinson on Friday and asked him to sit down with me for one hour on PBS and talk about all this. I suggested that he choose the moderator and the guidelines.
There is one other thing in particular I would like to ask him about. In his op-ed essay this week in Washington Times, Ken Tomlinson tells of a phone call from an old friend complaining about my bias. Wrote Mr. Tomlinson: "The friend explained that the foundation he heads made a six-figure contribution to his local television station for digital conversion. But he declared there would be no more contributions until something was done about the network's bias."
Apparently that's Kenneth Tomlinson's method of governance. Money talks and buys the influence it wants.
I would like to ask him to listen to a different voice.
This letter came to me last year from a woman in New York, five pages of handwriting. She said, among other things, that "after the worst sneak attack in our history, there's not been a moment to reflect, a moment to let the horror resonate, a moment to feel the pain and regroup as humans. No, since I lost my husband on 9/11, not only our family's world, but the whole world seems to have gotten even worse than that tragic day."
She wanted me to know that on 9/11 her husband was not on duty. "He was home with me having coffee. My daughter and grandson, living only five blocks from the Towers, had to be evacuated with masks — terror all around. … My other daughter, near the Brooklyn Bridge … my son in high school. But my Charlie took off like a lightning bolt to be with his men from the Special Operations Command. 'Bring my gear to the plaza,' he told his aide immediately after the first plane struck the North Tower. … He took action based on the responsibility he felt for his job and his men and for those Towers that he loved."
In the FDNY, she said, chain-of-command rules extend to every captain of every firehouse in the city. If anything happens in the firehouse — at any time — even if the captain isn't on duty or on vacation — that captain is responsible for everything that goes on there 24/7."
So she asked: "Why is this administration responsible for nothing? All that they do is pass the blame. This is not leadership. … Watch everyone pass the blame again in this recent torture case [Abu Ghraib] of Iraqi prisons …"
And then she wrote: "We need more programs like yours to wake America up. … Such programs must continue amidst the sea of false images and name-calling that divide America now. … Such programs give us hope that search will continue to get this imperfect human condition on to a higher plane. So thank you and all of those who work with you. Without public broadcasting, all we would call news would be merely carefully controlled propaganda."
Enclosed with the letter was a check made out to "Channel 13 — NOW" for $500. I keep a copy of that check above my desk to remind me of what journalism is about. Kenneth Tomlinson has his demanding donors. I'll take the widow's might any day.
Someone has said recently that the great raucous mob that is democracy is rarely heard and that it's not just the fault of the current residents of the White House and the capital. There's too great a chasm between those of us in this business and those who depend on TV and radio as their window to the world. We treat them too much as an audience and not enough as citizens. They're invited to look through the window but too infrequently to come through the door and to participate, to make public broadcasting truly public."
To that end, five public interest groups including Common Cause and Consumers Union will be holding informational sessions around the country to "take public broadcasting back" — to take it back from threats, from interference, from those who would tell us we can only think what they command us to think.
It's a worthy goal.
We're big kids; we can handle controversy and diversity, whether it's political or religious points of view or two loving lesbian moms and their kids, visited by a cartoon rabbit. We are not too fragile or insecure to see America and the world entire for all their magnificent and sometimes violent confusion. "There used to be a thing or a commodity we put great store by," John Steinbeck wrote. "It was called the people."
Television journalist Bill Moyers rallies the public media sector to stand its ground.
Previous:Worth at Least a Thousand Words
Next: A Tale of Two Magazines


text:
Q: Why does an ajax call to a Java program dumps all its code onto the screen instead of simply printing out what I tell it to? My ultimate goal on this project is to have the client use an ajax call to post to a Java program, query the database and return the results to my web page. For the purposes of this question I'm simply asking Java to print out a simple greeting but right now all it's doing is dumping all the code onto the screen.
Here is my ajax call:
getText = function(duty){

$.ajax({

type: "POST",

url: 'querymanager.java',

data: (duty),

success: function(data){

console.log(data);

}

});

}

And here is the Java program it calls:
class MyTestClass{

public static void main(String args[]){

try{

System.out.println('And here is the text to return to my website');

}

}

A: Your java function cannot be invoked directly like that in you JS script
url: querymanager.java - Wrong
You need to have an http endpoint that will invoke this function and return you the results.
Implementation is beyond scope.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Buyseasons is a leading online retailer of costumes, party supplies and seasonal decorations. They are a young, energetic, fast-growing company that wanted their new environment to reflect who they are and what they do. Our goal was to design a professional, clean space that illustrated the playful nature of their business. The architectural features were already in place, which forced us to rely on color and material choice to make the space more intriguing and lively. By starting with Buyseasons' corporate colors and evolving from there, we used bright hues to bring the childlike nature of the business to the interiors. The colors were also used to delineate certain spaces and then brought together in the common areas, such as the lobby.
Our greatest challenges were issues of budget and time constraints. The tight budget led us to use basic materials, such as paint, VCT flooring and a small amount of ceramic tile, to express our concept. Yet by coupling creative floor patterns with energetic color, we were able to infuse otherwise plain spaces with vibrancy and attract just the right amount of attention. Due to the start of the busy season for the tenant, we had less than 2 months to coordinate all finishes for the 56,800 sf. Office space, including preliminary designs ideas through completed schedules. The project was completed in July 2008.


Say hello to Spur! This funny little pup is always up to something. Whether he is searching for a puppy treat to munch on, rolling around the floor with his toy ball, or following you around waiting for a belly rub, he always seem to be on the go. You'll love spending you days together. He is ready to be the best companion he can be for you. Don't leave this special boy behind!


text:
Adeline (Lena) Hulda Emma Rosentreter
Personal Information | Media | Notes | Event Map | All | PDF
Name Adeline (Lena) Hulda Emma Rosentreter
Birth 9 Aug 1905 Shive, Hamilton County, Texas, USA
Death 9 Nov 2002 Kingsland, Llano County, Texas, USA
Buried 13 Nov 2002 Pflugerville, Travis County, Texas, USA
Person ID I0134 Rosentreter_Tree
Father Benjamin August Rosentreter, b. 11 Sep 1848, Łagiewniki, Poznań County, Greater Poland Voivodeship, Poland , d. 9 Mar 1929, Hamilton, Hamilton County, Texas, USA (Age 80 years)
Mother Wilhelmine Albertine Louise (Minnie) Bode, b. 30 Dec 1861, Galveston, Galveston County, Texas, USA , d. 12 Jun 1907, Shive, Hamilton County, Texas, USA (Age 45 years)
Marriage 15 Oct 1880 Washington County, Texas, USA
"Texas, County Marriage Records, 1837-1965," database with images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QV1C-L82N : 10 December 2017), August Rosentreter and Mina Bode, 15 Oct 1880; citing Marriage, citing Washington, Texas, United States, Texas State Library, Archives Division, and various Texas county clerks; FHL microfilm 1,765,364.
"United States Census, 1910," database with images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:M2MP-HR5 : accessed 19 August 2020), Lillie Rosentreter in household of August Mckinly, Justice Precinct 1, Hamilton, Texas, United States; citing enumeration district (ED) ED 64, sheet 4A, family 39, NARA microfilm publication T624 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 1982), roll 1558; FHL microfilm 1,375,571.
http://www.fgs-project.com/texas/groups/r/rosentreter-august-benjamin.htm
August Benjamin Rosentreter & Wilhelmine Bode - Photo
August Benjamin Rosentreter - Family Photo
Family Rudolf Adolf Riewe, b. 7 Feb 1901, Aleman, Hamilton County, Texas, USA , d. 17 Mar 1979, Austin, Travis County, Texas, USA (Age 78 years)
Marriage 18 Mar 1924 Hamilton County, Texas, USA
"Texas Marriages, 1837-1973", database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:F612-PZK : 22 January 2020), Adeline Rosentrater in entry for R. A. Riewe, 1924.
Adeline Hulda Emma Rosentreter & Rudolph Riewe - Wedding Photo
Birth - 9 Aug 1905 - Shive, Hamilton County, Texas, USA
Marriage - 18 Mar 1924 - Hamilton County, Texas, USA
Death - 9 Nov 2002 - Kingsland, Llano County, Texas, USA
Buried - 13 Nov 2002 - Pflugerville, Travis County, Texas, USA
Adeline Hulda Emma Rosentreter - b 9 Aug 1905
Adeline Hulda Emma Rosentreter was the youngest of the 13 children born to August and Wilhelmine (Bode) Rosentreter.
Adeline Rosentreter was baptized December 4, 1905, and she was confirmed May 15, 1921, at St. Paul's Lutheran Church in Shive, Hamilton County, Texas.
Adeline married Rudolf Riewe on March 18, 1924, and they were the parents of four sons and two daughters. They were married 55 years. Rudolf and Adeline Riewe lived in Hamilton County until 1946 when they moved to Austin, Texas, and later in their life, they moved to Pflugerville.
OBITUARY FROM THE HAMILTON HERALD-NEWS: . Riewe
Adeline Riewe, 97, of Kingsland, died Nov. 9 in Kingsland. Funeral services were conducted Nov. 13 at Immanuel Lutheran Church, Pflugerville. Pastor Tom Kesselring officiated. Burial was in Immanuel Lutheran Cemetery. She was born Aug. 9, 1905, in Shive, the daughter of August and Wilhelmine (Bode) Rosentreter. She was married to Rudolf Riewe on March 18, 1924. . Riewe was a homemaker and a farmer. For the past several years she lived in Kingsland Hills Care Center. She was of the Lutheran faith and had membership with Immanuel Lutheran Church of Pflugerville. She was preceded in death by her parents, her husband, and 12 brothers and sisters. Survivors include her daughters, Leanda Barnett and husband Edwin of Sunrise Beach and Marilyn Kleen and husband Charles of Pflugerville; sons, Louis Riewe and wife Florence of Sunrise Beach, Olaf Riewe and wife Anne of Austin, Harold Riewe and wife Lois and Martin Riewe, all of Pflugerville; 12 grandchildren and 12 great-grandchildren. Pallbearers were Brian Kleen, Brett Kleen, Nathan Riewe, Ryan Salathe, James Riewe, and Keith Riewe. Honorary pallbearer was Nicholas Riewe.
*****************************************************************************************
Adeline Rosentreter Riewe was preceded in death by her parents, August and Wilhelmine Bode Rosentreter; her husband, Rudolf Riewe; her grandson, Martin Adolf Riewe, Jr.; her five brothers, August Rosentreter, Louis Rosentreter, Julius Rosentreter, Charlie Rosentreter, and Henry Rosentreter; and her seven sisters, Wilhelmine Rosentreter Kopp, Anna Rosentreter Zettler, Alwine Rosentreter Zettler, Sophie Rosentreter Feldmann, Albertine Rosentreter Feldmann, Matilda Rosentreter Senkel and Lillie Rosentreter Riewe.
https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/58207535/adeline-riewe

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
T : +44 (0)20 7723 5157 | E : stay@tchotel.co.uk
Built originally in the 1850's as a private residence, this elegant Victorian listed building has been carefully transformed into a comfortable 38 bedroom boutique hotel, just 1 minutes' walk from Paddington station which provides mainline services including Heathrow Express, Heathrow Connect and Great Western as well as Bakerloo, Hammersmith & City and Circle & District Underground lines.
Looking onto the picturesque and landscaped gardens of Norfolk Square and with Hyde Park, Kensington Gardens and The Serpentine within walking distance, Tudor Court provides a most relaxing environment of calmness and tranquillity, allowing guests to enjoy a pleasant and peaceful stay normally associated with hotels in the countryside. A short journey on the Underground delivers you into the heart of the capital where you will discover London's world famous Restaurants, Theatres, Art galleries, Museums, Historical Buildings, Shops and more.
Tudor Court is owner managed and with a team of friendly, dedicated and helpful staff we provide excellent value for money, a welcoming atmosphere and home away from home for all of our guests.
For the past 25 years, Mr Gupta, joint owner of Tudor Court Hotel has been cooking for the homeless & poor people of London. Every Thursday between 12pm – 7pm he disappears into the Hotel's kitchen to prepare vegetarian Curry & Rice and travels to Lincoln's Inn Fields, Holborn to serve his delicious food to 150 – 200 hungry people. Many of these people depend on the kindness and generosity of Mr Gupta to survive.
Guests staying at Tudor Court on a Thursday may be lucky enough to experience the pleasant aroma of his cooking, which will disappear shortly after 7pm. We appreciate that it may not be everyone's favourite and although we take every step to minimise the smell, we thank our guests for understanding the importance of this weekly charitable work.
Win A FREE NIGHT STAY
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© 2021 Tudor Court Hotel Paddington | Terms and Conditions | 10-12 Norfolk Square London, W2 1RS, UK | Tel: + 44 (0)20 7723 6553


Here at Ridebooker we have worked hard to secure the best transportation services from our providers in the Chattanooga area, ensuring that you, our guests, can enjoy them for the best rates.
Check out the links below for travel options to and from Chattanooga, TN. Our bus/shuttle options serve a number of specific locations in Chattanooga as part of the price.
Do you have any questions about Chattanooga transportation? Need some help getting to or from Chattanooga?


text:
Q: How to understand this result when using std::sort? I'm trying to implement a PP class. Please first help check the following imcomplete code:
template <typename E>
class PP{
public:
    struct Point2D {
        static int used_count;
        E _x;
        E _y;
        Point2D() : _x(0), _y(0) {
            used_count++;
            std::cout << "Point2D(), used_count = " << used_count << "\n";
        }
        virtual ~Point2D() {
            used_count--;
            std::cout << "~Point2D(), used_count = " << used_count << "\n";
        }
    };

    std::vector<Point2D> _points;
    int _size;

    PP(int size) : _size(size) {
        _points.resize(_size);
        std::cout << "PP(int size)\n";
    }
    PP(E points[][2], int size)
        : PP(size) {  // Nx2 points
        for (int i = 0; i < _size; i++) {
            _points[i]._x = points[i][0];
            _points[i]._y = points[i][1];
        }
        std::cout << "PP(E points[][2])\n";
    }

    virtual ~PP() {
        std::cout << "~PP()\n";
    }

    void Print(const std::string& title) {
        std::cout << title << "\n";
        for (auto iter = _points.begin(); iter != _points.end(); iter++) {
            const Point2D& p = *iter;
            std::cout << p._x << ", " << p._y << "\n";
        }
    }

    void DoSort() {
        std::sort(_points.begin(), _points.end(), [](const Point2D& l, const Point2D& r){
            return (l._y > r._y) || (l._y == r._y && l._x > r._x);
        });
    }
};

template<> int PP<int>::Point2D::used_count = 0;
int main() {
      int arr[][2] = {{1, 2},
                      {3, 4},
                      {5, 1},
                      {1, 5},
                      {2, 8},
                      {9, 1},
                      {6, 4},
                      {5, 6}};
      int size = sizeof(arr) / sizeof(arr[0]);

      if (1) {
          PP<int> *t = new PP<int>(arr, size);

          // test sort
          {
              t->Print("before sort");
              t->DoSort();
              t->Print("after sort");
          }

          delete t;
      }
}

The result is as follows:
  Point2D(), used_count = 1
  Point2D(), used_count = 2
  Point2D(), used_count = 3
  Point2D(), used_count = 4
  Point2D(), used_count = 5
  Point2D(), used_count = 6
  Point2D(), used_count = 7
  Point2D(), used_count = 8
  PP(int size)
  PP(E points[][2])
  before sort
  1, 2
  3, 4
  5, 1
  1, 5
  2, 8
  9, 1
  6, 4
  5, 6
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 7
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 6
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 5
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 4
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 3
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 2
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 1
  after sort
  2, 8
  5, 6
  1, 5
  6, 4
  3, 4
  1, 2
  9, 1
  5, 1
  ~PP()
  ~Point2D(), used_count = 0
  ~Point2D(), used_count = -1
  ~Point2D(), used_count = -2
  ~Point2D(), used_count = -3
  ~Point2D(), used_count = -4
  ~Point2D(), used_count = -5
  ~Point2D(), used_count = -6
  ~Point2D(), used_count = -7

My question is, in the DoSort function, I just use the reference of Point2D, what are the reasons that the destructors of Point2D are invoked in the std::sort routine? What is happened? Could you please help give some advice? Thanks in advance.

A: You are not measuring the copy constructors that are invoked. You can do that by adding:
Point2D(Point2D const & p) : _x(p._x), _y(p._y) {
     used_count++;
     std::cout << "Point2D(), used_count = " << used_count << "\n";
}

If you do that, you get the expected used_count.
Here's a demo.
The extra copies are made in the internals of std::sort where there are copies made of Point2D, when elements are swapped.
Normally std::sort would use the move functions in its internals, but the reason you see these unnecessary copies is because you have not defined move for your class. If you do that:
Point2D(Point2D&& p) : _x(p._x), _y(p._y) {
    std::cout << "Point2D(), used_count = " << used_count << "\n";
    used_count++;
}

Point2D& operator=(Point2D&&) = default;

you see that there are no copies made. However, the used_count will still osciallate between 8 and 9, in the call to std::sort. There are still the same number of temporaries that are created, but these are moved instead of copied, which is more efficient, in general. For this particular class instantiaion, there may not be much of an improvement, since it only contains 2 ints, but this is a good habit to get into. e.g. if you instantiate PP over std::string you can gain a considerable improvement in efficiency.
Here's a demo.


text:
IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE STATE OF OREGON FOR THE COUNTY OF CLACKAMAS Probate Department Case No. 21PB00773 NOTICE TO INTERESTED PERSONS In the Matter of the Estate of JACQUELINE FRANCES SERMEUS, Deceased. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that John P. Sermeus has been appointed as the personal representative of the above estate. All persons having claims against the estate are required to present them to the undersigned attorney for the personal representative at 1785 Willamette Falls Drive #2, West Linn, OR 97068, within four months after the date of first publication of this notice, or the claims may be barred. All persons whose rights may be affected by the proceedings may obtain additional information from the records of the Court, the personal representative, or the attorney for the personal representative. Dated and first published on March 2, 2021. John P. Sermeus Personal Representative David M. Mitchell, OSB No. 134294 Attorney for Personal Representative 1785 Willamette Falls Drive, #2 West Linn, OR 97068 Tel (503) 819-0492 Fax (503) 722-4549 Email: mitchelld988@gmail.com Published: Mar. 2, 9 & 16, 2021. BT194314
Owner: David Mitchell
City: WEST LINN


text:
A Costa, Costa o La Costa pueden referirse a:

A Costa

 A Costa (Aranga), despoblado español de la parroquia de Muniferral, del municipio de Aranga, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.

Costa

Geografía

 costa, la parte de un continente o de una isla que colinda con el mar.
 Costa Chica (Guerrero), región mexicana del estado de Guerrero.
 Costa Grande, región mexicana del estado de Guerrero.

Lugares

 Costa (Abegondo), aldea española de la parroquia de Presedo, del municipio de Abegondo, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 Costa (Alta Córcega), comuna francesa del departamento de Alta Córcega, Córcega.
 Costa (Boiro), aldea española de la parroquia de Bealo, del municipio de Boiro, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 Costa (Guimarães), freguesia portuguesa del municipio de Guimarães, del distrito de Braga.
 Costa (La Baña), aldea española de la parroquia de La Riba, del municipio de la Baña, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 Costa (Lajas), barrio puertorriqueño del municipio de Lajas.
 Costa (Perú), región natural del Perú.
 Costa (Rois), parroquia española del municipio de Rois, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.

Miscelánea

 Costa (empresa), empresa de chocolates chilena.
 Costa (MC), nombre artístico del rapero español Hugo Ortiz.
 Costa Coffee, empresa británica de cafeterías.

La Costa

Geografía

 La Costa (Oaxaca), región mexicana del estado de Oaxaca.
 La Costa (País Vasco), subcomarca española de Urola-Costa, provincia de Guipúzcoa, País Vasco.

Lugares

 La Costa (Alfoz), localidad española del municipio de Alfoz, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Antas de Ulla), localidad española del municipio de Antas de Ulla, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Baleares), localidad española del municipio de Santañí, provincia de las Islas Baleares, Baleares.
 La Costa (Baleira), localidad española del municipio de Baleira, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Cabana de Bergantiños), localidad española del municipio de Cabana de Bergantiños, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Cabañas), localidad española del municipio de Cabañas, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Cádiz), localidad española del municipio de Tarifa, provincia de Cádiz, Andalucía.
 La Costa (Cambre), localidad española del municipio de Cambre, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Carballo), localidad española del municipio de Carballo, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Castrelo de Miño), localidad española del municipio de Castrelo de Miño,  de Orense, Galicia.
 La Costa (Castro de Rey), localidad española del municipio de Castro de Rey, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Cerdedo-Cotobad), localidad española del municipio de Cerdedo-Cotobad, provincia de Pontevedra, Galicia.
 La Costa (Coirós), localidad española del municipio de Coirós, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Cospeito), localidad española del municipio de Cospeito, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (El Sauzal), localidad española del municipio de El Sauzal, provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canarias.
 La Costa (Friol), localidad española del municipio de Friol, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Germade), localidad española del municipio de Germade, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Irijo), localidad española del municipio de Irijo, provincia de Orense, Galicia.
 La Costa (Juyá), localidad española del municipio de Juyá, provincia de Gerona, Cataluña.
 La Costa (La Estrada), localidad española del municipio de La Estrada, de Pontevedra, Galicia.
 La Costa (Lage), localidad española del municipio de Lage, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Láncara), localidad española del municipio de Láncara, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Las Planas), localidad española del municipio de Las Planas, provincia de Gerona, Galicia.
 La Costa (Maceda), localidad española del municipio de Maceda, provincia de Orense, Galicia.
 La Costa (Mellid), localidad española del municipio de Mellis, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Moeche), localidad española del municipio de Moeche, provincia de la Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Monforte de Lemos), localidad española del municipio de Monforte de Lemos, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Moya), localidad española del municipio de Moya, provincia de Las Palmas, Canarias.
 La Costa (Orense), localidad española del municipio de Orense, provincia de Orense, Galicia.
 La Costa (Orol), localidad española del municipio de Orol, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Oroso), localidad española del municipio de Oroso, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Oza-Cesuras), localidad española del municipio de Oza-Cesuras, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Paderne), localidad española del municipio de Paderne, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Paderne de Allariz), localidad española del municipio de Paderne de Allariz, provincia de Orense, Galicia.
 La Costa (Palas de Rey), localidad española del municipio de Palas de Rey, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Pantón), localidad española del municipio de Pantón, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Páramo), localidad española del municipio de Páramo, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Pontevedra), localidad española del municipio de Pontevedra, provincia de Pontevedra, Galicia.
 La Costa (Puenteceso), localidad española del municipio de Puenteceso, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Puerto de la Selva), localidad española del municipio del Puerto de la Selva, de Gerona, Cataluña.
 La Costa (Ramiranes), localidad española del municipio de Ramiranes, provincia de Orense, Galicia.
 La Costa (Salvatierra de Miño), localidad española del municipio de Salvatierra de Miño, provincia de Pontevedra, Galicia.
 La Costa (San Saturnino), localidad española del municipio de San Saturnino, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Santa Rosa), localidad argentina de la provincia de Mendoza.
 La Costa (Saviñao), localidad española del municipio de Saviñao, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Somozas), localidad española del municipio de Somozas, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Tazacorte), localidad española del municipio de Tazacorte, provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canarias.
 La Costa (Tijarafe), localidad española del municipio de Tijarafe, provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canarias.
 La Costa (Tinajo), localidad española del municipio de Tinajo, provincia de Las Palmas, Canarias.
 La Costa (Tomiño), localidad española del municipio de Tomiño, provincia de Pontevedra, Galicia.
 La Costa (Valdoviño), localidad española del municipio de Valdoviño, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Vicedo), localidad española del municipio de Vicedo, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Villa de Cruces), localidad española del municipio de Villa de Cruces, provincia de Pontevedra, Galicia.
 La Costa (Villalba), localidad del municipio de Villalba, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Vimianzo), localidad española del municipio de Vimianzo, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 La Costa (Vivero), localidad española del municipio de Vivero, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 La Costa (Zas), localidad española del municipio de Zas, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 Ciudad de la Costa, ciudad uruguaya del departamento de Canelones.
 Departamento de la Costa, antiguo departamento del Perú.
 El Campo de la Costa, localidad española del municipio de Laracha, provincia de La Coruña, Galicia.
 El Fondo de la Costa, localidad española del municipio de Cervantes, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.
 Partido de La Costa, partido argentino de la provincia de Buenos Aires.
 San Simón de la Costa, localidad española del municipio de Villalba, provincia de Lugo, Galicia.

Otros

 La Costa (Half-Life 2), lugar ficticio de un videojuego.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


That's right Atlanta! We are back again for our 3rd Annual Onesie Bar Crawl on January 26th!
Onesie Crawl Koozie & Map.
Comp shot at registration party.
Drink specials during the crawl.
Hundreds of crawlers in their best onesies.?? ????????????
The only crawl to start with one registration party & end with one epic onesie after party.


The worlds' biggest hotel operator Hilton Worldwide has sold the iconic Waldorf Astoria in New York to a Chinese insurance company for nearly $2 billion, a record for a US hotel. The deal marks the continued Chinese real estate shopping spree in America.
Hilton Worldwide Holdings sold the historic landmark to Beijing-based Anbang Insurance Group for a record breaking $1.95 billion, which is the largest acquisition of US realty by a Chinese buyer.
The hotel will still be operated by Hilton, but is expected to undergo major renovations in the coming years.
Opened in 1931 and offering some of the best views of the Manhattan skyline, the hotel is famed for its elite guest list from US presidents to celebrities like Marilyn Monroe and Elizabeth Taylor.
President Barack Obama books the Presidential Suite when he travels to New York City, following the tradition of every US president since Herbert Hoover. Next time the President stays at the hotel, it will be under Chinese ownership.
The sale "will ensure that the Waldorf Astoria New York represents the brand's world-class standards for generations to come," President and CEO of Hilton Worldwide Christopher Nassetta said in a statement.
China will now own 121 Park Avenue, the latest acquisition in the East's shopping spree in the West. China's growing economy, stronger currency, and greater access to credit has enticed buyers to invest in the US.
"What we are witnessing is the greatest transfer of wealth in human history. America's wealth, America's productive capacity, the capital that has been accumulated over a couple of centuries of industrial growth, is being transferred to East. Asia and China in particular at a volume and speed that has never been seen before," Curtis Ellis, Executive Director of the American Jobs Alliance, told RT.
In Manhattan alone in recent years, Chinese investors have bought some of the city's most famous buildings. Zhang Xin, the co-founder of China Ltd bought a stake in Manhattan's GM building last year, and another Chinese company, Fosun International Ltd, picked up shares in the Chase Manhattan Plaza.
In 1989, Japanese Mitsubishi Estate Company bought a controlling stake in New York's Rockefeller Center, also a staple in the city's architecture.
China is the leading foreign buyer of US properties. According to the National Realtors Association, between March 2013 and March 2014, the Chinese spent $22 billion on US homes, with more than 75 percent of the purchases paid in cash.
The Chinese are also putting money into America's most expensive homes that have an average price to half a million dollars. An average American house costs $200,000.


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Explore the connection between 'Get Out,' 'The Stepford Wives'
Here are six things Jordan Peele's horror hit has in common with the 1975 cult classic.
Explore the connection between 'Get Out,' 'The Stepford Wives' Here are six things Jordan Peele's horror hit has in common with the 1975 cult classic. Check out this story on azcentral.com: http://azc.cc/2lKhRgt
Randy Cordova, The Republic | azcentral.com Published 6:45 p.m. MT Feb. 26, 2017 | Updated 7:05 a.m. MT Feb. 28, 2017
Daniel Kaluuya stars in "Get Out" (2017); Katharine Ross stars in "The Stepford Wives" (1975).(Photo: Justin Lubin/Columbia Pictures)
The wild horror flick "Get Out" topped the box office this weekend, earning more than $30 million. It deserves the success, with writer-director Jordan Peele creating a movie that is simultaneously scary and hilarious.
RELATED: Get out to see 'Get Out:' It's fearless, funny and scary | Jordan Peele lists his scary influences, from 'The Shining' to 'Jaws'
In the film, Chris (Daniel Kaluuya), a black man, goes to the suburbs to meet his white girlfriend's parents. The few black people he sees in the neighborhood all seem to act a trifle, um, strangely. Peele has talked about the debt "Get Out" owes to such paranoia-inducing films as "Rosemary's Baby" and "The Stepford Wives," both based on books written by Ira Levin. "I followed the 'Rosemary's Baby'— 'Stepford Wives' model of inching into this crazy situation and alongside, justifying how the character is rationalizing staying," Peele tells the New York Times.
The connection to "The Stepford Wives" — Bryan Forbes' unsettling 1975 flick with Katharine Ross, not the atrocious 2004 remake with Nicole Kidman — is particularly strong. In that movie, a homemaker (Ross) leaves the city with her husband and two kids for a new life in the suburbs. But she doesn't fit in with the other women, who all seem absurdly passionate about cooking and cleaning. Like "Get Out," it blends social commentary (racism in "Get Out," women's lib in "Stepford") into a horror-movie setting.
Things To Do app: Get the best in events, dining and travel right on your device
That's not all the movies have in common. Here are some similarities between the two that jumped out. Tons of spoilers lie ahead, so proceed with caution.
The camera never lies
"Get Out:" Chris is a photographer who always has his camera. He is successful enough that an art dealer (Stephen Root) he meets in the suburbs knows his work.
"Stepford:" Joanna is an amateur shutterbug with dreams of becoming a respected photographer. She even plans to use her maiden name once she hits it big. But once she starts realizing what's going on in Stepford, she warns her psychiatrist what's about to happen: "There'll be somebody with my name, and she'll cook and clean like crazy, but she won't take take pictures and she won't be me!"
Chris Washington (Daniel Kaluuya) is the guest at a very odd garden party in "Get Out." (Photo: Justin Lubin)
Garden parties gone wrong
"Get Out:" Chris is clued in that things are weirder than he first thought when the Armitage family throws a party for their neighbors. Chris snaps a photo of Logan, the only other black guest, who then goes berserk and gives him a dire warning. Later, Logan will apologize to Chris for his behavior.
"Stepford:" Stepford wife Carol Van Sant (Nanette Newman, wife of director Forbes) goes haywire during a daytime fete, gliding up to guests and murmuring "I'll just die if I don't get this recipe" over and over. She, too, later apologizes to Joanna and her best pal, Bobby (Paula Prentiss), blaming her actions on too much drinking.
Mismatched couples
"Get Out:" Chris is puzzled by another aspect of Logan's life: What's this young, handsome man doing with a woman three decades older and obviously out of shape?
"Stepford:" One of the wittier bits of "The Stepford Wives" is how all the women are glamorous and striking while the men are decidedly meh. The local druggist is "nothing, but his wife is just breathtaking," Joanna notes. Charmaine and Tom are another oddball Stepford pairing, and they're played by two vintage-sitcom vets: "Gilligan's Island" bombshell Tina Louise and Franklin Cover, milquetoast Tom Willis from the "The Jeffersons."
When a young man meets his girlfriend's parents for the first time, he makes some disturbing realizations about her family. USA TODAY
Creepy cops
"Get Out:" As Rose drives Chris to her parents' home, she hits a deer with a car. A police officer comes to investigate and demands to see to Chris' identification, although he wasn't driving. Is the officer part of the conspiracy?
"Stepford:" As the Eberhart clan initially drives into Stepford, we see a young cop turn his head and stare at their station wagon. It's a weirdly ominous moment. The officer later reappears, scolding Joanna about walking her dog after dark in Stepford.
Katharine Ross stars in the 1975 film "The Stepford Wives." (Photo: Columbia Pictures)
"Get Out:" Chris was raised by a single mother who died when he was young, a factor that plays a prominent role in the proceedings. That implies that there won't be any worried parents searching for him, just in case anything ever happens to him, like, oh, disappearing.
"Stepford:" As Joanna tells her psychiatrist her theories about Stepford, her shrink inquires about people who could temporarily house her. "Do you have family?" the doctor asks. "They're dead," Joanna replies. Not a good sign.
Logan (Lakeith Stanfield, left) meets Chris (Daniel Kaluuya) in "Get Out." (Photo: Justin Lubin)
Funny friends
"Get Out:" Helping to cut the tension throughout "Get Out" is Rod Williams (LilRel Howery), an officer for the U.S. Transportation Security Administration and a constant wisecracker. He has a conspiracy theory about what Chris is seeing: "Sex slaves!"
"Stepford:" Bobby serves a similar role for Joanna, offering comic takes on the other wives and even herself. "I'm Bobby Markowe: That's upward mobility for Markowitz," is how she introduces herself. Well, it's how she used to introduce herself, before, well... you know.
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Reach the reporter at randy.cordova@arizonarepublic.com or 602-444-8849. Twitter.com/randy_cordova.
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I received the Kindle version of this book from NetGalley in return for an honest independent review.
Which character do you relate to?
A great story about Dani, Charlotte and Meg who decide to have a Girls' Weekend away by the sea, leaving behind th eir husbands and children. However when it is time to return they all decide that just a weekend is not enough.
If you have ever thought about "running away" from your home and family, think it's time to re-invent yourself, or re-discover the real you, then read this first. As Dani, Charlotte and Meg consider the way their lives have turned out, and whether they have any right to be unhappy about it, so they discover that the lives of their closest friends are not quite as they thought.
This is not always a comfortable read, but it is very real and completely engrossing. Reading it on Kindle I did not realise how near the end was, and was horrified to "turn a page" and find the Acknowledgements. Not because the story wasn't finished, it was, but because I was so involved in the three lives that I couldn't believe there was no more. I wonder what Dani, Charlotte and Meg are doing today.
Oohh this sounds like a good one!


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In 1963, Astro Boy was adapted into a highly influential anime television series. Phantom Agents in 1964 focused on ninjas working for the Japanese government and would be the foundation for Sentai-type series. 1966 saw the debut of sci-fi/horror series Ultra Q created by Eiji Tsuburaya this would eventually lead on to the sequel Ultraman, spawning a successful franchise focused upon the Giant Hero subgenre where the Superheroes would be as big as giant monsters (Kaiju) that they fought.
The most recent incident occurred over the weekend. During a conference on freedom of speech, Greg Lukianoff reportedly said, "Looking at the reaction to Erika Christakis's email, you would have thought someone wiped out an entire Indian village." An attendee posted that quote to Facebook. "The online Facebook post led a group of Native American women, other students of color and their supporters to protest the conference in an impromptu gathering outside of LC 102, where the Buckley event was taking place," the Yale Daily News reported.
What sets the superhero apart from the "everyday" hero such as the fireman who's job is to do things that might be seen is perfectly heroic, is that the Superhero generally is symbolic. The superhero does what nobody else is doing, in a way that most people can't, at least not readily. Batman has, in some incarnations, rationalized that he does what he does because nobody else can. Notice if you will, that most if not all superheroes are beyond (but not neccessarily above) what regular people think of as the law. Superman regularly does things that would, if you think about it, break scores of laws. And the activities of Batman - or Robin Hood - go without saying. Part of what makes the superhero super, perhaps, is his ability to perform these duties and not abuse the fact that he must operate outside the normal bounds of citizens.
Is there anything more perfect than Dorinda talking to her Halloween decorations? Yes, there is: It's drunk Dorinda trying to explain how she got her Lady Gaga costume made by way of Saturday Night Live, Andy Samberg and possibly Adam Sandler. Before she hosted her party—and got mad at Sonja for not greeting her as the host of the party—Dorinda hosted Luann for a post-divorce lunch.
In the episode "Traction," the Batman is badly injured by the immensely powerful Bane, due to which he is forced to build a prototype called the "Batbot" to battle the villain. Bruce Wayne controls the Batbot while sitting inside the cockpit. It is shown to possess the superhuman strength to match that of Bane, along with enhanced levels of agility and endurance. It has two turbos retro-thrusters flight on its back as well. The Batbot is also shown to be controlled via the Batman's utility belt (for example, in "The Cat and the Bat" episode).
The bringer of destruction and maker of doom, the feeble powers of any superhero are no match for the mighty Professor Chaos. A veteran of supervillainy with many foiled schemes behind him, few realize that he was once the lonely Butters Stotch, outcasted by society. Seeking vengeance on those who once wronged him, ten thousand dollars from a generous donor may be all he needs to defeat Coon and Friends once and for all...
Parents, you may have found the perfect Halloween costume for your son, but there is still so much more to check out. There are all kinds of accessories available on our website to include as part of your costume order. Look through our section for hats, helmets, and masks. Toy weapons and armor will become part of their arsenal. Face paint, make-up kits, wigs, and other effects help add even more detail to whatever costume they are wearing. There are plenty of boy's Halloween costumes to choose from and even more accessories to match! Complete entire ensembles by adding the final touches to boy's costumes!
The cape and cowl of the suits are prominently displayed as Bruce Wayne's spiritual presence in proceedings after the Final Crisis. With the cape and cowl of the clone being displayed alongside the other batsuits as a memorial that Richard Grayson would constantly return to and ultimately forge his own decision to become the new Batman, while the cape and cowl of Bruce misplaced in time would become a holy relic of the Miagani Tribe from the prehistoric era onwards, enshrined in the caverns that would eventually become the Batcave.
"Trick-or-Treat for UNICEF" is a fundraising program to support UNICEF,[84] a United Nations Programme that provides humanitarian aid to children in developing countries. Started as a local event in a Northeast Philadelphia neighborhood in 1950 and expanded nationally in 1952, the program involves the distribution of small boxes by schools (or in modern times, corporate sponsors like Hallmark, at their licensed stores) to trick-or-treaters, in which they can solicit small-change donations from the houses they visit. It is estimated that children have collected more than $118 million for UNICEF since its inception. In Canada, in 2006, UNICEF decided to discontinue their Halloween collection boxes, citing safety and administrative concerns; after consultation with schools, they instead redesigned the program.[161][162]
Costumes also serve as an avenue for children to explore and role-play. For example, children may dress up as characters from history or fiction, such as pirates, princesses, cowboys, or superheroes. They may also dress in uniforms used in common jobs, such as nurses, police officers, or firefighters, or as zoo or farm animals. Young boys tend to prefer costumes that reinforce stereotypical ideas of being male, and young girls tend to prefer costumes that reinforce stereotypical ideas of being female.[10]
With world-altering research to support, graduates who assume positions of extraordinary power, and a $24.9 billion endowment to marshal for better or worse, Yale administrators face huge opportunity costs as they parcel out their days. Many hours must be spent looking after undergraduates, who experience problems as serious as clinical depression, substance abuse, eating disorders, and sexual assault. Administrators also help others, who struggle with financial stress or being the first in their families to attend college.
The very first super hero that man could have related to had to be an animal simlar to that of Godzilla. Back in the day when we were still walking around on fours and threes, great beasts would rome the forests and we would look to them with our sticks and rocks in hand and think, Now there is a super hero with great powers. This is of course was prior to Gods and Cartoons.


Nokia India has partnered with Arogya World (a US based non-profit organization) and has announced a diabetes prevention mobile health initiative in India. It aims to reach one million Nokia Life Tools consumers in rural and urban India in the next two years through text messages on diabetes awareness and prevention available in multiple languages. This initiative will use mobile phones as a tool to fight against chronic non-communicable diseases like diabetes.
As part of this initiative, Arogya World will offer free diabetes awareness and prevention content to consumers for six months to existing and new Nokia consumers in India who have Nokia Life Tools service on their phones. Messages will be delivered as text message alerts, twice a week, in 12 different languages commonly used in India. Once the initial program is over, the consumers will have the opportunity to opt-in to receive diabetes awareness and prevention messages at a nominal fee.
This effort is also supported by various organizations from multiple sectors in India and the US, including Emory University, Synovate, Biocon, LifeScan Inc.and Aetna.


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Bridgwater News
West Somerset News
Home > News > Local News > 11 men jailed for 69 years for their roles in high value drugs ring
You are viewing content from The Breeze Bridgwater & West Somerset.
11 men jailed for 69 years for their roles in high value drugs ring
More from Local News
Tuesday, May 21st, 2019 12:00am
A group of 11 men have been jailed for a total of 69 years for their involvement in a drugs conspiracy in Gloucestershire.
The investigation, run by the Constabulary's Serious and Organised Crime Unit (SOCU), saw the seizure of two kilograms of cocaine with evidence of a further 24kg with an estimated value of £1,000,000 being obtained as well as £100,000 in cash.
Officers believed that the organised crime group responsible for the conspiracy was being led by 34-year-old Andrew Venna of Partridge Close in Gloucester and supported by 34-year-old Matthew Cornwall of Discovery Road in Gloucester.
Venna was sentenced to 12 years and nine months, including another sentence of nine years which will run concurrently and Cornwall was sentenced to 10 years, including another two sentences of 8 years and 9 years which will also run concurrently.
The conspiracy involved London men 39-year-old Granit Nanushi and 28-year-old Orsid Cela, who were sentenced to eight years and three years respectively for co-ordinating the supply of the drugs to Venna and Cornwall.
It's believed that the drugs were then sold to Stroud based Aaron Baker, 31 and of The Bridle who would store and distribute the drugs to a small number of men. He was sentenced to seven years and three months.
Daniel Payne, 22 and of Moseley Crescent in Stroud, James Dawkins, 39 and of Butterrow Hill in Stroud, Ryan Reese, 24 and of Finlay Road in Gloucester and Paul Reeves, 28 and of Lodgemore Lane in Stroud were sentenced after pleading guilty to receiving the drugs before selling them locally.
They received sentences of three years and six months, six years and nine months, one year and nine months and four years respectively.
Leroy Slater, 39 and of Wellington Street in Gloucester was sentenced to nine years and two months after 1/4 kilograms of cocaine were found on his possession last year and Edward Bell, 44 and of Badminton Road in Gloucester was sentenced to three years after being found to be the drug tester of the group.
The men were sentenced at Bristol Crown Court today, Tuesday 21 May.
Detective Inspector Ian Fletcher said: "I hope that these sentences will send out an extremely strong message to anyone who plans on committing similar offences and that people will now understand that we take serious and organised crime very seriously.
"As the judge commented, the supply of class A drugs does have a high reward but it also has a very high risk at the end of it.
"We would like to remind drug dealers that you are not untouchable or above the law as we, the police, will gather the evidence that we need to secure a conviction".
Trading Standards introduces Bovine TB information packs for farmers
Devon, Somerset and Torbay Trading Standards has launched a new information pack giving farmers all the information they need to help safeguard their herd from Bovine TB.
Police hoping to reunite tools with their owners
A large amount of electrical tools have been found in a garage in Weston, and Police are now trying to reunite them with their owners.
Only 20% of South West businesses 'would hire someone who can't read and write' according to new research
Only 20% of businesses in the South West would hire someone who can't read and write - despite more than half recognising their choice would be unfair judgement.
Mental health beds could move from Wells
Proposals to move mental health beds from St Andrews Ward in Wells to Yeovil are being recommended by Somerset's NHS bosses.
Decision to close Yeovil beds 'complied with legal duties'
Bosses at Somerset's St Margaret's Hospice have welcomed a new charity commission report.
A&E extension is a 'welcome boost'
Children with mental health issues are to benefit from a new £1.1 million extension at Yeovil Hospital.


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Ralph Di Libero
President of the LA County Medical Association
President of the Los Angeles County Medical Association, a professional association representing physicians in Los Angeles County; orthopedic surgeon based at Kaiser
Ralph Di Libero on KCRW
King Harbor Hospital on Life Support
Closing down LA County's King/Harbor hospital once seemed unthinkable.
Jun. 13, 2007 from Which Way, L.A.?
Harbor-UCLA to Take Over King/Drew Hospital
The King/Drew Medical Center was opened by LA County after the Watts Riots of 1965, to provide much-needed medical care in South Central Los Angeles. But King/Drew has been plagued…
Oct. 3, 2006 from Which Way, L.A.?
LAUSD parents fear their kids will get COVID when returning to school this week
LAUSD requires students and staff to submit a COVID test before returning to school on Tuesday. More than 60,000 have tested positive, and that has parents worried.
Grocery workers' pain: Working 6 days a week, still can't pay bills
Kroger grocery workers are experiencing widespread food insecurity, wage disparity, and harsh working conditions, according to a new report by Economic Roundtable.
What have we learned since the Capitol insurrection one year ago?
We kick off a new year of Left Right & Center as the country reflects on the one-year anniversary of the January 6th attack on the U.S. Capitol.
Jan. 7 from Left, Right & Center


Our heavy duty timber benches and seats are ideal for parks and outdoor spaces due to their excellent structural properties. Supplied in Hardwood Iroko, Teak, Oak and Balau, these traditional and elegant seating solutions, integrate effortlessly with the natural surroundings.
Timber seating can be left free standing in both very secure areas and where regular repositioning is required. Alternatively, bolt-down or concrete-in straps are used for a more secure fixing.
All Iroko seating is sourced from well established producers who have policies of sustainable forestry management. Supplied planed and sanded smooth, these timbers are graded to help reduce the degree of colour variation and may also be supplied in a dark oak based wood stain to enhance their appearance.
Our range of Teak seats (BX49) are also sanded with varying grades of grit sandpaper before receiving a minimum of 3 coats of a high quality solvent based lacquer. This is known as 'Ultan Lasur' and will require re-application on 6-12 monthly intervals, depending upon the individual circumstances.
Both timbers have excellent structural properties and have been used for centuries for shipbuilding.
Oak or Balau seats are woodstain treated and will require re-application on a regular basis dependent upon site situation.
Broxap's range of Teak seats (BX49) undergo several stages of preparation involving sanding the timber with varying grades of grit sandpaper. Seats then receive a minimum of 3 coats of a high quality solvent based lacquer known as 'Ultan Lasur'. Lacquer will require re-application on 6-12 monthly intervals depending upon the individual circumstances.


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Q: Entity Framework - Code first Cuando trabajo con EF code first, precisamente cuando las tablas ya creadas tienen datos y necesito crear un nuevo campo o eliminar un nuevo campo. EF me obliga a eliminar los datos que tenía en la tablas para poder agregar o quitar un nuevo campo a una tabla.
Si se tiene una aplicación ya desarrollada con EF y las tablas de la base de datos ya tiene información y se necesita hacer un mantenimiento. ¿Como manejar este tipo de problemas?

A: El proceso es bastante largo y depende de lo que quieras agregar.
Aquí tienes toda la información
Para resumir, debes habilitar tu aplicación para hacer migraciones, ello generara una clase migraciones que es la que puedes personalizar si lo deseas.
También si modificas tu código, ejecutando un comando puedes hacer que la aplicación misma trate de agregar las clases necesarias para la migración. Sin embargo siempre conviene revisar la migración, pues en algunos casos puede que no sea optimo lo que deja.

A: Tienes dos opciones o usar migraciones, o pasar de inicializadores y modificar la base de datos a "pelo".
No hay nada mas que hacer, actualmente estoy desarrollando una aplicación con code first, aunque de momento no la he puesto en producción mi idea cara a futuro es usar migraciones, eso si evitando que la aplicación aplique los cambios directamente sobre la base de datos, la idea es capturar el SQL resultante para aplicarlo a mano, creo que de esta forma tendré un mayor control sobre la migración (Update-database -Script).
Saludos,

A: Lo que yo hago es agregar los campos en la BD y después agregarlos al modelos.
Para no perder información en la BD al agregar los campos has que acepten nulos o que tenga un valor default.
Ejemplo:

alter table AlumnosSet
add Apellidos  nvarchar(300) not null  DEFAULT '',
    FechaBaja  datetime null    -- Acepta nulos

Imprimo los valores, tomando solo el campo nombre actualmente

Después agrego los campos al modelo con el asistente es fácil:

Se actualizó la tabla:

Los datos en la BD:

Ejemplo en consola:

De este modo lo resolvería yo, otra forma es eliminar el modelo y volverlo a crear pero ahora con la opción EF Designer from database, mucho mas fácil que estar haciendo integraciones.


WATCH | A look inside the..
In less than three weeks, the brand spanking new Bankwest Stadium will host it's first NRL game.
Parramatta take on Wests Tigers, the first opportunity to host a match at their new home ground.
Macquarie Sports Radio Breakfast host and Continuous Call Team member Mark Levy was given a sneak-peak of the 30,000 seat square arena.
Fans will also get an opportunity to inspect Bankwest at a free community open day on Sunday April 14.


Ibaraki, Japan (AP) — Shanshan Feng shot an 8-under 64 on Saturday to take the TOTO Japan Classic lead, putting the Chinese star in position to close the Asian swing with consecutive victories.
Jutanugarn had a 68 on another chilly day at Taiheiyo Club in the tour's first tournament in the Tokyo area since 1991.
"I'm just going to try to have fun and enjoy tomorrow," Jutanugarn said.
Norway's Suzann Pettersen (66) and South Korea's Soo-Yun Kang (69) were 9 under on the pine tree-lined Minori Course.
"Good setup today. Some fun holes," said Pettersen, second in Malaysia.
Stacy Lewis followed her opening 67 with a 73 to fall into a tie for 21st at 4 under. The 2012 champion, she's winless in 61 starts since June 2014.
U.S. Solheim Cup teammate Lexi Thompson had an eagle and a double bogey in a 68 that left for tied for 31st at 3 under. In May, she won the JLPGA's World Ladies Championship Salonpas Cup.