text:
Arrowsmith and the 'Bristol Revolution' of 1831
John Sidwell
Book Reviews, Local History
book review, books, Bristol, Britain, democracy, history, local history, politics, protest, reform, revolutionary, riots
I was fortunate enough to acquire, among a collection of books, both the 1884 and the considerably expanded 1906 edition ofArrowsmith's Dictionary of Bristol, edited by Henry J. Spear and J. W. Arrowsmith. Concurrent with other research I have been conducting into the Bristol riots of 1831 I perused the entry in each edition and was struck by the volume of revisions. It should initially be noted that the account given in the 1906 edition is substantially longer. As such it is perhaps the detail that has been omitted from the later edition that holds greatest intrigue.
The 1884 edition commences with reference to the 'Bristol Revolution as it has been magniloquently termed'. This is interesting in and of itself in its suggestion that what is now universally considered a riot may have been conceived as something worthy of an altogether grander title by a significant enough proportion of Bristolians for it to be referred to as such in a prominent local history reference work. The only other source I have located that refers to the riots in this fashion is John Taylor's 1877 work Bristol and Clifton: Old and New. A thorough examination of Nineteenth Century sources is necessary before any definitive conclusions can be drawn as to the prevalence of the terminology 'Revolution' with regard to 1831.
Its inclusion by authors who otherwise appear to have little interest in stressing the popular character of the riots does suggest some acknowledgement of what appears was a somewhat prevalent perspective of the riots as progressive insurrection. The 'magniloquent' proviso immediately brings into question the validity of such an assessment, and throughout the piece the riots are characterised as a 'tumultuous gathering of the dregs of the people', in keeping with the predominant perspective found in secondary sources.
This is equally true of the 1906 edition but it should be noted that this later edition was revised and enlarged by John Latimer; a name familiar to local history enthusiasts for his gargantuan three volume work: Annals of Bristol. It is not clear from the 1906 edition whether the revisions were entirely his own or done in consultation with the authors of the first edition. However the account given in the 1906 edition is befitting of Latimer's style. Absent are some of the more excessive literary flourishes: 'Revolution' is replaced with 'riot'; the 'licentious rabble' is reduced to a simple 'rabble'; 'outrages' alone are considered sufficient without the inclusion of 'violences [sic] and outrages'; and 'leaving the town and lives and property of the inhabitants at the mercy of a mass of infuriated ruffians', following Colonel Brereton's ordering of the 14th Light Dragoons out of the city is dispensed with altogether.
Additionally, the later edition clarifies some historical points that the former either excluded or assessed in a manner out of keeping with a closer examination of the sources. For example, when speaking of a citizen killed by a dragoon on the evening of Saturday 29th, the 1884 edition claims that 'a dragoon shot a man (who had wounded him) dead', whereas the 1906 edition clarifies that the executed man was in fact 'a peaceful ostler'. An assertion that the mob attacked the military in Queen Square made in the 1884 edition is replaced with the claim that the Mansion House was the target for the rioter's anger. The omission of 'violences' may also be taken in a similar vein. There is little record of physical violence enacted by the rioters. Their targets were material symbols of authority, and casualties were largely a by-product of such. The 1906 edition also offers a considerably expanded account of the attack on Bridewell Prison and the Bishop's Palace.
Nevertheless, the 1906 edition is still very much in keeping with the orthodox, top-down account of the riots. Absent entirely from the 1884 edition, Major Digby Mackworth has been elevated to heroic restorer of the peace by 1906, and Colonel Brereton's place as scapegoat is similarly affirmed.
What neither account offers is anything much in the way of context in which to situate and assess the actions of the rioters. Instead disparaging remarks are about as close to an understanding of the makeup and motivations of the 'mob' as either account gives, whether as 'licentious rabble' or 'infuriated ruffians' (1884), or as "entirely low Irish" as a Newspaper quote given in the 1906 edition assessed those who laid siege to the Mansion House on Sunday 30th. In fact, despite the more sober tone generally adopted in the 1906 edition, perhaps the most striking omission beside that previous alluded to is the absence of a quote attributed to a rioter during the disturbances:
"I'm curs'd if this bean't very funny. Charley [Wetherall] com'd down here to try the prisoners; but Charley funk'd, and so he cut and run'd away. Well, we turn'd judges, and so we found all the pris'ners not guilty; and I'm d—-d if we aren't made a reg'lar gaol deliv'ry!" [sic]
The source is not given any further provenance but the author's justify its inclusion 'as an example of coarse humour'. It is certainly conceivable that its omission from the 1906 edition was simply due to Latimer's inability to verify the source, coupled with his seeming preference for formality. Regardless it is an interesting testimony; so few are the voices of the rioters, swamped in accounts from the city and military elite, that any snippet of perspective from the other side of the barricades is invaluable. Further it contains an allusion to popular sovereignty attainable through an assertion of collective force, albeit in a haphazard fashion. As such it speaks to the historical actuality of the events in a manner beyond the reach of the moralising elitist accounts unable to conceive the rioters as anything other than a disorganised, drunken and impetuous rabble.
Whilst Arrowsmith's Dictionary of Bristol in either of its incarnations is far from a definitive account of the 1831 riots, it offers insight into the emerging dominant narrative of the events and how this developed over time. It is important not to read too much into this. It is quite conceivable that the differences are primarily attributable to the role and perspective of John Latimer. I hope shortly to read his account of the riots in the Annals of Bristol in the Nineteenth Century and doing so should provide an interesting cross-reference to the revisions made in the 1906 edition of the Dictionary. Nevertheless it is hoped that the above assessment may offer some interest to students of the 1831 riots in Bristol.
Book Review Hobsbawm, Eric (1962 – 1994), Age of… series
book review, capitalism, communism, facism, history, imperialism, modern, revolutionary, socialism, Soviet Union, world
Following the death of renowned historian Eric Hobsbawm on October 1st of last year I vowed to make my way through his seminal Age of… series. I had read parts during my time at university, but had always had my eye on reading them fully, and his passing seemed a fitting time to do so. Now, having finished the series, admittedly with a few interludes to read other material, I am most thankful I made the time and effort. As a panorama of the modern era nothing I have read until this point is even close to accomplishing what Hobsbawm achieves both in terms of a wonderfully readable account and in setting out a convincing historical framework through which to understand our modern world and the vast transformations that have forged it. I will not attempt a complete review of the works here. So much worthy of comment is covered in the four titles that to do so would warrant some significant rereading, and a mammoth review to do the works justice. As anyone who has read my first review on this blog, of Richard Baxell's British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War will know that brevity is not my strong point, even when dealing with a relatively concise work. So whilst the scope of this piece is rather limited, I felt it worth an entry if for nothing more than to recommend any enthusiasts of history who have not already done so to make there way through Hobsbawm's epic. I expect very few would come out the other side feeling disappointed they had done so.
Hobsbawm was born in June of 1917. His life experience was very much intertwined with many of the tumultuous events that comprise the final book in the series, Age of Extremes. Being a Jew living in Berlin at the time of Hitler's rise to power left Hobsbawm little chance to shy away from the defining historical events of his time. It was this experience which led him into the Communist movement, the most visible and forceful opponent of the Nazi Party. As he is keen to recognize, history is often best written from the perspective of an outsider. Writing on a period through which one lived inevitably draws up sentiments and perspectives coloured by one's contemporary experience of the event. Hobsbawm deals with this issue extensively in Age of Extremes, and warns that it cannot be taken in quite the same way as the other three titles in the series precisely for this reason. Some critics have also highlighted his lack of distance as a flaw of this final work. A compelling overture in The Age of Empire also tackles this question of a writer's relationship with the history they are relaying in an insightful manner.
Hobsbawm's early commitment to communist ideas became fundamental in shaping his approach to history. Along with other such notable historians of his time like Christopher Hill and E. P. Thompson, Hobsbawm became perhaps the most revered of the Communist Party Historians Group, which was to become a significant force in shaping historiographical trends. As would be expected this school placed emphasis on the centrality of social and economic aspects, and were pioneering in the intensive study of the lower social classes throughout history. Whilst in less able hands the Marxist historical materialist analysis can feel overly mechanistic, and at worst dogmatic, in Hobsbawm's work it appears a wonderful asset, allowing great thematic coherence. The theoretical framework never seems externally imposed, rather its strength emerges as almost self-evident through the narrative. I must add here that I too am inclined to a similar perspective and as such am perhaps lacking the rigorously critical perspective of a sceptic. Nonetheless the high regard in which Hobsbawm is held is near universal in the world of academia. Unsurprisingly it was left to the Daily Mail to wheel out a little-known historian seething with bile to pen a derisory obituary to Hobsbawm.
The Age of… series can be considered as two parts. The "long nineteenth century" detailed in the first three works, The Age of Revolution, 1789 – 1848, The Age of Capital, 1848-1875, andThe Age of Empire, 1875-1914, and the "short twentieth century" dealt with in Age of Extremes, 1914-1991. The first three books appear to have received near universal acclaim, Extremeshowever has proved a more controversial work.
Revolution was first published in 1962 and is centred on Hobsbawm's concept of the "dual revolution", its political manifestation in France and economic counterpart in the British industrial revolution. Consequently the work takes a highly Eurocentric approach. However it is hard to find great fault with this as Hobsbawm is seeking to trace the events most fundamental in shaping the modern world and, like it or not, during the nineteenth century at least, these were to predominantly be found in Europe. To quote from the introduction, "Indeed [the dual revolution's] most striking consequence for world history was to establish a domination of the globe by a few western regimes" (p. 3). As the title suggests this was a period of great instability beyond the dual revolution. Hobsbawm highlights and elucidates three further "waves of revolution in the western world" between 1815 and 1848 bleeding out into South America, although as yet unknown in Africa and Asia (Chapter 6). The impacts of the radical transformations inculcated by the dual revolution are tracked across all layers of society, with particular attention given to the newly emerging dichotomy between rural and urban life. Ample consideration is also given to major trends in science and culture in conjunction with and reflecting the development of economic, political and social change.
In 1975 The Age of Capital followed Revolution. Ostensibly it covers a somewhat less momentous period than its predecessor, but nonetheless tracks many fundamental developments of a capitalist system finding its feet. Whilst the majority of the world's population continued to work the land as it had ever done, largely unaffected by the newly emerging dominant social and economic structure, capitalism's reach extended markedly during the period, with industrialisation breaking its previously British confines, giving indication of the rapaciously expansive nature of capitalism that today has left very little of the globe untouched. Hobsbawm considers this period the first where one can really write of world history as a coherent totality. There were also several developments that reshaped the geopolitical map as nation-building projects led to the reunification of Germany under Prussian dominance, as well as comparable events in the Italian Risorgimento, not to mention the American Civil War. The continuing transformation of class dynamics and the newly emergent workers movement is also covered in much detail. The Communist Manifesto itself of course first saw light in this period following the failure of the 1848 revolutions across Europe.
Hobsbawm's survey of the long nineteenth century concludes with The Age of Empire, first published in 1987. Following an initial economic depression, this period was typified by a great expansion of the capitalist economy, and with it increasingly rapid social and cultural change. Often referred to as the Belle Époque, the era saw an emerging upper middle class of merchants and businessman begin to rival their aristocratic counterparts in terms of prosperity and lavish excess. This label has been derived retrospectively, a golden age when considered by those enduring the harsh years of intermittent war in the first half of the twentieth century. Not only was it looked back upon as a time of great economic prosperity but also of considerable peace. From our contemporary perspective it is easy to dismiss the general optimism of the period, but there certainly was widespread belief, amongst the emergent middle classes at least, that the new economic order would bring with it unprecedented peace in international affairs. As the twentieth-century was to prove, quite the opposite was in fact true. Looking at the belle époque with what it led to in mind, it is not so difficult to see how entirely unrealistic the contemporary optimistic view was. The rising living standards were matched by growing inequality, and as capitalism continued to engulf more of the globe many of the transformations it wrought were cause for instability.
A look at the collapse of Imperial China under the Manchu dynasty in 1911 is clear evidence of this. It was to create a profound instability that threatened China's very existence as a cohesive totality. A fear only abated following Communist victory in the Civil War in 1949. It was precisely under the strains of contact with imperialist powers during the nineteenth-century that the fragility of Imperial China became clear. Intellectuals in China became convinced of the need to break from the rigid orthodoxy of Confucianism and embrace certain aspects of Western economic, political and social development in order to prevent being entirely submerged into one or other of the imperialist empires. Fundamentally the Manchu dynasty was unable to balance the necessary reform to exist in this new era with the maintenance of traditional values that validated their rule. Its collapse and the subsequent power vacuum saw China without national central authority for the best part of forty years.
Whilst China's development in this period has its own distinct form it demonstrates well the predicament many societies that had been on the periphery of the dual revolution faced when its consequences came to bare on them. The outcome was always unlikely to be stability and increased prospect of peace. This was also true for countries at the heart of the capitalist boom inWestern Europe. Whilst the details of the First World War are covered in Age of Extremes, Empiretackles the factors that led to it in graceful fashion. Hobsbawm tracks the sinister undertones to the belle époque all generating an inextricable drive toward conflict despite the fact that when it came none of the belligerents desired it, at least not in the form it came. The rising German challenge to British hegemony and the complex array of alliances it wrought created a tension which threatened to turn even the most minor political event into cause for large scale conflict. The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand was to prove just that, and was of little direct consequence to several of the most heavily involved belligerents in the war. The role of the economic order inculcated by the industrial revolution was at the heart of this. Its expansive drive had led Western nations and capitalists to nearly every corner of the globe in search of profit. As Lenin's famous pamphlet Imperialism – The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917) was to argue, this new international dynamic was a fundamental precipitator of conflict.
It is in this climate, with all the great hopes of the belle époque in tatters, that Hobsbawm concludes his survey of the long nineteenth century. Age of Extremes appeared in 1994, with the short twentieth century of 1914-1991 as its scope. Whilst the first three Age of… titles have their critics, these largely seem to be partial criticisms of minor emissions or slight inconsistencies. They are generally held in high regard. Whilst Extremes also has its fair share of admirers it has received some staunch criticism particularly around Hobsbawm's treatment of the Russian revolution and the subsequent development of the Soviet Union.
It was not until after the Soviet Union had collapsed and the international Communist movement withered that Hobsbawm had attempted to tackle twentieth-century Russian history in any great detail. In a radio interview he suggests this was due in no small part to his membership of and allegiance to the Communist Party of Great Britain. The centralised party structure discouraged public criticism of the Soviet Union, and Hobsbawm felt unwilling to sacrifice his historical integrity by producing a neutered and over-sympathetic history, or his political integrity in breaching party discipline. By the early nineties international political developments freed him of this constraint. According to his critics however, it did not free him of his rose tinted view of the Soviet Union. Having been aware of such criticisms prior to readingExtremes I was actually taken aback by how critical a stance on the Soviet Union Hobsbawm takes throughout. He essentially sees the Soviet project as a failure following the defeat of the German revolution in the early 1920s, and Stalin's consolidation of power under the ideological banner of "socialism in one country". What in effect, this failure to spread the revolution amounted to was a transformation of communist politics from a revolutionary project aimed at fundamentally altering the class dynamic of society into a vehicle for centralised, authoritarian power committed to rapid industrialisation. Whilst this manifested itself in quite a different way to free-market capitalism, the working class under "really existing socialism" was no closer to wielding power. Nor was the spread of revolution given much support. Revolutions led by Communists in Yugoslavia, Albania and China were all unsuccessfully discouraged from seizing power by Stalin, whilst developments in Greece after World War Two and during the Spanish Civil War also highlighted a conservative attitude towards world revolution emanating from the Kremlin.
Hobsbawm then is no clear apologist for state socialism on the Soviet model. The harshest critics of Extremes seem themselves to be as locked into the Cold War mentality as they accuse of Hobsbawm of being, albeit from the opposite anti-Communist angle. His more nuanced critics however, do highlight some flaws which ultimately make Extremes less satisfying than the other three Age of… titles. He exhibits a reluctance to give full scope to the atrocities committed in the name of communism, his near life long commitment to the cause being an undoubted factor. The idea of systematically detailing all the wrong turns and unjustifiable actions that he, as a member of the Communist Party, had spent his political life advocating must bare heavy even for someone of Hobsbawm's clarity of historical vision. As he emphasises, he lacks the historical distance for a more detached view. The debate around Extremes and the history of the Soviet Union is such a vast and controversial topic that to go into it in too great an extent is beyond the scope of this supposedly brief review. In summary, it is unwise to dismiss altogether Hobsbawm's take on Soviet history, but it must be considered in light of his long held sympathy toward "really existing socialism" and the constraints this has placed on his historical objectivity.
There is far more to Extremes than the Soviet Union, although it is events in Russia which effectively provide the scope for the short twentieth century, and the Russian revolution and its consequences are rightly located as the most significant political developments of the period. Interwoven with this are two world wars, the rise of fascism and the relative international decline of Britain and rise of America, all of which comprise the "Age of Catastrophe", the first half of the short twentieth century up to the conclusion of the Second World War. It was an era of unprecedented death and destruction, of stark contrast to the belle époque as the contradictions of that period unravelled in conflict.
Even such notable positives as the retreat of imperialism left much uncertainty. A plethora of new nation-states of varying derivation and stability filled the map. For the most part repressive and parasitic foreign elites were replaced by similar domestic ones as the century wore on, and neo-colonialism, or the indirect domination of weaker nations particularly through foreign control over resources, began to replace the traditional imperial dominance. This is not to downplay the beneficial aspects concurrent with the end of traditional empires but to emphasise that the subsequent new structures masked a similar underlying dynamic.
The Cold War was of course central in shaping the parameters under which the post-colonial world came into being. It was the geopolitical backdrop to the post-war "golden age" of the fifties and sixties and the international stability it somewhat paradoxically created was a facilitating factor in this prosperity. This stability did not prevent conflict as the several "hot" wars from Korea to Afghanistan are testimony, but generally speaking the two superpowers had hegemonic blocks of influence that both accepted at least until the 1970s, and by that point the Sino-Soviet split had made the international division of forces along capitalist-communist lines less clear cut. Until this point the fiery rhetoric from both camps actually obscured a more stable reality.
The conclusion of the Second World War had also seen a general shift in perspective amongst the population of West European belligerent states towards sympathy for a more inclusive social structure and in response governments across Europe of both right and left introduced massive programs of reform bringing the modern welfare state into being. This increased living standards, and for a time arrested the seemingly ever growing inequality at least in developed states. Economic growth was near universal and with it a decline in the peasantry and increased urbanisation, although a diminishing but still considerable proportion of the world's population remained isolated from it. Demographic explosion in the "third world" also added to already considerable strains on their resource distribution, all too often concentrated in very few hands.
Golden Age prosperity could not last and "The history of the twenty years after 1973 is that of a world which lost its bearings and slid into instability and crisis." (p. 403) This is how Hobsbawm begins the final part of the book and is indicative of the more pessimistic tone ofExtremes. Whilst this period saw a serious blow landed against the predominant Keynesian model of the Golden Age, Hobsbawm argues that the free-market ideologues who appeared to benefit from this transition also failed to revitalise the economy to anything like the extent of the fifties and sixties. This transition was fundamental however and its effects are still obvious today, with a general shift away from welfare politics in parties of left and right, a rise in individualist attitudes and correspondent decline of traditional community and worker organisations in the West. The legacy of the Thatcher-Reagan generation is still in the driving seat in shaping domestic economic policy, although its connections to the pure free-market ideology of Hayak, Friedman et al. are tenuous.
Whilst the capitalist world was spluttering through its own crisis, the Soviet model was being more profoundly undermined. In the fifties the pretence of socialism being a superior economic model to capitalism had its sympathisers even in the West. Later developments evidenced just how bankrupt the Soviet system was. Saturated with a self-serving bureaucracy and economically stagnant, not to mention politically repressive and culturally sterile, Hobsbawm argues it eventually fell because, "…hardly anyone believed in the system or felt any loyalty to it, not even those who governed it." It is perhaps in his interpretation of the post-Soviet world that Hobsbawm most angers his critics. He does not defend the Soviet system but emphasizes the crises its collapse has caused across much of Eastern Europe, with inequality mushrooming to extreme levels and standards of living falling for many. The newfound ferocity to nationalist movements in the region has also caused conflict and confusion. Even now territorial disputes arising from the collapse of the Soviet Union are a cause for tension and instability. It is Hobsbawm's refusal to accept the predominant rhetoric of the "end of history" and the unassailable dominance of capitalism that is refreshing in a world still beset with all the problems communism sought to solve, despite how catastrophically it failed in its Russian incarnation. Hobsbawm's final chapter dealing with the consequences of the short twentieth century is fascinating and thought provoking, but is overarched by a great uncertainty of what is to come. It is clear that the free market does not hold answers to the fundamental crises facing the world. The changing role of the nation state, the decaying of democracy, demographic and ecological problems, all seem unsolvable without vast transformations in our social and economic structure, but neither do alternatives seem clear.
Ultimately however Hobsbawm believes the short twentieth century will be viewed retrospectively as an age of great progress, despite it being perhaps the bloodiest century in human history that has concluded with a rising ideological assault on enlightenment principals. The fundamental reason for this is the remarkable forward steps made by mankind in the fields of science and technology. The globe has been transformed to the extent that today so many central aspects of societal operation would cease to function without the science that underpins it. A corresponding social and cultural transformation has also eroded many conservative values held for hundreds of years. It is this rapidity of change that creates such great uncertainty for the future, but seems to guarantee that continued transformation is inevitable.
In brief summary, Hobsbawm's Age of… series is a must read for any history enthusiast. There is so much that provokes thought in his work, and his command of language is masterful. I feel as though I have gone on rather a lot about the content and controversy of Extremes in particular, yet there is so much more I could write. Perhaps the single strongest aspect of this work is the framework which allows the reader to engage with this great volume of knowledge without being overwhelmed, whilst simultaneously providing the theoretical consistency to understand the modern era in world history as a cohesive but continually evolving whole.
communism, Germany, history, revolutionary, socialism, Soviet Union
Lewis, Ben & Lih, Lars T. (2011), Martov and Zinoviev. Head to Head in Halle (November Publications: London). 1st edition. Paperback. Condition: New. 228pp. Illustrated. £10
"We are on the field of battle. The audience in the hall is divided in two sections: it is as if a knife has cut them sharply in two. Two parties are present."
Grigory Zinoviev's description of the Halle congress of the Independent Social Democrats (USPD) in October 1920. Would the USDP and its 700,000 members opt for the Third International or attempt to stay a halfway house floating uneasily between communism and official social democracy? The Halle congress would decide.
Here is another book I hold new copies of in stock. I was at school with Ben Lewis, and got to know him through shared political activity whilst I was at University in London. This is his first published work, compiled in conjunction with renowned Lenin scholar, Lars T. Lih. The main body of this book is given over to translations of the speeches delivered by Zinoviev and Martov to the Halle Congress in 1920. Lewis provides an introductory essay placing the events in context, whilst Lih supplies profiles of the two main protagonists.
Some comments on the work:
"A political drama of the highest order … I could not put this book down."
Professor Bertell Ollman, Dept. of Politics, NYU
"Ben Lewis and Lars Lih are to be commended for making available to a new generation these speeches at the 1920 Halle congress of the USPD, one of the most remarkable moments in the history of the European socialist movement."
Peter Hudis, co-author of The Rosa Luxemburg Reader
"At a time when the left still remains far too ignorant of the events of the German revolution and its aftermath from 1919-1923 it is a great thing when a young scholar and activist like Ben Lewis makes available the record of the Halle congress in English."
Ted Crawford, Revolutionary History Editorial Board
"An important contribution to the history of communism by a promising young scholar working alongside the highly-respected Lars T Lih."
Daniel Gaido, co-author of Witnesses to Permanent Revolution
A small selection of other titles I have in stock on the communist movement between the wars:
Taylor, Simon (1983), Germany 1918-1933: Revolution, Counter-Revolution and the Rise of Hitler(Duckworth: London). 1st edition. Paperback. Condition: Very Good. viii + 131pp. Illustrated. Marking to back cover. £4
Grunberger, Richard (1973), Red Rising in Bavaria (Arthur Baker: London). 1st edition. Harback. Condition: Near Fine in Very Good dust jacket. 164pp. Contains 15 illustrations. Spine faded to price clipped dust jacket. Minor bumping to board corner. £8
Sobolev, A. I. et al. (1971), Outline History of the Communist International (Progress: Moscow). 1st English-language edition. Hardback. Condition: Very Good in likewise dust jacket. 563pp. Illustrated. Marking to dust jacket. Binding slightly cocked. £10
Coates, Ken (1978), The Case of Nikolai Bukharin (Spokesman: Nottingham). 1st edition. Paperback. Condition: Good. 104pp. Contains frontispiece and illustrations. Binding slightly loose. Slight marking to back cover. £3
Kun, Bela, Revolutionary Essays (Reprinted from Pravda by B.S.P.: London). Paperback. Condition: Fair. 46pp. International Socialist Library, no. 15. Back cover and rear prelims stained, but all text can still be read. Top of prelims appears to have been nibbled by a creature, but it does not infringe upon the text. £3
Basso, Lelio (1975), Rosa Luxemburg. A Reappraisal (Andre Deutsch: London). 1st English-language edition. Hardback. Condition: Very Good in likewise dust jacket. 183pp. Marking to dust jacket, boards and top edge. £3
Jackson, Julian (1990), The Popular Front in France. Defending Democracy, 1934-38 (Cambridge University Press). Reprint. Paperback. Condition: Very Good. xvi + 353pp. Creasing to page corners. Binding cocked. £15
If you are interested in any of the above titles, or anything else I have in stock, please
contact me on the email address provided. Please note that the above prices do not include shipping costs.
Book Review: Baxell, Richard
anarchism, book review, Britain, communism, fascism, history, military, revolutionary, socialism, Spanish Civil War
Baxell, Richard (2007), British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War. The British Battalion in the International Brigades, 1936 – 1939 (Warren & Pell: Abersychan)
Greening, Edwin (2006), From Aberdare to Albacete. A Welsh International Brigader's Memoirs of his Life (Warren & Pell: Abersychan)
For my first book review Richard Baxell's work seemed an obvious place to start. The Spanish Civil War is a topic I have been interested in since my time in school, and was the topic of one of my major A-level essays. As such it is a subject I am reasonably well acquainted with. Furthermore this book happens to be one of my bestsellers. In the second-hand trade repeat sales of individual titles is not particularly common but thanks to the local market I have been able to acquire multiple copies of this book at a very reasonable rate. It's publisher, sadly now defunct, is Warren & Pell, which at one time, operated in Abersychan, not too far from where I live. I was fortunate enough to be introduced to Alan Warren through my father, and he helped me in supplying resources for my previously mentioned A-level project. Having once maintained a lively internet presence, following a move to Spain he seems to have sadly fallen off the radar, but I always keep my eye out for the books he helped publish. As such I have made use of this review to also mention another of his titles I currently have in stock, Edwin Greening's "From Aberdare to Albacete. A Welsh International Brigader's Memoirs of His Life". Not commonly available, I was able to pick up a copy going cheap on eBay. Greening's work is a nice accompaniment to Baxell's, serving as a personalized, first-hand account of much of what Baxell covers.
Before dealing with the content of the books I should also mention another reason that led me both to read "British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War" and to choose it for review. That is the glowing comment supplied by a leading authority on the Spanish Civil War, Paul Preston, which I reproduce here in full:
"There is a huge literature on the role of the British volunteers in the International Brigades. Some of it is inspirational, some of it deeply moving, yet if I could keep only one book on the subject it would have to be the one by Richard Baxell. No one before or since has managed to weld the volume of disorganized and confusing memoir material into a clear and coherent political and military chronology and geography. Not only is this entirely serious but it is also extremely exciting. Baxell's book is a classic in the making on the Spanish Civil War."
Such praise is not undeserved. Right from outset it is apparent Baxell's work is one of rigorous research. He appears to have left little unexamined in his quest for comprehension. References are taken from first-hand accounts, Russian archives, historical appraisals, and even unpublished dissertations. The reference and bibliography section alone takes some reading. Yet, this is a remarkably concise book at 216pp. in total, with just 152pp. comprising the main text. Baxell's ability to continually engage is also commendable given the academic rigour.
He begins by looking at who comprised the British section of the 15th International Brigade. Previous work had tended to overstate the proportion of middle-class intellectuals present. Often this has been a problem of perception as much as anything else, with the most prominent first-hand accounts of the conflict emerging from this stratum. Most famously George Orwell's "Homage to Catalonia", but also figures like Laurie Lee and John Cornford have given greater prevalence to the role of the intelligentsia in the International Brigades than there numbers warrant. Instead Baxell draws out a clear picture of the predominant trend amongst volunteers: 80% working-class, largely from urban centres, and in unionised jobs. Whilst some expressed reluctance to state an explicit political affiliation upon recruitment, the majority that did were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).
Whilst some who attempted to go to Spain were refused as unsuitable, this seems to have been more on political grounds than anything else, as the recruits were largely inexperienced militarily. Nevertheless many members of organisations other than the CPGB did go to Spain, with the Labour Party having 110 declared members. The CPGB were however, undeniably the main force behind mobilisation for recruitment. Attempts at the time by the right-wing press, at its head, as ever, The Daily Mail, to depict the volunteers as unemployed layabouts looking for some action, appear unfounded on the basis of Baxell's data. Although he accepts that, as was the case for many in 1930's Britain, despite listing an occupation upon recruitment, many volunteers may have been struggling for consistent work.
As Baxell moves on to address what motivated the volunteers to go and fight in Spain he is entirely dismissive of the most cynical appraisals. There is no evidence to suggest anyone volunteered for financial reasons, as some critics have claimed, or that they were tricked into participation by a deceptive CPGB. Financial remuneration was low, and all first-hand accounts are clear that volunteers were made aware of this, as well as the many other hardships they would face in Spain, prior to enlistment. Whilst the motivation for a few may have been adventure and escape, such was certainly atypical. When one considers the amount sacrificed by volunteers, in what was, nominally at least, a foreign civil war, it can be hard to comprehend how they came in such numbers, from many parts of the world unless it is understood that they did not view the events in Spain as a foreign civil war at all, but merely the flashpoint for an international struggle against the encroaching march of fascism. Even a cursory glance across Europe in the 1930s should be enough to demonstrate why many people felt this, and in hindsight it is clear that they were quite right to. Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists was also generating some political momentum, and the experience of fighting the fascists on British streets, and forcing partial retreat, also drove many to Spain. Beyond anti-fascism, involvement in other social and political struggles also had influence.
Here it is apt to mention Greening's memoir. He details his involvement as a young miner, in and out of work, in several campaigns around the Welsh valleys, particularly the National Unemployed Workers Movement. He describes communities enthused with political struggle, mass rallies and debates, and the desire to stand up and fight the government. His disappointment at the Labour Party's unwillingness to take the battle to the streets and organise mass demonstrations led him into the local section of the CPGB. Greening's account, whilst very much his own, is in many ways representative of the broader experiences which led individuals to volunteer for the International Brigades. Solidarity with the Spanish Republic was particularly strong amongst mining communities, in part fuelled by links that had been developed through British miners support for the 1934 uprising of Spanish miners in Asturias. Hywel Francis' book "Miners Against Fascism: Wales and the Spanish Civil War" of which I have a copy, but am yet to read, elaborates on this point. Perhaps I will return to it at more length when I have done so.
Having established the make up of the volunteers, and the reasons behind their decision to go to Spain, Baxell then gives an account of their combat role. Throughout the war, the Republic was at a continual disadvantage to Franco's forces in several vital aspects, often exemplified in the International Brigades' experiences. Whilst the Brigades did encompass some of the Republic's most skilled military cadre, those with previous combat experience were very much the minority. This was true throughout the Republican forces, and only worsened as the war wore on and conscription became necessary.
The arms situation was even more deplorable. Entirely inexperienced recruits were sent out into the field without any weapons training. Within the International Brigades the training seems to have been particularly poor, amounting to little more than marching drills. Whilst there does appear to have been some negligence in regards to training, the lack of military equipment was the predominant factor. There were simply not enough guns to spare, and even if a raw recruit was lucky enough to handle a weapon prior to seeing action, ammunition was unlikely to be supplied. If one compares this situation with that of their adversaries it seems remarkable the Republic held out for as long as it did. Highly trained, experienced troops comprised the core of Franco's fighting force. A flood of arms from Nazi Germany was also at their behest, not to mention advisers, aircraft, and troops on the ground. This allowed Franco to continually outnumber the Republic's forces.
It also brings light to one of the most discussed aspects of the Civil War. I will not deal with it in any depth here as it is not Baxell's main concern, but it cannot pass without mention. The international support enjoyed by Franco was arguably the fundamental reason for his eventual victory. Whilst Britain and France sat on their hands cowering behind a Non-Intervention pact, the fascist world made no attempts to hide their mass arming of Franco. Meanwhile Stalin, driven by his fear of Hitler, was anxious not to over aggravate Britain and France, and thus sent only minimal financial and military support to the Republic. Given the role the Spanish Communist Party was to play, under Comintern direction, in seeking to control the revolution and stifle its most radical elements could also arguably be seen as an essentially destructive force to the cause of the Republic. Whilst Greening, a good Party man, certainly makes no such claims for the adverse role of Soviet intervention, instead praising their support, he is clear in his view that the British establishment was essentially complicit in the fascist victory in Spain. It's evident that large sections of it favoured a fascist Spain to a communist Spain.
This was one of many factors that fuelled British volunteers with the immense bravery and conviction they showed in Spain. They viewed it also as a struggle against there own ruling class. High morale and political dedication were arguably a major factor in the length of the Republic's resistance, and helped to compensate, albeit meagrely, for their obvious deficiencies in other aspects. This was an army overwhelmingly committed to the rightness of their cause, and willing to go to any extent to defend it. Such was particularly true of the non-Spanish sections of the Brigades, who had after all, given up all that they had, without any pressure other than their convictions. One Brigader, mentioned in Baxell, and prominent in his own right, is Tom Wintringham. I have admired his work since becoming aware of it. One of his books, "Armies of Freemen", offers a tenuous but engaging thesis that wars throughout the ages have been won by those with liberty on their side, who were fighting for themselves, and not at the behest of any elite or master. He uses examples such as the Spartans at Thermopylae, victorious against great odds, over a slave army. His assertions would not meet historical rigour, but it is a highly entertaining read nonetheless. The outcome of the Spanish Civil War itself is a clear exception to Wintringham's thesis, but there is certainly something in his assertion that political conviction amongst troops is an important asset in war. Greening perhaps offers a more apposite perspective. In response to a statement made by 15th Brigade Chief of Staff Captain Smrka that, "… good morale is better than all the bombing planes in the world!" he writes, "I disagree; both are of equal value in battle." (p. 86)
The first prominent involvement of British troops in Spain was the important role they played in the Republican defence of Madrid in 1936. Baxell recognises the significance of their contribution whilst urging caution towards certain accounts that have portrayed the 15th Brigade as solely responsible for the victory. As the war went on such successes were to become few and far between for the Republic. Still, accounts of great bravery amongst the British volunteers emerge from every major battle. It seems even considerable problems with coordination and organisation failed to dint the commitment of many. Greening describes, in perhaps the most captivating section of his book, how during the Ebro campaign in 1938, Greening and two comrades were separated from their unit and had to spend several days scavenging behind enemy lines before being able to rejoin the main group. (pp. 87-93) It seems such things were not uncommon.
Brigades had to face other considerable problems too. Desertion was a factor, as was internal conflict on both national and factional-political grounds. Whilst efforts had been made to enforce a policy of shooting deserters it appears that the British sections at least, were unwilling to do so, although a few accounts have filtered through of undesirable individuals purposely being placed in harm's way. Baxell considers that the factual evidence suggests this may have happened once or twice during the course of the war, with a similar level of executions, reserved only for deserters it was believed were attempting to aid fascist troops. Baxell states, "… there is no doubt that the belief that the battalion was ruled with rigid and merciless discipline, including the execution of deserters, is an exaggeration." (p. 147)
It appears that for the most part those who deserted the Brigades did so due to the appalling hardship of the war, rather than political disaffection, or anger at the dominant role of the official Communists within the Brigades. No doubt there were political disagreements but these seem to have been secondary to disputes of a national nature, at least according to Baxell's account. In a way this may seem strange, avowed internationalists bickering along national lines, but whatever ones beliefs, the influence of national culture and identity impacts on ones outlook. For the most part it was manifested as harmless banter, but it did have a more sinister and disruptive side, particularly as the war continued. Some British volunteers began to view the Spanish as weak. Conversely the Spanish were coming to resent the seniority enjoyed by foreigners within the International Brigades, which, by the later stages of the war, were predominantly comprised of Spaniards. Irish Brigaders defected from the British Battalion to join the American Lincoln Battalion over unwillingness to fight alongside men who had served in the British Army inIreland. Greening recalls a fight breaking out between white American and black Cuban Brigaders shortly before repatriation. (p. 102) But these disputes should not be overstated. Baxell concludes that for the most part they remained petty, and went against the prevailing spirit of the Brigades. The appreciation of many normal Spaniards for the role played by the International Brigades was clear when they turned out to bid them farewell once the decision for repatriation had been made.
There were clearly also personal disputes within the Brigades. It appears they never reached sufficient levels to disrupt operations, but there were some events of note, one of the most prominent and intriguing being the incident between Wilf McCartney and Peter Kerrigan. It was claimed that Kerrigan had accidentally shot McCartney thereby ending his service period inSpain. Some Brigaders believed it not to have been an accident at all. McCartney had become a liability, and "increasingly critical of the Party". However, Baxell remains unconvinced it was anything other than an accident seeing as McCartney was about to return on leave to Britainanyway, and could have been prevented from returning to Spain had the CPGB leadership considered him unfit. (pp. 72-73) Nevertheless the varying accounts of volunteers supplied by Baxell seem to suggest a degree of factionalism surrounding the dispute, perhaps a possible indicator of deeper lying political divisions. Greening also relays his personal dispute with Lance Rogers about his period of absence from the Brigade following his separation at the Ebro. (p. 102-106) It certainly appears a somewhat bizarre affair. Such things were certainly an aspect of life for British volunteers in the Brigades.
Baxell's penultimate chapter deals with the experiences of British prisoners of war. Despite efforts by elements of the British press sympathetic to the nationalist cause to play down the levels of mistreatment suffered, Baxell concludes that conditions were harsh for Brigaders captured by the fascists. They were however largely safe from execution due to Franco's unwillingness to risk provocation. On the whole their punishment was restricted to severe beatings and attempts at indoctrination. Some of the latter allowed prisoners to mock their guards with faux appreciation for Franco, amending the cry of 'Franco!' to 'Fuck You', and offering a bizarre display of comical fascist salutes. More constructively, sections of the CPGB formed prisoners committees in an attempt to manage internal disputes without involvement of the guards.
The books concluding chapter is perhaps it's most interesting. Here Baxell takes a step back from the immediate experience of British volunteers in Spain and asks the question, "British Volunteers for Liberty, or Comintern Army?" He positions himself firmly in the former camp. He is highly critical of recent accounts that have reduced the International Brigades to a mere pawn of Stalin. Whilst he accepts that Stalin did attempt to manipulate the Brigades and the Spanish situation at large, in alignment with his policy of "socialism in one country", there are little grounds for seeing the Brigaders themselves as the exponents of Stalin's domestic policy on Spanish soil. The great purges in Russia were never matched in Spain. In fact there are very few reported executions, with deserters receiving largely liberal treatment. It is also important to keep the events in context. Spain was locked in a brutal civil war. Simply allowing fascism to seize the reins was not a consideration for the Brigaders, thus certain measures otherwise undesirable, would have been considered. With that in mind Baxell concludes that the authoritarian nature of the Brigades has been overplayed by both right and left. He is also adamant that it does a severe disservice to the Brigaders to view them as Soviet dupes, "they went to Spain to fight fascism, and by their definition of fascism they did just that." Any support they received from Soviet Russia was welcomed with open arms, whilst most of the world stood by and watched. Baxell's concludes by deploying the weight of hindsight, and sees history as vindicating the volunteers. Their "analysis was … proved correct. [They] were fighting an illegal military rising launched against a legally elected government, the rising was supported by the might of the European fascist powers of Italy and Germany and the war was the precursor for the wider European conflict that the Western democracies had sacrificed the Spanish Republic to avoid." (p. 152)
It is hard to feel anything but massive admiration for all those who risked and gave their lives fighting to stave off fascist advance, with the hope to forge a brighter future. Both Baxell and Greening's works are important contributions to their history. I would go so far as to say Baxell's account is essential. And I'm not just saying that because I have it for sale! It appears unmatched in comprehension and even-handedness. Greening's work is more supplementary, but it is the availability of such accounts that has allowed Baxell to compile such an impressive panorama. The books work well when read in conjunction, Greening providing the personalised narrative to Baxell's analytical treatment.
Greening discusses much more of interest than that I have dealt with here, providing insight into life in the Welsh valley towns up to and during the 1930's depression, his politicisation, and a brief account of his experiences during the Second World War.
Details of the copies I have in stock:
Baxell, Richard (2007), British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War. The British Battalion in the International Brigades, 1936 – 1939 (Warren & Pell: Abersychan). 2nd edition. Paperback. Condition: Fine. 216pp. Profusely illustrated with maps and tables. £10
Greening, Edwin (2006), From Aberdare to Albacete. A Welsh International Brigader's Memoirs of his Life (Warren & Pell: Abersychan). 1st edition. Paperback. Condition: Nr. Fine. 160pp. Illustrated. Slight creasing to top corner. £15
A selection of other titles on the Spanish Civil War I currently have in stock:
Kenwood, Alun ed. (1993), The Spanish Civil War. A Cultural and Historical Reader (Berg:Providence). 1st edition. Paperback. Condition: Very Good. xiv + 306pp. From the Berg European Studies Series. Marking and wear to covers. £6
Kay, Solly ed., In Defence of Liberty. Spain 1936-9. International Brigade Memorial (International Brigade Memorial Appeal: London). 1st edition. Paperback. Condition: Very Good. 24pp. Illustrated. Marking to covers. Some creasing to corners. £4
Edwards, Jill (1979), The British Government and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 (Macmillan:London). 1st Edition. Hardback. Condition: Fine in very good dust jacket. xiv + 280pp. Contains maps and tables. Dust jacket spine faded. £20
Heaton, P. M. (1985), Welsh Blockade Runners in the Spanish Civil War (Starling: Risca). 1stEdition. Hardback. Condition: Fine in fine dust jacket. 107pp. Illustrated, with maps. £6
Lee, Laurie (1991), A Moment of War (Viking: London). 1st edition. Hardback. Condition: Fine in near fine dust jacket. 178pp. Illustrated. Creasing to internal front flap of dust jacket. £3
Campbell, Roy (1939), Flowering Rifle. A Poem from the Battlefield of Spain (Longmans, Green, and Co.: London). 1st edition. Hardback. Condition: Very Good. No dust jacket. 157pp. Previous owners' signature to front end paper. Variable mild foxing, occasional throughout. £20
If you are interested in any of the above titles, or anything else I have in stock, please contact me on the email address provided. Please note that the above prices do not include shipping costs.
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The Law Development Centre (LDC) has released results for the academic year 2017/2018. In what may go down in the history of the institution as one of their highest failure rates, only 135 students out of over 900 passed the exams that would see them attain Certificates for Legal Practice.
In the results that have shocked everyone that has laid their eyes on them, some 596 students failed one, two or three core course units and must [as required by the institution] sit supplementary exams and pass them before they are cleared to graduate with the other 135 students.
To help students finish the course and graduate in time, the Centre implements a supplementary exams scheme where students that fail in not more than three course units are allowed to sit the exams again before graduation is held.
Supplementary exams, in this case, are retakes in the failed course units with the difference being that you don't have to wait an entire year or so to sit them since they are provided to help you graduate with the rest.
The same luck, however, will not be falling on another 35 students that failed in more than 3 core exams and the only remedy for them will be repeating the course the next academic year.
The lot will also not be subjected to fresh pre-entry exams and will have automatic admission into the course again as long as they still be interested.
LDC was established in 1970 by the Law Development Centre Act as a government-owned institution of higher learning responsible for research, law reform, publications, law reporting and community legal services. Due to high failure rates and persistent public outcry, the Centre opened an upcountry branch in Mbarara to increase their service scale and admit more students. If everything is set, next year they'll open campuses in Mbale and Arua.


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Home/Sports/ICC shares pictures of the Gwadar Cricket Stadium
ICC shares pictures of the Gwadar Cricket Stadium
Waqas Ch Send an email February 1, 2021
ICC shares pictures of the Gwadar Cricket Stadium. The beauty of Gwadar Cricket Stadium has also compelled the ICC to admire it. The International Cricket Council shared photos of the beautiful stadium in Balochistan. They challenged others to come up with a more beautiful Stadium. Gwadar Cricket Stadium's honor of the beauty of the ground also caught the attention of the ICC. The International Cricket Council shared photos of the stadium on Twitter. The ICC called the ground charming. The car rally held in Gwadar last month had caught the attention of the whole world. A friendly match between the rally participants was played at Gwadar Stadium.
We have seen a lot of news in the past about the cricket stadium in Gwadar that an international standard cricket stadium will be built there. But recently the ground in which you used to see mud everywhere. There is something like this today.
This ground is located in Gwadar province of Balochistan (Pakistan). This ground is very beautifully decorated and designed in the same way as the lines you saw in Karachi Stadium during PSL 5. This is located in Ground Hill. It is surrounded by mountains but due to the desert nature of the place, planting grass here was the biggest problem.
First, Senator Sadiq Sanjarani announced in April 2019 that two major international cricket stadiums would be built in Balochistan. It was further said that one stadium would be built in Quetta while the other in Gwadar. The name of this ground is Senator Ishaq Khan Baloch Cricket Stadium.
A cricket stadium, as well as a football stadium, was also approved in this area of Gwadar. Later, in October 2019, it was reported in the media that Rs. 20 million had been announced for a football stadium along with this ground. The football stadium is known as Baba Bizenjo. And accordingly, work was also done on the cricket stadium.
Due to the desert terrain of the area, planting grass here was a big problem. But as soon as PSL 5 came to an end, work on the stadium was at full speed. However, a sewage water treatment system had been set up for the grass of the ground. This is why this project was successful and today you can see Lush Green Grass here and you can see the design clearly.
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Florida Republicans preserve control of Legislature in Trump wave
TALLAHASSEE — In the end, there was a Donald Trump effect on Florida politics and it came in the form of a wave that lifted Republicans over the top in nearly a dozen tight legislative races.
Democrats had hoped that a court-ordered redrawing of the state Senate map and a surge in early voters would increase their ranks in the Republican-controlled Legislature by as many as 10 seats.
Their net gain was much more modest: three out of 160 legislative contests — one in the state Senate and two open seats in the state House.
"If I'd known it was going to be a Republican wave, I would have said I'd be happy if we returned with 14 members," said Sen. Oscar Braynon, the incoming Senate Democratic Leader from Miami Gardens. "We did better than that and picked up a seat in a Republican wave year."
Previous coverage: Democrats could have done better in competing for the state Senate.
The result is that Florida's Legislature will look very much like the one of the last two years: cautious Republican leaders who embrace conservative policies and a Democratic caucus that can stop progress but initiate little.
"It was a very difficult year to gauge what the electorate would do, and polling wasn't telling us all that much," said Rep. Jose Oliva, R-Miami Lakes, who is scheduled to become House speaker in 2020. "So, yes, it was a surprise."
But Braynon suggested that is the wrong way to interpret Tuesday's results.
"People voted for Donald Trump because they thought he would help them have a better life," he said. "If they make the mistake of believing this was a mandate on conservative principles, they will be surprised in the mid-terms, the same way we were in 2010. Because what people wanted, what the tea party wanted, wasn't about smaller government, or lower taxes, or guns, abortion or gay rights. It was about accountability for my tax dollars and the government doing something for me."
When legislators return to Tallahassee Nov. 22 for a one-day organizational session to swear in the newly elected, it will be the largest gathering of new senators in recent history with 10 Democrats and 9 Republicans. In the House, there will be 46 new members, including 24 Republicans and 22 Democrats.
Republicans secured those victories in a "tough political climate," said incoming Senate President Joe Negron. He said he identified five races he would make a priority to maintain the Senate's 26-14 Republican majority. That included protecting two Miami-Dade incumbents, Sen. Anitere Flores, and Sen. Miguel Diaz de la Portilla.
He spent $20.5 million, more than any other state Senate effort in history. He protected Flores but lost Diaz de la Portilla. Rep. Jose Javier Rodriguez defeated Diaz de la Portilla, a member of Miami-Dade's Cuban American dynasty, in the redrawn District 37. But, in an unexpected turn, the aggressive military-style campaign of Rep. Frank Artiles, a Marine Corps veteran, handily defeated incumbent Sen. Dwight Bullard, D-Cutler Ridge, in District 40, which redistricting had shifted from much of Bullard's former district into Artiles' territory.
"We shouldn't have been competitive in any of those seats," Negron said.
Negron blamed Diaz de la Portilla's loss on the Democratic surge in Miami-Dade County, which gave Hillary Clinton a 30-point margin over Donald Trump.
"His poor showing in Miami-Dade County hurt Sen. Diaz de la Portilla," he said.
Democrats also failed to capitalize on changes to the Senate map, which complied with the new anti-gerrymandering rules in the Florida Constitution. They lost an open seat to Rep. Keith Perry, R-Alachua, even though the Democratic candidate, former Sen. Rod Smith, had broad name recognition as a former candidate for governor and attorney general in the newly drawn District 8.
The party also lost a second open seat in Tampa, where Rep. Dana Young, the outgoing House minority leader, defeated newcomer Democrat Bob Buesing, and two no-party candidates, Joe Redner and Sheldon Upthegrove. She and political committees supporting her spent more than $2 million.
Braynon said he had hoped Smith would have pulled it off but he "was a victim of the Trump wave."
"It was clearly not a good night," state Sen. Jeff Clemens, D-Lake Worth.
Democrats realized their only Senate gain in Orlando, where the district of outgoing Republican Senate President Andy Gardiner was reconfigured to be a majority Democratic seat. Former State Rep. Linda Stewart, a former Orange County commissioner, easily defeated Republican Dean Asher, a former president of the Florida Realtors.
In the House, Democrats gain two seats in open contests, losing one incumbent in Pasco County, Rep. Amanda Murphy of New Port Richey, to Republican Amber Mariano by 732 votes. That loss was offset by the victory of Democrat Carlos Guillermo Smith in District 49, which had been previously represented by Rep. Rene Plasencia, a Republican who moved to District 50, where he won.
In Miami-Dade County, Democrats picked up two seats: Daisy Baez beat Republican John Couriel in District 114 and Democrat Robert Asencio appeared headed for victory over former state Rep. David Rivera, a Republican, with a narrow 68-vote lead. That race is likely to trigger a recount.
The final tally gave Republicans a 79-41 advantage over Democrats, just short of the super-majority they will need to halt debate or accelerate controversial legislation.
Incoming House Speaker Richard Corcoran, R-Land O'Lakes, said before Tuesday he had expected to lose as many as five seats because of the changing demographics and expected surge in Democratic turnout. Instead, he said Republicans benefited from the Trump wave.
"Despite facing unprecedented electoral obstacles, House Republicans had a great election night," Corcoran said in a statement. "We won seats that Republicans lost four years ago and despite predictions of Democratic waves in South and Central Florida, we brought home our Republican incumbents who will be joined by an outstanding class of change-oriented new members."
The Republican stranglehold will be a hospitable climate for a revival of many of the same social and fiscal issues that emerged in past sessions, many of them pitting Republicans in the Senate with Republicans in the more conservative House.
Braynon predicts the fights that emerge in next year's legislative session will be shaped more by internal battles than partisan conflict.
"The real friction will be between the Republicans in the Senate and the House and the House and the governor," he said.
But, Clemens said, with bigger gains, Democrats could have been in better position to slow down Republican policies. "We're going to see more of the same," he said.
The ideological fights identified by Negron, Oliva and Corcoran include:
• Bathroom bill: Artiles campaigned on bringing back a measure that would have required transgender people to use the bathrooms that match the genders on their birth certificates, and Negron conceded it is likely to come back.
• Guns: Incoming Sen. Greg Steube, R-Sarasota, while in the House, was a leading sponsor of legislation to allow school personnel to have guns on campus to protect against mass shootings, and incoming Sen. Dennis Baxley, R-Ocala, was a leading advocate in the House for allowing open carry of firearms in Florida. Negron said he expects those issue will be debated in the Senate.
• Immigration: With Trump's promise to focus on deporting undocumented workers, including those working in construction, agriculture and other industries, the issue could put many Florida lawmakers under fire.
Oliva said it is "too soon to tell what role state government will have in that debate" but suggested that Trump "focus on reforming our immigration policy first. Secure the borders, reflect the realities of today, and then focus attention on making sure the laws are enforced."
• Schools: Corcoran's list of priorities includes a long list of education reforms aimed at expanding charter schools and providing more opportunities for voucher-like grants for children to attend private schools.
• Minimum wage: As part of her re-election effort, Flores moved to the center on environmental and economic issues, at one point endorsing an increase in the state minimum wage. Negron would not say whether or not he expects the full Senate to embrace that stance but does expect Flores to follow through.
"I would expect winning candidates to follow through on promises and commitment of their campaign," he said. "The whole purpose of the campaign is for each candidate to lay out their philosophies and agenda in a compelling narrative."
Contact Mary Ellen Klas at meklas@MiamiHerald.com. Follow @MaryEllenKlas.
Up next:Patrick Murphy's loss to Marco Rubio was foreseeable — but not certain
Mary Ellen Klas
Times/Herald Tallahassee Bureau
Former Times/Herald Tallahassee Bureau


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This crockpot recipe for Slow Cooker Chicken Pot Pie Soup is hearty dinner idea for chilly nights. Serve with puff pastry breadsticks instead of pie crust!
Last spring, Christine and I met with one of my friends at a soup restaurant for dinner. One of the soups that they had on the menu was chicken pot pie soup. I had never heard of it, but since we love chicken pot pie, we decided to try the soup…and were disappointed.
We all agreed that a homemade version would be much better. With the cooler temps we've been having, it was the perfect time to try making it. The slow cooker chicken pot pie soup turned out great and I served it with thin, crispy puff pastry Italian breadsticks.
For this soup, you need a cream of chicken base. I decided to start with homemade cream of chicken soup, but you can use the store-bought, condensed cream of chicken soup instead.
Cut two pounds of boneless, skinless chicken breasts into cubes and place them in your crock pot.
Top with about 2 1/2 cups of frozen, mixed vegetables. Mine included carrots, peas, corn and beans.
Then, add 3 cups of cubed potatoes.
Top it all with about 3 1/2 cups of cream of chicken soup.
Mix it together and cook on high for about 6 hours.
Although the soup will thicken a bit as it cools, you can thicken it more if you want using 1/2 cup of instant mashed potato flakes or by using cornstarch. To use cornstarch to thicken the soup, mix together 2 tablespoons of cornstarch and 3 tablespoons of cold water.
Stir the mixture into the chicken pot pie soup. Put the lid back on the crockpot and allow the soup to thicken for about 10 minutes. This method will only work if your soup is simmering or boiling slowly.
If your crockpot isn't that hot, stir in instant mashed potato flakes, put the lid back on and allow the soup to thicken for a couple of minutes.
Ladle the soups into bowls. Add some puff pastry, Italian breadsticks or biscuits in place of the chicken pot pie crust.
I took my breadstick and broke it into pieces on top of my soup. Here is the recipe for Crispy Italian Breadsticks.
We really enjoyed this hearty meal! A bowl of hot slow cooker chicken pot pie soup is perfect for chilly fall and winter evenings.
Start by cutting about two pounds of boneless, skinless chicken breasts into cubes and place them in your crock pot.
Top with about 2 1/2 cups of frozen, mixed vegetables.
Add 3 cups of cubed potatoes.
Mix it all together and cook on high for about 6 hours.
Although the soup will thicken a bit as it cools, you can thicken it more if you want using 1/2 cup of instant mashed potato flakes or using cornstarch. To use cornstarch, mix together 2 tablespoons of cornstarch and 3 tablespoons of cold water. Stir the mixture into the chicken pot pie soup. Put the lid back on and allow the soup to thicken for about 10 minutes. This method will only work if your soup is simmering or boiling slowly. If your crockpot isn't that hot, stir in instant mashed potato flakes, put the lid back on and allow the soup to thicken for a couple of minutes.
In a small bowl, whisk together flour and milk until smooth. Set aside.
Bring water and half-n-half to a boil over medium high heat.
Stir in chicken bouillion and reduce heat to medium.
Slowly pour in the milk and flour mixture in a steady stream while stirring constantly.
Add the seasonings and continue heating, stirring constantly, until thickened.
Tried to go over all the comments to see.. Do you use the small cans of cream of chicken soup or the large ones??
According to the labels, there is about 1 1/2 cup of cream of chicken soup in the 10.5 oz can of Campbells brand. In the family size can (22.6 oz) there are about 2 1/2 cups. So you would need one big can and one little can. Or 3 little cans.
Hi. Are the instructions correct to run on high for 6 hours? If so, what would be the conversion using low?
Yes, but I used an OLD slow cooker so it might take less time in a new one. Cooking on low would take 6-8 hours depending on your slow cooker.
I have the same question! Looking to make it now for the end of the week function at work! A little nervous just in case it doesn't feeeze well!
How well does this recipe freeze? Have an event coming up and would love to make this ahead of time. It looks fantastic!
Yes! That would be delicious!
This is more like a crustless chicken pot pie rather than a soup, IMO. Mine was in the slow cooker for 7 hours, and the potatoes were still too firm despite the fact they were barely 1/2 inch thick. Overall, this was very tasty. I thought it was just a tad too salty, but the Mr. disagreed. If I were to make it again, I would omit the potatoes and make up the difference with peas & carrots and sautéed onions and celery. That's what is so nice about this recipe; it is easily adaptable to suit your tastes. I opted to make your cream of chicken soup recipe, which I recommend if you have the time. If not, you can always make it a day or two ahead. This is definitely worth trying if you are on the fence about it.
I did all the veggies chicken and potatoes and then cream of chicken soup and a cup of water, will all that be OK or do I still need to do the soup at the end? Or should it just be the soup already when done?


text:
Мировое потребление энергии означает общее количество энергии, потребляемое человеческой цивилизацией.
Как правило, оно включает в себя всю энергию, извлекаемую из всех энергоресурсов и потребляемую человечеством во всех промышленных и потребительских секторах экономики в каждой стране. Будучи энергетической мерой цивилизации, мировое потребление энергии имеет серьёзное значение для социально-экономической и политической сфер человеческой цивилизации.

Такие учреждения, как Международное энергетическое агентство (IEA), U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) и Европейское агентство по окружающей среде (EEA), ведут учёт и периодически публикуют данные по энергетике. Уточнённые данные и понимание мирового потребления энергии позволяют выявить системные тенденции и шаблоны, сформировать текущие вопросы энергетики и принять оптимальные для всех решения.

Идет постоянная работа над повышением энергоэффективности и энергосбережения.
Растёт роль возобновляемых источников энергии. В 2018 году доля возобновляемых источников энергии в производстве электроэнергии составила 26 %, вместе с ядерной энергетикой — 36,1 %.

1 ПВт·ч = 1012 кВт·ч

Тенденции
Рост энергопотребления в странах G20 замедлился до 2 % в 2011 году вследствие экономического кризиса. На протяжении последних нескольких лет мировой спрос на энергию определяется растущими китайским и индийским рынками, в то время как развитые страны борются с замедлением экономики, высокими ценами на нефть, приводящими к сохранению или даже снижению потребления энергии.

По данным МЭА (Международное энергетическое агентство) с 1990 по 2008 год среднее потребление энергии на душу населения увеличилось на 10 %, тогда как население мира увеличилось на 27 %. Региональное потребление энергии также выросло с 1990 по 2008 год: на Ближнем Востоке — на 170 %, в Китае — на 146 %, в Индии — на 91 %, в Африке — на 70 %, в Латинской Америке — на 66 %, в США — на 20 %, в ЕС-27 — на 7 %, и всём мире — на 39 %.

В 2008 году общее мировое потребление энергии составило 474 ЭДж ( = 132 000 ТВт·ч), что эквивалентно среднему энергопотреблению 15 ТВт. Годовой потенциал потребления энергии из возобновляемых источников: солнечной энергии — 1 575 ЭДж (438 000 ТВт·ч), энергии ветра — 640 ЭДж (178 000 ТВт·ч), геотермальной энергии — 5 000 ЭДж (1 390 000 ТВт·ч), биомассы — 276 ЭДж (77 000 ТВт·ч), гидроэнергии — 50 ЭДж (14 000 ТВт·ч) и энергии океана — 1 ЭДж (280 ТВт·ч).

Потребление энергии в странах G20 увеличились более чем на 5 % в 2010 году после небольшого падения в 2009 году. В 2009 году мировое потребление энергии сократилось впервые за 30 лет на -1,1 % (что эквивалентно 130 Мт нефти) в результате экономического кризиса, который сократил мировой ВВП на 0,6 % в 2009 году.

Сокращение энергопотребления стало результатом двух противоположных тенденций: значительного роста потребления энергии в нескольких развивающихся странах, в частности в Азии (+4 %), и падения потребления в странах ОЭСР на 4,7 % в 2009 году до уровня 2000 года. В Северной Америке, Европе и СНГ энергопотребление сократилось на 4,5 %, 5 % и 8,5 % соответственно в связи с замедлением экономической активности. Китай стал одним из крупнейших мировых потребителей энергии (18% от общего объема), увеличив его на 8 % в 2009 году (4 % в 2008 году). Нефть осталась важнейшим энергоресурсом с долей 33 %, несмотря на то, что его доля постоянно уменьшается. Уголь приобретает всё большую роль в мировом потреблении энергии: в 2009 году его доля составила 27 % от общего объёма.

Большая часть энергии потребляется в странах-производителях, поскольку дешевле транспортировать конечную продукцию, чем сырьё. В 2008 году доли экспорта в общем производстве энергии по видам топлива: нефти — 50 % (1 952/3 941 Мт), газа — 25 % (800/3 149 млрд м³), каменного угля — 14 % (793/5 845 Мт) и электроэнергии — 1 % (269/20 181 ТВт·ч).

После Чернобыльской катастрофы (1986) инвестиции в атомную энергетику были небольшими.

Потребление ископаемых энергоресурсов сильно выросло в 2000—2008 гг.

В 2013 году было инвестировано более 1600 млрд долларов, чтобы обеспечить энергией потребителей в мире, что в два раза больше по отношению к 2000 году; в повышение энергоэффективности вложены 130 млрд долларов.

Растёт роль возобновляемых источников энергии: объем инвестиций составлял 60 млрд долларов в 2000 году, достиг максимума в 300 млрд долларов в 2011 году, и составил 250 млрд долларов в 2013 году.
В добычу и транспортировку ископаемого топлива, переработку нефти и строительство тепловых электростанций на ископаемом топливе инвестировано 1100 млрд долларов (2013).

МЭА ожидает, основываясь на рассмотрении обязательств Парижского соглашения, охватывающего около 190 стран, что мировое потребление энергии к 2040 году увеличится на 30 % благодаря индустриализации Индии, Юго-Восточной Азии и Китая.
При этом, потребление возобновляемой энергии растет самыми быстрыми темпами, потребление природного газа возрастает на 50 %, спрос на нефть достигнет пика к 2040 году, а использование угля не будет расти.

Оценки мировых энергоресурсов
Большая часть мировых энергоресурсов приходится на трансформацию солнечной энергии на поверхности планеты в другие формы. Часть этой энергии сохранилась в виде ископаемых энергоресурсов, часть прямо или косвенно можно использовать, например, при помощи ветровых, солнечных, гидро- или волновых электростанций.
Количество энергии, измеренное спутниками, примерно равна 1 368 Вт/м² и колеблется на 6,9 % в течение года в связи с различной удаленностью Земли от Солнца. Общее количество солнечной энергии, получаемой планетой, примерно равно 89 ПВт.

Оценки оставшихся мировых невозобновляемых энергоресурсов разнятся, тогда как оставшиеся ископаемые энергоресурсы оцениваются в 0,4 ИДж (1 ИДж = 1024 Дж), а доступные ядерные энергоресурсы, такие как уран, превышают 2,5 ИДж. Ископаемые энергоресурсы можно оценить в 0,6-3,0 ИДж, если включить в оценку запасы гидратов метана, при условии, что они технически доступны.

Поток солнечной энергии на Землю составляет 3,8 ИДж/год, что затмевает запасы всех невозобновляемых энергоресурсов.

Последствия: выбросы

Выбросы углекислого газа от мировой энергетики составили 33 гигатонны в 2018 году и выросли на 1,7 % по сравнению с предыдущим годом.

По данным МЭА за 2012 год — ограничить климатическое потепление 2 °C с каждым годом становится все более сложной и дорогостоящей задачей — если не будет принято никаких мер до 2017 года, весь допустимый объем выбросов CO2 будет исчерпан энергетической инфраструктурой уже в 2017 году.

Попытки снижения
 Киотский протокол (2005)
 Парижское соглашение (2015)

По сценарию 450 ppm около 60 % мощности, сгенерированной в 2040 году, должно быть из возобновляемых источников энергии;
средние выбросы от электрогенерации должны упасть до 80 грамм CO2 на КВт·час (в то время как в 2018 году они составляют 475 грамм CO2 на КВт·час).

Производство энергии и конечное потребление
Общемировое производство энергии, как и конечное потребление отличаются от мирового использования энергии из-за различных потерь. Например, в 2008 году, мировое производство энергии было 143 ПВт·ч, а потребление всего 98 ПВт·ч.
Потери энергии зависят от источника энергии и использованных технологий. КПД тепловых станций имеет фундаментальные ограничения, например АЭС теряют на нагрев окружающей среды около 70 %, и лишь около 30 % преобразуется в электричество (так, на 2008 все АЭС в мире произвели 8 ПВт·ч (около 5,8 % от всего производства), тогда как до потребителей дошло лишь 2,7 ПВт·ч).

Энергия может существовать в разных формах с различным качеством. Тепловая энергия, особенно при низких температурах носителя имеет низкое качество (лишь небольшая её доля может быть преобразована тепловой машиной в полезную работу), тогда как электричество является высококачественной формой энергии. Требуется порядка 3 кВт·ч энергии, хранимой в виде тепла с достаточно высокой температурой, чтобы произвести 1 кВт·ч электричества.

Учитывается также удобство хранения и транспортирования энергии. На 2018 год лидером выступает нефть и производные топлива. Считается, что даже при снижении EROEI ниже единицы добыча/синтез нефти будет продолжаться в силу удобства использования.

По странам

Потребление энергии слабо коррелирует с ВВП и климатом, но существует большая разница даже между наиболее развитыми странами, такими как Япония и Германия, которые потребляют 6 кВт энергии на душу населения, и США с энергопотреблением 11,4 кВт на душу населения. В развивающихся странах, особенно тех, которые находятся субтропических и тропических широтах, например, в Индии, энергопотребление на душу населения составляет около 0,7 кВт; Бангладеш имеет минимальное энергопотребление, равное 0,2 кВт на душу населения.

США потребляют 25 % мировой энергии, имея 22 % мирового ВВП и 4,59 % населения мира..
Наиболее значительный рост потребления энергии в настоящее время приходится на Китай, которое растёт на 5,5 % в год в последние 25 лет; его население (1,3 млрд человек, 19,6 % населения мира) потребляет энергию в размере 1,6 кВт на душу населения.

Одной из мер энергоэффективности страны является энергоёмкость, которая показывает какое количество энергии нужно стране, чтобы произвести один доллар ВВП.

Нефть
В 2013 году на Саудовскую Аравию, Россию и США приходилось 36,6 % мировой добычи нефти.

На Саудовскую Аравию, Россию и Нигерию приходилось (на 2012 год) 37 % экспорта нефти.

Природный газ

Уголь
В 2002—2012 годах около половины прироста потребления энергии приходилось на уголь, опережая прирост мощностей всех возобновляемых источников энергии. В 2013 году мировая добыча достигла максимума 9 миллиардов тонн в год

Энергия ветра

По отраслям экономики

Промышленные потребители (сельское хозяйство, горнодобывающая промышленность, производство, строительство) потребляют около 37% от всей произведённой энергии в 15 млрд МВт·ч. Личный и коммерческий транспорт потребляет около 20%; личное отопление, освещение и электроприборы используют 11%; коммерческое потребление (освещение, отопление и охлаждение коммерческих зданий, водоснабжение и канализация) составляет около 5% от общего потребления энергии.

Оставшиеся 27 % мирового потребления энергии теряются при производстве и передаче электроэнергии. В 2005 году мировое потребление электроэнергии составило около 2 млрд МВт·ч, для производства которого было израсходовано около 5 млрд МВт·ч энергии, поскольку эффективность существующих электростанций составляет около 38 %. Новое поколение газовых ТЭЦ достигает значительно более высокой эффективности в 55 %. Но самым распространенным топливом для ТЭЦ в мире всё равно является уголь.

Европейский Союз
Европейское агентство по окружающей среде (EEA) учитывает только конечное потребление энергии (т.е. не включает энергию, потерянную при производстве и передаче электроэнергии) и считает, что транспорт использует 31,5 % конечного потребления энергии, промышленность — 27.6 %, домашние хозяйства — 25,9 %, сектор услуг — 11,4 % и сельское хозяйство — 3,7 %. Потребление энергии ответственно за большую часть выбросов парниковых газов (79 %), причём энергетический сектор ответственен за 31 %, транспорт — 19 %, промышленность — 13 %, домашние хозяйства — 9 %, прочие — 7 %.

В то время как энергоэффективность приобретает все большее значение для государственной политики, более 70 % угольных электростанций Европейского Союза имеют возраст более 20 лет и работают с эффективностью 32-40 %. Технологические разработки 1990-х годов позволили повысить эффективность до уровня 40-45 % в новых ТЭЦ. Однако, согласно оценке Европейской комиссии это все ещё ниже уровня наилучших существующих технологий (НСТ), которые имеют эффективность 46-49 %. Эффективность газовых ТЭЦ в среднем составляет 52 % по сравнению с 58-59 % наилучшей существующей технологии. Газовые и нефтяные котельные работают со средним КПД 36% (НСТ обеспечивает 47 %). Согласно той же оценке Европейской комиссии строительство новых эффективных ТЭЦ и повышение эффективности большинства действующих ТЭЦ до среднего КПД в 51,5 % в 2020 году приведет к уменьшению годового потребления 15 млрд м³ природного газа и 25 млн тонн угля.

См. также
 Шкала Кардашёва
 Норма энергопотребления

Примечания

Энергетическая политика
Энергетика

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