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We're stoked to have this coffee back for a second year, even though it's got a slightly different name. It's just as good, if not better!
Burundi is a small, landlocked country, neighbouring Rwanda, Tanzania, and the DRC, where coffee is a hugely important part of the economy. In such a poor nation (Burundi's GDP is one of the lowest in Africa), specialty coffee exports are a vital source of income, and the potential of the coffee-growing areas are significant.
There's a similarity in terrain to neighbouring Rwanda, but the logistical challenges are just as difficult, albeit with a less well-developed export system. The Kinyovu mill, located just outside the town of Rango, is supplied by around 3,800 smallholder farmers, with directly, or via one of several collection points set up in the local area. The cherries are processed via the fully washed method, and dried on raised beds. After the dry mill, they then face a week's journey by road, across three countries, before they reach the port to be loaded on its onward journey to your cup.
Ed & Chris have been tasting coffees from Burundi for the last 10 years, and we're so pleased to showcase this beautiful coffee from the Kayanza region, for the second year. This years offering is stuffed full of red apple juiciness, with a sticky raisin sweetness. The finish makes us think of meringues – sweet, soft and moreish. We'd recommend filter or aeropress for this one, but it'll make a cracker of an espresso if you're so inclined.


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Episode 088 British War Plans for 1776
Two weeks ago, we said goodbye to Gen. Howe's army as they evacuated Boston for Halifax. At the same time Washington began redeploying the Continental Army to face wherever the British Army struck next, presumably New York City. Last week, we popped in on the Americans around Quebec, also waiting to see what the British would do next.
British go "all-in" with Military Option
Back in London, the North Ministry had spent the winter preparing for full scale warfare. After the battles and Lexington and Concord, and later Bunker Hill, it became clear to all that the colonials were not going to back down with a small show of force. If Britain wanted to keep the American colonies they would have to hit them hard and with everything they could muster. Today I want to go over the war planning and deployments that will take us all the way through 1776.
Lord Germain (from Wikimedia)
In London, King George III had become actively involved in the planning and policy making for the war. Unlike the first and second King Georges, George III sought a more active role in actually governing Britain, not just sitting as a figurehead mostly focused on his ancestral home in the German state of Hanover.
King George had given his full support to Prime Minister, Lord North who you may recall won an overwhelming victory in the 1774 elections, meaning he would not have call another election until 1780. Although there were no formal parties in British politics. Everyone referred to North and his political allies as Tories. The opposition party used the term Whig. In 1775, North had replaced his step-brother, Lord Dartmouth with Lord Germain as Secretary of State for American Affairs. Germain was much more on board with the idea that the Americans needed to feel more military strength and less attempted accommodation if they were ever going to resolve the ongoing disputes. Germain's view aligned much more closely with that of North and King George.
Raising a Serious Army
Gone were the days when British officers bragged they could conquer all of America with 5000 soldiers. The Americans had proven they were not pushovers, and the American population was in the millions. Raising an army with which to overwhelm the colonies was no easy task. A few decades later, we will see the Napoleonic wars which involved millions of soldiers fighting and dying. But in 1776, the King did not have the ability to send the entire population off to war. Armies tended to be small and expensive to run. Remember that only one year earlier, Gen. Gage had requested 10,000-20,000 reinforcements. Lord Dartmouth all but laughed at him. Those numbers were unthinkable.
In 1775 before they really began to gear up for the war, Great Britain maintained an army of less than 50,000 soldiers worldwide, less than 40,000 if you only count infantry. The bulk of these were needed in Britain. They kept 12,000 soldiers in Ireland, which was always ready to rebel if there were no soldiers to keep them in submission. The government garrisoned another 15,000 in England in order to suppress possible domestic rebellions or deter any invasion from Europe. They already had about 8000 in America. The other 10,000 or so were spread all over the world, defending outposts in Gibraltar, the West Indies, Africa, and many other colonies.
Hessian Soldier (from Kokomo Herald)
The British could not deploy large numbers of soldiers from existing outposts without risking an uprising in those places. So when the North Ministry proposed sending around 40,000 soldiers to America, they needed some serious recruitment. These soldiers would also cost a lot of money. Remember, the whole reason we were in this mess was because the government was still paying off debts from the last war and did not want to keep raising domestic taxes. Now they had to raise more taxes and go deeper into debt in order to control colonies that were supposed to reduce taxes and debt. But they figured, a short term show of force would lead to decades of submission and payment of colonial taxes, so it would pay off in the long run.
As I discussed before, the Ministry increased recruiting at home, mostly in Ireland and Scotland. They also hired mercenaries from abroad, mostly from the German states, including the bulk of them from Hesse-Cassal and Brunswick.
The army buildup also necessitated a naval build up. Britain had never before sent so large a force so far overseas. Transporting and supplying the troops would be a major undertaking for the navy. Britain also had to go on a shipbuilding and ship buying binge to support the army.
The numbers vary depending on sources, but generally, the Ministry planned to send about 32,000 troops to New York and about 8000 to Quebec. About a quarter of the troops sent to New York were German mercenaries, what most people call Hessians. The force in Canada included about 3000 German mercenaries, primarily from Brunswick.
As I've mentioned before, the use of German mercenaries provoked outrage in the colonies. They accused the King of bringing outsiders into a family feud, treating the colonists as a foreign enemy. It became one of the justifications for the Declaration of Independence. If the King treats us as a foreign enemy, then we owe him no allegiance.
Some of these troops were already in North America and the rest did not come over all at once. General Cornwallis had taken several regiments to the Carolinas where he met up with General Clinton. But they knew they had to rejoin General Howe in New York within a few months. About 8000 were already there, Howe's occupying army in Boston and then in Halifax. Still, it was a huge and costly logistical problem to get the troops into place and to supply them once there.
Admiral Richard Howe
Getting such a large force across the Atlantic was unprecedented. Britain had never sent such a large force so far away. Indeed, no country would have such a large trans-Atlantic crossing again until the end of the age of sail, and World War I.
Transport and support of the army would require a massive fleet Britain would commit over 150 ships, more than half its fleet, to the American mission. The Ministry decided the new fleet would need a new commander, they appointed Admiral Richard Howe.
Admiral Howe came from British aristocracy. His father was a Viscount and member of Parliament. His mother was the illegitimate child of King George I. Even so, Howe did not have a particularly comfortable life. His father had money troubles. To help get him solvent, Howe, received an appointment as Governor of Barbados, which paid £7000/yr, a very lucrative sum a the time. It meant that family had to pack up and move to the West Indies. As with so many Europeans that moved to the West Indies, Gov. Howe served for less than three years before he caught a tropical disease and died in 1735. Richard was only nine years old at the time. The family moved back to London where Richard's older brother George inherited his father's title.
Richard had only a prominent family name. That was good enough to get a naval commission as an ensign at age 14. Howe earned a reputation as a no-nonsense officer and later commander. He served in the War of Austrian Succession and the Seven Years War, including a prominent role in the famous battle of Quiberon Bay. By the end of the Seven Years War he had been promoted to commodore.
Richard's real road for advancement came in a way he almost certainly did not want. In 1758, his older brother George died in America during the assault on Fort Carillon that I discussed back in Episode 10. Since George had no children, Richard inherited the family title, making him a viscount and a peer.
A the end of the war in 1763, Lord Howe received an appointment as a Lord Commissioner of the Admiralty, part of the Admiralty Board. He also served Treasurer of the Navy beginning in 1765. In 1770, he moved up to rear admiral and deployed as Commander-in-Chief of the Mediterranean Fleet in November 1770.
Richard Howe (from Wikimedia)
By the time the American conflict reached its crisis point, Lord Howe sat as a well respected legislator, administrator, and combat officer. He seemed ideally suited to take command of the North American station in 1776. But beyond his reputation, Howe had one other thing going for him. His little brother General William Howe, had just become the army's Commander for North America.
The British Army and Navy commanders had consistently fought with one another in North America, and in most other stations. General Gage and Admiral Graves had a notorious feud which only got worse each year. The current relationship between General Howe and Admiral Shuldham was a little better, but still not great. Each branch had its own separate duties and priorities. Each reported back to a different command structure. Neither wanted to take a secondary role to the other. Perhaps having two commanders who were brothers, would aid in the necessary cooperation between the army and navy. In February 1776, Admiral Lord Howe received his promotion to Vice Admiral and received his orders to take command of naval forces in North America.
War and Diplomacy
The one big concern that the ministry must have had was whether the Howe brothers would pursue the proper strategy. Both General Howe and Admiral Howe had opposed a hard line position against the colonies for years. Both brothers served in the House of Commons. Even though Admiral Howe was a Viscount, his peerage was in Ireland, which did not qualify him for the House of Lords. He would receive an Earldom nearly a decade later and sit in the House of Lords then, but in the 1770's Lord Howe sat in Commons as a representative of Dartmouth.
In Parliament, both Howes had opposed the Ministry's hard line policies against the American colonies. They opposed the Intolerable Acts in 1774 and argued for accommodation rather than confrontation.
Prime Minister Lord North, Secretary of State Lord Germain, and King George all clearly favored a much more aggressive approach, using military might rather than political accommodation to resolve the disputes. Germain was probably the most aggressive, or at least the most outspoken proponent of a hard-line policy. He advocated using the navy to bombard cities along the coast, and to have the army sack and loot the countryside. The idea was to show the colonists what life was like when they rejected the protection of the King. Once they had a taste of this, they would happily return to obedience and accept a few small taxes as the price of their peace and prosperity.
The Howes, however, supported the liberal views of the minority Whigs, men like William Pitt, Isaac Barre, and Edmund Burke. The colonists had reasonable complaints that the ministry could accommodate. The whole point of colonies were to bring wealth to the mother country. When the colonies were happy, Britain thrived on the colonial trade. These fights not only destroyed that profitable trade, but threatened to drive Britain into deeper debt with military costs to crush the colonial protests. Further, using brutal tactics against the colonists would only push more of the population into the patriot cause. The Howes saw the war as a civil war between family. It only made the Empire look more weak and divided to the real enemy, France.
General Howe had pledged to his constituents that he would oppose serving in any military role in America. He saw the plan as short sighted and wrong headed. Richard Howe, did not speak as bluntly, but generally shared his brother's views.
Both Howe brothers were especially sympathetic with the Americans. They deeply appreciated the act of respect that Massachusetts had given them. The colony had created a memorial at Westminster for their older brother George after his death in battle in 1758. Richard had also been on friendly terms with Benjamin Franklin during Franklin's years in London. The two of them found a great deal of agreement in colonial policy.
The Howe brothers' views on colonial policy were not unique or even unusual among many top officers. At least one source I read indicated there were more than 100 officers more senior to Howe when he took his command in America. Many of these were probably older officers who had no interest in facing the rigors of war. But a great many of them objected to going to war against their fellow subjects. In the end, the Howe brothers both received orders to go to America and accepted them. But one had to wonder how hard they would prosecute the war, and especially the hard-line policies which the Ministry seemed to prefer.
In the end, the Ministry decided that the Howe brothers would do their duty. They would be the best suited to command the massive invasion planned to subdue the colonies.
Plan of Attack
Officials in London did debate the best way to end the rebellion. Even within the majority who supported war over diplomacy, or at least some show of war to strengthen diplomatic negotiations, there were diverse opinions. Some favored not using the Army at all. The Navy could cut off all transatlantic trade.
Not having soldiers in the colonies was an interesting idea. Colonists would have no target to vent their anger. There would be no risk of another firefight like Lexington and Concord. There would be no massive cost of an occupying army. The navy would simply capture all trading vessels and confiscate them. This would hopefully cover most of the costs. More importantly, the colonies would simply suffer from a lack of necessary imports. Quality of life would diminish. People would blame the patriot leaders for their problems. Eventually divisions between colonies, or even within colonies would arise, leading to chaos and possibly even bloodshed. The people would eventually beg for the return of royal authority to restore order and allow prosperity to return.
Johnny Burgoyne
It was an interesting proposal. However, that is essentially the strategy that Britain tried to treat the US during the Napoleonic wars. It did not work then, and probably would not have worked in the 1770's. Instead, the Ministry backed the plan to send the massive invasion fleet along with a huge army that would shock and awe the colonists. A few decisive battles would prove the military might of Britain. Faced with military domination, the colonists would come to their senses, accept the authority of the King and Parliament, and agree that loyal obedience was better for all than rebellion.
Though the troop levels were unprecedented, the overall strategy was nothing new, nor much of a surprise to anyone. Even 40,000 soldiers could not be everywhere to quell a population of about 2.5 million. New England, for the moment, seemed ungovernable. Instead, the army would focus on New York and Canada. Gen. Howe, who still had the support of the administration after the evacuation of Boston, would command the force at New York. Supporting Gen. Howe would be his older brother, Admiral Lord Howe, The combined fleet under Howe would work with the Army. It was hoped that with the two brothers in command, the traditional Army-Navy rivalry would not cause too many problems.
While the Howes took New York, General Burgoyne would return with the fleet to Quebec to break the siege there. Burgoyne's reinforcements would then fall under the command of the more senior General Carleton. The forces in Canada would work their way down into New York, across Lake Champlain, retaking all the towns and forts that the Continental Northern Army had conquered. Eventually, the Canadian force and the Howe's main force from New York would link up along the Hudson River. This would cut off and isolate New England from the rest of the colonies.
From there, British forces would regain control of all the central and southern colonies, where officials believed there were still large numbers of loyalists waiting to turn out and support the King. They only needed an army to rally around. Regulars could also rely on loyal Indian tribes, and possibly even slaves to help crush the rebels. Once local Tories were in control, the main body of regulars could move on to other colonies.
New England would be isolated and cut off from all trade, or invaded once the other regions were pacified. But more likely, they would all surrender once they saw the full power of the British military in action.
In the early months of 1776, the North Ministry, along with the active input of the King, worked to establish a Peace Commission. Admiral Howe insisted that this be part of the effort to retake America. This would not be like earlier efforts to compromise with the colonists and find a mutually acceptable political solution. The Ministry had accepted that military might would be the only way to get the rebellious colonists to accept who was in charge. But once British control became obvious to all, the King wanted to be merciful in allowing the rebels back into the protection of the Empire.
The Peace Commission's authority went through great debate. Admiral Howe, Lord North, Lord Germain, and Lord Dartmouth, who while no longer Secretary of State still sat in the Cabinet as Lord Privy Seal, all threatened to resign. But the King kept everyone in line. The contentious debate was over how much authority the give the Peace Commissioners. Could they promise to repeal taxes, or acts of Parliament? Could they broker new political solutions or negotiate changes to royal charters? In the end, the answer to all of these was "no." The hardliners won the debate. The Peace Commissioners could only offer pardons to those who gave up and accepted obedience to the King and his government. Any changes would have to wait until after military might reasserted sovereign authority.
Admiral Howe who remained politically opposed to the attempt to defeat the colonies militarily, still insisted that he and his brother General Howe have the authority as Peace Commissioners. After defeating the enemy in battle, they could then be magnanimous in victory by offering pardons and bringing the war to a quick victory Both Howes wanted to use this authority to bring a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, even if they did not have authority to make any political reforms. When Admiral Howe set sail for America in May 1776, he carried these instructions for himself and his brother.
Whatever political concerns they had, the Ministry trusted them to do their duty well. The Howe brothers would carry out London's plan of attack.
Next week: as the Howe brothers prepare to invade New York, we take a look at General Washington's preparations to stop them.
Next Episode 89: Washington Moves to New York
Previous Episode 87: Canada Spring, 1776
British Army at Outbreak of the Revolution: http://www.americanrevolution.org/britisharmy1.php
Admiral Lord Richard Howe: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Richard-Howe-Earl-Howe-Baron-Howe-of-Langar
Peace Commission of the Howes: http://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/peace-commission-howes
Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts Report on the manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, of Drayton House, Northamptonshire Vol. 2, Hereford: Hereford Press, 1910
(includes Germain's correspondence related to America).
Barrow, John The Life Of Richard, Earl Howe, London: John Murray,1838
Donne, W. Bodham (ed) The Correspondence of King George the Third with Lord North from 1768 to 1783, Vol 1, London: John Murray, 1867.
Johnston, Henry The Campaign of 1776 Around New York and Brooklyn, Brooklyn: Long Island Historical Society, 1878.
Saxon, Gerald Brown The American Secretary: The Colonial Policy of Lord George Germain, 1775-1778, Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1963.
Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.
McCullough, David 1776, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.
O'Shaughnessy, Andrew The Men Who Lost America: British Leadership, the American Revolution, and the Fate of the Empire, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013.
Watson, J. Steven The Reign of George III 1760-1815, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960.
Whiteley, Peter Lord North: The Prime Minister Who Lost America, London: Hambledon Press, 1996 (book recommendation of the week).
Labels: 1776, 18th Century Wars, American ARP, American Revolution Blog, History Blog, History Podcast, Revolution Podcast, Revolution War Planning, Revolutionary War Podcast
Episode 090 Battle of the Cedars
Episode 089: Washington Moves to New York
Episode 087 Canada, Spring 1776
Episode 086: Evacuation of Boston

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Well I doh know what to say now. Another baby is dead after surgery. Yeah ah know deese t'ings happen after complicated heart surgery. However, something sounding strange about the condition of the child after the surgery.
The distraught young mother appeared to be in the dark and kept in the dark. Read the story here: TT Express 2009-08-24. I find there are too many cases like these in the media, where relatives appear to be given the run around.
It would not matter so much the nature of the heart condition or how complex the surgery was. The post-operative condition of the child from what is in the media seemed to be the important issue.
But you can expect that health officials will be babbling on about how complicated heart surgery is – and glossing over the issue as with the case of Baby Faith.
You see when you eh know, you go jes accept any nonsense theories presented as fact by doctors trying to cover dey own arses. In these kinds of situations relatives are given some yarn to chew on – and they seem to accept it. Well except the ones who turn up in at Anand Ramlogan.
The next thing they do is go to a lawyer. The lawyer is not a medical expert. So, s/he eh know what to look or ask for. Dey looking at t'ing purely from legal perspective – and daize whey dey does lorse.
Interestingly The Medical Justice Board – which I am affiliated to – recently published a short article Hitting the target, that seems spot on.


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Comedy drama written and directed by Richard Ayoade, based on the story by 19th Century Russian writer Fyodor Dostoevsky. Stars Jesse Eisenberg, Chris O'Dowd and Mia Wasikowska.
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The Double review
In 2014, Richard Ayoade presented us with his latest directing project: The Double, an artistic representation of the 1846 Dostoyevsky novel.
Becca Moody, Moody Comedy, 13th January 2015
Richard Ayoade on being true to yourself
Actor, author and 'coolest' man in London Richard Ayoade talks about life after The IT Crowd.
Damian Whitworth, The Times, 2nd August 2014
Richard Ayoade on directing his surreal second film
To fans of hit comedy The IT Crowd, Richard Ayoade will probably always be known as super-geek Moss, but his second film The Double sees him carving out a name as a talented director.
Sarah Jane Griffiths, BBC News, 7th April 2014
Richard Ayoade on The Double
How do you make a convincing film about a man with an identical-looking, but completely different-acting, doppelganger? Director Richard Ayoade says that sort of challenge is what made The Double star Jesse Eisenberg the only actor he wanted for the role.
Jack Seale, Radio Times, 4th April 2014
Interview with Richard Ayoade
A couple of weeks ago we were lucky enough to be invited to meet the man himself, to talk to him about his latest film and to find out why he's glad that it hasn't yet been compared to Nutty Profressor 2.
The Velvet Onion, 31st March 2014
Film review: The Double
The Double is a fascinating and clever film. It's also beautifully-shot and well-acted. But it's not an easy film to watch; it's awkward, dark and ultimately inconclusive. Well worth subjecting yourself to.
The Velvet Onion, 24th March 2014
Richard Ayoade interview
Richard Ayoade shot to fame as Moss in The IT Crowd but it was Submarine, his debut behind the camera, that won him critical acclaim. As his new film, The Double, is released, he talks about pride, performing and giving up his pop dreams.
Tim Lewis, The Observer, 23rd March 2014
Flo & Joan
Random 8: Flo & Joan
Mr. Bean. Mr. Bean (Rowan Atkinson). Copyright: Tiger Aspect Productions
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AT&T revenue up on mobile data growth
The telecom carrier adds 5.6 million smartphones to its network during the second quarter
Grant Gross (IDG News Service) on 22 July, 2011 00:17
AT&T reported revenue of US$31.5 billion for the second quarter of 2011, up 2.2 percent from the same quarter in 2010, but net income dropped due to increased operational and support costs.
New mobile data customers drove the growth in revenue. AT&T added 5.6 million smartphones to its mobile network during the quarter, a record for smartphone additions in a second quarter and the third highest quarter ever for the company.
The telecom carrier also added a record 545,000 branded computing subscribers -- people using tablets, tethering plans, mobile Wi-Fi routers and other data-only devices -- with most of the growth from tablets, the company said.
Much of the smartphone growth came from Apple's iPhone, with 3.6 million of the devices added to AT&T's network. About 24 percent of those iPhone users were new to AT&T.
The company now has 98.6 million mobile subscribers, up 1.1 million during the quarter, and 4 million branded computing subscribers, AT&T said.
AT&T reported net income of $3.6 billion during the second quarter, which ended June 30. Earnings per share was $0.60, meeting analyst expectations, according to Yahoo Finance. Net income was down from $4 billion in the second quarter of 2010.
Operating expenses were up by more than $600 million from a year earlier, due to increased operational and support costs in the mobile division. Earnings per share for the second quarter of 2011 matched the earnings from a year earlier, excluding AT&T's sale of stock in Telmex Internacional, the company said.
Mobile broadband growth was "robust" during the quarter, Randall Stephenson, AT&T's chairman and CEO, said in a statement.
Mobile revenue grew 9.5 percent to $15.6 billion from a year earlier. Mobile data revenue grew by $1 billion, a 23.4 percent increase, from a year earlier, AT&T said.
AT&T also reported positive numbers for its residential wireline division, with revenue from residential customers up 0.1 percent to $5.4 billion. That growth was driven by broadband additions, the company said.
AT&T U-verse TV service added 202,000 subscribers during the quarter. The service now has 3.4 million customers. The company's U-verse broadband service added 439,000 customers during the quarter to reach 4.1 million. The company now has 16.5 million broadband customers, including DSL subscribers, down slightly from the first quarter due to seasonal trends, the company said.
Consumer IP revenue now represents 49.2 percent of AT&T's wireline consumer revenue, up from 40.4 percent in the second quarter of 2010.
Total consumer wireline connections were 42.5 million at the end of the quarter, down from 43.1 million at the end of the first quarter. The decline is due to declines in traditional telephone customers, a long-time trend among major telecom carriers.
Total wireline revenue was $14.9 billion in the second quarter, down 3.2 percent from a year earlier.
Tags broadbandbusiness issuesAppletelecommunicationtelephony3gfinancial results4gat&tCarriersRandall Stephenson


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I Am Shauna Rae
2022TV-PG
Twenty-two-year-old Shauna Rae's growth was stunted after a battle with brain cancer. From dating to driving, Shauna strives to have the independence of an adult while trapped in the body of an 8-year-old.
Mark, Shauna Rae, Patty
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1. Trapped at Age 8
Shauna tries to live like a normal 22-year-old, but at 3 feet 10 inches, she's stuck in the body of an 8-year-old. From dating to drinking, she faces surprising obstacles on her quest for independence -- both at home and on a day trip to the Jersey Shore.
2. Girl With the Cherry Tattoo
Shauna heads to a brewery with friends, but her parents struggle with letting go and allowing her to be independent. Worried about her dating life, Patty suggests Shauna try a matchmaker. A doctor is concerned over Shauna's worsening migraines.
3. Love at First Height
The girls go bridesmaid dress shopping for Tara's wedding, but Shauna gets frustrated when nothing fits her. Wanting to make changes to her life, Shauna considers a future career and joins a gym. Then, Shauna goes on a blind date.
4. Get Off Your High Horse
Shauna realizes her limitations while getting hands-on experience at a farm. She asks Tara for advice, but things turn sour when they get into an argument. Then, Shauna gets a new tattoo while Mark and Rylee put on their first puppet show in two years.
5. Cranky at the Club
Shauna and Rylee throw Tara a bachelorette party in Pittsburgh that's full of surprises, and things get heated between the sisters while at a bar. Back at home, Mark and Patty enjoy dinner alone and talk about what life will be like as empty nesters.
6. Growing When You Can't Grow
It's Halloween, and the family is in the mood for some tricks and treats! Shauna struggles to find a costume that fits. At dinner, Shauna makes a life-changing announcement. Later, the matchmaker reconnects with Shauna and has a surprising match.
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Rylee


He died of diabetes in Kuala Lumpur Hospital on 29 Nov 2006.
His Mykad said Rayappan A/L Anthony, did not bear the word "Islam" and listed his religion as Christian! His temporary identification document issued by the National Registration Department (NRD) testified his religious status. His immediate family members, with whom he had lived for years, confidently affirmed it. How else should a dead person prove that he died as a Christian?
Yet, the Selangor Islamic Affairs Department (MAIS) wanted his body for a Muslim burial believing that he died as a Muslim, while his grief-stricken wife had to fight to give him proper funeral rites. Another legal brawl on whose right to the body after the controversy of M. Moorthy's case!
It was reported that Rayappan converted to Islam in 1990 to take a second wife, a Muslim woman. His name was changed to Muhamad Rayappan Abdullah. He then renounced Islam through a Deed Poll in 1999 at the NRD (NST, 1 Dec).
On 1st Dec, Shah Alam Syariah High Court granted MAIS an ex-parte order to claim the body (subject to the endorsement of Federal Territory Syariah Court). The order was later revoked for a review. Subpoenas were issued to the daughters to testify on their father's religious status. Although they did not show up at the court (on grounds that they were non-Muslims), it raised the very question: Can/should Syariah Court subpoena non-Muslims to attend its court proceeding?
"The jurisdiction of the Syariah Court is strictly delineated in the Constitution as being only for Muslims," said Lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar (NST, 8 Dec). Some opined that the onus of proof lied with the Islamic authorities (i.e. to prove that the deceased did not died as a Christian), not with the Rayappan's family (i.e. to prove that he died as a Christian).
The Parlimentary opposition leader, Lim Kit Siang, felt that such problem rooted in the 1988 amendment to Article 121 of the Federal Constitution (theSun, 6 Dec). Some lawmakers and lawyers also observed that the clause 121(1A) must be clarified, taking into account the extent of Islamic law under 9th Schedule List II of the Federal Constitution. Earlier in August, the government had declared that it had no intention to review Article 121.
The controversy nevertheless drew the attention of the Cabinet. At a meeting, it decided that the Attorney General should determine the deceased's religious status (NST, 7 Dec). The case took an abrupt turn thereafter. MAIS dropped its claim citing not having "enough evidence to back its case" (NST, 8 Dec). The body was then released to his Christian family for burial.
The withdrawal inevitably irritated several Muslim quarters, the Malaysian Syariah Lawyers Association in particular. The association demanded an explanation and reportedly said that "MAIS was inconsistent in its decisions and this could erode the confidence of Muslims in the country in the effectiveness of MAIS to function as a bastion for Muslims" (Bernama, 12 Dec).
Certain UMNO MPs felt that cases like this could have been dealt with administratively without having to involve the Syariah court. Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, an MP from Kota Baru, believed that the much contended Interfaith Commission proposal would be useful in situation like this (theSun, 7 Dec). It was also perceived that MAIS' imprudent action had somehow tarnished the image of Islam.
Meanwhile, Mrs. Rayappan dropped the civil suit (seeking a declaration that she was the lawful wife and her husband died as a Christian) against the Kuala Lumpur Hospital and the government. She, however, planned to sue the Selangor state religious bodies for the "trauma and distress suffered by the family" (malaysiakini.com, 11 Dec).
While we praise God that Rayappan's case is resolved, many are still wary over the manner the constitutional provisions are interpreted. Is the present legal system sufficient to safeguard the rights of Malaysian citizens of other faiths in a legal muddle like this? Must the Cabinet interfere whenever a similar incident occurs? Constitutionally speaking, should it, an executive branch, meddle in the judicial affairs at all?
As long as there are overzealous religious authorities, as long as the Article 121(1A) is not clarified, people continue to fall prey into the entanglement of dual-legal system. For the surviving family members of Rayappan, Moorthy and many others, what happened remained imprinted indelibly on their memory.
The government must look at the issue more attentively with sensible judgment and without prejudice. There must be a peaceable and just mechanism. For it is easy to imagine the overt hostility arising from such bitter disputes and the potential danger it poses to social stability.
The Christian community continues to pray for justice and righteousness to prevail in the country; all citizens to uphold individual's religious freedom; the judiciary to interpret of laws wisely; the Religious authorities to respect civil laws as supreme law of the land and have compassion on family members who have lost their loved ones; the government be opened for an effective mechanism to deal with inter-religious matters and to clarify laws that cause problems to justice.


When Do You Let Your Creative Pooch Off the Leash?
Where do you go to dream up that killer plot twist? I own a restless mind, and like a puppy scrounging for a toy, it's always off on an adventure somewhere. During my working hours I reign it in, focusing on the task at hand. Oddly, I have a structured and logical side, and I think this takes control in my school situations. Yet when I take off the dog chain and let it loose, my inner puppy romps all over creation.
Over the years, I've learned to channel this rampaging creative force. Direct it toward solving difficult writing problems that stymie my logical side. Usually, what I do is mull over a problem, maybe read a few pages of my manuscript in progress and then give my brain time to work.
What works best is showers. I'm stuck there for fifteen minutes. I can't write, so my left-brain can't ruin things by trying to put it all into words. Usually when I emerge, a soppy mess, I rush to a pad of paper and jot the whole thing down in one mind dump. So far this technique has never failed me.
I also find that driving produces the same results for the same reason. I can't write. This leaves my mind free to explore the permieter of the yard inside my head, sniffing and digging the dirt. I often mind myself stopping in a parking lot and unloading on whatever scrap of paper I have. If you ever see me parked and writing, don't come near. I'm working.
One time, on a drive to Disneyland, there was nowhere to pull over. Thank goodness my phone has a record feature. I must have put down a dozen tiny recordings. Some no more than a few words. My wife must have thought me insane. At least I kept my eyes on the road.
I used to settle in coffee houses for the same effect. Though with the rise of Starbucks, most independent java joints have vanished. Plus I brew my own killer cups at home these days.
So what about you? Where do you let your creative pooch off the leash? Does the dog deliver the goods, fetching back trinkets of character or plot for you to use?
There stands the enemy of all that I am—my foe, my adversary, the Culmination of all that is wrong with the world. You don't believe me? You say, "How Could such a benign letter be the Cause?" You fool. I say, you blind ignorant babe. You have been wooed by its innoCuous yet Covert pretense. Know now that C is a killer. Yes, turn your baCk, and nothing will stop the slaughter. Don't let your apathy bloCk you from truly examining—finally seeing—the beast from the lamb. Why do we trust it? It seems too inCredible, but we do. I shall tell you, for I have taken its existenCe to heart. I shall reveal the Codex that is its mystery. I will not stop until C has been blotted from the alphabet. Gone.
C's seCret lies in its ability to Camouflage itself in apparent usefulness. I first disCovered this while writing. Sent and Cent, though spelled differently, have the same pronunCiation. But C also bolsters a hard sound… Yes, yes, I know. This shouldn't be, but look for yourself: Caught, Cat, Carpet. They all seem so unique, until you remember (as I did) that K has the same sound. Why not spell these words like so: kaught, kat, karpet. This insidious letter has weaseled its own spaCe in the alphabet where none was needed. Its pillage of words ends here!
Soon after I disCovered these horrid faCts, C took its revenge. It Came to me in my sleep: cccccCCCCcCCccCcCccCCc. Hissing and Clucking at me until I thought my brain would burst. Repeating in CyCliC CyCles, revolving and tightening about my throat until I Could no longer scream. But a deep strength, drawn from a respeCt for Consonants and vowels of all kinds rose up in me. I grabbed C by its outstretched hooks. My right hand bleed from the gashes. I wrestled it, holding and twisting until I nearly lost ConsCiousness. Turning it up, I finally rendered the letter into an inert U.
YoU are dead! Finally dead. And now the alphabet will be safe from yoUr sharp points and tongUe. But wait, am I really rid of yoU? No… not yoU again. Not U!
We've all done it. That day you really just don't feel like going to work. You make your voice sound ragged, maybe fake a few sniffles, and call into work. You have to sound sick to pull of that sick day.
Well, the dictionary is here to help you. Here are eight stupendous words to make you sound sicker (and perhaps more contagious) than you truly are. And hey, some of these aren't even lies.
There you have it. Feel free to be sick all you want. Just remember, you might have to "define" your sickness if you use it too often.


All items are packed securely in our Multi-Pocket Hikers Backpack. Individual components are placed in waterproof bags and neatly organized in the backpack for easy access. Hand-assembled in the USA. The kit includes the following: Food and Water: This kit contains 44 Long-Term Food-Storage Meals which will feed 1 person for 14 days or 2 people for 1 week. These products have a 7-year shelf life. 11 — 4-Serving Cook-in-the-Pouch Meals for a total of 44 servings: 8 — Lunch/Dinner assorted servings 3 — Breakfast assorted servings Water Purification Bottle - removes up to 99.99% of pollutants and contaminants, producing up to 100 gallons of clean drinking water Light and Communication: These items can come in handy if you experience a home power outage, car trouble, or other emergency. Emergency 4-in-1 Radio Flashlight (never needs batteries) Box of Waterproof Matches Shelter and Warmth: These supplies will protect you from wind, sun, rain, and other harsh conditions. 2 — Emergency Survival Sleeping Bags Tools: These items can be useful when you need help with navigation, transport, personal protection, or shelter. Portable Cooking Stove (includes Fuel Tablets and a Steel Fork, Knife, & Spoon Chow Kit) 16 oz. Steel Cup Pair of Leather-Palm Work Gloves 2 — Infectious-Waste Bags Hygiene and Sanitation: Hygiene is important in a disaster; staying clean can protect against infection, disease, and depression. Pocket Tissues First Aid: A first aid kit can be used to treat minor injuries and protect against more serious health threats in a disaster. Deluxe First Aid Kit - a combination of bandages/gauze, topical ointments, medicine, and other first aid items to assist with a variety of injuries Other: These items are useful for relieving stress and supporting activity under challenging conditions. Survival Playing Cards - 52 cards illustrating valuable survival skills that will educate and entertain you in an emergency Notepad Golf Pencil Emergency Survival Kit Information: This Long-Term Food-Storage Essentials Survival Kit was designed using advice from experts in the emergency preparedness industry. It follows guidelines offered by government agencies and nonprofit preparedness organizations. This survival kit has a retail value of $250.


New Delhi. Becoming a prolific writer is the dream of a large number of journalism and mass communication students, who want to make a mark in the media industry. To help them achieve this, a book titled Nuances of Journalistic Writings was launched here on Friday.
Written by Raza Elahi, a Delhi-based journalist, the book deals with the dynamics of different types of journalistic writings – like news, feature, opinion, leisure and travel writings – as well as carries some interesting write-ups. The book has also a chapter on Page 3 Journalism. According to Raza, who has earlier authored How to Become a Good Journalist three years back, Nuances of Journalistic Writings is a useful companion to anyone who is training to be or already in the business of effective communication in the English language. Its example-based approach will help not only students, but will also interest general readers.
Nuances of Journalistic Writingsb is published by New Delhi-based Applied Books and marketed by Media Hive. Though it is priced Rs 180, it is available at discounted price at Rs 126 at. mediahive (dot) co (dot) in.
The writer has worked in various capacities in leading national and international newspapers and media groups, including Khaleej Times (Dubai), The Financial Express, The Pioneer and The Economic Times etc.


· Our mining operations collect gold from dredging and then a wash plant, and This is prime gold mining ground with both alluvial and primary deposits. in the precious metals and diamond industry in Guyana, South America.
Gold mining – Wikipedia. Gold mining is the resource extraction of gold by mining. As of 2016, the world's largest gold . Larger commercial placer mining operations employ screening plants, Colorado, may recover small amounts of gold in their wash operations.
· Gt Series Ghana Mining Portable Mini Gold Trommel Wash Plant , Find Complete US $3,600 21,000 Sets 1 Set/Sets Gold Wash Plant (Min. Order) in the placer/alluvial gold washing process, especially the river sand gold process.
wash plant, portable wash plant, mobile wash plant, gold wash plant, gold mining, portable mining equipment, mobile mining equipment, mining wash plant, mining . DoveMining.com. . classification and concentration of coarse metal & mineral production from alluvial (placer) deposits. Applicable for Dredging Operations for river mining projects. .
I am mining in Ghana and wonder which type of gold washing plant are . wash plants with an emphasis on processing alluvial material for gold, .. in mining equipment as the best there would be an injustice and naive.
Gold Mining Equipment such as our gold trommel have hardened bolt in wear plates, oversized shafts and bearings, polygon drums, high tensile frames, and quick change urethane screens. . Gold Trommel Wash Plants Modular designs from 100 to over 300 tons per hour. More Info. More Info. SHIPS EASY. Madden Steel Inc. Videos. 300 TPH. More Info.


text:
Ramsey officials will continue stadium discussion; Legislature could sidestep vote
Tim Nelson
ListenVikings Stadium
Ramsey County Charter Commissioners Rod Halvorson, left, and Mike Fratto, right, have been two of the leading advocates of a referendum to build a new football stadium in Arden Hills. They talked about their efforts at a charter commission meeting Aug. 31, 2011.
The Ramsey County Charter Commission has punted the possibility of a Minnesota Vikings stadium vote into October.
The 17-member board met for two hours Wednesday evening in St. Paul and put off new restrictions on local funding through taxes or bonding.
Instead, the board decided it will hold two hearings for the public, especially Ramsey County residents, to weigh in on a proposed sales tax to build the football stadium.
County board members have a handshake deal with the Vikings on a $1.1 billion stadium on the site of former Twin Cities Army Ammunition Plant in Arden Hills.
The county has offered a one-half percent sales tax, hoping to split the cost with the state and the team ahead of an expected move out of the Metrodome by 2015.
The board also proposed a charter amendment that would ban sales taxes and bonding for major league baseball and NFL teams and facilities.
Ramsey County Charter Commissioner Rod Halvorson brought the amendment forward. However, Halvorson said, lawmakers could sidestep voters by exempting the issue stadium from a referendum in Ramsey County. In that event, he told his fellow commissioners that Ramsey County officials should make clear that the Legislature was purposely trumping the electorate.
"(Legislators) have to assume the legal risk that the people might vote on Nov. 6th, 2012, against the sales tax being used," Halvorson said. "I believe that they will find another source for the revenue, rather than the very inappropriate Ramsey County sales tax."
His comments won loud applause from dozens of onlookers at the meeting in the Association of Minnesota Counties building in St. Paul. Many sported "Let the People Vote" stickers.
But opponents to the charter change thwarted a vote on the amendment itself, citing a technicality in the notice for tonight's meeting: the notice didn't include a mention of a vote.
Others said the matter is best taken up with lawmakers, rather than putting legal roadblocks in front of the Legislature and Gov. Mark Dayton should they decide to approve a plan for a new football stadium.
Ramsey County Charter Commissioner Fred Perez is worried that the commission might tempt lawmakers to revoke the county's charter rights. Ramsey County is the only county in Minnesota with a charter — akin to a county constitution.
"We're trying to pre-empt things that don't even exist yet," Perez said. "It's very dangerous. If this ends up in the Supreme Court, for any reason, we could lose our power completely. Then we've destroyed the charter itself. Let's make sure we protect it in the long run."
Dayton has asked for an expedited land review for the proposed stadium site in Arden Hills. The review could be completed by mid-October, paving the way for a potential special legislative session to consider a Vikings stadium.


text:
Q: Boolean observable not getting passed between components Im using angular4 for a dashboard and Im tying to hide one div when a user clicks on div in a separate component. Ive created a service with a boolean observable but when I click on the button to hide the div the service is updated with the new value but the other div isn't detecting the change
Service
import { Injectable } from '@angular/core';
import { BehaviorSubject } from "rxjs/BehaviorSubject";

@Injectable()
export class ToggleParamsService {

  toggleReportAgeSentiment: BehaviorSubject<boolean>;

  constructor() {

    this.toggleReportAgeSentiment = new BehaviorSubject<boolean>(true);

    this.toggleReportAgeSentiment.asObservable();

  }

  toggleReportAgeSentiment(showHide: boolean)
  {
    this.toggleReportAgeSentiment.next(showHide) ;
  }

}

This is the component then that Im expecting to hide when the parameter is updated. I can see the updates being made if I log to console in the service but Its not making into this component
Component
import {Component, Input, OnInit} from '@angular/core';
import {ToggleParamsService} from '../../../../shared/services/toggle-params-service/toggle-params.service';

@Component({
  selector: 'app-report-age-by-sentiment',
  providers: [ToggleParamsService],
  templateUrl: './report-age-by-sentiment.component.html',
  styleUrls: ['./report-age-by-sentiment.component.less']
})
export class ReportAgeBySentimentComponent implements OnInit {

  @Input() episodeReport: any;
  showHide;

  constructor(private toggle: ToggleParamsService) { }   //

  ngOnInit() {
    this.toggle.toggleReportAgeSentiment.subscribe(showHide => this.showHide = showHide);

  }

  changeShowAgeSentiment(){
    this.toggle.toggleReportAgeSentiment(!this.showHide);
  }

}

Template

Sentiment By Age Range

            <app-report-age-by-sentiment-chart-display
              [episodeReport]="episodeReport"></app-report-age-by-sentiment-chart-display>

Is there something fundamental Im missing here or how do I make the component detect a change?

A: My guess is that you aren't actually waiting until the response fires and returns the value. you are just calling the response. Try adding a .subscribe() to your service call.
changeShowAgeSentiment(){
    this.toggle.toggleReportAgeSentiment(!this.showHide).subscribe(res => this.showHide = res;
  }

A: Ok so I had left this for a while but Ive come back to it now and I figured out what exactly was going wrong.
The issue was the each of my components was creating a separate instance of the service that they were subscribed to. When one was updating the other wasnt seeing the updates because it wasnt subscribed to the same instance.
To resolve this I moved providers from each service up to the root component and that then shares the service amount each of the branches

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Q: How to use 'replace' to remove spaces in data I have a query below by using of 'MySQL'
Select distinct IPC_CLASS_SYMBOL as IPC, count(distinct appln_id) as PATENT_COUNT
From OOO
Where replace(IPC_CLASS_SYMBOL,' ','') in ('G08G|G01W|G01S17/86|G01S15/86|G01S17/894|G01S17/88|G01S17/00')
group by IPC
order by IPC;

I can see only 'title' like below after I run the mysql.
IPC PATENT_COUNT


David Willetts MP, Shadow Minister for Universities and Skills, took part in a live webchat on TES Connect on April 8. He discussed Conservative Party policy and thinking on the future of further education and skills. You can view the lively discussion below.


text:
Abhigyan Prakash Age, Wife, Family, Biography & More
Real Name Abhigyan Prakash
Profession Journalist
Height (approx.) in centimeters- 173 cm
in feet inches- 5' 8"
Weight (approx.) in kilograms- 75 kg
Eye Colour Dark Brown
Hair Colour Salt & Pepper
Age (as in 2017) Not Known
Birth Place Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh
Hometown Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh
College/University Christ Church College, Lucknow
Educational Qualification Bachelor's in Mass Communication
Family Not Known
Religion Hinduism
Girls, Affairs and More
Marital Status Not Known
Wife/Spouse Not Known
Some Lesser Known Facts About Abhigyan Prakash
Does Abhigyan Prakash smoke?: Not Known
Does Abhigyan Prakash drink alcohol?: Not Known
He is one of the best-known faces of Indian television news because of his prolific anchoring.
Abhigyan is the Senior Executive Director of NDTV, for which, he has hosted some of the channel's top-rated shows, like 'Newspoint,' 'Muqabla.'
He has, in his career of over two decades as a journalist, hosted shows with some of the renowned politicians, sportsmen, film stars, and businessmen.
Abhigyan is an 'opposite the editorial page' (op-ed) columnist for Dainik Jagran, a Hindi language newspaper.
With his core strength in political reading, Abhigyan has done live election analysis for legislative assembly as well as parliamentary elections since 1996.
When NDTV India was launched in 2003, Abhigyan was the one to take the channel's operation to the western India with the then most viewed show, 'Mumbai Central.'
Abhigyan, who used to be an English language journalist, shifted to the Hindi in 2003. This made him one of the best bilingual presenters in the country.
His team had won President's Medal for exposing the 'Telgi Scam,' which was a multi-crore fake stamp paper scam. Four years after the case was filed in the court, the prime accused, Abdul Karim Telgi was awarded a 13-year rigorous imprisonment and a fine of INR 202 Crores, in June 2007.
He was one of the jury members of Press Council of India 'National Awards for Excellence in Journalism' in November 2013.
Abhigyan launched Gaurav Sharma's book 'Development and Communication Morphosis' in the New Delhi World Book Fair 2014.
An opinion-editorial in April 2015 in The Hoot, an independent South Asian media watchdog, read that when almost every Indian news channel conducted debates on the topic of farmers' suicides and their situation, there was just one channel which featured Abhigyan and Ravish Kumar in a show which showed the journalists travelling to rural areas and depicting the unfortunate situation of farmers.
He has won a number of awards, namely 'Jai Jawan,' 'Newspoint,' and 'India Rocks.'
Khaby Lame Height, Age, Girlfriend, Family, Biography & More
Nisha Nagpal (Actress) Height, Weight, Age, Boyfriend, Biography & More
Colin de Grandhomme Height, Weight, Age, Wife, Biography & More
Debattama Saha Height, Age, Boyfriend, Family, Biography & More
Mayim Bialik Height, Weight, Age, Husband & More
Abhimanyu Chaudhary (Actor) Age, Girlfriend, Family, Biography & More
Munshi Premchand Age, Death, Caste, Wife, Children, Family, Biography & More
Deepak Kumar (Shooter) Height, Age, Family, Biography & More
Angus Young Height, Weight, Age, Affairs, Wife, Biography & More
Shraddha Sharma (Singer) Height, Weight, Age, Affair, Biography & More
Shama Sikander Height, Weight, Age, Affairs, Family, Biography & More
Queen Elizabeth II Age, Husband, Children, Family, Biography & More
Suthida (Queen of Thailand) Age, Husband, Family, Biography & More


text:
using Google.ProtocolBuffers.DescriptorProtos;

namespace Google.ProtocolBuffers.Descriptors
{
    /// <summary>
    /// Base class for nearly all descriptors, providing common functionality.
    /// </summary>
    /// <typeparam name="TProto">Type of the protocol buffer form of this descriptor</typeparam>
    /// <typeparam name="TOptions">Type of the options protocol buffer for this descriptor</typeparam>
    public abstract class DescriptorBase<TProto, TOptions> : IDescriptor<TProto>
        where TProto : IMessage, IDescriptorProto<TOptions>
    {
        private TProto proto;
        private readonly FileDescriptor file;
        private readonly string fullName;

        protected DescriptorBase(TProto proto, FileDescriptor file, string fullName)
        {
            this.proto = proto;
            this.file = file;
            this.fullName = fullName;
        }

        internal virtual void ReplaceProto(TProto newProto)
        {
            this.proto = newProto;
        }

        protected static string ComputeFullName(FileDescriptor file, MessageDescriptor parent, string name)
        {
            if (parent != null)
            {
                return parent.FullName + "." + name;
            }
            if (file.Package.Length > 0)
            {
                return file.Package + "." + name;
            }
            return name;
        }

        IMessage IDescriptor.Proto
        {
            get { return proto; }
        }

        /// <summary>
        /// Returns the protocol buffer form of this descriptor.
        /// </summary>
        public TProto Proto
        {
            get { return proto; }
        }

        public TOptions Options
        {
            get { return proto.Options; }
        }

        /// <summary>
        /// The fully qualified name of the descriptor's target.
        /// </summary>
        public string FullName
        {
            get { return fullName; }
        }

        /// <summary>
        /// The brief name of the descriptor's target.
        /// </summary>
        public string Name
        {
            get { return proto.Name; }
        }

        /// <value>
        /// The file this descriptor was declared in.
        /// </value>
        public FileDescriptor File
        {
            get { return file; }
        }
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
THE DRAFT OF
A NEW LAW ON STRIKES
Iskra, No. 24,
Published according
to the Iskra text
Second Impression 1964
Vol. 6, pp. 217-26.
Edited by Clemens Dutt and Julius Katzer
Prepared © for the Internet by David J. Romagnolo,
[email protected] (February 2002)
THE DRAFT OF A NEW LAW ON STRIKES
We have come into possession of a new confidential document -- the memorandum of the Ministry of Finance "On a revision of articles in the law which make strikes and breaches of contract of hire punishable, and on the desirability of instituting workers' organisations for purposes of mutual aid." In view of the length of this memorandum and the need to acquaint the broadest possible sections of the working class with it, we are publishing it as a separate pamphlet.[83] At present, however, we shall give a brief review of the contents of this interesting document and point out its importance.
The memorandum begins with a short survey of the history of our factory legislation, mentioning the Laws of June 3, 1886 and June 2, 1897,[84] and then proceeds to the question of the abolition of criminal liability for leaving employment and for striking. The Ministry of Finance is of the opinion that the threat of arrest or imprisonment for a worker's leaving work without permission or for a number of workers downing tools by agreement among themselves, fails in its purpose. Experience has shown that this does not ensure the maintenance of public order; this threat merely embitters the workers, convincing them of the injustice of the law. The enforcement of these laws is very difficult "in view of the extreme burdensomeness of instituting hundreds and sometimes thousands of proceedings" if every worker who leaves his job is to be tried, and also in view of the fact that it is unprofitable for the factory owner to lose workers if the latter are imprisoned for going on strike. Making strikes a criminal offence leads to inordinately
zealous interference by the police, which does more harm than good, bringing the employers more difficulties and trouble than relief. The memorandum proposes the complete abolition of the individual worker's liability for leaving a factory of his own accord, or for participating in peaceable strikes (unattended by violence or breaches of public law and order, etc.). Following the example of legislation abroad, penalties should be imposed only for "violence, threats, or defamation [!] practised by any employer or worker against the person or property of a third person with the object of compelling the latter, despite his free and lawful intentions, to work or to abstain from working" on certain terms. In other words, instead of criminal liability for participation in strikes the proposal is to make it a crime to interfere with "persons desiring to work."
As to the mutual aid societies, the Ministry of Finance complains of arbitrariness on the part of the administrative authorities (which, it claims, is particularly noticeable in Moscow where the Society of Mechanics[85] even claimed the right to "mediate" between workers and management), and demands legislative enactment of proper regulations for such societies and assistance in their organisation.
Thus, the general spirit of the new memorandum of the Ministry of Finance is undoubtedly liberal, and its main point is the proposal to abolish criminal liability for participation in strikes. We shall not analyse the contents of the entire "Bill" in detail here (it will be more convenient to do so after the memorandum has been published in full), but shall merely call the reader's attention to the nature and significance of this liberalism. The proposal to give the workers a certain right to strike and to organise is nothing new, not only in our liberal publicist writings but even in projects coming from official government commissions. In the early sixties, the Stackelberg Commission, which revised factory and artisan regulations, proposed that factory courts elected from among the workers and the employers be set up and that some freedom of organisation be granted the workers. In the eighties the commission charged with drafting a new criminal code proposed the abolition of criminal liability for participation in strikes. However, the present draft of the Ministry of
Finance differs substantially from the earlier projects, and this difference will remain an extremely important sign of the times even if the proposed new draft is pigeon-holed like all others before it. This essential difference consists in the fact that the new draft rests on an incomparably sounder foundation; in it you sense, not only the voice of a few progressive theorists and ideologists of the bourgeoisie, but the voice of an entire section of practical industrialists. This is no longer the liberalism of "humane" government officials and professors alone; it is the home-bred, native liberalism of the Moscow merchants and manufacturers. Let me say frankly that this fact fills my heart with a lofty patriotic pride: the twopenny-halfpenny liberalism of the merchant means much more than the shilling liberalism of the government official. And what is most interesting in the memorandum is not the nauseating talk about freedom of contract and the interests of the state, but the practical considerations of the manufacturers, which break right through the traditional juridical arguments.
This is intolerable! We're fed up! Keep out of it! -- is what the Russian manufacturer is saying to the Russian police through the medium of the author of the ministerial memorandum. Just listen indeed to the following line of reasoning:
"To the police authorities, who find support in the vagueness and ambiguity of the existing law, every strike comes not as a natural economic phenomenon, but invariably as a breach of public law and order. If, however, a calmer attitude existed with regard to stoppages of work at factories, and strikes were not made synonymous with breaches of public order, it would be much easier to ascertain the true causes of such, to separate lawful and justifiable grounds from those that are unlawful and untenable and to take the necessary steps towards peaceful agreement between the two parties. Given a more normal state of affairs such as this, restrictive and repressive measures would be resorted to only when disorder was patently in evidence." The police do not go into the reasons for a strike; they are concerned solely with cutting it short, to which end they resort to one of two methods: either they force the workers (by arrests, deportation, and other measures "up to and in-
cluding the use of armed force") to return to work, or they prompt the employers to make concessions. "It cannot be said that either of these methods suits" Messrs. the Manufacturers: the former "embitters the workers," the latter "confirms the workers in the extremely harmful belief that a strike is the surest way of getting what they want in every case." "The history of strikes during the last decade affords many illustrations of the harm resulting from the efforts to suppress the resulting complications rapidly and at any cost. Hurriedly made arrests have at times so incensed workers who were completely calm until then that Cossacks had to be brought into action, and after that of course any satisfaction even of the legitimate demands of the strikers was out of the question. On the other hand, cases of prompt satisfaction of the workers' unlawful demands by means of pressure upon the manufacturers did not fail to evoke similar strikes in other industrial enterprises where it became necessary to resort to military force rather than to a system of concessions, which is sometimes entirely incomprehensible to the workers and strengthens their conviction that the authorities are unjust and despotic towards them. . . ." That the police should ever satisfy even unlawful demands of the workers by means of pressure upon the manufacturers -- that of course is a fancy of the Messrs. the Capitalists, who want to say that in some cases they themselves, after some bargaining with the strikers, would concede less than they have to concede under the pressure of the grim prospect of "breaches of state law and order." The memorandum has a dig at the Ministry of the Interior, which in its circular letter of August 12, 1897, "issued without agreement with the Ministry of Finance" (that is where the crux of the matter lies!), prescribes both arrest and deportation in every strike and demands that every case connected with strikes be dealt with as required by the emergency regulations. "The higher administrative authorities," continues the memorandum, setting forth the complaints of the manufacturers, "go still further [than the law] and flatly regard all [italics in the original] cases of strikes as matters of state importance. . . . Actually, however, every strike (of course if not accompanied by violence) is a purely economic phenomenon, which is quite natural and in no way jeopard-
ises public law and order. In these cases law and order should be maintained in the same way as during popular festivities, celebrations, performances, and like occasions."
This is the language of genuine Manchester Liberals, who proclaim that the struggle between capital and labour is a purely natural phenomenon, who with remarkable frankness put on a par "trade in commodities" and "trade in labour" (elsewhere in the memorandum), demand non-interference by the state, and assign to this state the role of night (and day) watchman. And, what is of particular importance, the Russian manufacturers have been compelled to adopt this liberal standpoint by none other than our workers. The working-class movement has spread so greatly that strikes have really become "natural economic phenomena." The workers' struggle has assumed such stubborn forms that interference by the police state, which prohibits all manifestations of this struggle, has really begun to prove harmful, not only to the workers (to whom it has, of course, never brought anything but harm), but even to the manufacturers themselves, on whose behalf this interference was practised. The workers actually deprived the police prohibitions of all force, but the police continued (and in an autocratic state could not but continue) to interfere and, feeling their impotence, kept going from side to side: from armed force to concessions, from savage reprisals to blandishments. The less effective police intervention proved, the more keenly did the manufacturers feel the arbitrariness of the police, the more inclined they were to believe that it did not pay them to support this arbitrariness. The conflict between a certain section of the big industrialists and the all-powerfull police became more and more intense, assuming particularly acute forms in Moscow, where the system of flirting with the workers had flourished most luxuriantly. The memorandum openly complains of the Moscow authorities, who were carrying on a dangerous game with workers' conferences and the workers' mutual aid society in the engineering industry. In order to decoy the workers it became necessary to grant the council of this society a certain right of mediation -- and the manufacturers immediately began to kick. "At first this council," the memorandum says at
their dictation, "applied to the Factory Inspectorate, but, seeing that the latter did not recognise its right to act as mediator, a role which it had assumed on its own, it began to turn to the Chief of Police, who not only accepts the tendered statements, but acts on them in due course, thus sanctioning the rights which the council has arrogated to itself." The manufacturers are protesting against particular administrative decrees and demand the legislative enactment of a new system.
True, the manufacturers' liberalism has not ventured so far beyond the extremely narrow limits of their specific interests; their hostility to police arbitrariness is limited to individual cases of police excesses which are not to their advantage, and is not levelled against the mainstays of bureaucratic despotism. But, by aggravating the class antagonisms in the capitalist countries, the economic development of Russia and of the whole world will foster the growth of this hostility, provide greater grounds for it, and intensify it. The proletariat's strength lies precisely in the growth of its numbers and its solidarity as a result of the very process of economic development, while the interests of the big and petty bourgeoisie become more and more scattered and divided. To take into account this "natural" advantage of the proletariat, the Social-Democrats must closely watch all clashes of interests among the ruling classes, using these clashes, not only in order to gain practical advantages for one section or another of the working class, but also for the purpose of enlightening the entire working class, for the purpose of deriving a useful lesson from each new social and political incident.
The practical advantage which the workers stand to gain from the revision of the law proposed by the liberal manufacturers is too obvious to be dwelt on at length. It is an undoubted concession to a growing force, an abandonment by the enemy of one of his positions, which the revolutionary proletariat has practically captured already and which the more far-seeing leaders of the hostile army no longer care to defend. Of course, this is no big concession: first of all, it is ridiculous even to think that real freedom, the right to strike, is possible without political liberty. The police still retain the right to make arrests
and to deport without trial, and will retain that right so long as the autocracy continues to exist. And the retention of this right means preservation of nine-tenths of the police interference, the outrages, and the high-handedness, which are beginning to disgust even the manufacturers. Secondly, even in the narrow sphere of factory legislation itself, the Ministry of Finance is taking a very timid step forward, copying the German Bill which the German workers have dubbed the "Hard Labour" Bill,[86] and preserving special penalties "for violence, threats, or defamation" in connection with the contract of hire, as if general penal laws covering these offences did not exist! But the Russian workers will know how to utilise even this small concession so as to strengthen their positions, to intensify and extend their great struggle for the emancipation of working humanity from wage slavery.
As to the useful lesson taught us by the new memorandum, we must note primarily that the protest of the manufacturers against the medieval strike law affords us a small and particular example of the general incompatibility of interests between the developing bourgeoisie and moribund absolutism. This should give food for thought to those people who (like the Socialist-Revolutionaries) have hitherto timidly shut their eyes to the elements of bourgeois opposition in Russia and who continue to reiterate as of old that the "interests" (in general!) of the Russian bourgeoisie are satisfied. It turns out that police arbitrariness clashes now with some, now with other interests of even those sections of the bourgeoisie that are most directly protected by the tsarist police and are threatened directly with material loss by any loosening of the fetters placed on the proletariat.
It turns out that a real revolutionary movement disorganises the government, not only directly by the fact that it enlightens, rouses, and unites the exploited masses, but also indirectly by the fact that it cuts the ground from under antiquated laws, destroys the faith in the autocracy even of those who would seem to be its confederates, increases "family squabbles" among these confederates, and replaces firmness and unity in the camp of the enemy by dissension and wavering. But in order to achieve such results one condition is required, which our Socialist-Revolutionaries have,
never been able to grasp: it is necessary that the movement should be truly revolutionary, i.e., that it should rouse to a new life ever broader sections of the really revolutionary class, that it should actually refashion the spiritual and political make-up of this class, and through it, of all those who come in contact with it. If the Socialist-Revolutionaries grasped this truth, they would understand what practical harm is wrought by their ideological poverty and the unprincipledness of their approach to the fundamental problems of socialism; they would understand that it is not the forces of the government but those of the revolution that are disorganised by people who preach that against the crowd the autocracy has its soldiers and against organisations -- the police, whereas individual terrorists who remove ministers and governors are truly elusive.
The new "step" by the executive board of the manufacturers' henchmen affords us still another useful lesson. This lesson is that we must be able to make practical use of any liberalism, even of the twopenny-halfpenny variety, and that at the same time we must be on our guard lest this liberalism corrupt the masses with its false presentation of questions. An example is Mr. Struve, an interview with whom we could put under the heading: "How the liberals want to teach the workers and how the workers should teach the liberals." In No. 4 of Osvobozhdeniye, which has begun publication of the memorandum under analysis, Mr. Struve tells us, among other things, that the new draft is an expression of "statesmanship," which, he says, will scarcely succeed in breaking through the wall of arbitrariness and senselessness. No, Mr. Struve. It was not "statesmanship" that advanced the new strike Bill, but the manufacturers. This Bill has appeared, not because the state "recognised" the basic principles of civil law (the bourgeois "liberty and equality" of employers and workers), but because the abolition of criminal liability for participation in strikes has become advantageous to the manufacturers. The juridical formulations and wholly conclusive reasons now assigned by the Ministry of Finance "itself" (Osvobozhdeniye, No. 4, p. 50) existed long ago in Russian publications and even in the reports of government commissions, but it all remained buried in oblivion until the captains of industry raised their voices,
after the workers had shown them in practice how absurd the old laws were. We stress the decisive importance of the manufacturers' advantages and interests not because we believe that this diminishes the importance of the government schemes -- on the contrary, we have already stated that this raises their importance in our eyes. But the proletariat must learn above all to look at things squarely and soberly in its struggle against the whole of the present day system, to lay bare the real causes behind "lofty acts of state," and to expose unremittingly the false and high sounding bombast about "statesmanship," etc., to which the sly police officials give utterance deliberately, and the learned liberals short-sightedly.
Further, Mr. Struve advises the workers to be "restrained" in their agitation for the abolition of criminal liability for participation in strikes. "The more restrained it [this agitation] will be in form," Mr. Struve preaches, "the greater its significance will be." The workers should cordially thank this former socialist for such advice. This is the traditional Molchalin[87] wisdom of the liberals -- to preach restraint at the very time when the government has just begun to waver (on some particular question). More restraint is needed so as not to hinder implementation of the incipient reform, so as not to raise apprehensions, and to make use of the propitious moment when the first step has already been taken (a memorandum has been drawn up!) and when some government department's recognition of the necessity for reforms gives "irrefutable [?] proof both to the government and to society [!] of the justice and timeliness" (?) of these reforms. This is how Mr. Struve reasons with regard to the draft under discussion, and this is how the Russian liberals have always reasoned. However this is not how the Social-Democrats reason. Just look, they say, even some manufacturers have already begun to understand that the European forms of the class struggle are better than Asiatic police tyranny. Our stubborn fight has forced even the manufacturers to doubt the omnipotence of the myrmidons of the autocracy. Forward, then, more boldly! Spread more widely the glad tidings of irresolution in the enemy camp; take advantage of the slightest sign of wavering on the part of the enemy so as to increase your demands rather than "restrain" them in
the Molchalin manner. Against the debt the government owes to the people, they want to pay you one kopek in every hundred rubles. One payment of this kopek in order to demand in louder and louder terms the whole sum, to completely discredit the government and prepare our forces to deliver a decisive blow at it.
[83] V. I. Lenin is referring to the pamphlet, The Autocracy and Strikes. The Memorandum of the Ministry of Finance on Permitting Strikes, published in 1902 in Geneva by the League of Russian Revolutionary Social-Democracy Abroad. [p. 217]
[84] The Law of June 3 (15), 1886 ("Regulations on Supervision of the Enterprises of the Factory Industry and on Relations Between Factory Owners and Workers") was passed under the influence of the working-class movement in the Moscow, Vladimir, and Yaroslavl gubernias and, in particular, the famous Morozov strike of 1885. The chief feature of the Law of June 3, 1886, was the certain restriction it placed on the arbitrary right of factory owners to exact fines from the workers (hence it became known as the "Law on Fines"). Lenin gave a detailed analysis and criticism of this law in the pamphlet, Explanation of the Law on Fines Imposed on Factory Workers (see present edition, Vol. 2, pp. 29-72).
The Law of June 2 (14), 1897 ("On the Duration and Distribution of Working Hours in Enterprises of the Factory Industry") introduced, for the first time in Russian history, legislative limitation of
the working day for part of the workers in large-scale industry. Like the Law of June 3, 1886, it was passed under the influence of the working-class movement in the nineties of the nineteenth century, particularly the mass strikes of the St. Petersburg workers in 1895-96. V. I. Lenin's pamphlet, The New Factory Law, gives an analysis and criticism of the Law of June 2, 1897 (see present edition, Vol. 2, pp. 267-315). [p. 217]
[85] The Society of Mechanics (officially the Society for Mutual Aid of Workers Engaged in Mechanical Production) was formed in Moscow in May 1901 with the participation of the secret police. Its rules were confirmed by the Governor-General of Moscow on February 14, 1902. The formation of the Society was one of the attempts made to implant "police socialism, -- Zubatovism (see Note 62), in order to divert the workers from the revolutionary struggle. The demagogic flirting of the police with the workers and, in particular the attempts made by Zubatov agents, who controlled the Society of Mechanics, to assume the right to mediate in conflicts between employers and workers, evoked dissatisfaction among Moscow factory owners and protests from the Ministry of Finance, which reflected their interests. Under the impact of the growing working class movement, the role of the Society, like that of other Zubatov organisations, dwindled away after 1903.
[Note 62 -- Zubatov -- colonel of gendarmerie and chief of the Moscow Secret Police, on whose initiative a policy of "police socialism" was conducted in 1901-03. This consisted in the setting up of legal workers' organisations intended to divert the workers from the political struggle against the autocracy. Through these organisations Zubatov attempted to direct the working-class movement towards the achievement of purely economic aims, and it was suggested to the workers that the tsarist government was prepared to help improve their economic conditions.
The reactionary character of Zubatovism was unmasked by the revolutionary Social-Democrats, who made use of legal working-class organisations so as to draw the working masses into the struggle against the autocracy. As Lenin was to write later: the Zubatov movement oversteps its bounds and, started by the police in the interests of the police, in the interests of support for the autocracy, in the interests of corrupting the workers' political consciousness, this movement turns against the autocracy becomes an explosion of the proletarian class struggle" (see present edition, Vol. 8, "The St. Petersburg Strike").
Under the impact of the revolutionary movement in 1903, the tsar's government was forced to liquidate the Zubatov organisations.]
[86] The reference is to the so-called "Hard Labour" Bill (Zuchthausvorlage ) introduced in the German Reichstag in 1899 on the insistence of the employers and Emperor Wilhelm II. The Bill imposed from one to five years of prison or a fine of up to 1,000 marks on anyone who "by violence, threats, insults or a declaration of dishonesty" helped workers take part in unions and agreements, in cited them to strike or tried to oppose strike-breaking. Under pressure from the working-class movement, the "Hard Labour" Bill was turned down in the Reichstag on November 20, 1899, by the votes of the Left parties and the Centre party. [p. 223]
[87] Molchalin -- a character in Griboyedov's play, Wit Works Woe, a careerist and lickspittle. [p. 225]


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Her Majesty's Lord-Lieutenant for Somerset Mrs Anne Maw was the guest of honour when CYMT Brass Group (directed by Mr Jim Bennett) and flautist Amelie Donovan, accompanied by Mr Dominic Hansom, performed at the Somerset Day celebrations on 12 May 2018 at Cedars Hall, Wells Cathedral School.
Hosted by Ben McGrail ITV from ITV News West Country and organised by Bill Lloyd & Nigel Muers-Raby, the event also featured the awesome The Drystones from Priddy in Somerset.
Other artists were Yeovilton Military Wives Choir as well as student soloists from Wells Cathedral School: Meadow Brooks (marimba), Nina Savicevic (piano) & Daniel Watt (vibraphone).
Huge thanks to Bill Lloyd and Nigel Muers-Raby for giving CYMT students the chance to perform at the wonderful Somerset Day 2018 celebrations. Somerset Day is organised by Passion for Somerset Community Interest Company.
Thanks to our three councils: Somerset County Council,North Somerset Council and Bath and North East Somerset Council for generously underwriting the event's costs.
The event was held in aid of the Somerset Hospice Movement comprising St. Margaret's Somerset Hospice, Weston Hospicecare and Dorothy House Hospice Care. All the proceeds from the event supports the wonderful work they do throughout Somerset.
Somerset Day takes place on the 11th May annually and marks Alfred the Great's call to arms and the gathering of 'all the people of Somerset' to march against the invading Viking army, and is now an annual opportunity to celebrate all that is "great" about Somerset and its residents and communities.
Alfred is the only Monarch to have been called "the Great" and, followinghis defeat of the Danes, is regarded by many to be the first King of England. By the 890's Alfred's charters and coinage were referring to him as 'King of the English', reinforcing Somerset's claim to be the origins of England.


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