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Results tagged "Technosignatures"
A Machine-Learning-Based Direction-of-Origin Filter for the Identification of Radio Frequency Interference in the Search for Technosignatures
Radio frequency interference (RFI) mitigation remains a major challenge in the search for radio technosignatures. Typical mitigation strategies include a direction-of-origin (DoO) filter, where a signal is classified as RFI if it is detected in multiple directions on the sky.
SETI,
technosignatures
Continue reading A Machine-Learning-Based Direction-of-Origin Filter for the Identification of Radio Frequency Interference in the Search for Technosignatures.
Nightside Radio Could Help Reveal Exoplanet Details
We can't detect them yet, but radio signals from distant solar systems could provide valuable information about the characteristics of their planets.
Continue reading Nightside Radio Could Help Reveal Exoplanet Details.
The Detectability Of Nightside City Lights On Exoplanets
I estimate the detectability of nightside city lights on habitable, Earth-like, exoplanets around nearby stars using direct-imaging observations from the proposed LUVOIR and HabEx observatory architectures.
Continue reading The Detectability Of Nightside City Lights On Exoplanets.
Longevity Is The Key Factor In The Search For Technosignatures
March 4, 2021 11:41 PM
It is well-known that the chances of success of SETI depend on the longevity of technological civilizations or, more broadly, on the duration of the signs of their existence, or technosignatures.
Continue reading Longevity Is The Key Factor In The Search For Technosignatures.
To Find an Extraterrestrial Civilization, Pollution Could Be the Solution
If there's an advanced extraterrestrial civilization inhabiting a nearby star system, we might be able to detect it using its own atmospheric pollution, according to new NASA research.
Continue reading To Find an Extraterrestrial Civilization, Pollution Could Be the Solution.
The Breakthrough Listen Search for Intelligent Life: Searching for Technosignatures in Observations of TESS Targets of Interest
Exoplanetary systems are prime targets for the Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence (SETI). With the recent uptick in the identification of candidate and confirmed exoplanets through the work of missions like the Transiting Exoplanet Survey Satellite (TESS), we are beginning to understand that Earth-like planets are common.
Continue reading The Breakthrough Listen Search for Intelligent Life: Searching for Technosignatures in Observations of TESS Targets of Interest.
Breakthrough Listen Search For Technosignatures Towards The Kepler-160 System
We have conducted a search for artificial radio emission associated with the Kepler-160 system following the report of the discovery of the Earth-like planet candidate KOI-456.04 on 2020 June 4 (arXiv:1905.09038v2).
Continue reading Breakthrough Listen Search For Technosignatures Towards The Kepler-160 System.
New Study to Search Universe for Signs of Technological Civilizations
Scientists at the Center for Astrophysics Harvard & Smithsonian and the University of Rochester are collaborating on a project to search the universe for signs of life via technosignatures, after receiving the first NASA non-radio technosignatures grant ever awarded, and the first SETI-specific NASA grant in over three decades.
Continue reading New Study to Search Universe for Signs of Technological Civilizations.
The Breakthrough Listen Search for Intelligent Life: A 3.95-8.00 GHz Search for Radio Technosignatures in the Restricted Earth Transit Zone
We report on a search for artificial narrowband signals of 20 stars within the restricted Earth Transit Zone as a part of the ten-year Breakthrough Listen (BL) search for extraterrestrial intelligence.
Continue reading The Breakthrough Listen Search for Intelligent Life: A 3.95-8.00 GHz Search for Radio Technosignatures in the Restricted Earth Transit Zone.
Technosignatures in Transit
Kepler, K2, TESS, and similar time-domain photometric projects, while designed with exoplanet detection in mind, are also well-suited projects for searches for large artificial structures orbiting other stars in the Galaxy.
Continue reading Technosignatures in Transit.
Searches for Technosignatures in Astronomy and Astrophysics
The search for life beyond the Solar System-a major part of the Planetary Systems thematic area of the Astro2020 Decadal process-includes the search for technological life.
Continue reading Searches for Technosignatures in Astronomy and Astrophysics.
Searches for Technosignatures: The State of the Profession
The search for life in the universe is a major theme of astronomy and astrophysics for the next decade.
Continue reading Searches for Technosignatures: The State of the Profession.
Searching for Extraterrestrial Intelligence by Locating Potential ET Communication Networks in Space
There have been periodic efforts in recent decades to search for extraterrestrial intelligence (SETI), especially by trying to find an extraterrestrial (ET) radio signal or other technosignature in space. Yet, no such technosignatures have been found.
Continue reading Searching for Extraterrestrial Intelligence by Locating Potential ET Communication Networks in Space.
Persistence of Technosignatures: A Comment on Lingam and Loeb
In a recent paper in this journal, Lingam and Loeb (2018) develop an excellent heuristic for searches for biosignatures vs. technosignatures.
Continue reading Persistence of Technosignatures: A Comment on Lingam and Loeb.
A Search for Technosignatures From TRAPPIST-1, LHS 1140, and 10 Planetary Systems in the Kepler Field
As part of our ongoing search for technosignatures, we collected over three terabytes of data in May 2017 with the L-band receiver (1.15-1.73 GHz) of the 100 m diameter Green Bank Telescope.
Continue reading A Search for Technosignatures From TRAPPIST-1, LHS 1140, and 10 Planetary Systems in the Kepler Field.
NASA and the Search for Technosignatures: A Report from the NASA Technosignatures Workshop
This report is the product of the NASA Technosignatures Workshop held at the Lunar and Planetary Institute in Houston, Texas, in September 2018. This workshop was convened by NASA for the organization to learn more about the current field and state of the art of searches for technosignatures, and what role NASA might play in these searches in the future. The report, written by the workshop participants, summarizes the material presented at the workshop and incorporates additional inputs from the participants.
Continue reading NASA and the Search for Technosignatures: A Report from the NASA Technosignatures Workshop.
Technosignatures Workshop: Looking at Searching for Life Beyond Earth
Since the beginning of civilization, humanity has wondered whether we are alone in the universe. As NASA has explored our solar system and beyond, it has developed increasingly sophisticated tools to address this fundamental question.
Continue reading Technosignatures Workshop: Looking at Searching for Life Beyond Earth.
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About Gunnar
Gunnar's Goods
A New Breed of Los Angeles Luxury Hotel: The Dream Hollywood
Travel #Wanderlust JAN 8, 2018 @ 11:30 AM 1,182
Ann Abel ,
I know the difference between expensive travel and the truly luxurious
When the developers of Dream Hotels migrated westward, they brought with them a recognition not only that what works in New York needs to be adapted in order to make sense in laid-back Los Angeles, but also that today's luxury travelers are a different breed from those of just a decade ago. Thus, new west coast flagship, which opened in July in a newly spiffed up section of Hollywood, has a relaxed but nonetheless glamorous vibe.
Designed, like the rest of the Dream Hollywood, by the well-regarded Rockwell Group, the lobby sets the stage, with a welcoming, high-ceilinged space that on most days is completely open to the outdoors. There's none of that red carpet, velvet rope, "am I underdressed?" feeling you get when entering certain boutique hotels. (The velvet ropes are around the corner, in front of the hotel's Avenue nightclub, and upstairs, at the rooftop Highlight Room bar, at least by night.)
Dream Hollywood
The hotel lobby
The 178 rooms are handsome and stylish, full of rich black walnut, plush textures, midcentury details and sinuous little love seats. The designers weren't afraid of color, and they deployed some retro hues with a skilled hand. As the floors get higher, the views get better, as it's one of the taller buildings in the neighborhood. (I recently stayed in one as a guest of the hotel.)
The most luxurious room, the Guesthouse—"penthouse" is so last-decade—is an oversize (1,750 square feet), sun-drenched urban retreat with dining, drinking, lounging and screening areas, plus a dreamy bedroom and one of the sexiest hotel bathrooms in Los Angeles. Its walls are clad in black marble and an ostrich-egg tub sits in front of one of the picture windows. The windows, by the way, wrap almost entirely around the suite.
The dining area of the Highlight Room by day
This being 2018 and this being Hollywood, there's a solid wellness component. The 24-hour gym is stylish and serious, designed by Gunnar Peterson—the trainer who has been responsible for the physiques of J. Lo, Angelina Jolie and the Kardashians—and filled with the latest aerobic and strength equipment. There's no spa, but a partnership with beGlammed brings guests on-demand hair and makeup services, and the rooftop, poolside dining area—which has some of the best rooftop views in the city—serves a menu that's heavy on SoCal clean-eating food: açai bowls, avocado toast, wood-oven-roasted cauliflower and English pea hummus.
But all the food and drink venues, all overseen by the TAO group—known for its opulent restaurants—have the capacity to be somewhat more indulgent. The Asian bistro TAO is a 300-seat see-and-be-seen venue with a wide-ranging menu drawing on China, Japan and Thailand. Beauty & Essex, which you enter via an unmarked door in a suspiciously stylish pawnshop in the hotel's narrow London-style alleyway, has an intimate, low-lit bar for inventive cocktails and a grand dining room serving dishes that range from tuna poké wonton tacos to "chile relleno" empanadas. And the fast casual Luchini Pizzeria & Bar offers by-the-slice New York–style pies, Sicilian slices and market salads. (The designers craftily made it the exit from the Avenue nightclub, and it's open late.)
The hotel exterior
The house cars are a Continental and Navigator from Lincoln, a brand that's morphing into a more modern, hipper incarnation. To paraphrase another carmaker aiming to appeal to new audiences, the Dream Hollywood is not your grandfather's luxury hotel.
Follow me on Instagram: @abeltotravel
Tagged celebrity trainerdream hotelgunnar petersongym designtrainer to the stars

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Fired NBA Coach Is Owed An Obscene Amount Of Money. It's A Mind-Boggling Amount
David Hookstead Smoke Room Editor-in-Chief
October 29, 2018 9:34 AM ET
The Cleveland Cavaliers fired head coach Ty Lue over the weekend, but they're still on the hook for a ton of cash.
According to Adrian Wojnarowski, the Cavaliers still owe him $15 million. That certainly is a lot of money to be paying somebody to not coach or work.
Ty Lue had approximately $15M left on his Cavaliers contract, league source tells ESPN.
— Adrian Wojnarowski (@wojespn) October 28, 2018
Imagine for a second that you get fired from a job for starting the season 0-6, and then you're still owed a life changing amount of money. That's the type of gig most people could only ever dream about.
In most jobs, you don't get paid millions of dollars if you get fired for poor performance. It's pretty much the exact opposite. (RELATED: LeBron James Signs With The Lakers)
A post shared by Cleveland Cavaliers (@cavs) on Oct 13, 2018 at 12:14pm PDT
Honestly, I don't understand how you can throw Lue under the bus for the Cavaliers not winning games. The roster is pretty much trash after Kevin Love. When Lebron left, he took all their hopes and dreams of winning with him.
I'm not sure anybody could coach that pathetic lineup. Either way, Lue shouldn't be too sad. He's still going to get paid a ton of money.
Follow David Hookstead on Twitter
Tags : cleveland cavaliers lebron james national basketball association
David Hookstead
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Complete vehicle conversion based on the Maserati MC20
Complete vehicle conversion
All body attachments in Forged Carbon
Completely redesigned interior
New wheel design type "FV.5"
Power increase to 720 hp and 850 Nm
Performance: Vmax 330 km/h and 0-100 km/h in 2.7s
Start of a full model family
Explore the interior in detail
With the MC20 (= Maserati Corse 20) Maserati heralds a new era in its long, over 100-year company history and wants to continue its remarkable growth of recent years in the future sustainably and at the same time also honour its motorsport heritage.
As with all MANSORY complete conversions, only the very finest ingredients of automotive refinement art are used for the Maserati MC20: a body with lightweight components made of forged carbon, a significant increase in performance, profound suspension modifications, elegantly forged sports rims and various interior modifications made of the finest leather and carbon.
Striking, massively enlarged air intakes in the front apron and a new, specially developed front lip give the "MANSORY FIRST EDITION" an impressive appearance and do significantly improved the downforce on the front axle.
Striking wheel arches made of full carbon show the unmistakable signature and competence of MANSORY in terms of carbon processing. The doors made of the same material are partially painted and provide maximum visual enjoyment in the side view of the car without losing their technical functionality. Also finished in full carbon is the area in front of the side cooling air intakes to the engine. A new full-carbon engine hood supplies the engine from above with maximum amounts of cooling fresh air for the powerful V6 biturbo engine.
An impressive, also completely new rear wing and a completely newly developed double diffuser with central brake light increase downforce on the rear axle and complete the extensive aerodynamic improvements to the "MANSORY FIRST EDITION" to create a visually coherent overall package.
An impressive, powerful-sounding 4-pipe exhaust system rounds off the rear view harmoniously and powerfully.
On the engine side, the engineers at MANSORY have also tightened several screws, thus ensuring a performance increase in line with the standard engine. The 3.0-liter V6 biturbo mid-engine now delivers 720 hp and 850 Nm instead of the standard 630 hp and 730 Nm. The increased performance data catapults the MC20 into the circle of super sports cars with a top speed of 330 km/h and a sprint from zero to 100 km/h in 2.7s.
CHASSIS | RIMS | TIRES
With newly developed and adapted suspension components and with new "FV.5" rims, the performance of the "MANSORY FIRST EDITION" is always brought safely and confidently onto the road. These one-piece, newly designed and ultra-light forged rims in the dimensions 9.5 x 21 and 12 x 22 are fitted in combination with high-performance tires in the sizes 255/30 R21 (VA) and 335/25 R22 (HA) and at the same time offer maximum performance in terms of lateral dynamics.
The interior of the "MANSORY FIRST EDITION" is in principle – likewise the exterior colours of all complete conversions - freely selectable and configurable by the customer. In the case of the vehicle shown here, the complete interior was kept in the three colour tones yellow, white and black. The national colours of Italy are reflected in the form of a central stripe in the sports seats and the headliner. In the same way, the car itself is discreetly and centrally divided by a small painted stripe in green, white and red.
CO2 emissions (combined): 288 g/km - Fuel consumption (combined): 12,1 l/100km


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filed: January 5, 2011 • Rhode Island
Turbine's technical troubles continue
Credit: By Don Mosher, Portsmouth Patch, portsmouth.patch.com 5 January 2011 ~~
While the town's wind turbine located at Portsmouth High School has been at a standstill for nearly a month now, town officials hope to have it spinning once again by the end of this week.
According to Gary Crosby, assistant town planner, one piece of equipment that needed to be replaced was the "up tower duplicate control panel's LED screen." It was inoperable and could not be read.
When technicians were working in the nacelle hundreds of feet in the air, they would have to climb down the tower to view the duplicate control panel at the base.
"It was next to impossible to troubleshoot," said Crosby.
On Dec. 7, the up tower control panel's LED screen was replaced and the turbine was ready to run again.
On that day however, the turbine's slip ring failed. A slip ring transfers electric power from the rotating generator located in the nacelle to the wiring running down the tower.
The nacelle is the main body on the top of the turbine. The nacelle can turn a full 360 degrees.
Thus a slip ring is used to transfer the power instead of hard wiring that can twist. If hard wiring were to be used, the nacelle eventually would need to turn and turn to untwist the wires.
Due to some winter weather issues in Europe, and later the storm in Portsmouth, the slip ring's delivery was delayed. Work started on Dec. 27 and on Dec. 28, the slip ring was completely installed.
Once again, the turbine was set to go back into operation.
At that point, according to Crosby, a module in the PLC or Programmable Logic Controller failed. The PLC is a digital computer and is the "brains" for the turbine.
The module was ordered and is being shipped from Austria.
"The module was due to arrive in Portsmouth on Wednesday," said Crosby.
But, as of Monday afternoon, its location was in Germany.
Crosby stated that last year the original manufacturer of the turbine AAER of Canada went bankrupt.
"This caused everything to stop. That included routine maintenance, emergency repairs and remote monitoring to be interrupted," he said.
The town scrambled and hired Lumus Construction of Woburn, MA, to take over all phases of operation that had been interrupted.
Around this time, Windtec, owed by American Superconductor Corp. with headquarters in Fort Devens, MA, had purchased the assets of AARE and agreed to fully train Lumus Construction.
Crosby stated, "The contract with Lumus is set to expire the end of 2011 and will be up for competitive bids at that time."
Regardless of when the module arrives, "Lumus Construction is standing by and is prepared to install it. It should be running by the end of the week," stated Crosby.
The turbine is a 1.5MW turbine and is equal to 1,500 kilowatts or 1,500,00 watts. At its pinnacle, with one of the blades pointed directly at the heavens, the height is 340 feet in the air.
Source: By Don Mosher, Portsmouth Patch, portsmouth.patch.com 5 January 2011


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Gregory L. Reece / Religion
UFO Religion: Flying Saucer Cults and Crashes
Posted on February 13, 2012 by theibtaurisblog	Leave a comment
Gregory L. Reece.
One of the earliest written accounts of a sighting of an extraterrestrial craft appeared in the November 19, 1896 edition of the Stockton Evening Mail. The details of this report, along with other nineteenth-century newspaper reports of aerial craft, are wonderfully elaborated by Daniel Cohen in The Great Airship Mystery: A UFO of the 1890s (1981) and by Wallace O. Chariton in The Great Texas Airship Mystery (1991). On this occasion the Stockton Evening Mail reported that, while driving his buggy through the countryside near Stockton, California, Colonel H. G. Shaw claimed to have encountered what could only be described as a grounded spacecraft. One hundred and fifty feet in length and twenty-five feet in diameter, the vessel came to a sharp point on both ends. The only distinguishing feature on its smooth metallic surface was a large rudder. The vessel itself might not have been enough to indicate the extraterrestrial nature of the craft had it not been accompanied by three strange beings. Nearly seven feet tall and extremely thin, they approached Shaw while emitting what he described as a strange warbling noise. They examined Shaw's horse and buggy and tried, unsuccessfully, to force Shaw to accompany them aboard their craft. Lacking the physical strength to force him along they rushed back aboard without their prey. Within moments the ship rose from the earth and sped away into the sky. Shaw expressed his opinion that the beings were from Mars. He further surmised that they may have been sent to California to abduct an earth dweller for some unknown purpose, perhaps diabolical. Could it be that their inability to overpower Shaw would be enough to discourage any more such attempts?
On April 17, 1897 the same airship made a startling appearance in the Dallas Morning News. According to S. E. Haydon, cotton merchant and part-time News correspondent, the airship had been spotted in the skies above Aurora, Texas at around six o'clock that morning. It was travelling north at a much lower altitude than was usual. Haydon reported:
Evidently some of the machinery was out of order, for it was making a speed of only ten or twelve miles an hour, and gradually settling toward the earth. It sailed over the public square and when it reached the north part of town it collided with the tower of Judge Proctor's windmill and went into pieces with a terrific explosion, scattering debris over several acres of ground, wrecking the windmill and water tank and destroying the judge's flower garden. (Chariton, 1991: 198)
The only inhabitant of the crashed airship was deceased, his body very badly burned and disfigured. However, it was clear that the crewman was not from this world. A Mr. T. J. Weems, US Signal Service officer, expressed his conviction that Mars was his place of origin. There were papers found on his person, written in a type of hieroglyphics that no one was able to decipher. The craft itself was too damaged to be examined in any detail, though it was reported that it seemed to be a mixture of aluminium and silver and weighed several tons. Townspeople gathered to view the wreck and collect souvenirs of the strange metal. It was announced that a funeral for the pilot would be held on the following day.
Remarkably, this report appeared tucked away on page five of the newspaper. One would think that if the newspaper had meant this for more than entertainment it would have appeared under a banner headline on page one and have been carried in newspapers around the world. As it was, the Fort Worth Register appears to have been the only other newspaper to carry the story. Neither the News nor the Register bothered to send a reporter to Aurora, just a short distance north of Dallas and Fort Worth, to attend the spaceman's funeral, supposedly scheduled for the next day. There were also no reports of the funeral in any local obituaries.
This story was mostly forgotten until Frank Tolbert, columnist for the Dallas Morning News, revived it in the mid-1960s after a reader sent him a copy of the original story. This was, of course, right in the middle of the UFO heyday and ufologists jumped on the idea that a saucer might have crashed in Texas in the late nineteenth century. Saucer investigators descended on the town, including a well-publicised 1973 team sponsored by the Mutual UFO Network. The 1973 version of the story turned out to gain far more publicity than the original story ever had. Investigators managed to unearth witnesses willing to testify that they remembered hearing about the saucer crash from loved ones who had seen it in person, and while second-person accounts may not sound all that spectacular, they were not the only things to be unearthed.
Within the confines of the Aurora Cemetery some of the investigators thought they might have located the grave of the extraterrestrial. An old grave with a crude sandstone marker was the focus of much attention. Upon the marker was a triangle with three small circles inside. While many people argued that the markings looked like nothing more than arbitrary features of the stone, others were convinced that they were meant to represent the airship that had crashed so many years before. To make the idea even more enticing, metal detectors found indications of metal within the gravesite. Investigators requested permission to exhume the body. Much to their disappointment, the request was denied (Chariton, 1991: 205–6).
Then, sometime between midnight and dawn on June 14, 1973 the spaceman's tombstone was stolen from the Aurora cemetery. In addition, it was reported in the July 4, 1973 Dallas Times Herald that the robbers had used long metal probes to explore the grave, perhaps collecting metallic specimens or samples from the body. The whereabouts of the stone and the results of any analysis performed on the specimens remain unknown (Cohen, 1981: 103).
Surprisingly enough, the Aurora crash story was not the first of its kind. As far as I can tell that distinction goes to an 1884 story found in the Nebraska Nugget of Holdrege, Nebraska. According to this report, on June 6, 1884 rancher John Ellis and three of his herdsmen were involved in a round-up when they heard a loud noise from above. Looking up they saw a flaming object crash to the earth. Riding to the crash site, the men saw cog-wheels and other pieces of machinery on the ground. The machinery was red hot, scorching the ground wherever it lay. The article described the scene in this way:
The heat from this strange wreck was so intense that a cowboy named Williamson fell senseless from gazing at it at too close quarters. His face was blistered, and his hair singed to a crisp. His condition is said to be dangerous. . . . Finding it impossible to approach the mysterious visitor, the party turned back on its trail. When it first touched the earth the ground was sandy and bare of grass. The sand was fused to an unknown depth over a space of about 20 feet wide by 30 feet long, and the melted stuff was bubbling and hissing.
Once the objects cooled it did become possible to examine them more carefully:
One piece that looked like the blade of a propeller screw, of metal in appearance like brass, about 16 inches wide, 3 inches thick, and 3½ feet long, was picked up on a spade. It would not weigh more than five pounds, but appeared as strong and compact as any metal. A fragment of a wheel with a milled rim, apparently having a diameter of seven or eight feet, was also picked up. It seemed to be of the same material and had the same remarkable lightness. The aerolite, or whatever it is, seems to be about 50 or 60 feet long, cylindrical, and about 10 or 12 feet in diameter. (Cohen, 1981: 170)
There may have been other similar newspaper accounts, lost now to history. They, like the Aurora crash and the story from the Nugget should probably be regarded as newspaper hoaxes. What is important to see is that long before the UFO craze of the 1950s and 1960s, and long before the supposed 1947 crash at Roswell, crashed spaceships and deceased extraterrestrials were already a part of the burgeoning popular culture. Though neither of these crash stories necessarily had any direct influence on the more famous crash stories of the twentieth century – indeed it was the crash stories of the twentieth century that brought these nineteenth-century tales back from obscurity – they do provide a glimmer of things that were to come. ■
Image courtesy of Ravencrest Travel.
Books referred to:
Charlton, Wallace O. (1991) The Great Texas Airship Mystery (Plano, TX, Wordware Publishing)
Cohen, Daniel (1981) The Great Airship Mystery: A UFO of the 1980s (New York, Dodd, Mead and Co.)
Gregory L Reece is an independent Alabama-based writer and scholar with special interests in new religious movements and cult beliefs. His books include Elvis Religion, Weird Science, Creatures of the Night and UFO Religion, of which this is an extract.
Tags: Airship, Aurora, Flying saucer cults, Gregory L. Reece, UFO Religion. Bookmark the permalink.
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Natural Health Science News The latest news and top resources on natural health.
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Vitamin B6 in the treatment of premenstrual syndrome?
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1) The first shear line reached on all pins is either operator or control. Now the key turns, so no more marks. How would I continue to find the other key?
2) Some pins reach operator shear line and some reach control shear line, so all pins are at a shear line and thus no more marks, but the key doesn't work at all. How to figure out which pins to progress?
Which IC are you trying to impression? SFIC? LFIC? If LFIC, which maker?
Riyame wrote: Which IC are you trying to impression? SFIC? LFIC? If LFIC, which maker?
I have two Best SFIC and a Corbin/Russwin IC (not high security). Does it make a difference? Seems like these potentials would apply to any (excluding the ones that use a rear control pin, like my Yale LFIC and Schlage Primus).
1) the only real problem occurs if all pins reach operator shear line first, since if they all hit control first we can just pull out the cylinder and measure pins to get operator key bitting(s)... tho part of me wants to consider that cheating since this is an impressiononing excercise. My theory here is once we've impressioned to operator, we'd have to make a duplicate of our key and file one of the control chambers (that choice of pins would be model dependent) down a step, which should bind and create marks until it reaches the control shear line, then should transfer tension to the control sleeve and cause the other control chambers to bind at the control shear instead of the operating shear line, creating the marks we need to find the rest. That depends on the assumption that all control chambers have control BU pins, and I'm not sure if that's always the case (also model dependent, maybe).
2) if any pin reaches the control shear line, then that should cause any other control chambers to bind at the control shear rather than the operator shear, so impression marks would continue until all of the pins were at control. So a case where we get some at control and others at operator doesn't seem like it would actually happen.
Well, SFIC have control pins in every chamber. I believe Russwins have 2 control pins. I know I will be corrected if I am wrong on that . Some LFICs have 1 control pin, some have more. Some turn to control CW and some are CCW. That can all make a difference when you are trying to impression.
Since there are two shear lines for SFIC cores, and the pattern of the control key is independent of the operating key, you have the situation where the pin is may be bound even though one of the shearlines is correct. If this occurs, marks will appear on the key, causing you to file past that key depth.
I think the easiest way to deal with SFIC is to pick to control, remove them from the lock assembly, then decode the core.
Schlage LFIC only has one shear line, so you should be able to impression those. Once you have an operating key, just cut the pattern onto a control key blank and you have a control key.
Sargent LFIC turns counterclockwise to release the core - the middle two pins are different for the control key on these cores, so it may be possible to impression to get the first two and the last two pins.
I generally only impression locks which I can't get apart. In some cases, I can pick the lock, then measure the pin height in the keyway from the picked position, then make a key from that information. If I don't have it quite right, I can look at where the marks are on the key, and go from there.
Great post Riy , but the corbin russwin IC's that I do have 4 control pins. I didn't realy know until a few years ago. ( that's why xeo could pick them to control before operating. The corbin control keys from the fackory come with the 3rd & 4th position cut to the depth of 3. I didn't know any better at the time.
For the record, the Corbin IC I have has 4 control pins, and from looking at my C/R cylinder manual here (thanks, mastersmith), the high security (Emhart) IC cylinders have 2 control pins.
For Best SFIC, the problem is that you have zero control over what shearline you are getting marks from. There are 7 spaces, in each one the control cut is either shallower/the same/or deeper than the operating key cut. What do you think happens if the control key bitting is 3555557, and the operating key bitting is 7555553. You just impressiong a key to 3555553. The lock just turned a tiny bit further than previously, awesome, you're close! Now what, which pin marks? Do both 3 depths mark? Is there anyway to know which pin needs to be deeper to get a control key? I haven't tried to impression one in over 10 years because I couldn't figure it out with any kind of consistency. And the example I gave is far simpler than what it is in reality.
Odds are the lock will be masterkeyed and have multiple operating keys. Control key will have only one combination. So you are likely to get an operating key if any working key at all.
Oh, and a lot of the locks have spooled master/buildup pins. That isn't going to help. The pin kits we have at work have the 6, 8, and 10 master/buildup pins spooled.
If you can figure it out and impression them with any consistency. I'd be interested to know.
Would be interesting to see your results. I had written off trying to impression IC cores a long time ago due to the dual shear-line issue as described by tpark. I recall watching Barry Wels unsuccessfully attemptming this at a LockCon years ago, but I belive that was his first time trying it (an SFIC core). He may have had more success later on though.
So here's a thought, just for the sake of continuing this fun (to me, at least) mental exercise... could we use impressioning as a way of measuring the pin stacks? Rather than hoping to find the correct shear point, what if could we find all of the shear points for each pin? If we follow the marks on each pin to the first shear point, then continue down until we reach the next one, etc, and record the bitting of each stop, could we discover the pin stacking and then deduce a control bitting from those numbers? I'm thinking maybe not since we'd be getting measurements based on two shear points rather than a single one (plus spools)... but if we know the specs of the lock we might be able to determine which stopping point could be the only potential control shear height for each pin, then create a key from that.
madsamurai wrote: could we use impressioning as a way of measuring the pin stacks? Rather than hoping to find the correct shear point, what if could we find all of the shear points for each pin? If we follow the marks on each pin to the first shear point, then continue down until we reach the next one, etc, and record the bitting of each stop, could we discover the pin stacking and then deduce a control bitting from those numbers?
Assuming that it's even possible to accurately record the bitting of each stop.. If the lock was masterkeyed, you would get 1-3 possibilities for each of the seven spaces. I still don't see how the control bitting could be figured out from that. Maybe with enough blanks and time, even though I don't like picking these for the same reasons. At least with picking, different combinations can be tried at a much faster rate than cutting/filing new keys. There are also other tricks with picking that can't really be done with impressioning.
Now if you could find a reasonable way of locking the outer control core to the inner core. Then you should be able to impression it like normal. Maybe it's possible to put some small shims in the bottom of the keyway and slide them under and around the cylinder enough to lock it in place. Never tried it, don't really think it's practical, the idea of wedging a shim in it just barely came to me. Then of course, would need to be able to get the shim back out.
along as you jump around and tackle a wide variety of different things here.
(aka better, lol) than mine when it comes to that.
Farmerfreak.... very nice to see you sir.
Coming back around to this old topic, I just had an idea and wanted to run it by you guys and get your thoughts... it seems to me the key to making this possible is locking the control sleeve to the plug so the key blank will always be putting tension at the control shear line. Call me crazy, or even call it cheating, but has anyone ever tried glue? I was thinking a needle-applied few drops of CA glue (or some other dissolvable adhesive) along the bottom edge of the keyway would bind the control sleeve to the plug, thus the key would apply pressure exclusively on the control shear line. Then you could impression the control key, remove the core and soak it in acetone or some such to remove the glue. Just thinking out loud, but am I maybe onto something here?


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Tag Archives: Cold War
When addressing the new Latin American policy in Miami's Freedom Tower in late 2018, the new National Security Advisor John Bolton targeted Nicaragua and Venezuela in a striking geographic metaphor. He offered a new metaphor for described the dangers of a "triangle of terror stretching from Havana to Caracas to Managua," in November 1, 2018, demonizing Latin America and the island of Cuba in terms that suggested possible plans for "taking direct action against all three regimes to defend the rule of law, liberty and basic human decency in our region." As if to displace attention from the Northern Triangle from which so many asylum seekers have fled to the United States in recent years, including unaccompanied minors, and where civil society is overwhelmed by drug trafficking, gang violence, and police corruption, the new triangle Bolton seeks to shift attention is a target.
So it may have been no surprise that when attacking the legitimacy of Socialist Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela by imposing expansive sanctions ton Venezuelan oil and gas, Bolton seemed to tip the cards of power. Upping the ante from defining the Socialist regime of Venezuela as an apex in a triangle, in previous saber-rattling that committed the United States to striking a blow at a "triangle of terror" tied to the Socialist heritage of Hugo Chavez and to Raúl Castro, Bolton "appeared to disclose confidential notes written on a yellow pad" to reposition military troops to Venezuela's border, standing before a global map the divided the globe in no uncertain terms, as if announcing a new configuration of power in his role as National Security Advisor for Donald J. Trump. The "triangle of terror" Bolton warned of in November 2018 seemed to essentialize the fundamentally dangerous notion a Latin American region ripe for instability. But it may have also been sheer coincidence that alliterative force of a rather pointless if powerful polygon was a powerful cartographic conjuring of a strategy of national defense, not located in the Northern Triangle, or the former Triangle of Terror where ISIS cultivated troops, but a new borderless triangle of even allegedly even greater danger–a triangle with a rich political genealogy from the Cold War.
Bolton's adoption of the rare tired stock term of a triangle seemed to shift attention from the other Triangle of Terror, located when it was most recently in the news on the Afghan-Pakistan border, the very site from which negotiations have been announced to start to withdraw American troops. It may have been sheer coincidence, but Bolton seemed to shift attention from a triangle in the Middle East where American troops had been long stationed and that had been a hide-out of Osama bin Laden and Taliban fighters, as if by the powerful abilities of the friction-free nature of GPS–
–to a triangle that was closer to America's own sphere of influence from the triangle of Peshawar, Quetta, and Kabul, from which the US was busy extricating itself. Bolton's November speech was quickly taken, one might remember, as defining the intent of team Trump in relation to focus on a new Axis of Evil, adopting a hard line in Central America as sphere ripe for intervention–"This is not a time to look away. It's a time to increase pressure, not reduce it," Bolton announced–and the recent exercise of economic muscle to bolster American refusal to recognize the self-declared electoral victory of Nicolás Maduro, and to declare the legitimacy of Juan Guaidó as President of the nation, demanded a map to concretize the global geopolitical stakes that Bolton and Trump were ready to commit to Venezuela, although the map before with Bolton spoke revealed few of the roots for the focus on this new Triangle, but rooted confrontation with Maduro's claims to legitimacy in the defense of democratic liberties.
Bolton cast the region as a geopolitical battleground for American interests in stark and rhetorically powerful alliterative terms. He openly opposed the United States to a "Troika of Tyranny"–a term that lexically hinted at a vehicle driven by Russia, but wasn't the 2016 Presidential election–and almost openly evoked the chills or breezes of a new Cold War, with its division of the world to spheres of recognizing two possible Presidents in Venezuela in ways that expanded an electoral map of one nation to spheres of geopolitical influence–if not alliances–expanding in bizarre terms an electoral map to the world to show that it had global consequences–as if global power dynamics were as simple as an electoral map.
The infographic seems to advertise how much "other countries" had at stake in who was Venezuelan President, keeping mum as to why they did. It helped that Bolton looked the part of an inveterate Cold Warrior. And one could not but recall the openly proprietorial terms of last November, when he announced "Cuban military and intelligence agencies must not disproportionately profit from the United States, its people, its travelers, or its businesses" but pointedly attacked Venezuela by imposing sanctions on its gold, and attacking the "triangle of terror" or "troika of tyranny" perhaps metaphorically tied to a Bermuda Triangle, redolent with weirdly alchemical associations of unknown dangers near islands on the high seas–
–as if one could pretend that the declaration was about the rocky shoals of securing needed democratic reform and less to do with oil revenues and resources, as with the defense of democracy.
The transposition of the polygon of a triangle from Afghanistan to the hemisphere was close to a notion of hemispheric dominance, if it also turned attention from a long war in Afghanistan to a closer, seemingly more surgical, winnable military confrontation. The map affirmed the need for using economic muscle by seizing income from oil as a way to undermined as a Socialist dictator, however, whose socialist government was corrupt and based on cronyism, linked in the global map to authoritarian governments in Turkey, China, Russia, and Iran, and their allies, linking an argument of hemispheric dominance to broad geopolitical warning of the consequences of failing to recognize Guaidó as being Venezuela's legitimate President in American eyes.
Bolton Declares Sanctions on Venezuela's national oil and gas company at White House Press Briefing/january 28, 2019
Maps often lie, as do infographics: but the international magnification of the lack of legitimacy Bolton had been preparing to declare for some time came not only with trappings of objectivity, but with a not so coded message, that might be the true legend of the global divisions in the infographic, and was the major social media take away: a proposed movement of US troops whose removal from the Syrian and Afghan military theaters was in the process of being negotiated by the Secretary of State: the image, unintentional or not, immediately raised fears and concerns about American military plans and sent a shudder in global media.
While it may have been sheer coincidence that the metaphorical migration of the triangle of terror from one theater of global confrontation to the next was occurring in Bolton's rhetoric and was mirrored in the imagined frictionless switch in deployment of soldiers in the legal pad Bolton displayed to television cameras–
NSA Advisor Bolton's Yellow Pad
The mobility of the metaphor and the military seemed to echo the new logic of the Universal Transverse Mercator map, where territorial boundaries and sovereignty have far less prominence than specific sites of dispersed geographic location, and imagined transfers of military power could be a frictionless motion in space.
The infographic provided a sort of parallel world carved up and divided by entrenched political interests but whose alliances helped sovereign boundaries to recede similarly. The global two-color map almost made it difficult to understand that he addressed Venezuela–the topic of his Press Briefing in January, 2019–save by the legend identifying red as "Maduro" and blue as "Guaidó", elevating each man who had claimed the presidency as holding a global constituency, and dividing the globe to magnifying the geopolitical centrality of the Venezuelan election. In the early February State of the Union, Donald Trump elevated–behind the rubric "Abortion"–the pressing concern of Venezuela immediately after "National Security" and "North Korea," in ways that similarly monumentalized the question of recognition of the future president of the nation, under the rubric of "never apologize for advancing America's interest, moved from the Border to "National Security" and withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, a historic arms control accord of forty years in standing–with the commitment to "outspend and out-innovate" all other nations in weaponry–to North Korea and Venezuela, regions that were almost designated as areas of future combat.
Trump's pledged to the union in a mid-February address to "stand with the Venezuelan people in their quest for freedom" against unspecified enemies, but targeted dictators tinged with Socialism. The gripping evocation of a struggle against "the brutality of the Maduro regime, whose socialist policies have turned that nation . . . into a state of abject poverty" may have foregrounded the prominence of Trump's interest in targeting Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Occasion-Cortez as Socialists, in order to taint the Democratic party. But it was also a crisis that recalled how John Bolton, his new National Security Advisor, had conjured a new danger for the United States' geopolitical position, independently of nuclear disarmament treaties, but which evoked our historical need for intermediate-range missiles to protect domestic interests.
The role of Maduro in Venezuela has been disastrous for its citizens, to be sure, and mismanagement of natural resources by the state demands attention: But much as Trump distorted actual policies by targeting the "Socialist regime" of Venezuela in a speech marked by excessive flag-waving, patriotism, and rally-like chants of "USA, USA," the prominent place of map before which Bolton spoke distorted the situation, by literally taking our eyes off of the ground. The map obscured the flows of refugees from Venezuela and the humanitarian crisis in South America, as well as access to the vast oil reserves lying beneath the Orinoco River basin's Belt. The extensive reserves to which America has limited access is mapped by USGS, but was left tacit in the American declaration of sanctions, but motivating an abrupt change in returning attention to the Western hemisphere for the National Security Advisor. And the assumption of Venezuela as OPEC Presidency, as much as the defense of democratic principles, made the clear ties of National Security to the preservation of access to and production from the Orinoco Reserves–shown below by PDVSA–and the truly globalized investment in the fields shown below, estimated to include three hundred billion barrels of bitumen–the black, viscous, organic "sludge" that contains petroleum–in what are estimated to be the largest reserve on earth, involving multiple international players–from Statoil of Norway to ExxonMobil to Chevron to BP, but also CNPC of China and TOTAL of France, as well as even if the private ownership in the Orinoco Belt was ended in 2007 by Hugo Chávez, whose Presidency haunts the current crisis. But although nationalized in name, the project of oil extraction are only majority owned by he vast majority of bitumen remains too deeply buried for surface mining–some 88-92%–by Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA)–creating a site that was used by Chávez to finance social reforms and projects, and created revenues of $30 billion annually in 2011, making Venezuela a sort of bit of an economic bubble in a globalized world, tied to international markets for carbon and oil, and making Venezuela a "hidden" global petroleum power, estimated to have hundreds of billions of barrels of oil.
Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA)
The international ties to projects of extracting bitumen and refining oil in Venezuela–which produced about 2 millions of barrels a day in 2015–estimated to have far more technologically accessible reserves. The decision to amplify the level of rhetoric used to isolate Maduro and acknowledge Guaidó as President surely has close ties to the assumption of increasing attempts of national oil and gas company to reroute its oil supplies to Europe and Asia, as members of the Maduro regime told the Russian news agency Sputnik, not only responded to the sanctions, but undercut the Venezuelan crude that usually flowed to CITGO refineries in Texas, Louisiana, New Jersey, and Illinois which made access to crude that lay in Venezuelan territory a national security question–as Oil Minister Eulogio del Pino tweeted hopes to "continue consolidating strategic alliances between PDVSA and Rosneft" in November, disturbing images of hemispheric dominance, as well as undermining American energy security.
USGS has estimated 513 billion barrels lying in the Orinoco Oil Belt, without determining or publishing the proportion technologically or economically able to be extracted
Venezuela Oil Holdings – Deep Resource
CITGO's Petroleum Terminals in USA/CITGO
Bolton's–and Trump's–description of Venezuela as an ideological struggle is all one sees in the two-color division of the globe that almost heralded hopes for a return to a Cold War where maps were understood primarily as a global battleground, recalling the days at which a vertiginous sense of power in postwar Europe led us to map exchanges of nuclear missiles, and imagine apocalyptic scenarios where the world was divided by global war–but a global war that seemed to really be about American interests on access to energy reserves, hiding behind the scrim of a ratcheted up rhetoric of democratic legitimacy.
The economic crisis in Venezuela is both tragic, and an acute crisis of humanitarian scope. But the global map seemed to reduce it into a global confrontation of two blocks, if not a crisis of global consensus about representation and political legitimacy, that seemed to hollow out the term of democracy of its content: despite national sovereign division in South American, the sharp divisions of the blue of North America and most South and Central American nations described inexistent international blocks of consensus. What seemed a legitimate record of global divisions about the crisis the legitimacy of the Venezuelan government to lay claims to Venezuela's rich reserves of oil. Without acknowledging the political or economic actualities in the South American nation, the map hinted at a global crisis, its stark red v. blue color-scheme reflecting the offers of Russia to restructure the debt of Venezuela's oil and gas companies, and China to lay claim to a stake in Venezuela's oil, by asserting the reserves to lie within America's hemispheric interests, and equating those interests as lying with America's National Security.
As if to bolster Guaidó's claim that he is backed by the democracies of the world–in ways that nothing better than an infogram can attest–
Just 25% of the world's governments have publically recognised Guaido as President; the remainder recognise Maduro's election
(Paul Dobson / Infogram.com/February 6, 2019
The map before which Bolton spoke has become a topic of recurrent interest, as the nature of the global divide has been parsed and examined. The divide, this post argues, was less an informative one–deisgned to generate debate–than to paper over the situation in Venezuela's political crisis as a question of alternative candidates for President, treating the contest as an election, and using the colors of an electoral map to suggest that the election was conclusive, and the legitimacy of Guaidó reseted on clearly ideological foundations.
Bolton spoke at the White House briefing before a map revealing a broad global divide ostensibly about recognizing Maduro's legitimacy as Venezuela's President but that hauntingly recalled the geopolitical divide that was firmer than many since the Cold War. It provided an image of the Cold War as it was seen from Washington, in some way, as if ideological divides that are clearcut still maintain legitimacy in a globalized world. The infographic on two screens seemed to affirm the broad global consensus of questions of the legitimacy of Maduro's government, as if this justified the decision to block access to all property located in the United States of the national oil and natural gas company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), place its assets in escrow, and prohibit American citizens from paying the company directly for access to unrefined or refined oil assets. But the "press briefing" was also a transformation of the White House into a new newsroom of sorts, that exposed the illegitimacy of the Maduro government through a map that tied the United States to the defense of democratic principles–coded in blue, with other democratic allies, in opposition to "reds" linked to Socialism or Communism–China, and Russia, even if it was not Soviet, but also some questionable allies–that reinstated the for-us or against-us global space to make a point. The disclosure before this map of a threat of sensitive statement that echoed a bespectacled Bolton's assertion that "all options are on the table" provided a powerful infographic that tied Washington to an image of legitimacy, even if the awfully crude map lacked legitimacy to orient American viewers to global affairs.
The new global imaginary that Bolton promoted as he stood beside U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin painted a global schism as the consequence of Maduro's declaration of his victory in a second term as President, as a violation of that nation's constitution–and as standing in violation of the Venezuela's constitutional elections–but was as much a response to the defense of a restatement of American economic sovereignty in the Western hemisphere, a phrase going back to the turn of the last century, if not the Monroe Doctrine, but which gained new currency in the Cold War as issuing from the Dept. of State, and as a question of national security rather foreign affairs, by tactically magnifying the geostrategic role of the Venezuelan election, rather than offering evidence of a constitutional argument about sovereign legitimacy. The question of sovereignty seemed intentionally blurred, as the Secretary of the U.S. Treasury took questions about sanctions against a foreign state-owned oil company, currently OPEC chair, whose assets were being frozen to promote democratic legitimacy, but in fact to strengthen America's hemispheric dominance.
This time, the map–whose stark divisions into blue and red blocks suggested a map of American alliances, echoing an imaginary of detente, rather than legal rights–seemed to place the defense of denying the flow of economic goods from American territory as a globalist argument, by reframng the issue of constitutional rights or legality in globalist terms that preserved an image of American dominance within the color scheme that it divided the world.
And National Security Advisor John Bolton, who in less than a year in the Trump administration has become an advocate for military interventions in both Iraq and Iran, used the briefing before a map to raise rather openly the possibility of a military resolution of the crisis over the Venezuelan Presidency, as the Commander of US Southern Command, General Mark Stammer, is set to meet the Ministry of Defense of Venezuela's neighbor Colombia, and Maduro has conjured fears of a "coup" driven from the United States. But the fear that the invitation of American oil companies to organize the refining and extraction of Venezuela's abundant crude reserves after the January 23, 1958 Democratic uprising, just before the Cuban revolution, sent shock waves into the United States, pushing the Trump administration rather precipitously into a search for infographics that could substantiate dangers of infringement of its hemispheric interests and geopolitical dominance, and to convince the world of the danger of Maduro's disenfranchisement of elected members of the Congress, and the lack of legitimacy of a regional vote that supported Maduro's government against a fractured opposition–and led to the invitation from Russia to restructure the state-owned oil and gas company's massive debt, recasting the struggle about the government's legitimacy into new global terms.
The colors on the global map reflect, to be sure, the contested results of elections in Venezuela, where compromised elections had produced the heavily disputed endorsement of Maduro's Presidency just last May. After an offer from Russia to restructure the massive national debt in November, 2017, Maduro declared new elections in May 2018, which the opposition decided not to recognize, and which polls suggested he wouldn't win, but in which he was victorious–coincidentally at the same time thatJohn Bolton gains the portfolio as director of the Trump NSA.
October, 2017 AP/A. Cubillos
2017 Regional Elections of State Governors in Argentina
Distribution of votes for Maduro in the election whose low turnout led its legitimacy to be quickly questioned by the EU, US, and OAS
Familiar blue v. red electoral maps were used to describe the votes of the Great Patriotic Pole and opposition Coalition for Democratic Unity that were recast suddenly in global terms in late January in Washington. Socialist Maduro affirmed independence in his inauguration, and in rebuke Parliamentary President Guaidó won immediate support from Donald Trump after he declared himself Interim President and leader of the nation and of oil company, precipitating a powerful infographic to be devised in Washington that oriented audiences to an electoral map in global terms. But for Trump–and for Bolton, who cast the election as a question of National Security–the global divisions in globally strategic terms.
Trump's segue in his February 7 State of the Union from the INF to Venezuela, included a transition about North Korea, but suggested global imbalances that any obscure the question of access to petroleum reserves in Venezuela, and the deep, implicit question of whether the American military should or would be used to guarantee access to Venezuelan oil. In ways that must have crossed Bolton's radar, but have faded from most public comments, Maduro when he pledged to decouple the pricing of Venezuelan crude from the dollar, use of non-dollar currencies as the Chinese Yen for Venezuelan oil, and seeking to cut oil production to "stabilize" oil prices–and entertaining the cryptocurrency Petro, based on the five billion barrels of oil found in Field No. 1 of the Orinoco Oil Belt–possibly less than a quarter of Veneuela's considerable total oil and gas reserves, whose accessibility to the American economy has suddenly become increasingly tenuous.
The events tied to the assumption of the Presidency of OPEC led to 'slow coup' of January 23–the anniversary of the overthrow of the Jiminez dictatorship by Venezuelans in 1958–as opposition politico Juan Guaido auto-invested himself with the presidency with broad American support, followed by a chorus of right-wing governments in Latin America, including Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro.
The result was to pretend that the elections which the opposition party had boycotted last May could be cast again as an electoral map, this time not involving Venezuelan votes–or the self-determination of the nation–but symbolically recasting the election in terms of a global map. Even as Maduro offered to negotiate, he bristled "The presidential elections in Venezuela took place, and if the imperialists want new elections, let them wait until 2025," perhaps reacting to the provocative recasting of the national elections, whose legitimacy has been questioned by observers, in ways that led Bolton to take to Twitter to threaten "serious consequences for those who attempt to subvert democracy and harm Guaidó"–as if he were the victor of an election. Bolton had escalated attacks on the "legitimacy" of Maduro from mid-January and the "illegitimate claims to power" of the Venezuelan "dictator" as abrogating the "a government duly elected by the Venezuelan people" and democratic practice. But the stark divide of the global map seemed to resist any discussion of negotiations and affirm the United States' ability to shift troops from Afghanistan to Venezuela's border immanently–while preserving something of the illusion that the "blue" votes for Guaidó would be affirmed by American muscle.
Win McNamee/Getty Images, off CBC
The gruff determination and stoniness that registers in Bolton's face as he sought to communicate the divisions of the world that potentially lay in the failure to affirm America's recognition of Guaidó bled far beyond the defense of democratic principles, and seems to have threatened to cast more than a shadow over Europe. Bolton's slightly veiled message of national security seemed, in classic America First style, to cast a shadow over European allies, here symbolized by the actual shadow that his pensive head cast on the United States' traditional NATO allies.
Was Bolton in the act of forging global divisions of a new Cold War, military detente and hemispheric dominance, sneakingly if all too familiarly tied to defense and affirmation of democratic principles?
Filed under geopolitics, latin America, national security, news graphics, Venezuela
Tagged as America First, Cold War, electoral maps, FOXTV, hemispheric dominance, infographics, John Bolton, news maps, Nicolás Maduro, northern triangle, OPEC, PDVSA, triangle of terror, US foreign policy
Mapping Armageddon Again?
The rush to make a graphic point by mistakenly overlaying concentric circles atop a Web Mercator projection helps to render increasing fears of the range of North Korea's powerful ballistic missiles. As much as suggest the global import of the confrontation about North Korean missiles through their violent potential to target overseas lands, the effect is to abstract the peculiar stand-ff of a divided country that is a remnant disfigured by the Cold War as if it can be isolated from the division of the peninsula, and viewed as a focus of global attention. But is the isolation of North Korea that they effectively underscore in such cartographically dramatic terms also not a cause for concern? How can the intentions of the opaque government of Pyongyang even be understood save in a close focus on the local dynamics of the Korean peninsula? If North Korea is increasingly effectively a proxy of China–cast as an enabler of the North Korean state, together with Russia–the country is shown, isolated, as if the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea, DPRK, were the last remaining theater for conducting the cold war in a post-Cold War world. A familiar geography of generals suddenly migrated to the media as the confrontation with North Korea was begun to be processed in maps.
The current migration of this mapping of a global vision of generals to the media presents a problem of the survival of a mental imaginary, able to compromise the pragmatics of a real problem of international relations in dangerous ways. For by magnifying the isolation and marginality of the DPRK in relation to the globe, the maps urge us to focus on the risks that the development of intercontinental missiles pose to world peace. To be sure, they also risk reflecting the very barbed rhetoric of triumphalism and destruction of Pyongyang–a regime that has expressed its eagerness to deliver prophesies of "a merciless sledgehammer blow to U.S. imperialists." The threats of Kim Jong-un are especially embodied by the creation and possession of his country, for the first time, of Intercontinental Ballistic Missile, and seems to create a narrative less motivated by actual actors, but a drama of atomic, nuclear, or ICBM strikes that is driven by disembodied geopolitical exigencies in a political theater that we don't know where it will end, but ramps up an all too familiar cartography of fear.
These maps resurrect and resonate with the invocation of previous threats of war during the Cold War–when the fear of atomic attack was widely diffused by the U.S. Government as a basis to justify an arms race. Indeed, by rehabilitating a Cold War imaginary of impending conflict able to escalate into nuclear war, maps seem to activate a similar mental imaginary of polarity–albeit disproportionate one, between North Korea and the United States–that reflect one of the few areas in the world where that rhetoric is still alive of identifying the role of the state in promoting nuclear war–leading Kim to praise the "thermonuclear weapon with super explosive power" as made entirely ""by our own efforts and technology and designed to exceed the atomic bomb dropped at Hiroshima. In this context, the fear of a "global threat" can be rehabilitated as destabilizing global balances of power.
The first scenario of an attack on the United States–cast in fearful and unresolved terms–was diffused in terrifying detail shortly after the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, as if in a surge of guilt, by the emigre Hungarian graphic artist Aleksander Leydenfrost, in a bifold spread that appeared in the extremely popular Life magazine, perhaps asking readers to feel a sense of guilt at the destruction caused by dropping two powerful atomic bombs in the Pacific theater of war, that illustrated a memorandum that the commander of the Air Force in the Pacific Theater, Harold "Hap" Arnold, in a "Report to the Army" he wrote in the late summer of 1945. Arnold cautioned against the next war as an episode that would last but thirty-six hours, and for which the United States military must begin to prepare itself, if not to confront the unprecedented scale of destruction that the United States landscape–which war had of course not touched, thankfully–must now take time to prepare itself to face. And the sustained campaign of firebombing Japanese cities after the massive destruction of the second atomic bomb, Fat Man, that was roapped on the port city of Nagasaki unleashed a level of violence that had followed the instant incineration in that city alone of 70,000 had created a landscape of destruction that Leydenfrost's somber image led Americans to imagine as inflicted on the major cities of the United States, not by the delivery of airborne bombs but the arrival of intercontinental ballistic missiles–what we now call ICBM's–launched without pilots, akin to German V-2 rockets, but able to reach across the Atlantic, in ways that would redefine what we know as a "theater of war" in globalized terms for the first time. The nightmare of unmanned missiles, viewed from the empyrean heights above the Pacific, seemed to seek o terrify viewers to suggest how quickly and silently an attack could arrive.
The resurrection of what might be called a map designed by generals such as Harold "Hap" Arnold filled a new need to map the power of destruction that the atom bomb unleashed, and represented both a sort of spin as well as a notion of the stewardship of public debate. Arnold wrote in a context where seemingly responsible "scientific men" were entrusted by the US government to explain to the public the scope of the horrific new power that the atomic bomb unleashed, and to rationalize the devastation of the total destruction of a city destroyed to devastating effects unprecedented in their violence as a decision of the nation, men like James Conant or Vannevar Bush, trusted to create consensus about the use of atomic bombs and the pragmatic basis for atomic policy in a postwar world, at the same time as the popular press quickly predicted the conduct of future wars which minimized all human agency, and perhaps responsibility, by pilotless "robot planes" able to span transoceanic distances and increase the vulnerability of all American cities and industry in the very manner of Japan from a "hail of atomic charges" in 1945.
Leydenfrost's image, designed for a public announcement of Arnold's letter, captured this anxiety. It reveals, in a futuristic manner akin to H.G. Wells or recent science fiction, how close to the surface it was as an image of future destruction, able to be harnessed for clear ends as a narrative of imminent fear, even if one that lacked any clear narrative finality as a story which we could ever see as having clear winners. The "revolution in warfare" Conant detected after the destruction of Hiroshima and obliteration of many of the buildings of Nagasaki brought strategies of management of threats in a new global imaginary. Conant quickly acknowledged that there was no real possibility of defense against such a "surprise attack by atomic bombs," as he dryly put it. Yet the government tried to reorient attention to the immediate problem of survival of the fearful eventuality of an atomic attack. "We are living in a very different world since the explosion of the A-bomb," Conant began, addressing the problem of what could be done in the event "much of our present civilization" was threatened with extinction. Conant pondered with incredible detachment pondered how "much of our present civilization" was threatened after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, nd to contemplate ways to save the achievements of the United States against such imminent destruction by buried repositories of microfilm,–as if such a parallel responsibility were adequate to the development of the atom bomb. In contrast, Arnold's "Report to the Army" emphasized the need of responding to a remote atomic strike in ways that created an image of vulnerability to missile strikes that quickly burned into our collective unconscious. Its inheritance might well be reexamined in the light of the fears of global threat of strike from North Korea that has emerged in the very first months of the Presidential administration of Donald J. Trump.
The power of the ICBM warheads that North Korea has developed have, rather eerily, just achieved the level of power of the atom bomb dropped on Hiroshima, enabling exactly the sort of scenario Aleksander Leydenfrost, no doubt with editorial help, was able to so concretely map from a position over the Pacific, which oddly renders North America as an island-like target, as if it could echoe the many flights of United States bombers over Japan. These unmanned rockets, shot from an unspecified country in Africa where the rocket launchers of a nemesis were placed, described the phantasm of the or mental image of the next stage in warfare, rather than an actual map. But the concreteness of the map allowed readers to envision the proximity of a potential strike in particularly powerful ways. And they have been triggered again in the azimuthal equidistant projections that project North Korea at their center, and map the ability of powerful missiles to strike the more populated cities of the United States.
1. Although graphics that render the potentiality of newly powerful missiles developed by Pyongyang work to grab viewers' attention, they draw attention to the danger of North Korea as if from a general's point of view. The rush to map the striking range of North Korean missiles, as in the header to this post, often were created by overlays so quickly to perpetuate a sense of a flat earth–particularly embarrassing in an age of web-based maps and spatial tracking. The egregious mis-mapping of a nuclear threat occasioned a volley of objections to the distortions of maps that foreground their danger, and the innocent position of many who are endangered by their missiles, while mismapping their true range. In order to come to terms with the global import of Korea's generation of ballistic missiles' of ever greater striking range, web Mercator may irresponsibly effectively shrink the distances missiles travel, with geopolitical consequences, but the mapping of the range of missiles privileges a narrative of overweening nuclear ambitions and aggressive acts that runs the risk of magnifying the military threat posed by Pyongyang, and giving an opportunity for Kim Jong-un to magnify his own sense of grandiosity on a global stage, even in ways that seek to justify the need for a pre-emptive military strike against a North Korean threat. The focus on the hypothetical expansion of missile range and the eagerness to trumpet the new status of North Korean military as able to launch an intercontinental ballistic missile and nuclear strike–long desired by Pyongyang as a sort of metric of global respectability and renown–is a danger but one that repeated exaggerated mipmapping can only magnify.
For in suggesting the blameless nature of other nations before this threat, they direct focus on the aberrant nature of North Korea and its leaders as needing to be contained, and many indeed justify the importance of a "preventive" pre-emptive nuclear strike. The maps open a possibility of alternative narratives, some particularly deadly and undesirable in the extreme, of an immediate launch of warheads not only at American military stationed in South Korea, Japan (especially in Okinawa) or Guam but at the United States as as never before. Indeed, the public statements and postures that Kim Jong-un is "begging for war" seems to map the need for a nuclear confrontation, filled with the frustrated saber-rattling that while "war is never something the United States wants" the "outrageous" testing of a hydrogen bomb only tests its "limited" patience, as North Korea vows its ability to perform a "surprise launch of an ICBM in any place and region at any time," seeking to prove that "the whole US mainland is within the firing range of DPRK missiles," as the national news agency KCNA has affirmed.
The recent explosion of a bomb with the explosive power of the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima by North Korea on the eve its independence celebration provides an illustration of Kim Jong-un's leadership, even if it is doubted that what seems a thermonuclear device would be able to be attached to a ballistic missile with any reliability. But the expansion of maps of intercontinental range in the global press seems to magnify the threat of immanent attack or aggression from North Korea, as if in a presence to justify what would be an utterly irresponsible decision to launch a military exercise of any limited sort. All too widely reproduced images of the growing range of North Korean missile strikes create an all too real cartography of fear that seem to escalate the danger of a threat and the need for an aggressive military response.
As the actions of Pyongyang have been repeatedly cast as a "global threat" by the Trump administration, from Steven Miller to Rex Tillerson, provoking not so veiled threats of the need to respond with a "precision strike" missiles into nearby waters off the east coast of the peninsula or to strike at the missile test sites, maps of the n this game shifting estimates of the outermost reaches of NK missile strikes by the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea have provided something of a basis to reveal exactly what the states of that provocation would be and proof of the global threat that North Korea's missile pose over the unsuspecting and innocent inhabitants of multiple continents. Although the outermost reach of the radius of missile firing is openly acknowledged in the BBC graphic below to be not operational, the claims to have created an ICBM able of intercontinental strikes would place North Korean arms far closer to the United States citizens–as well as to United sates troops stationed in South Korea or Guam–in ways that have been a long aspiration of North Korean governments.
The new justifications of nuclear attack in the aftermath of the apparent explosion of a hydrogen bomb by Pyongyang–and the unrestrained bullying of the North Koreans that "they only understand one thing!"–have pushed the problem of military confrontation to the front pages, with Trump warning of the possibility of a "massive military response" and suggesting if not indeed mapping a targeted nuclear strike of North Korea's nuclear and missiles sites, as if their destruction could occur without any harm to the world. The threat that Kim Jong-un poses is being cast as a potentially aggressive act–needing to be met with immediate and massive force–even without mapping what his intentions or strategy–as the explosion of a fusion bomb of comparable size to that dropped on Hiroshima is increasingly mapped as a potentially aggressive strike on American cities. The appearance of these charts in the global media no doubt give huge satisfaction to Kim Jong-un, whose dream of seeing his nation as a global power has been realized, as his country suddenly occupies the position of a major threat that the Soviet Union, no less, had occupied in the Cold War.
Indeed, as President Trump responds to questions of his military intentions with North Korea with a shrug intended to be menacing–"We'll see!"–in a particularly troubling lack of restraint, he seems to be inviting audiences to map the danger signs emanating from North Korea, rather than to establish the security of his own political restraint, by perpetuating myths of the aggressive nature of North Korea. As headlines such as "North Korea Raises the Stakes" have repeated since early July, if not from the first announcement of improving missile technology to complete the construction of an actual ICBM–intercontinental missile–of the sort it has long sought, as if to escape its isolated status, even as South Korea cautioned a proclivity for overstatement of achievement of re-entry technologies, the tenor of recent claims that North Korea raises the stakes may have shifted the metaphor of this test of wills from over thought moves in a game of chess to a contest of truth or dare or to a global game of Russian roulette.
2. Although the maps raise red alarms as they show long-range missiles able to strike the United States, the rush to use a tool plagued with distortions on a global scale is bound to create distortions or suggest the persistence to flat-earth thinking, rather than warp the striking range to acknowledge the spatial distortions of the earth's surface within theMercator projection. But the readiness to map the ranges of newly tested missiles–and even missiles in development–suggest a rush to affirm a "direct threat to the United States"–as former CIA analyst Bruce Klingner puts it–that threaten to extend the missile range of missiles in development to beyond 13,000 km, which would place the entire United States within its striking range and endanger all who live in the expanded radius. In facing such often unsourced if impressive figures deriving from Japanese news outlets or South Korea, the interests of the maps that derive from such figures demand critical review; ties alleged between military contractors and agencies that create such maps not only terrify, but trigger a powerful memory theater of rapid strikes of an increasingly broad array of long-range missiles, reminiscent of a cartography of fear tracking missiles' arrival in United States territory from the Cold War.
As North Korea continues to profess commitment to a nuclear deterrent in the face of American bases in South Korea and Guam, charging "persistent moves to launch a nuclear war on the Korean peninsula," and indeed the precareity of North Korea to American strikes, many visualizations of the growth based on fired missiles public South Korean statements provide a basis to foreground global tensions with an alleged objectivity that invest missiles' striking range with an unprecedented of accuracy. They may lack such accuracy–despite their imminent danger–but the cartography of fear that they create surely seems to escalate their threat and the rapidity of their possible arrival–even if they may well exaggerate the likelihood of their striking range, without noting how operational even the most recent Hwasong-12 medium long-range missile is.
3. But in mapping the extent of such "striking range" to cover most–or indeed almost all–of the United States, such graphics manufacture an all too real danger by cartographic artifice alone, given the range of missile strikes a reality that they may well not be able to achieve in terms of either atmospheric re-entry or precision targeting, although this is an objection which we surely don't want to have to test to find out.
The implied danger of provoking such a strike–or allowing such a strike not to be defended against–has in fact undoubtedly interested the Heritage Foundation, a conservative educational institution once prominent in setting the agenda for the nation in the Reagan administration, and now eager to bill itself again as an institution able to "transform America" by being at the forefront of conservative thinking, from the curtailing of "excessive" environmental regulations, to the use of tax reform to "grow" the economy, to the end of universal health insurance, to the distribution of military gear to local police. The interest of increasing the military budget in the Trump years is promoted through the mapping of an impending and immanent nuclear threat from North Korea–
February 11 and 16, 2016; December 2, 2016
–that is abstracted from the military presence of the United States in the Korean peninsula, or indeed the political dynamics of the peninsula itself and the region, in particularly dangerous and short-sighted ways. The notions of a nuclear terror that such images accentuate–ignoring the question of whenter such missiles are perpetuate all too familiar narratives of the victimhood of those whose lives are endangered by the growing reach of bombs are particularly canny in their use of the objective rhetoric of cartography to make an unsubtle point, and suggest a sense of inevitability in the expanding ranges that North Korean missiles are able to target cities. The sense of such strikes–and the narratives of inevitability and a needed response that they trigger–have a long history, even if they are meant to describe actualities. For they have worked to help rationalize such a pre-emptive nuclear strike, as FOX experts speculated if "it may be time for a preemptive strike" if America should "risk Los Angeles," imagining the waves of regret if a missile approaching the United States should a missile interceptors located at US bases not work in the thirty minutes before it arrives, in a landscape we have seen evoked before.
It did not, in fact, take long at all from the dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki for the General leading the American Air Force to imagine the new landscape of mutually assured destruction that defined the landscape of fear of the Cold War. Even though intercontinental ballistic missiles did not yet exist, save as imagined threats, or on the drawing board, the vision of strike from atom bombs arriving from overseas was presented an immediate fear to Americans, and enlisted as a compelling basis for justifying the expansion of the post-war military budget–and even equipping the nation with underground silos for storing and firing missiles able to respond to impending missile attacks. Within months after the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, when the ICBM's that haunt the current global landscape–Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles–did not actually exist, save as imagined threats, the powerful images of destruction in what was assured to be a coming "Thirty-Six Hour War" begun by atomic bombs descending on the United States engraved a fearsome image of the danger of the first unprovoked first strike of the atomic age.
The mapping of an atomic threat to the United States invited Americans to envision the possibility of attack. A similar spatial imaginary seems, indeed, resurgent in the nuclear standoff with North Korea, cannot help but recall the imminent arrival of those arcs of already fired atomic warheads or bombs, which smoothly move toward American cities through the night sky to target an unsuspecting population lying in bed at night, even if the projections of missile ranges of the missiles being tested by the North Korean army and their leader, Kim Jong-un, do not arc so elegantly over a landscape. The same landscape haunts both images. If the escalation of tensions between North Korea–N.K.–and the U.S. is mapped to process the threat of the increasing power of rockets carrying nuclear warheads, the maps advance threats of a nuclear strike on the United States in the header to this post that mirror those designed to instill panic and escalate defenses shortly after World War II, and are an odd throwback to the Cold War imaginary. But it seems to have reignited a Cold War imagery of threatened attacks on cities of North America, all too reminiscent of Cold War maps of missile range strikes.
While it is terrifying to not know the intentions of Pyongyang, or the ever-smiling Kim Jong-un, the image of a Cold War spatial imaginary seems to mediate Donald Trump's geopolitics, and the increased fear that Trump may not disavow a nuclear first strike, not so long ago condemned by Republicans as revealing liberal naiveté on issues of national defense–even if agreement against first-use of nuclear arms has been broad world-wide and recently won broad endorsement as a needed means of controlling nuclear weapons. It is important to note that the map of impending missile strikes far more conditioned the United States than the North Korean government's response. But the spatial imaginary of missile threats has helped enable a rhetoric of confrontation and saber-rattling that Donald Trump has enjoyed effectively conjuring the threat of an immanent nuclear conflict more than Pyongyang, although the sense that an over-sensitive North Korea was only saber rattling may have been overestimated. The odd symbolic form used for mapping of the range of NK missiles as a target centered on Pyongyang in public media sources, however, keyed o the Nodong, Taepodong-1, Musudan, and Taepodong-2 missiles, suggests the two-fold message of such maps, even more than the maps from Graphiq, which similarly placed Alaska in rapid striking range.
Although these maps tend to fail to distinguish clearly between missiles that have been observed or are in development–as most of the ICBM's capable of striking the United States were believed to be–the range of US military bases within striking distance of NK missiles are both increasingly aggressive, and seem almost desperate attempts to come to terms with the rapid growth of their rockets' power. Images that hypothesize the expanded ranges of rockets register the shock of North Korea's creation of intercontinental missiles and process fears of impending missile strikes from its expanded nuclear arsenal. Such fears were of course foregrounded in North Korean media's showcasing of Kim Jong-un's apparent delight in the use of maps to suggest the range of those missiles he has developed at considerable sacrifices for his country–
Kim Jong-un studying the flight of the Hwasong-12, which reached an altitude of 1,312 feet Reuters/KCNA (May 14, 2017)
Filed under arms control, Donald Trump, graphic design, North Korea, nuclear threat
Tagged as Alexander Leydenfrost, atom bomb, atomic war, atomic weapons, Cold War, Cuban Missile crisis, DPRK, Hiroshima, intercontinental ballistic missiles, Kim Jong-un, nuclear defense, nuclear proliferation, nuclear weapons, preemptive strike


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Q: how to save same model multiple times as new recode? I need to save same model($modelcrite) multiple times after changing a id here is the code
   protected function saveed($data1,$studentid,$modelcrite,$model)
    {
           $index = 0;
           foreach ($data1 as $key => $value) {
                $studentid[$index]=(string)$key;
                $modelcrite->setAttribute('st_id',$key);

                if ($modelcrite->validate()){
                        $modelcrite->setScenario('insert');
                        $modelcrite->save();

                    }
                else {
                    $this->Delete($model->ass_id);
                    return FALSE;
                }
                $index=$index+1;
           }
           return TRUE;
    }

but the problem is when second time save the $modelcrite value it is updating the database.I need to save it as new one
please can any one tell how can i do that.thank you.

A: I believe that you confusion comes from the fact that an ActiveRecord model does not represent a table, but instead represents a row in the table.  So changing the terminology a bit, when you pass in the new model(row) $modelcrite ActiveRecord recognizes that this is a new model(row), and the save performs an insert.  At this point now Active record realizes that the model(row) exists in the table, and any additional saves against that model(row) will generate an update.
With that background in mind what you need to do is in your foreach loop create a new model for the insert, and set the attributes of the new model to $modelcrite, then set the student_id, then validate and save.
Something like this:
foreach ($data1 as $key => $value) {
   $newModel = new CriteModel();
   $newModel->attributes = $modelcrite->attributes;
   $studentid[$index]=(string)$key;
   $newModel->setAttribute('st_id',$key);

   if ($newModel->validate()){
      $newModel->save();

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