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AZ International Auto Show & New Car Buyer's Guide 2020 Model Year
Faces of child welfare | Generation Justice: 'We see the holes in the law'
Mary Jo Pitzl | Arizona Republic
Darcy Olsen sat in the back of the small courtroom, amazed at what she heard. Or more correctly, what she didn't hear.
An experienced foster parent, Olsen was listening to the latest update on the case of the child she was fostering.
"It's over an hour, and it's back and forth, back and forth, and at no point did the judge or any of the people in the courtroom ask about the child," Olsen recalled.
Instead, the focus was on the child's mother: Was the birth parent drug-free? Was the birth parent showing up at court dates? Was she doing what the Department of Child Safety required to get her baby back?
Olsen came equipped with a baby book and medical reports chronicling the infant's progress. It was for naught. No part of the formal proceeding sought to find out if the child was safe and out of danger, she said.
"There was not one question of how long has the child been in care," said Olsen.
At the end, more as a courtesy, the judge asked Olsen if she had anything to say.
Oh, yes she did. But she's done more than talk.
Generation Justice seeks better legal help for AZ foster children
Darcy Olsen and Rebecca Masterson discuss GenJustice, the nonprofit they created that represents children in foster care cases.
Nick Oza, The Republic | azcentral.com
A new nonprofit is born
Inspired by her experience as a foster parent, Olsen launched a nonprofit organization focused on helping abused and neglected children. With neighbor Rebecca Masterson, an attorney and fellow adoptive mom, she founded Generation Justice three years ago.
The duo's focus is on the policies that shape Arizona's child-welfare system. They have lobbied for changes at the state Legislature, filed amicus briefs in lawsuits related to child welfare and launched a legal clinic to provide advice, and sometimes legal aid, to caregivers of children in the foster system.
"We see the holes in the law," Masterson said. "What would save this child? What would better protect this child? Then we draft ideas and we send them around and we change the laws."
For more stories that matter, subscribe to azcentral.com.
The goal: faster adoptions
In its first year, Generation Justice championed a law that gave foster parents who have cared for a child for at least nine months equal footing with family members when judges decide where to place a child. The law also requires that babies who have been exposed to drugs and whose parents have chronic substance-abuse problems be adopted within a year, even though that contradicts federal law and is routinely ignored by judges.
INVESTIGATION: A tougher tack on parents with drug issues cuts against Arizona's family-first focus
In 2019, they pushed a bill that gives foster parents a say in a child's education plan and accelerates the adoption of teens age 16 and up.
These efforts resulted in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services recognizing Olsen with its Adoption Excellence Award in November. Olsen, one of 11 awardees nationwide, was cited for "extraordinary professional and personal contributions" to children in foster care.
In the coming year, Generation Justice hopes to persuade lawmakers to allow some of Arizona's federal child-welfare funding to be spent on attorneys for children in foster care. It's a service the nonprofit already provides to a limited extent, even without government support, and hopes to pursue further.
Last year, the Trump administration broadened the use of Title IV-E dollars to cover more legal services, something Olsen said Generation Justice helped lobby for.
"When the criminally accused have the constitutional right to an attorney, we think it's critical the children also have the right to an attorney," Olsen said. She clarified that she was not talking just about crimes, such as child abuse, but also about the neglect conditions that are responsible for most children being pulled into the child-welfare system.
CHILD WELFARE: Ducey signs bill to cut off parents' rights to drug-exposed babies
Attorneys who defend families contend the children already have representation. In Arizona, legal representation for children in the child-welfare system varies by county. In Maricopa County, all children are appointed a guardian ad litem, whose job is to look out for the child's best interest by making reports to the court.
But that's not the same as a traditional attorney who can legally advocate for his or her client, Masterson said. That puts the child's right to representation on an unequal footing with the parents and the state.
"Not one of us out there would go into a courtroom and a case and not have an attorney by our side," Olsen said, "Yet here we have these abused children who have suffered immeasurably going in unrepresented. It's a major injustice and we hope to remedy that."
To do so, Generation Justice has hired attorney Tim Keller, who is leaving his post at the Institute for Justice to work on foster-child protections. At the institute, Keller successfully defended Arizona's tax credit program that directs funding to private school scholarships in a lawsuit that ultimately was decided by the U.S. Supreme Court. He also has defended Arizona's empowerment scholarship program, widely viewed as a voucher program.
A mid-life switch
Both women came to child-welfare work in midlife. Olsen had served 16 years as president and CEO at the Goldwater Institute, a right-leaning think tank in Phoenix. She became a foster parent, ultimately fostering 10 children and adopting four of them. Masterson had practiced civil defense litigation. After she adopted a child with special needs, she shifted into disability law.
The kids created a bridge between the two neighbors; after all, Masterson said, it was hard to miss Olsen, who was always out on her front lawn with the kids in her care. Masterson shared photos of a youth she was helping with education plans, gushing over how joyful he looked as a little boy.
That shared delight in kids, coupled with their combined policy and legal backgrounds, laid the groundwork for Generation Justice.
Making the big fixes
The two have an easy rapport. They joked and broke into impromptu song during a recent interview. They come off as happy warriors, but their agenda hasn't always meshed well with the foster-care establishment.
But, Masterson said, shaping the laws that guide how child-welfare agencies operate is key.
"That's how you fix the whole thing," she said.
Olsen acknowledged their outsider status has been met with skepticism.
"With any of these institutions, change is hard," she said. "We do our best to just approach people as moms, as foster advocates, as people. Not bullies, but to share what we've learned."
After all, the women say, the goal of Generation Justice is the same as other child-welfare advocates: to help kids. There are lots of ways to help, from Christmas toy drives to volunteer work.
"But the gift of a lifetime is to have a family that loves you and will always be by your side," Olsen said. "That's what we wanted to help provide for these kids."
An ongoing grant from the Arizona Community Foundation supports coverage of child-welfare issues in Arizona. To keep up with the latest, follow our work and subscribe to The Arizona Republic.
Reach the reporter at maryjo.pitzl@arizonarepublic.com and follow her on Twitter @maryjpitzl.


text:
Q: Finding real and imaginary parts of a complex function How do I split $w=e^z/z$ into its real and imaginary components?

A: We know the real and imaginary components of the numerator and the denominator:
\begin{align}
e^{x + iy} & = e^{x} e^{iy} = e^x \cos y + i e^x \sin y
\end{align}
(where $ x, y \in \mathbb{R} $ - the denominator is split by definition) Combining this with the method of obtaining real and imaginary parts of a fraction:
\begin{align}
\frac{a + ib}{c + id} & = \frac{\left ( a + ib \right ) \left ( c - id \right )}{ \left ( c + id \right ) \left ( c - id \right )} = \frac{ac + bd}{c^2 + d^2} + i \frac{bc - ad}{c^2 + d^2} \;\;\;\;\;\;\; \text{(intended for $ a, b, c, d \in \mathbb{R} $)}
\end{align}
should get you what you want.

A: \begin{align*}
  \frac{e^{z}}{z} &= \frac{e^{x+yi}}{x+yi} \\
  &= \frac{e^x(\cos y+i\sin y)}{x+yi} \\
  &= \frac{e^x(\cos y+i\sin y)}{x+yi} \times \frac{x-yi}{x-yi} \\
  &= \frac{e^x(\cos y+i\sin y)(x-yi)}{x^2+y^2} \\
  &= \frac{e^{x}(x\cos y+y\sin y)}{x^2+y^2}+
     \frac{e^{x}(x\sin y-y\cos y)}{x^2+y^2}i
\end{align*}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Anton Caspar Hesing (1823–1895), known as "Boss Hesing", was a German-American newspaper publisher and political boss who became a prominent figure in Chicago during the second half of the 19th Century. The long-time publisher of the Illinois Staats-Zeitung and political boss of the pro-liquor wing of the Republican Party, Hesing is remembered as one of the most influential figures of the 1870s in the emerging metropolis of Chicago, responsible, alongside his compatriot Hermann Raster, for the adoption of a national anti-temperance platform for the Republican Party in 1872, the creation of the People's Party in 1873, and the subsequent election of Harvey Doolittle Colvin as Mayor of Chicago. During his final years, the wealthy Hesing engaged in a number of philanthropic ventures, including a large role in financing of Chicago's Schiller Theater.

Biography

Early years

Anton Caspar Hesing was born January 6, 1823, in Vechta in the German Grand Duchy of Oldenburg, today part of Lower Saxony in Germany. His father was a brewer and distiller. His mother died when Anton was 6 and his father made him an orphan at age 15. Although he initially apprenticed as a baker and brewer, he came to feel the relationship oppressive and his master unjust and resolved to make a new life for himself across the sea in America.

Upon arrival in the United States in 1839, Hesing settled in the German enclave that was Cincinnati, Ohio, where he first worked as a grocery clerk. Hesing saved his money frugally and within two years had accumulated enough money to launch a grocery store of his own — a business which he maintained until 1848.

A visit to Germany in 1847 ended with marriage to Louisa Lamping, with the couple returning together to make a home in the USA. Together they had a son, Washington Hesing, born in 1849.

The year following his return, Hesing sold his grocery business and invested the proceeds in a hotel located on Race and Court Streets in Cincinnati. This enterprise came to an end with the death of his business partner by suicide in 1854, however, causing Hesing to sell his interest in the hotel and to move with his family to Chicago.

In Chicago Hesing purchased brick manufacturing equipment and opened a brickyard a few miles away from the center of the city. The patented equipment he purchased proved to be inferior, however, and the venture proved to be a financial failure. Undeterred by his initial lack of success, Hesing made another entry into the brick manufacturing business in partnership with a man named Charles S. Dole, opening a more conventional brickyard at Highland Park, located just north of Chicago. This venture proved to be profitable although it ultimately fell victim to the economic collapse associated with the Panic of 1857.

After a brief and unsuccessful venture as proprietor of a resale shop, Hesing took a position as a clerk in the Chicago Board of Public Works. He was later appointed a deputy sheriff in 1858 and two years ran for public office for the first time, winning election as sheriff of Cook County as a Republican, running on the same ticket as Abraham Lincoln. Hesing thereby became the first German immigrant to hold elective office in the state of Illinois. Hesing would remain as sheriff for a single two-year term of office.

An staunch supporter of the Federal government in the American Civil War, Hesing helped to recruit soldiers during the conflict, playing a part in the organization of the immigrant-dominated 24th and 82nd Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiments as well as Shambeck's Dragoons.

Publishing career

In 1862, as his term of office as Cook County sheriff was nearing an end, Hesing purchased an ownership stake in the leading German-language newspaper of the region, the Illinois Staats-Zeitung (Illinois State News), a paper which dated to 1848 and which had been in daily operation since 1851. His new ownership stake did not initially mean a quick path to fame and fortune, however, as during the wartime years of 1863 and 1864 Hesing earned an income of just over $4,900 and slightly less than $2,800, respectively.

Despite his modest income from the paper, by 1867 Hesing was able to muster $80,000 to buy out his remaining partner, Lorenz Brentano, and to thereby attain complete control of the Staats-Zeitung. He would subsequently hire New York resident and Forty-Eighter Hermann Raster as editor-in-chief and build it one of the most successful German newspapers in North America, alongside other papers from St. Louis, Milwaukee, and New York City.

The Staats-Zeitung was particularly hard hit during the October 1871 Great Chicago Fire. Not only was the building housing the publication, including its machinery and type, lost to the flames, but so too were back files of the paper and the publication's records of accounts. Moreover, virtually the entire staff of the paper from editors to press operators found themselves burned out of their homes.

Necessary lead type for producing a German-language paper proved impossible to obtain on short notice and as a temporary measure production was moved briefly to the German enclave of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. After a mere 20 days production returned to a new press in a new facility in Chicago.

A new permanent home for the paper was finally located about one mile away from the Chicago city center, in a new multi-story structure built at the corner of Washington Street and Fifth Avenue. The building measured 100 feet from the basement floor to the peak of the roof, making it one of the largest buildings in its area of town, and was designed with the monumental sensibilities of old Europe.

Political career

Even during his Ohio years, Anton Hesing was politically active, participating as a member of the Hamilton County Committee of the Whig Party even before he was old enough to vote. In 1852 he was made a member of the Ohio State Executive Committee of the Whig Party.

Hesing's role in the emerging Republican Party of Illinois was mostly editorial, advancing the party's ideas and agenda in the pages of the Staats-Zeitung. He lent support to the Lincoln Administration during the war and advocated in favor of Radical Reconstruction in the years immediately following surrender of the Southern rebellion.

In the aftermath of the Great Chicago Fire of 1871, a new city administration came to the fore under the banner of the temporary "Fireproof Party," headed by Mayor Joseph Medill, former managing editor of the Chicago Tribune. Medill, a Canadian-born Republican, was induced to begin enforcement of previously ignored anti-liquor Blue laws — measures deeply offensive to the cultural traditions of the German immigrant population. Anton Hesing would be moved to political action by this cultural battle within ostensibly Republican ranks, speaking to an organizational convention on May 14, 1873, which would result in establishment of a new political organization called the People's Party.

This de facto Republican splinter organization ran its slate of anti-Blue law candidates in opposition to the prohibitionist  candidates of the Republican Party as well as those of the hated Democrats. Although not himself a candidate for office of the party, Hesing played a leading role in the insurgent organization, writing its platform and assisting in the organization and promotion of meetings running up to election day in November 1873. The movement ultimately proved triumphant polls, electing H.D. Colvin as the 27th Mayor of Chicago by a plurality of about 10,000 votes.

Despite his immense backstage political influence, particularly during the decade of the 1870s, Hesing was reticent to enter the field as a candidate himself, firmly declining suggestions that he led the People's Party ticket as a candidate for U.S. Congress in the election of 1874. Hesing's own personal political service was instead limited to a stint as a member of the Lincoln Park Board of Commissioners from 1874 to 1876.

Hesing served three months of prison time for his role in the Whiskey Ring.

Later years

Hesing's wife died in 1886, coinciding with an end to direct participation in public affairs for him.

The wealthy Hesing was involved in a number of philanthropic ventures, playing a key role in the establishment of St. Elizabeth Hospital in Chicago and the Altenheim German Old People's Home in Forest Park. He was also one of the primary contributors to the construction fund for the Schiller Theater on Randolph Street, a 1300-seat venue opened in 1891 for the hosting of the performances of Chicago's German Opera Company.

On August 22, 1894, while visiting the neighboring state of Wisconsin, Anton Hesing was stricken by a stroke — a first bout with the condition that would ultimately kill him less than one year later. He returned to Chicago and managed to recover almost completely from this first attack, but further withdrew from external activity.

Death and legacy

On the evening of March 30, 1895, agitated by a recent action of the Chicago City Council, Hesing set to work writing an editorial that was to be published in the Staats-Zeitung above his own signature. He retired late and work up again at 1 am, feeling unwell. A doctor was called, who tentatively diagnosed a bout of indigestion, and Hesing returned to bed, sleeping until 7:00 am.

Shortly after waking, a massive stroke hit Hesing, who died approximately one hour later in the morning of March 31, 1895, at his home in Chicago. He was 72 years old at the time of his death. His body was buried at Saint Boniface Cemetery in Chicago beneath an obelisk bearing a copper plaque.

In his 1976 monograph, The Germans of Chicago, historian Rudolf Hofmeister asserts that "Anton Hesing probably had more impact on the German element and its standing within the community than any other German in Chicago's history."

Footnotes

Further reading
 Rudolf Hofmeister, The Germans of Chicago. Champaign, IL: Stipes Publishing, 1976.
 John B. Jentz and Richard Schneirov, Chicago in the Age of Capital: Class, Politics, and Democracy During the Civil War and Reconstruction. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2012.
 Richard Junger, Becoming the Second City: Chicago's Mass News Media, 1833-1898. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2010.
 Peter H. Olden, "Anton C. Hesing: The Rise of a Chicago Boss," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, vol. 35, no. 3 (September 1942), pp. 260–287. In JSTOR

1823 births
1895 deaths
German emigrants to the United States
People from Chicago
19th-century American newspaper publishers (people)
Publishers (people) of German-language newspapers in the United States
Illinois Republicans
Sheriffs of Cook County, Illinois
American political bosses from Illinois
Journalists from Illinois
Illinois Staats-Zeitung people

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Unifying Security and DevOps through Automation
With development, operations and security teams fully migrating their work to the cloud, companies are always on the lookout for solutions to help them overcome new challenges emerging in today's era of IT-as-Code, where software defines everything. This usually requires the smart use of technology, namely automation. Automation is a force to reckon with, especially in situations where speed, scale and security are key. With automation, tech teams can finally turn their attention away from routine management and configuration tasks to innovative projects that defend a company's competitive edge.
The reality is, software-defined solutions rely on repetitive tasks across development, security and operations. Most of this work can be done with automation, but without the necessary tools and expertise, teams defer to legacy manual processes that cost thousands of productive work hours. This is where Refactr comes in. Refactr is an automation platform helping organizations jumpstart their race to IT-as-Code by introducing the latest automation techniques in DevSecOps. With Refactr's platform, tech teams can overcome IT-as-Code challenges including creating repeatable solutions, synchronizing cross-functional work processes, and baking security early into the development process.
Refactr is a Seattle-based DevSecOps startup founded in 2017 by military veterans and industry experts in cloud and cybersecurity. Its mission is to accelerate the adoption of DevSecOps methodologies among security and DevOps teams.
In conversation with Michael Fraser, Co-Founder and CEO of Refactr
Q. How successful was your first product release?
Our first product, the Cloud + Security Architect Platform (CSAP), was released in 2018. We were lucky to work with a few beta partners; their feedback was critical for iterating on the first version of our product. Shortly after our launch, we won PitchIT, a ConnectWise IT Nation competition that awarded us $100,000. It was a fantastic experience to have our vision and hard work validated with this win.
Q. What kind of mixed responses have you received from your consumers over the years? How have they motivated you to shape your offerings/grow the company?
Response over the years has been interesting. Recently, we spoke to one of our first customers who has seen each product version. The conversation illuminated a couple of things: it was encouraging to realize that we've been iterating in a productive way that not only addresses real-world use cases but also honors the original vision of Refactr. I was also very impressed by the number of iterations our small team has made since our launch.
Q. "You can earn trust and respect of customers only by delivering high quality products and services." Do you agree with the statement?
High quality products and services are critical, but they are not enough. It's also important to us that we are an upstanding company that customers feel good about transacting with. That means having a strong vision and company culture, prioritizing their security, and facilitating open communication with our team. If we make mistakes, we are transparent and make corrections rapidly. These are some facets of a company that we believe customers can trust.
Q. Fostering a culture of feedback is crucial to the success of every organization. How is this true with your company?
It is absolutely critical for us. Customer feedback is essential to defining market fit as well as the continued success of our product. Beyond that, employee feedback is what makes us a great company to grow with. Lastly, stakeholder feedback guides us towards scalability.
Q. If you have to list five factors that have been/are the biggest asset to your organization, what would they be and why?
The first factor would be the right team of founders. The second would be the right pivots from customer feedback. The third is timing the market. The fourth is the ability to use open source projects in our platform. Finally, letting go of fear of failure; failure is an opportunity to make a new choice and open a new path to possibly a bigger success. If nothing else, failure is a chance to learn to do better.
Q. Do you have any new features ready in the near term to be launched?
We are working on some exciting new features in our platform that will launch in the next few months, including adding security and policy open source tools and a self-hosted agent so that automation pipelines in our platform can be launched in a hybrid approach. With our current Department of Defense / Air Force work, we are also going to have an air-gapped, roll-your-own-version of our entire platform that is deployable into any organization's own on-premise or cloud environment.
Q. Where do you see your company a couple of years from now?
We see ourselves in the position of making the world more agile through the next shift of technology into IT-as-Code. For government and commercial entities alike, we will be the most usable, collaborative, and secure DevSecOps solution available on the market.
Meet the leader behind the success of Refactr
Michael Fraser is the Co-founder and CEO at Refactr, a DevSecOps startup he cofounded with with Anthony Rowlands and Korrine Leiter-Fraser. Michael started his career in the United States Air Force working on F-15 fighter jets weapons systems and later as a cybersecurity engineer. While on active duty, Michael started his first company at 19 years old, a retail computer repair store. He has since founded multiple tech companies while serving in the military, including a MSP and cloud security consulting firm. After nearly a decade, Michael left the military to focus on his dream to build a software startup in the DevSecOps space. While running his startup, Michael earned a Bachelor degree at North Seattle College in a year and finished a Master of Computer Science at Seattle University in June 2019. Michael is currently an adjunct instructor at Seattle Central College, teaching courses in Cloud, Cybersecurity and DevOps. He has featured on the cover of Channel Pro Magazine and has presented at numerous industry events, including CRN, various Microsoft events, RedHat AnsibleFest, DevOps Days, and All Day DevOps. Michael aspires to be the world's coolest dad for his 5-year-old autistic daughter. In his spare time, he is creating an Augmented Reality app to help autistic children communicate.
"The Refactr Platform brings DevOps methodologies to not only development but operations and security teams too."
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Even if you are not a football fan, I'm sure you've heard about the NFL and referee fiasco.
If you haven't heard, here is the scoop. The NFL owners have been unable to reach an agreement with the referees. As a result, the referees were locked out and the NFL owners replaced them with cheaper less experienced referees.
Although qualified to referee a game, these less than professional referees don't have the experience, the full requirements and the practice of a professional NFL referee. Consequently they've made some really, really bad calls.
Some calls have been so bad, that they have cost teams games.
In healthcare, there is a lot of talk about filling the primary care physician shortages that we expect in the near future, with mid-level providers such as nurse practitioners and physicians assistance.
Mid-level providers are competent healthcare providers. But they don't train as long as a physicians do. As a result, they have less experience. On the flip side, they're cheaper to train, and they earn less than a physician does.
Naturally, if you are trying to reduce healthcare cost, and you are planning on having a labor force shortage, mid-level providers seem like a good solution.
I think this is a bad idea. The NFL debacle is great example of what happens when one chooses to settle for next best.
For the record, I'm not putting down mid-level providers. I think they are valued team members. If I didn't believe that, we would have not hired a mid-level provider in our practice.
I believe mid-levels have a place in our healthcare landscape and they will play an integral role in the future of primary care. But what I'm saying is, they are less experienced. They don't go to school as long as a doctor does and don't bare nearly the same responsibility as a doctors do.
Here is the thing, primary care doctors are tremendously valuable. Although they may appear to be expensive to visit, when you compare it to the value they return, the cost is minimal.
Think about it this way. How much would you pay to be assured that your child is healthy? What is the value of having a person that has dedicated 100% of their professional career to learn about children so that each child can reach their full potential?
Don't make the same mistake the NFL owners did by choosing a less expensive, quick fix solution.
I can almost guarantee you won't regret it.
The Joy of Practicing Medicine Outside the U.S.
I recently spent 3 weeks serving at a mission hospital in Kenya. It was a highly challenging time, with a much greater severity of illness and greater limitation of resources than we have here, but it was the most rewarding thing I have ever done as a physician. The work I did was needed, difficult, and stressful, but I did not have to fight an insurance company once and I did not have to constantly worry about my documentation meeting the minutiae of coding regulations that, if not followed precisely, might lead to accusations of billing fraud. I was able to focus on taking care of patients who needed help without significant intrusions by insurance companies. I was able to document what was important to the care of the patient, not what the insurance company or government wants to see on paper. It was demanding and refreshing at the same time.
In Kenya, I was able to perform procedures and take care of rather complex patients because I was the most qualified person available. In the U.S., I am forced to refer patients to subspecialists for problems I can handle, because I would have great liability if a patient had a poor outcome and I had not referred them out. In Kenya, I took care of premies who required intensive care, I intubated and ventilated babies, and I set up and changed ventilators. I managed kids with severe hypoglycemia, severe malnutrition, severe dehydration, meningitis, sepsis, tuberculosis, malaria, and congestive heart failure, most of whom I would not have had an opportunity to care for here in the U.S. because a subspecialist would have had to be involved.
Despite the limited resources we had to work with and despite the heartbreaking events that occur when practicing medicine in the Third World, I must say that my experience in Kenya is why I went into medicine. It is comforting to know that I can go practice there if our government and our insurance companies ever make practice here unbearable. In fact, I could practice there now.


With inner smaller coin purse.
Some mild tarnishing to the frame.
The inside is clean with some wear to the hinges of the inner purse.
The inside has a small fitted inside coin purse.
Lovely clutch bag in good condition.
Some speckles to the base as shown and wear to the fabric lining where it meets the inner purse hinge.


text:
DiEM25-UK - launching at Conway Hall
At Conway Hall in Central London, (long an important place for radical religious, philosophical, social and political thinking in the UK), on Saturday morning, January 28, 2017, DiEM25 held its UK organisational launch.
Andrew J. Brown
DiEM25 meets in Conway Hall, London, 28 January 2017.
Like all DiEM25 gatherings, more than half of the meeting was made up of conversations involving those attending. To set the scene and introduce some important initial ideas, the morning began with brief contributions from Brian Eno, Elif Şafak, Agnieszka Wiśniewska, Igor Stokfiszewski and, finally, Yanis Varoufakis.
The first speaker, the British musician and composer Brian Eno, began by noting that the venue, Conway Hall in London, was a place he knew personally because in the late 1960s he used to come here to hear avant-garde music concerts. This memory, in turn, reminded him of another time, like the present one, when everything was changing and when a great deal of radical rethinking was going on. He noted, however, that in the 1970s much of this kind of thinking was reversed by an Ayn Rand-inspired selfishness that developed into simplistic ideas of how societies should run themselves and which even begun to question, as Thatcher famously did, whether there was, in fact, any such thing as society. Eno pointed out that although the 70s were followed by a few decades of prosperity and a huge amount of wealth creation, this wealth was eventually concentrated in only the hands of a few and we simultaneously saw the stagnation of the wages of everybody else. For Eno this dangerous gulf finally became clear to everyone last year and marked the end of a forty year period of decline. Suddenly the idea of doing politics, which people of his generation often thought was "akin to masturbating in public and to be avoided at all costs", was something once again worth engaging in.
Eno, a key figure in the development of electronic music, was also keen to note an important phenomenon concerning the interrelation of technology and democracy. He told the meeting that many of his high-tech friends in places like Silicone Valley had carefully avoided politics for a very long time because they expected that technology would "be the de facto solution to our problems"; for them politics unnecessarily "complicated the plot." But recent events had helped us all understand that merely going along with "the drift of things" is not enough because "the technologies won't make the choices for us, they need our guidance and our input as well." The need to make conscious political choices was memorably summed up by Eno when he said that after the election of a serial liar in the form of Trump and, in England, of [Boris] Johnson, people had finally begun "to realise that that the laissez-faire doesn't work — while we're laissez-ing they're still faire-ing — so suddenly we're starting to think that politics might be worth doing again." Ultimately, Eno felt that this was what DiEM25 is about: it is a movement to revive and reinvigorate this thinking that we must make choices.
The next speaker was Elif Şafak, the Turkish author, columnist and academic who brought to the meeting an important set of perspectives from the current Turkish context. She began by noting that if you come from a country where democracy is obviously and openly being seriously challenged "you simply did not have the luxury of being apolitical." But, she reminded us, one of the important, wonderful things we could learn from feminism is a recognition that politics is not only about what goes on in parties and parliaments but also about "what goes on in our private spaces, in our bedrooms, in our kitchens, in our daily lives; politics is where ever there is power." Şafak felt that the important thing to see here was that when approached in this broader sense it was, in fact, now impossible truly to be apolitical.
Şafak also noted that it was vital to ensure that politics ceases being merely a matter of "Left verses Right". These old binaries led only to catastrophes and, for her, the question today is whether we are "pro tribalism and isolationism or in favour of a progressive constructive humanism?" She pointed strongly to the need to develop a real, deep sense that we are genuinely all in this together. She observed that we need more people who are acquainted with different cultures to become involved in the public space and to speak up — and we also certainly need more women's voices and stories to be told and heard.
Şafak then raised a question about "populism" and noted that one of its strategies is to undermine knowledge by speaking to gut feelings. This requires us to do two things. The first is to acknowledge that those on the liberal, left and progressive end of the political spectrum have not been at all good at connecting with people's emotions. She reminded the meeting of the need to allow people to talk about their anxieties, angsts and angers, since this is "an age of anxiety." The question is how do we create a language for those people (not in the room), who have been attracted by the kinds of "populism" which have so successfully already picked up on these emotions? For Şafak, to address this properly it is vitally important that we develop our own emotional intelligence and find ways to make it possible for people to talk about immigrants, refugees, about losing one's identity and culture but in a way that channels those feelings into better, more democratic and inclusive ways of being together. The second thing that the rise of popularism requires us to do is never to forget the vital importance of knowledge and facts but always to ensure that they are spoken about with emotional intelligence. A key overall point from Şafak was that writers have an important role to play because they are in positions to bring about this mix by adding good story telling to facts and knowledge.
The next two speakers were Agnieszka Wiśniewska and Igor Stokfiszewski from Krytyka Polityczna (krytykapolityczna.pl) and DiEM25's Co-ordinating Committee.
Wiśniewska saw her work as chief editor of a political magazine as a matchmaker between grass roots movements, activists and academics so that, together, they can begin to fight for progressive change and real democracy. She told the meeting that her passion for DiEM25 was because it provides an ideal context to meet people from different backgrounds and skills but who still share the same ambitions.
Both Wiśniewska and Stokfiszewski noted that they were in the UK because they had many friends now working here and they remind us that theirs was a community that had been seriously shaken by the Brexit vote, the rise of anti-immigrant rhetoric and also the increase in violence which has, as we all know, included at least one horrific murder. Wiśniewska and Stokfiszewski were aiming, in the first instance, to work with DiEM25 in the UK to build a progressive force so that there is a chance for a fair and sustainable transition out of the EU for everyone— including the Polish community. But this UK-centred concern allowed Stokfiszewski to offer the meeting an additional wider, pan-European point. He did this by raising the rhetorical question of why the leftist project in Poland has, up until this point anyway, failed so badly? For him the answer was that in Poland they had been selfish, they had not understood that "it is not enough to work in one country alone to achieve progressive goals — it has to be a wider project" and that they now knew they needed "to work pan-Europeanly and globally." For them, DiEM25 is the project which can help achieve this; DiEM25 is "a new choice and an opportunity to be seized."
Wiśniewska concluded that soon Poland will be a major battleground for progress and liberty and she expressed a hope that they will be able to learn what do in order to "reverse the course of authoritarianism that Poland is currently taking."
The first part of the meeting was then concluded by some remarks by Yanis Varoufakis. Varoufakis reminded us that, in 2016, passion came back to politics, but in the wrong way for it was now fuelling not progressive polices but regressive ones. He rehearsed DiEM25's "radical remain" position of being "in the EU against the EU" but reminded the meeting that we failed to convey to those sympathetic to DIEM25's position of "constructive disobedience" that we could, in fact, change anything; our inability as a progressive movement to impress upon people that we could win government was why we lost the referendum.
Key to understanding the current situation is the need to see that the clash between the so-called "liberal establishment and the popularist xenophobic insurgency" is not what it seems. He admitted that to some extent it can be seen as a clash but, in truth, it is more accurate to see the two blocs as accomplices, to realise that they need and empower each other as much as, in France, Marine Le Pen helps empower François Fillon and vice versa. This fake opposition is, Varoufakis notes, "the cause of great suffering" and the only genuine opposition or antidote to this is a group like DiEM25 — a progressive internationalist movement.
But, as Varoufakis observed, it is vitally important to realise that we are very far away from being efficient, we need to be honest and "look ourselves in the mirror as progressives and realise that we are dismal failures. The Labour Party, the Scottish National Party, the Green Party, Independent Progressives, are all in disarray. Corbynite Labour is too scared to talk to Caroline Lucas of the Green Party in case the Blairites attack them even more harshly. Nobody talks to the SNP in case Scottish Labour gets upset and the net result is that the Tories have complete and utter dominance of the political scene. This is why DiEM is here."
At this point, Varoufakis offered his view on what he hoped this meeting will be able to begin to bring about:
"At the moment, we have this image of being a nice collection of people who have interesting things to say about Europe. But who cares about Europe: we're now out of Europe and we have serious problems now to consider in this country!? So DiEM is irrelevant. And they are right! And they are also right to think that we're useless and irrelevant as long as we fail to convince them that we have something pertinent to say about daily life in this country. And (this is also true) as long as we fail to project the essential respect that we must have for people's emotions, as Elif said, for the genuine spirit of discontent amongst those who voted for Brexit. Now, DiEM came out of resistance, throughout Europe, to the scapegoating of the weakest citizens for the failures of the establishment. I think that it is essential to understand that the majority of those who voted for Brexit are our people. If we don't see that, we might as well just go home and watch television. It is essential that poor whites in Leeds, in Wales, in the suburbs of London, in the inner city, get a feeling from us that we understand their plight and that we respect their concerns, their worries, their fears, their angst, just as much as we do that of the Polish immigrants, of LGBT people, of the minorities, of the Greeks, the Turks and so on and so forth. If we fail to do that in a British context we're irrelevant. We're just another irrelevance that speaks good prose.
Remember what we're trying to do today. We're going to transform DiEM25 into a British organisation. Maybe we should have a different name for it — to signify that it is now addressing British concerns and it is putting forward proposals for dealing with the real sources of discontent. And there are two of them:
Involuntary under-employment, which is the bitter fruit of austerity and involuntary immigration, which is the bitter price we have to pay for an economic model which concentrates all decent jobs in very small areas forcing people from the north of this country to migrate to London, from Poland and Bulgaria to migrate to Britain, to Germany or to France.
If we don't manage to put forward, as a British organisation, a proposal for a New Deal for the United Kingdom and then, once we do that, to explain and to convince the people in the north of England in particular, that this must go hand in hand with a New Deal for Europe, we will have failed. Thank you."
Some of the breakout sessions during the event.
Srećko Horvat then opened the meeting to the floor and the following questions and points were raised. In what follows, the individual points of the discussion are summarized in short paragraphs:
A question was raised about the relationship between the situation in Turkey and the election of Trump? Elif Şafak immediately responded by reminding the meeting that we mustn't confuse majoritarianism with democracy. Şafak also said that she was more worried about the constitutions in Europe than about the situation in America because the nature of European constitutions means "there is a darker potential here."
Another intervention drew our attention to the need to be aware of the role of technology in the present situation. Not least as it is leading to a post-employment situation. Horvat noted that this kind of question is forming a key part of the discussion about the New Deal.
In the discussion, the importance of the media was raised, as was the question of how we might go about reconstituting the media, especially given that it is owned by so few individuals. Eno noted that the internet has often reinforced prejudices and that this is a real problem to be addressed. In his opinion we should now advocate for the end of anonymity on the internet. Horvat noted that DiEM25 is also working on these matters through its comms team.
A further question was raised about whether DiEM25 was concerned about the future of Europe or the future of the EU (as an institution)." Is it working to prevent the collapse of the Euro?
A point was raised about the fact that although England voted to leave the EU Wales and Scotland voted to remain. This in turn raised the question of whether there is something that needs to be done uniquely in England?
The question was asked (by an engineer) about what would success for DiEM25 look like in a qualitative and quantitive way? How do we focus and become able to work together quickly? The speaker felt pragmatism was clearly required.
The question of populism returned and a point was made that what may be required is, if not precisely populism, then certainly a popular communicable message.
An observation was made that although we've got a point of departure, we haven't got a point of arrival. The suggestion was that we need to paint the picture of the arrival and it has to be beautiful.
The point was made that we need to persuade the liberal establishment to adopt DiEM25's aims but, were we to succeed in doing that, how will we stop DiEM25 itself becoming part of the liberal establishment?
It was noted that the current DiEM25 manifesto seems out of date for Britain. Horvat commented that in the next part of the meeting a group would convene to start working on a new and specifically British manifesto.
A novelist spoke about feeling inert and asked generally about the purpose of writers and artists in the current situation.
A question was asked about how we might speak of the values of social change without using socialist terminology that can so often switch people off?
A philosophical observation was offered on the "winning verses losing binary." The feeling was that if we continue to talk like this we'll be in trouble and perhaps we should change to the language of improving and changing.
The question was asked of what populism means when the vote was so evenly divided 48% to 52%?
The question of emotional intelligence was again raised. DiEM25 is about what makes us human so if we can meet our emotional and physical needs then things need not driven by beliefs that divide but by what makes us human and what we share. When people get angry it goes into black and white, and yes and no, territory and DiEM25 may be able to help get people away from these binaries.
The issue of older people and Brexit was raised and of the need to focus on what sort of rights and equalities older people both need and would like. The speaker felt this was especially important because the EU guaranteed them but Theresa May is saying that these are only guaranteed until next election. This raised the additional question of whether there was the possibility of having meetings centred on what people might want from Brexit?
The matter was raised about the need for the evolution of the political system itself and it was noted that there were problems in having the manifesto first — to do this may be to put the cart before the horse by deciding what the people want before engaging with the people. It was also noted that fourteen votes in a lifetime of an individual is not enough — there's not enough granularity there to deal with the real, deep issues that face us. Their suggestion was that we move towards a House of Citizens.
A point was made that although there is always the need for nuance in politics, we must be careful not to get too bogged down in it when people are suffering right now.
Picking up on the earlier comment on older voters — a point was made about young people. The young speaker said that although, yes, younger people may be more progressive, they also often don't vote. He additionally expressed the feeling of being excluded from the conversation because youngsters didn't always know all the facts and so, in response to this, he had got together a reading list of "200 books" which, he said, was ridiculous because most people aren't going to do this! His general point was that it's important that DiEM25 can be expressed to others in an accessible general way and become an organisation that can tell or assure him that his energy is being put in the right place.
Responses from the panel:
Elif Şafak noted that Turkey experienced how politics could all too easily divide family and friends and the biggest mistake would be to go back to identity politics. Dualities are unhelpful and we repeat them at our peril because the only the popularists will benefit from such a politics. She added that we shouldn't leave patriotism to the nationalists or faith to the religious. In the end this is all about solidarity; it's about the knowledge that history can go backwards and that it's OK to love one's country but only insofar as we always remember we are more than that. She also emphasised that popularists have a big problem with pluralism. Therefore, it is important to emphasise multiplicity and to refrain from binary oppositions and polarisations etc., to remember we live in a liquid world and need to reach out to people outside our own echo chambers.
Srećko Horvat chairs.
Şafak responded to the earlier question about the role of literature from the floor and noted that this is a question which has been asked throughout history. Her feeling was that we must continue to write our poetry etc. and that it's not just a luxury to continue to write. Popularists aim to dehumanise the other but, she reminded us, story tellers can re-humanise the other and combat this. As such, engaging in literature is a vitally important thing to be doing.
Brian Eno pointed out that societies cohere either around hope — the idea that we can build a better future together — or around fear — the idea that the future is dangerous so we must stick together to fight it off. He felt that over the past twenty years fear had dominated. He observed that governments like fearful populations because they're easier to control. On the other hand, populations that aren't fearful but hopeful are creative and chaotic; it's not easy to keep creative populations in line. He remarked that what we need is a creative population and that all of us were in one way or another present for that reason.
Eno also thought it was important to address precarity in general and for us to move beyond the idea that human beings are merely units to be plugged into any job that happens to be going. He thought we were being turned into third-world sweat shop workers (or at least he felt that this was what working people feel) — people no longer respected as humans. His hope was that in DiEM25 we could begin to build a future that is hopeful and that revolves around the idea that we could make something, not just as good as the old days, but something better than has existed before.
Yanis Varoufakis concluded by picking up on this point of Eno's that for hope to flourish it needs a vision of a creative population that is not kept in line by fear. Indeed, he thought that this should also be our vision. However, he was insistent that none of this is going to happen if we have these meetings, feel fantastic and then do nothing afterwards. Therefore, he said, it is important that this meeting produces teams of people that make it their business, not only to spread the word, but to create a narrative that speaks to people's needs out there and which doesn't just speak to great universal principles. For Varoufakis the three basic needs to which we must speak are as follows:
1) The need for job creation — without investment he noted there is no job creation. Investment in physical, wealth producing stuff (machines and people) is the lowest in Britain today since 1945.
2) The need for basic social housing to reverse the Thatcherite malaise of council house sales. There has to be a programme to restore to people the ability to live in a decent home in their own communities without the need to leave to live and work elsewhere. he observed that if we don't do this all our emotional intelligence and poetry will be wasted.
3) The need for a Universal Basic Dividend. Varoufakis pointed out that one of the greatest fallacies of capitalism and of free market ideology is that wealth is created individually and then appropriated through the tax system by the state. The reality is, he noted, exactly the opposite — wealth is created collectively and then privatised. Since capital is produced socially it should be enjoyed socially. In the light of this Varoufakis told the meeting that DiEM25 has been developing a policy, not of a Universal Basic Income, but of a Universal Basic Dividend. This would not be funded by taxation but through a Trust Fund into which a percentage of the shares of every corporation is to go, where the dividends amass, and which are then distributed to all as a Universal Basic Dividend. In Varoufakis' opinion this is the only way to share the returns of automation across society.
Varoufakis was concerned to point out that these ideas were just some of that need to be taken out into the real world where real people discuss their real needs. What's needed, in his mind, is a New Deal. He asked the meeting to remember that Roosevelt's New Deal was designed to address fear and the fear of fear. Consequently, he felt we must come out of this meeting with a determination to get together to put forward very realistic, moderate proposals for what can be done tomorrow to fund a Universal Basic Dividend, social housing and a jobs programme.
Varoufakis offered this as a small example of what could be done now. He reminded us that the Bank of England has been printing money now for many years in order to refloat the financial sector, buying, in other words the debt of the financiers. Now, if instead of that, he asked us to imagine what would happen if we had a Public Investment Bank, like the Post Office used to have (the Post Office Savings Bank) issuing bonds? The Bank of England could buy them and then that money could go directly into research and development into, for example, green energy. This he said was one simple practical proposal that could be part of a New Deal for Britain which could address the syndrome of TINA (There Is No Alternative). He pointed out that we don't need a socialist revolution before we can offer an alternative, in fact, the Bank of England could do it almost immediately in conjunction with a Public Investment Bank that could be created within six months. So, he asked, "Why are we not doing it?" In his mind the rage of people must be directed at the question of "why are we not doing that which we could do today within the capitalism we have? Not to create socialism but in order to stabilise the society we have and address basic human needs."
Varoufakis felt that if the discussion is about what can be done in Britain today — forget Brexit, forget what we want the European Union to be — in order to address these basic needs then he trusts that it will be very, very simple to bring Europe back into the conversation. Because, when you start thinking about the three basic needs in Britain suddenly it becomes automatic to link this to the importance of a similar deal for France, for Germany and for Europe. It becomes clear — as the Greens realise in connection with climate change — that you cannot properly deal with important matters on your own; there has to be an alliance between all these countries implementing similar policies.
Varoukais said that the proposal he is putting on the table of this meeting is for a New Deal for the UK based on four or five areas where we can develop simple, moderate common-sense policies that will appeal to all people, without any mention of Brexit, the EU, Europe or even DiEM25. He felt that once we start such a conversation then we will create the political infrastructure for people from Labour, for people who are progressive Conservatives, for people from the Greens, for independents who are disillusioned, for those who are not currently politically involved. His hope is that when we are no longer just in Conway Hall but everywhere, then the discussion about Europe will return in a civilised way which allows people to avoid the false binary opposition that exists between official remain and Brexit.
Varoufakis began to conclude with a point about popularism. He did not believe it was possible to be both a democrat and a popularist; democratic popularism is for him a contradiction in terms. In his definition "popularism is the tactic of promising all things to all people without meaning any of them in order to usurp popular consent and then turn it against the people." Varoukakis emphasised that this was why he was a democrat and insisted that we in DiEM25 should be in the business of putting the demos back into democracy. He acknowledged that to do this we needed to become popular but not at the expense of embracing popularism. He added that the UK manifesto must, therefore, include very simple ideas about how to put the demos back into British democracy.
Lastly, he reminded the meeting that Burkean Tories talk about restoring sovereignty to the British Parliamentary system and he thought "we needed to adopt that, to steal it from them because it's a fantastic idea. But they will not do it, only we can do it because they don't want to do it. They are really popularists, using the language of democracy in order to deny it to anyone except themselves. They want democracy for the rich, for those who are in surplus, and deny democracy to those they considered discarded, morally defective and therefore poor. It is essential that we restore that and we introduce constitutional proposals in the UK Manifesto of DiEM."
The meeting then broke up into four small working groups with the following themes:
The drafting of the UK Manifesto and to consider a name for DiEM25 in the UK.
Barebones organisation including fundraising
DiEM25 Voice — the artistic core.
Reports of progress from these groups will be forthcoming in the coming weeks.
Yanis Varoufakis began to draw the meeting to a close by announcing that there were to be two more groups which people could join and sign-up to at the close of the meeting. The first was one to discuss a UK economic policy that would parallel the Green New Deal for Europe which will be formally launched in Rome on March 25 (the sixtieth anniversary of the EU).
The second group was one which would focus on the alliance building that DiEM25 in the UK needs to develop.
Varoufakis finished by making it clear to the meeting that:
"DiEM25 wants to be as inclusive and anti-sectarian as possible. The intention is not to create a party that goes against Labour, the Greens, the SNP. Rather the objective is to become the movement that energises them at long last to get their act together. So we need alliances, with Labour with the SNP, with progressive Conservatives, with anyone with sense and sensibility who is willing to participate in the attempt to create a progressive international insurgency against the insurgency of the neoliberals and against the insurgency of UKIP."
The meeting concluded with a few further points from the floor.
The movement's Volunteers Coordinator, Judith Meyer, reminded people that they could be in touch with DiEM25 by emailing [email protected]
A question was asked about the Labour Party's decision to force MPs to vote for the triggering of article 50. Varoufakis replied by outlining the current DiEM25 position that was recently decided by referendum within DiEM25's membership. This can be found on the DiEM25 website.
The final comment came from a woman who came to the meeting with her daughter because both her children had felt so hopeless about their future after the Brexit vote. She wanted to thank the meeting for giving her, and her daughter, things to do and hope for the future.
There can have been no one present who didn't agree with Yanis Varoufakis when he said he could think of no better way to end this meeting.
DiEM25


if resale value is not a concern, I'd go for one of the vehicles mentioned in brand new list. About used vehicles, those 7, 8 years old models are outdated and does not have modern appearance/ features , let alone how much they've been abused in those years.
I checked aliexpress and ebay, but that cap is very different from what comes with 10th generation Civic. I couldn't find even a closely matching plastic cap. I'll take a picture and post here.
this is true for Dual clutch or other auto. CVT behaves differently isn't it? Civic has CVT.
General question: with Civic, If you floor the gas pedal from a stop, what's the maximum RPM you get before reaching 100Km/h ?
Looks like I've lost one of my tire valve stem caps of my Civic 2018. Is there any place to buy them here in SL? I checked on eBay but couldn't find the exact same one as the original. Any ideas?
I was able to get 25km/L on highway when speed is maintained around 90kmph.
What did you mean by "can't see the Turbo performance" ? Is it that SR doesn't have the turbo gauge in instrument display?
I was wondering the same. I just don't like yellow color rear number plate, it really destroy the look of my car lol.
Then why there's an option like this?
I saw various Wurth number plate holders available in their website, which one I should go for a car?
So basically how this thing works? How do we link insurance certificate and emission test certificate ?


British scientists are working to produce a "sunscreen pill" after discovering how coral is able to shield itself from harmful ultraviolet (UV) rays, according to UK media reports Wednesday.
The pill could reportedly offer people weeks of sun protection for their skin and eyes -- making suncrean and sunglasses unnecessary.
Researchers from King's College London, who collaborated with Australian and US scientists, made the breakthrough after studying coral from Australia's famous Great Barrier Reef to see how it uses algae to produce its own "natural sunscreen."
Dr. Paul Long told the Daily Mail, "We found that the algae makes a compound that we think is transported to the coral, which then modifies it into a sunscreen for the benefit of both the coral and the algae.
"Not only does this protect them both from UV damage, but we have seen that fish that feed on the coral also benefit from this sunscreen protection, so it is clearly passed up the food chain."
To the likely angst of sun-lovers, however, the pill would do nothing to bronze the skin. In fact, the tablet may have to be prescribed by doctors to prevent people overdosing, which could lead to vitamin D deficiency, The (London) Daily Telegraph reported.
Researchers said the pill could be tested on humans within five years and widely and cheaply available in a decade.
The news comes only days after it emerged that British scientists were developing an implant -- the size of a grain of rice -- that could give people a tan that lasted for up to three months.


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The novel Crime and Punishment (1866) by Fyodor Dostoevsky is a classic example, although the novel was written first before Freuds revolutionary approach. Using Freudian ideas about dreams, the paper would try to decide what functional role dreams hold that affected the characters and the flow of events of the story.
Read thoroughly the Crime and Punishment essay below and pay attention to the structure and the approaches used by the writer. You are welcome to use this text as a template for your work. Please, dont copy this or any other sample from our blog! Free crime and punishment papers, essays, and research papers. Free Essays from Bartleby Russian author and philosopher, Fyodor Dostoevsky, was best known for his literary contributions between 1866 and 1880. Crime and Punishment Essay.
Common Themes in Crime and Punishment and The Brothers Karamazov. 2032 Words 8 Pages. Russian author and philosopher, Fyodor Stuck writing a Crime and Punishment essay? We have many Crime and Punishment example essays that answers many essay questions in Crime and Punishment. The Significance of Lazaruss Resurrection In the Russian novel Crime and Punishment by Fyodor Dostoevsky, the main character, Raskalnikov goes through a vast time period of great psychological turmoil.
When comparing and contrasting this death and reincarnation of his consciousness and mind to the biblical tale of Lazaruss The range of essays on our site is very wide, but this Crime and Punishment essay is one of the best. Apr 06, 2012 View and download crime and punishment essays examples. Also discover topics, titles, outlines, thesis statements, and conclusions for your crime and punishment essay. In Conclusion to Rakishnesss conflicts In Crime and Punishment, he helped spark the meaning.
His guilt was a greater punishment than real punishment. Imprisonment was a form of punishment for the crimes he committed.


For Noah Gundersen, the past few years have brought about immense growth and change, both as an artist and as a young man grappling with issues of identity and independence. It should come as little surprise, then, that his stunning new album, Carry The Ghost is so heavily influenced by existential philosophy. What's so striking, though, is hearing a 25-year-old articulate such weighty themes, packaging them into heartbreakingly gorgeous melodies with a plainspoken language that cuts to the quick upon first listen. Then again, Noah Gundersen has never aimed for ordinary.
Though only a little more than a year has passed since the 2014 release of Ledges, Carry The Ghost finds an older, more sophisticated Gundersen attempting the difficult work of unraveling our purpose here, searching for answers about the nature of man and the meaning of our relationships. Gundersen came to an understanding of himself as the sum of his experiences, a view he embraces as a positive one and which led him to delve into the works of existentialist writers and philosophers like Ortega. For Gundersen, the personal history that shapes each and every one of us is the titular ghost, and it's the thread that ties the entire record together.
The album's more ambitious scale showcases a natural evolution following the success of Ledges, which earned raves everywhere from NPR's World Café to CBS Saturday Morning. Hailed as a "powerful debut" by SPIN, the record delivered on the promise of a string of previous EPs, which poetically tackled issues of faith and doubt and loss and desire as Gundersen transitioned into adulthood. It earned him a devoted national fan base, with many introduced to his music through placements on popular television series like Sons of Anarchy, where his introspective and brooding songs proved to be an invaluable piece of the storytelling.
Recorded at Seattle's Litho Studio, Carry The Ghost explores issues of self-discovery and existentialism with an erudite sophistication across 13 magnificent tracks. Collaborating more than ever before with his touring band—which includes his sister Abby and brother Jonathan—Gundersen set out to push boundaries and confound expectations, experimenting with tone and structure and creating rich sonic textures that ebb and flow beneath his stirring, solemn voice.
It's a difficult balance, but perhaps the greatest triumph of Carry The Ghost is that Gundersen pulls it off with a seemingly effortless refinement. This is the sound of a songwriter looking inward to look outward, accepting his limitations to liberate himself. It's the sound of an artist pushing himself mentally and musically to understand his place in the world and seize control of it, and in doing so, illuminating a portrait in which others may see themselves. If Ortega is to be believed, Carry The Ghost is the sum sound of Noah Gundersen's past, but it's also nothing short of a thrilling preview of his future.


text:
Give apprenticeships time, and they'll futureproof our workforce
Kirstie Donnelly MBE is managing director of City & Guilds.
The levy presents a valuable opportunity for organisations to rethink the way they fund training for employees (Source: Getty)
Just under a year on from the introduction of radical reforms to the UK's apprenticeship system, some seemingly worrying statistics have started to emerge.
In January, official figures highlighted a significant drop in the number of new apprentice sign-ups; a year-on-year reduction of some 41,000 new apprentices were registered between August and October.
But does this drop really signal a failure in the system, or is there more behind the numbers?
We know that many employers remain confused about the way apprenticeships are now funded and what they need to do in response. City & Guilds research released less than two months ahead of the introduction of the new apprenticeship levy, which came into force last April, found that a third of employers that are required to pay into this were simply not aware of its existence. This was echoed by the CIPD just a few months ago.
We need to make sure that all employers understand that the apprenticeship system is for them – that it spans multiple industries, encapsulates a wide array of different job roles, and can be used to train staff at every career stage, from entry level through to degree and leadership and management apprenticeships. This is not just about training technical workers in factories.
We also need to explain the funding process better so employers aren't turned off by perceived complexity and red tape. Most HR teams in large companies will know that employers with a pay bill of over £3m must now invest 0.5 per cent of that bill into a central apprenticeships fund, which they can then reclaim to fund apprenticeships for their staff. However, they might not necessarily understand exactly how to do this yet.
What is often missed is that, despite not having to pay into the levy, small businesses are also able to benefit; only having to fund 10 per cent of the cost of training, with the remainder being paid by the government. Unfortunately, some smaller businesses that were already using apprenticeships pre-levy see this 10 per cent payment as off-putting – previously, they didn't have to make any contribution at all.
Better awareness of these changes, and the huge benefits apprenticeships can bring for a relatively small investment, is urgently required – especially among SMEs, which make up 93 per cent of UK businesses.
Recent research from the Federation of Small Businesses found that just 24 per cent of SMEs already offered opportunities for apprentices, but a further 24 per cent would consider taking one on in the future. Harnessing this enthusiasm and doubling the number of apprentices used by SMEs would have huge benefits for everyone, from the apprentices themselves to businesses and the wider UK economy.
It is well-known that productivity in the UK is the lowest of the G7 economies, and that a key contributing factor to this poor output is the lack of investment in training. UK workers receive less employer-provided training than any other EU country except Poland, Greece, and Romania.
The levy presents a valuable opportunity for organisations to rethink the way they fund training for employees, at every level of their business.
Once the new system has become properly established and employers have seen how apprenticeships can benefit their business at every level, the government should consider extending the remit of the levy to ensure that employers get best value from it – potentially allowing funds to be used for careers advice and guidance, work placement activities, or even a broader "skills levy".
Brexit may be the biggest upheaval to the availability of skilled and talented employees for a generation – upskilling and training existing staff is going to be critical to plugging this gap.
Apprenticeships have the potential to create a workforce that is fit for the future. I hope that when we are looking at the numbers this time next year, we will see that the momentum has grown and employers are taking control of their levy investment.
Article courtesy of City AM (www.cityam.com)


Stop it! No one is the same. We are each wonderfully different. Yes like snowflakes although I have wondered who compared so many snowflakes to be able to say no two are alike. For sure we know that each human being is different even identical twins. We each may do something that someone else does but the way we do it is uniquely our way.
There is no one like us. We are each imperfectly perfect. Let's revel in our one-of-a-kind imprint. You can admire mentors and influencers but don't copy anyone and for sure don't compare yourself to another.
We each are a precious example of God's hand at work. No disrespecting your Creator trying to emulate another of his creations. Uh-uh no comparing, no copying. Take a piece of paper, draw a line down the middle, put Like on one side and Dislike on the other side and get to writing down what you do and don't like about you. If your dislike list is longer than your likes correct that.
Realize you are a magnificently imperfectly perfect. Don't let comparison rob you of your joys.


We consider our our job a profession. The rigors of becoming a licensed appraiser have become more difficult than ever in the past. So it goes without question these days that real estate appraisal can definitely be considered a profession as opposed to a trade. As with any profession we are bound by an ethical code.
We have many responsibilities as appraisers but above everything we answer to our clients. Most of the time, in residential practice, the appraiser's client is the lender ordering the appraisal. Appraisers have certain duties of privacy to their clients, and as a homeowner, if you desire to obtain a copy of the appraisal document, you normally have to request it from your lender. Other obligations also include, accurate calculations appropriate to the parameters of the assignment, attaining and keeping a certain level of competency and education, and of course, the appraiser must behave in a professional manner. Here at Ace Appraisal (970) 731-1986, we take these ethical responsibilities very seriously.
Ace Appraisal (970) 731-1986 has worked hard for its track record for producing competent and ethically superior appraisals. Contact us today to learn more.
There are some scenarios in which appraisers will have fiduciary responsibilities to third parties, such as homeowners, both buyers and sellers, or others. Those third parties normally are listed in scope of the appraisal assignment itself. An appraiser's fiduciary responsibility is restricted to those parties who the appraiser is aware of, based on the scope of work or other things in the framework of the job.
Appraisers also have standards outside of boundaries of clients and others. For example, appraisers must store their work files for at least five years - something else Ace Appraisal (970) 731-1986 diligently adheres to.
When creating reports, we follow the highest ethical standards possible. We don't do assignments on contingency fees. That is, we don't agree to do an appraisal report and collect the fee only if the loan closes. Another practice that's restricted is doing assignments on percentage fees. That is probably the appraisal industries most important rule, because it would tend to make appraisers raise the value of homes or properties to increase their fee. We set ourselves to a higher standard. Other unprofessional practices may be established by state law or professional societies that the appraiser belongs.
The Uniform Standards of Professional Appraisal Practice (USPAP) also states unethical behavior as the acceptance of an assignment that is contingent on "the reporting of a pre-determined result (e.g., opinion of value)," "a direction in assignment results that favors the cause of the client," "the amount of a value opinion," in addition to other situations We diligently follow these rules to the letter which means you can be confident we are working hard to objectively determine the home or property value.
With Ace Appraisal (970) 731-1986, you can be assured of 100 percent ethical, honest service.


text:
Daughter of Olympic sprinter Tyson Gay fatally shot
LEXINGTON, Ky. — The 15-year-old daughter of Olympic sprinter Tyson Gay was fatally shot in the neck, authorities and the athlete's agent said Sunday, and police have arrested a man in connection with the shooting.
Trinity Gay died at the University of Kentucky Medical Center, the coroner's office for Fayette County said in a statement. The athlete's agent, Mark Wetmore, confirmed in a text message to The Associated Press that Gay's daughter had died.
Police on Sunday evening announced that Dvonta Middlebrooks, 21, was arrested and charged with wanton endangerment and possession of a firearm by a convicted felon. A statement said investigators determined that Middlebrooks was in the parking lot and fired multiple shots at the time of the incident.
Another man questioned by police has not been charged.
Lexington police said in a statement that officers went to the parking lot of a restaurant near the University of Kentucky campus in Lexington about 4 a.m. Sunday after witnesses reported an exchange of gunfire between two vehicles. Officers located one of the vehicles and stopped two people for questioning, the statement added.
Police spokeswoman Brenna Angel said police don't believe Trinity Gay was in either of the vehicles involved.
Tyson Gay competed in the last three Summer Olympics. He was part of a team that won a silver medal in the 4x100-meter relay at the 2012 London Games though that medal was ultimately stripped after Gay tested positive for steroids in 2013.
Last summer's Games in Rio featured another stinging disappointment for Gay, 33, who has battled injuries. He was a member of the American men's 4x100-meter relay team that finished third in the final before being disqualified for an illegal baton exchange between Mike Rodgers and Justin Gatlin. The team's appeal was denied, giving Canada the bronze medal.
Trinity Gay was a sprinter at Lafayette High in Lexington and finished fourth in the 100 meters and fifth in the 200 meters at the state Class 3A high school track meet in May, records show. She also ran on a 4x200 relay team that finished fourth. Her father, who ran years earlier at Lafayette, still holds the state record in the 100 set in 2001.
Fayette County Public Schools Superintendent Manny Caulk said in a statement that "Our hearts are broken this morning over the loss of Trinity to this tragic and senseless act of violence. Please join us in keeping the Gay family close in thought and prayer and supporting the students, staff, and families at Lafayette High during this unspeakably difficult time."
Grief counselors will be at Lafayette High School on Monday for students and staff, Fayette school spokeswoman Lisa Deffendall added in an email.
The police statement didn't identify Trinity Gay by name, saying a juvenile who was struck at the scene was taken by private vehicle to the UK Hospital and later pronounced dead. Police were still searching for the second vehicle, police said, adding they are continuing to investigate.


text:
package testing

import (
	"encoding/base64"
	"encoding/json"
	"fmt"
	"net"
	"net/http"
	"sync"

	"github.com/gorilla/mux"
)

type Repository struct {
	Name     string
	Tags     map[string]string
	Username string
	Password string
}

type tagListResponse struct {
	Name string   `json:"name"`
	Tags []string `json:"tags"`
}

type RegistryServer struct {
	listener      net.Listener
	muxer         *mux.Router
	Repos         []Repository
	reposLock     sync.RWMutex
	storageDelete bool
}

// NewServer returns a new instance of the fake server.
//
// It receives the bind address (use 127.0.0.1:0 for getting an available port
// on the host)
func NewServer(bind string) (*RegistryServer, error) {
	listener, err := net.Listen("tcp", bind)
	if err != nil {
		return nil, err
	}
	server := RegistryServer{
		listener:      listener,
		storageDelete: true,
	}
	server.buildMuxer()
	go http.Serve(listener, &server)
	return &server, nil
}

// Stop stops the server, cleaning the internal listener and freeing the
// allocated port.
func (s *RegistryServer) Stop() error {
	return s.listener.Close()
}

// Reset resets all internal information of the server.
func (s *RegistryServer) Reset() {
	s.reposLock.Lock()
	s.Repos = nil
	s.storageDelete = true
	s.reposLock.Unlock()
}

// Addr returns the Address of the server.
func (s *RegistryServer) Addr() string {
	return s.listener.Addr().String()
}

func (s *RegistryServer) AddRepo(r Repository) {
	s.Repos = append(s.Repos, r)
}

func (s *RegistryServer) SetStorageDelete(sd bool) {
	s.reposLock.Lock()
	s.storageDelete = sd
	s.reposLock.Unlock()
}

// ServeHTTP handler HTTP requests, dealing with prepared failures before
// dispatching the request to the proper internal handler.
func (s *RegistryServer) ServeHTTP(w http.ResponseWriter, r *http.Request) {
	s.muxer.ServeHTTP(w, r)
}

func (s *RegistryServer) buildMuxer() {
	s.muxer = mux.NewRouter()
	s.muxer.Path("/v2/{name:.*}/manifests/{tag:.*}").Methods("HEAD").HandlerFunc(s.getDigest)
	s.muxer.Path("/v2/{name:.*}/manifests/{digest:.*}").Methods("DELETE").HandlerFunc(s.removeTag)
	s.muxer.Path("/v2/{name:.*}/tags/list").Methods("GET").HandlerFunc(s.listTags)
}

func (s *RegistryServer) auth(w http.ResponseWriter, r *http.Request) error {
	name := mux.Vars(r)["name"]
	repo, _ := s.findRepository(name)
	if len(repo.Username) == 0 && len(repo.Password) == 0 {
		return nil
	}

	authHeader := r.Header.Get("Authorization")
	credentials := fmt.Sprintf("%s:%s", repo.Username, repo.Password)
	b64Credentials := "Basic " + base64.StdEncoding.EncodeToString([]byte(credentials))
	if authHeader != b64Credentials {
		return fmt.Errorf("bad credentials")
	}
	return nil
}

func (s *RegistryServer) removeTag(w http.ResponseWriter, r *http.Request) {
	err := s.auth(w, r)
	if err != nil {
		w.WriteHeader(http.StatusForbidden)
		return
	}

	name := mux.Vars(r)["name"]
	digest := mux.Vars(r)["digest"]
	repo, index := s.findRepository(name)
	if index < 0 {
		http.Error(w, fmt.Sprintf("unknown repository name=%s", name), http.StatusNotFound)
		return
	}
	s.reposLock.RLock()
	defer s.reposLock.RUnlock()
	if !s.storageDelete {
		http.Error(w, "storage delete is disabled", http.StatusMethodNotAllowed)
		return
	}
	for t, d := range repo.Tags {
		if digest == d {
			delete(repo.Tags, t)
			w.WriteHeader(http.StatusAccepted)
			return
		}
	}
	http.Error(w, fmt.Sprintf("unknown manifest=%s", digest), http.StatusNotFound)
}

func (s *RegistryServer) getDigest(w http.ResponseWriter, r *http.Request) {
	err := s.auth(w, r)
	if err != nil {
		w.WriteHeader(http.StatusForbidden)
		return
	}

	name := mux.Vars(r)["name"]
	tag := mux.Vars(r)["tag"]
	repo, index := s.findRepository(name)
	if index < 0 {
		http.Error(w, fmt.Sprintf("unknown repository name=%s", name), http.StatusNotFound)
		return
	}
	s.reposLock.RLock()
	defer s.reposLock.RUnlock()
	for t, digest := range repo.Tags {
		if t == tag {
			w.Header().Set("Docker-Content-Digest", digest)
			return
		}
	}
	http.Error(w, fmt.Sprintf("unknown tag=%s", tag), http.StatusNotFound)
}

func (s *RegistryServer) listTags(w http.ResponseWriter, r *http.Request) {
	err := s.auth(w, r)
	if err != nil {
		w.WriteHeader(http.StatusForbidden)
		return
	}

	name := mux.Vars(r)["name"]
	repo, index := s.findRepository(name)
	if index < 0 {
		http.Error(w, fmt.Sprintf("unknown repository name=%s", name), http.StatusNotFound)
		return
	}
	s.reposLock.RLock()
	defer s.reposLock.RUnlock()
	tags := make([]string, len(repo.Tags))
	i := 0
	for t := range repo.Tags {
		tags[i] = t
		i++
	}
	err = json.NewEncoder(w).Encode(tagListResponse{Name: repo.Name, Tags: tags})
	if err != nil {
		http.Error(w, err.Error(), http.StatusInternalServerError)
	}
}

func (s *RegistryServer) findRepository(name string) (Repository, int) {
	s.reposLock.RLock()
	defer s.reposLock.RUnlock()
	for i, repo := range s.Repos {
		if repo.Name == name {
			return repo, i
		}
	}
	return Repository{}, -1
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Injured at Work in an Industrial Accident?
While they can't always avoid industrial accidents, Santa Rosa contractors and workers can depend on a personal injury lawyer from Flahavan Law Offices. Unfortunately, it is common for industrial accidents to happen in Santa Rosa. If you or a family member is a victim of an industrial or construction site accident, it is imperative to contact a personal injury lawyer from Flahavan Law Offices as soon as possible. Ultimately, you need to understand your rights in an industrial accident, and the lawyers at Flahavan Law Offices in Santa Rosa can help.
If you have been injured while working on the job, you may have the right to pursue a personal injury claim and receive compensation distinct from workers' compensation. If you are involved in industrial accidents in the Santa Rosa area, contact Flahavan Law Offices as soon as possible. When you arrive at our offices, you will receive a completely honest and free initial evaluation of your case. The answers you have will undoubtedly get answered, and if necessary, we will pursue your personal injury claim. With our combination of personal attention, knowledge, and legal experience, the burden from your industrial accidents will be lessened.
What if I am not able to pay my medical expenses?
What if I am not able to go back to my job?
How will pay for long-term care, if I need it?
How do I know if workers' compensation is enough?
To schedule a free initial consultation, call us at (707) 833-8614.


The European Health Insurance Card (EHIC) (nhs.uk/ehic) – confirms your eligibility to emergency medical treatment under the health system when travelling in a member country. Although the treatment may not be free at the point of service as with the NHS. In France, for example, you must pay to see a GP. Although emergency treatment in hospital is normally free, it is often that ambulances are not. In some countries, you may be taken to a private clinic for treatment automatically and this would not be covered by the EHIC. Also not covered would be medical repatriation and an EHIC must be renewed every five years.


Contains one #1081 head as well as one #1087 plunger gasket for PFP-3, PFP-6 and PFP-8 floor pumps.
This kit is also compatible with PFP-5 and PFP-7 floor pumps.
Old head on my pump wore out and wouldn't seal around the valve anymore. This kit saved me the cost of a new pump, 10 minute job to swap parts. Make sure to buy some silicone grease for the new o-ring seal otherwise pump won't work.


text:
Who will not receive a pension in Ukraine after the reform: answers to key questions
August 14, 2017 IMMEconomics
Autumn in Ukraine will consider in the second reading and the whole government project of pension reform. The document envisages a series of innovations both for current and for future pensioners. Enter "modernity" (5.6 million pensions will be recalculated, as a result, they will grow from 200 to more than 1000 UAH), stricter rules on the calculation of seniority. It also introduces the so-called "effective retirement age" – the part of the Ukrainians will retire at 63 or 65 years. The website "Today" has collected the answers to the main questions on pension reform in Ukraine.
If I don't have 35 years of experience, I do not get a pension?
No, get. To earn a pension, enough to have 15 years of experience. The only difference is that now the Ukrainians with 15 years of experience retire at 60 years, and in 2028-m, if the reform will take, will retire at 65.
The minimum requirement for a pension at 65 is not changed, it was fixed at 15 years. But the requirements for pension at 63 and 60 years will grow 10 years, increasing each year by 12 months. So, next year, in 60 years to receive his pension can the Ukrainians with 25 years of experience, and by 2028-mu need to work at least 35 years.
Read more about how to change the requirements for experience, you can learn by reading infographics.
Say that experience will earn only the minimum pension. Is that so?
This is not so. The amount of the pension will be determined individually and be considered by the formula. In this case the law already is the norm – the amount of pension on age cannot be below the subsistence level for the disabled. This amount (currently 1312 UAH) and called minimum pension. If you find that the amount of the pension calculated according to the formula below 1312 UAH, at the expense of the Pension Fund of its "reach" of the minimal salary.
The pension is calculated by the following formula: the average salary over the last three years multiplied by the ratio of own wage to the average for the country multiplied by experience and by 1.35% today or 1% after the reform. The website "Today" has developed a calculator which allows to calculate the amount of pension current at the moment indicators.
Retirement calculator:
How many years of experience You will have time to work out:
Wages at the moment:
The result: –
However, it is worth considering that if you have less than 15 years of experience, the pension you are generally not entitled to, and if you do not have time to earn the necessary experience, you will retire later. For example, in five years "time" on a holiday will the Ukrainians with 30 years of experience. If you have only 25 years of service, pension will be available only in 63 years.
If I can retire at 65 years, life expectancy in Ukraine is only 72, which means I'll be retired in just seven years?
Indeed, according to the latest who data, life expectancy in Ukraine (and men and women) is 72 years. While women live on average five to seven years longer than men. However, the pension system, these figures are irrelevant.
The fact that life expectancy takes into account mortality at any age, including in early childhood. To understand about how many Ukrainians live in retirement, you need to use data on life expectancy after age 60. Now, Ukrainians who live to retirement age (60 years), live on average another 18 years.
The Ukrainian, who had retired at 65, there are all chances of living in retirement an average of 13 years. In comparison with countries of Western Europe. However, as demographers say, biologically, the Ukrainians are no different from the Germans or the French. If you exercise, time to pass medical examinations and eat right in retirement you can live not 18, and 30 years.
And Ukrainians killed in the first military action in the Donbas and harmful working conditions, and neglect their health. According to statistics, a man in a EU country on average live 13 years longer than Ukrainians. "It very much. You need to keep in mind that biology imposed adverse socio-economic factors that are either characteristic of men, or more affect them," explains head of the Department of research of demographic processes and population policy Iryna Kurylo.
And those who do not have 15 years of experience, must work all my life?
No. The pension was so Ukrainians are not entitled, and that social assistance from the state they can get. Now about 100 thousand Ukrainians of retirement age do not get a pension. However, according to the law "On state social assistance to persons who are not eligible for retirement", the amount of such aid is only 30% of the subsistence minimum for the disabled.
As has told the expert in the sphere of pension provision, candidate of economic Sciences Lydia Tkachenko, if the total income of Ukrainians over the age of 60 is less than the minimum pension, he has the right to address in bodies of social protection and social benefits in addition to the Supplement to the subsistence level.
And what experience will be taken into account? Higher education is also considered?
We are talking only about the insurance period, i.e. the period when the Ukrainians worked and paid contributions to the Pension Fund. University education is not considered as experience since 2004. Also, the insurance period shall not include the decree in the army.
Thus, Ukrainian after graduation must work almost continuously. Experts are sure that the requirement of 35 years is consistent with international practice. The maximum requirement in the EU for more than 40 years of experience.
In the Federation Council of the Russian Federation stated that the US provokes the DPRK
The Crimean Prosecutor's office opened criminal proceedings on the fact of the outbreak of the officials of the Russian Federation hybrid war against Ukraine
It became known how many Ukrainians have their passports since the beginning of the year
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The probe "Cassini" is preparing to unveil the mysteries of Saturn's rings
Gender inequality: women in Ukraine officially banned 450 professions
Vitaly Portnikov: "Russia is not interested in Eastern Ukraine and the destabilization of Kiev"
Russia and China are building up military strength
What will happen to you after a complete failure from alcohol
In Ukraine expensive medication: why it happens and where to find cheaper