Toddlers love to move, run, jump. They also like to put things in their mouth. Situations in which the child is active can lead to choking. Also bottle feeding in an incorrect position may cause the food to go down the wrong pipe, that is the larynx and oesophagus. It makes breathing difficult.
Toddlers love to move, run, jump. They also like putting things in their mouth. Situations in which the child is active can lead to choking. Also bottle feeding in an incorrect position may cause the food to "go down the wrong pipe", that is the larynx and oesophagus. It makes breathing difficult. When your child starts to choke, you should start giving him first aid immediately. Otherwise, the condition could lead to severe problems with breathing or oxygen deficiency in the brain. This is due to the fact that a child's larynx has a different shape - it doesn't have the shape of a cylinder, but of a cone that becomes narrower, and it causes more intense irritation and blocking of airways if an object, food or drink gets stuck.
Here's the treatment that will help the baby (under one year) to expel the obstruction.
1. Sit on a chair and lay the baby on your forearm with his face down (his head should be lower than the torso). Use the heel of your hand to give your baby five blows between the shoulder blades. Don't press the baby's tummy. The coughing baby can start to vomit. Hold him in this position in order to protect him from choking. When the baby coughs up the contents, lay him on his side. If he starts to fall asleep or drool, call an ambulance.
2. If the baby doesn't dislodge the object, lay him on your lap on his tummy. His head should be lower than his torso. Use your index and middle finger to give the baby a thrush right under his breastbone.
3. If you notice that the baby can't breathe and starts to get pale or lose consciousness, lay him on his side on the floor and restore the patency of his airways by gently tilting his head back (do it with your palm on his forehead) and lifting the chin. If you see the object in his mouth, try to remove it. Check the baby's breathing once every 10 seconds. If he's breathing, lay him on his side and wait for the ambulance.
4. If you weren't able to remove the obstruction, and your baby still isn't breathing, start giving artificial respiration. Take a breath, seal the baby's mouth and nose tightly with your lips, and blow breath into the baby's mouth. Repeat 5 times. If the child doesn't start to breathe, start doing chest compressions: 30 compressions with two fingers on the chest (lower part of the breastbone) and then give 2 breaths. After 3 sequences check if the baby has started to breathe. If not, call an ambulance quickly and continue doing chest compressions. Repeat the sequences until the ambulance arrives.


Ciaran Murtagh's goal helped Roscommon lead by three at half-time but Donegal moved three up before a Conor Devaney goal levelled matters on 64 minutes.
Mark Anthony McGinley saved a glorious Ronan Stack goal chance before McHugh's dramatic injury-time winner.
Both Monaghan and Cavan missed a host of chances in their Division One game.
A number of Cavan's misses were particularly glaring with Seanie Johnston having a poor free-taking day but Monaghan will feel that they should have snatched victory late on as the normally reliable Conor McManus and Owen Duffy both missed great chances to seal victory.
With both sides having lost several experienced squad members in recent months, the Dr Hyde Park encounter was billed as a relegation battle and it was Donegal who came out on the right side of the result after a frantic finish.
Managers Rory Gallagher and Kevin McStay got involved in spot of jostling and verbal exchanges in the closing seconds after McHugh had kicked Donegal ahead, with the Roscommon boss unhappy at the duration of a substitution by the visitors.
Moments earlier, Stack had squandered a glorious chance to seemingly secure Roscommon's victory as he opted to goal for goal from point-blank range which allowed Donegal keeper McGinley to make a brilliant save.
Donegal led by two early on but Roscommon took a three-point lead after McGinley's misdirected short kick-out was punished by Murtagh bundling the ball over the line.
The visitors had a great chance to respond with a three-pointer of their own but Michael Carroll's low shot skimmed over the crossbar.
Trailing 1-6 to 0-6 at the break, Frank McGlynn's half-time introduction spurred a Donegal comeback as three points from the impressive Marty O'Reilly and further scores by the impressive Caolan Ward, Jamie Brennan, sub Darach O'Connor and Eoin McHugh helped the visitors move three ahead.
Roscommon levelled with six minutes of normal time left as Devaney lashed an unstoppable shot past McGinley.
Stack seemed certain to win it but took the wrong option in going for goal and relieved by the let-off, Donegal clinched victory as McHugh pointed in the final minute of injury-time.
Scores were at a premium at Castleblayney but Cavan probably should have edged the verdict after missing some great chances.
Johnston's early missed free set the tone for his day although he did help the Breffnimen move into a 0-2 to 0-0 lead.
Monaghan didn't open their account until McManus' 21st-minute free and he quickly added two more scores to nudge Monaghan ahead.
Cavan's Niall Clerkin then created a goal chance for himself after a superb run but attempted to find a colleague instead of shooting himself and the chance was intercepted.
Killian Brady did level before the break but with Cavan continuing to misfire in front of goal, Monaghan led by two on three occasions in the third quarter.
However, the Farneymen failed to score in the closing 18 minutes, with Cavan also unable to split the posts in the final 15 minutes of play after points from Shane Tierney and Gearoid McKiernan.
Cavan did have a late penalty claim turned down by referee David Coldrick after Drew Wylie had challenged McKiernan while McManus and Owen Duffy then missed chances to win it for Monaghan.
After their opening home defeat by Dublin, the draw gets Mattie McGleenan's side off the mark in Division One while Monaghan move on to three points after their opening win in Mayo.


text:
CIX is appearing on "Everland Halloween Online Concert" today (22nd)
MoMo 기자
[BBANGYA NEWS | Reporter Mo Mo] The group CIX (CIX) will provide special teamwork with online fans.
CIX (BX, Seung-hoon, Bae Jin-young, Yong-hee, and Hyun-suk) will appear at the Everland Halloween Online Concert, which will be broadcast live on Everland's YouTube channel at 8 p.m. on the 22nd, to set up a variety of stages.
Everland Halloween Online Concert is an online concert specially organized by Everland for those who have more time staying at home due to social distancing and is designed to enjoy exciting and safe performances while breathing with artists in real-time in the first row of their homes.
An Everland official said, "I hope it will be a valuable time for customers who are tired of their frustrated daily lives to relieve stress and heal through the Halloween online concert."
On this day, CIX will wear Halloween-themed costumes and perform more colorful and colorful performances. In particular, about 400 online cheering squads selected as pre-events will appear on a large screen behind the stage to create a more realistic concert with artists.
CIX recently met global fans through a number of K-POP performances such as 2021 Mokkoji Korea, 12th INK Concert, 2021 Seoul International Music Fair (MU:CON), and 2021 Sharing Concert With Hope. He will also appear in the "World is One 2021 Concert," which will be broadcast live globally on YouTube at 8 p.m. on the 30th, continuing his heated stage.
Meanwhile, the Everland Halloween Online Concert featuring CIX will be available on Everland's YouTube channel at 8 p.m. on the 22nd.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


I paint because I can't imagine not painting.
For me, painting is an essential part of living. I'm exploring abstraction using acrylics in combination with other media to depict thoughts, emotion and/or scenes through color, surface texture, and forms. I sketch out or design most of my pieces on paper or computer before picking up a brush. However, the work becomes more and more intuitive as it comes to life. Often, the original sketch or design merely becomes the "bones" or structure from which a new work emerges.
My work is vivid and tends to reflect the joy that I find in just being part of this world. I love working with the basics, primary color. I'm working in mostly water and dry media: acrylic, watercolor, ink, color pencil and collage. My pieces are built, layer by layer, using brushwork, imprinting, lettering, knife work and pouring. I work on several pieces simultaneously. My pieces can be thought of as paintings upon paintings because I work each stage until I'm satisfied with all aspects of it even though I know it's rarely the final view.
My work is constantly evolving. Everything I encounter has the ability to inform my work. Although I am primarily focused on abstract expression, I continually challenge myself as an artist to just create!
I am grateful for and humbled by the support shown for my art since I made the decision to share my work publicly. The support of my patrons have made it possible for me to donate several art pieces to charitable organizations. I truly believe in "pay it forward" and will continue to do just that!
Since 2013, I have served on the Board of Directors of an extraordinary organization, Girls Inc of Greater Houston. I am fortunate to be able to once again commit to supporting one passion with another! For the past four years, I have donated artwork to be auctioned by Girls Inc of Greater Houston. My plan is to continue this tradition. So come to the Girls Inc. events!!
Click here for information on upcoming group classes.
For information on commissioned art work: contact vivian le flore mora or call the artist at (713) 385-5548.


text:
Wade Graham
THE FIRE PARADOX: BURN IT TO SAVE IT
by wade graham
Published October 20th, 2002 by Wade Graham
Just beyond the sprawling outskirts of Phoenix, the heat is 111 degrees and the rush-hour traffic shimmers like a mirage. A billboard filled with verdant pine trees beckons: "Come to the real Arizona." To the northeast, the landscape climbs from 1,500 feet in the Valley of the Sun to 7,000 feet along the forested Mogollon Rim, a magnet for vacation homes and retirement communities drawn by the promise of trout in cool streams and elk grazing beneath the ponderosa pines.
This day in early summer, the magnet is on fire. A stream of evacuees in pickups and RVs is heading the other way. Soon, flurries of ashes hiss against the windshield, air tankers lumber overhead toward the mountains and a thunderhead of smoke boils up from flames raging through the forest canopy 10 miles away. Arizona is suffering the largest fire in its history.
The blaze, known as the Rodeo-Chediski fire, tops the Mogollon Rim and is racing eastward. Most of the town of Overgaard and parts of Heber are quickly overrun. In the development of Pinecrest Lakes, 166 of 200 double-wide mobile homes are literally vaporized. In Bison Ranch, dozens of faux-log cabins are left twisted and smoking. Undeterred by an army of 4,500 firefighters and a squadron of air tankers, the fire surges outward along a 400-mile perimeter. To the north, it has jumped the highway in several places, making a fast run toward the high desert.
Up ahead, at 8,500 feet in the hamlet of Alpine, potentially in the path of the advancing flames, Arizona State University professor Stephen J. Pyne and his wife, Sonja, are packing up their cabin. The inferno is coming, just as he had long predicted. One of the world's leading authorities on fire, Pyne has for years advanced the paradoxical prophecy that the greatest threat to America's forests is not too much fire, but too little. In Pyne's paradox, without regular, low-intensity wildfires to clear out undergrowth, the landscape will one day explode in devastating firestorms like the one nearby, fires so intense that they obliterate the forests and the creatures within them.
The Pynes' cabin is a house with rounded wooden siding meant to look like logs, set in a sparse subdivision of similar houses carved into dense forest. Pyne greets me at the door. He is tall and lanky, with an open, bright face and a nearly constant smile. He's younger looking than his 53 years and more relaxed than might be expected in light of his prodigious scholarly output. So far he has written 14 books, 11 of which compose a panoramic history of the world as seen through the lens of fire–an extraordinary ouevre for which he was awarded a MacArthur "genius" fellowship in the late 1980s.
Inside, Sonja is carefully packing important items, leaving what they don't mind losing–which she cheerfully admits includes the house itself if forced to choose between it and the ancient ponderosa pines outside. Pyne is packing too, in between telephone calls from the media. The national press this year is reporting a growing consensus that the "fire deluge," as Pyne and others have argued, is the unintended consequence of a century of government policy of putting out fires in the woods. What's more, Pyne says, our attitudes toward fire ignore the historical reality that man's role in nature has been to start fires, usually unintentionally, but almost always to healthy effect.
For nearly 100 years, Americans have been at war with wildfire, and we have been enormously successful, cutting U.S. acreage burned by 95%. But fire suppression has left the landscape loaded with fuel in the form of brush and trees. In effect, it has planted bombs in the forests. "If you take the normal, historical rhythm of fire out, you get these kinds of horrific fires that scour out the landscape," Pyne says. "These are of a scale and intensity and size that are just beyond the range of what this forest can adapt to."
A landscape some distance from the cabin illustrates his point. Under a low, leaden ceiling, a forest of black poles stands in a rolling black landscape punctuated by still-smoking stumps. White flakes of ash as big as autumn snowflakes blow lazily through the air and across the charred crust the soil has become, building low dunes against stumps and filling holes where trees had been. There is a pleasant, sweet smell of burning pine and juniper, exactly like a campfire. Every living thing has been killed, transformed into charcoal. Hiroshima in the pines–luckily with no human victims, though nationally 21 firefighters have already died this season.
Ultimately, the White Mountain Apache reservation, where the Rodeo-Chediski fire started, is the hardest hit. Of the acreage burned, two-thirds is reservation land. Timber is the among the top three sources of income on the reservation, which has 60% unemployment. The fire claimed 12 years of their harvest, worth perhaps $241 million and 400 jobs at the two mills. According to the Forest Service, the forest will take at least 100 years to return to what it was.
The news reports of this fire bring a parade of government officials repeating Pyne's scenario like a mantra: There is too much fuel in the woods. But beyond that, the discussion quickly dissolves into a cacophony of old arguments, with the same antagonists drawing the same battle lines that have frustrated Pyne for years–environmentalists versus loggers arguing about U.S. forest policy, neither of them seeing the bigger picture.
In this fire season, Arizona Republican Sen. Jon Kyl blames "radical environmentalists. They would rather the forests burn than to see sensible forest management," which to him means thinning out the forests by logging and burning the debris left behind.
Arizona Republican Gov. Jane Dee Hull, who keeps a second home in Pinetop-Lakeside, rails: "The policies that are coming from the East Coast, that are coming from the environmentalists, that say we don't need to log, we don't need to thin our forests, are absolutely ridiculous. Nobody on the East Coast knows how to manage these fires, and I for one have had it."
On CNN's "Crossfire," conservative co-host Robert Novak taunts Kieran Suckling, director of the Arizona-based environmental group Center for Biological Diversity: "You have created a holocaust, haven't you?"
Suckling's reply: "What's wrong with these forests is they've been managed exclusively for timber industry profits for a hundred years. The old fire-resistant trees have been cut down and shipped to the timber mills and the fires have been suppressed because they were viewed to be dangerous to the timber industry . . . . I'll tell you what's happening right now in Arizona. The Forest Service is not focusing its thinning projects around the urban areas that are threatened. Instead, they're off cutting down old growth trees in the wilderness, 30, 40, 50 miles from the nearest home."
Pyne has heard it all before. "I see the same sort of distressing political polarization" as in past seasons, he says. "Nobody is willing to deal with the fire problem as a fire problem. They want to use it for something else." That "something else" is a series of agendas that beg a central question: How can we keep our forests and wildlife healthy?
For the logging lobby, fire is a disaster, eating up a valuable resource, "standing board feet," as trees are called. The industry's approach is to "go in and cut it out–which doesn't solve the problem at all," Pyne says, because it takes the largest trees and leaves behind smaller trees and other highly flammable material.
For the angry politicians, fire is the enemy, threatening the homeland–or at least its second homes. It's the same view that guided the era of vigorous fire suppression and it leads back to the same precipice, Pyne says.
Environmentalists concede the need for logging and controlled burning to protect communities, but bridle at allowing either in the backcountry. They also see fires set by humans as unnatural. The Sierra Club's policy is typical: in wilderness, "fire should be managed primarily by the forces of nature."
The flaw in that reasoning is a point that underlies much of Pyne's research. Pyne insists that fire is not, in any useful sense, simply natural. The most common natural source of fire is lightning, but many landscapes in North America see little of it. Instead, for more than 10,000 years, when human hunters first came into North America, many fires, perhaps most of them, were set by people. Even in places with abundant lightning, like Arizona, the forests are also unmistakably shaped by "anthropogenic" fire, which in Pyne's lexicon, means fire started by people.
"The issue is that we need to start thinking seriously about is how fire belongs here," he says. "And we have to accept that we are the creature that has to make those decisions. It's our ecological task. Other animals knock over trees, dig holes in the ground, eat plants, but we're the fire creature, we're the one creature that does that. It's not enough to just turn it over to nature. If we can't get fire right, we might as well resign from the Great Chain of Being, as far as I'm concerned."
Forests need fires to germinate the seeds of many plants, to cycle nutrients and to create the mosaic of open spaces that underpin diversity. Many animals cannot survive without berries, grasses and other vegetation that flourish in sunny meadows where tall trees have been burned away. In the Banff National Park region of the northern Rocky Mountains, he continues, "The big, charismatic creatures–bears, bighorn sheep, elk–are all dependent on fire-created landscapes. But there's almost no lightning-caused fires in there. If we choose to stand aside and let nature do it, we're going to eliminate all these animals."
While the squabbling continues, the danger rises. By government estimates, the U.S. needs to reduce fuel on 70 million to 80 million acres; right now it is managing to deal with 2 million acres per year. The record-breaking fire season of 2002 is just one more hot summer in a ratcheting national bonfire. By mid-August, Oregon and Colorado had joined Arizona in suffering the worst fires in their history.
The week after his high school graduation in 1967, Pyne went to Grand Canyon National Park to take a job as a summer laborer. Instead he was offered a place on a five-man North Rim fire crew. Eighteen years old, living away from home for the first time, he fell in love in the classic coming-of-age sense: "We were living on the rim of the Grand Canyon and getting paid for it: clearing the fire roads, cutting the limbs off trees, digging out of the mud," and hiking all over the backcountry to find the source of smoke reported by lookouts. "You become very sensitized to the landscape around you, to the things that matter: how the seasons come and where the winds are; to soil; to duff, because that's where fire persists. You're going to have to mop it up, you're going to spend hours, days, at the wrong end of a shovel spading over smoking pine needles.
"It wasn't just fighting fires, it was also the place. The rituals of your life were defined by the rhythms of fire and the geography of fire and the character of fire, and had there been no fire, there would have been no reason for the Park Service ever to send anybody out there. We got to go where most tourists didn't. I didn't ever want to leave."
Most seasonal firefighters stay for two or three summers. Pyne stayed for 15, between college terms at Stanford University and graduate school at the University of Texas at Austin. He met Sonja at the North Rim and married her there five years later. (Long-term focus is one of his hallmarks. One summer he ordered pancakes, bacon and cantaloupe for breakfast 105 mornings in a row.)
With his PhD in hand but without an academic post in the lean job market of the late 1970s, still supporting himself as a seasonal firefighter, Pyne decided as a last gambit to combine his love of fire with history. The resulting book, "Fire in America," published in 1982, became an instant classic in the new field of environmental history and won him the MacArthur in 1988. The award funded a five-year peregrination to all five continents, where he did the research that underpins his five-volume "Cycle of Fire," the fire histories of America, Australia, the World, Antarctica (a place distinguished by the absence of fire), and what is acknowledged to be his masterpiece, "Vestal Fire," a fire history of Europe and European colonialism, published in 1997. His most recent book, "Year of the Fires," while not part of the MacArthur series, touches on familiar territory in addressing government policy on firefighting before and after the year 1910, when a wave of wildfires threatened to consume the Western United States.
By "treating fire as a larger cultural force," putting it at the center of the narrative, Pyne has uncovered an analytical tool of surprising scope and power. In his work, fire is paradoxically both natural and cultural, acting like a Promethean ur-species, sometimes competing with, sometimes domesticated by, people. Nature gave us fire in the form of lightning, and we took it and altered it, making it the fire in the hearth of civilization and the engine that, by clearing land, helped create agriculture and allow its expansion into inhospitable zones. It is embedded in every society and landscape–as the biology of every continent except Antarctica has been, to some extent, fashioned by human fire use. In Australia, for example, Pyne argues convincingly that fire-stick-wielding aborigines literally created the landscape by favoring the fire-loving eucalyptus over other species.
Arizona is no exception. It has the highest incidence of fire caused by lightning in America and a long history of human occupation. Nowhere is this combination more keenly felt than in the ponderosa pinelands, where periodic fires fed by thick grasses left larger trees standing but cleaned out smaller trees and brush. Burned often enough, ponderosa forests can be largely fireproof. But when Euro-American settlement began 150 years ago, overgrazing soon stripped the grasses and bouts of logging cut out the old growth trees. Firefighting, believed to protect the resource, instead eliminated the janitor. Smaller trees grew into dense thickets, transpiring scarce water through their leaves so that springs and creeks dried up.
Bruce Babbitt, former Arizona governor and Interior Department secretary, says that when he was growing up, he could look out from his bedroom window in Flagstaff at the San Francisco Peaks, the 12,600-foot dormant volcano that looms over the city, "and watch the change of the seasons across the mountain. You could see all these large parks, which were obviously originally cleared by fire, and across the years you could see them gradually closing in. In the area where we used to go skiing, you could actually watch the aspen forests, fire-generated, disappear, crowded out by fir trees."
At the peak of the Rodeo-Chediski fire, I leave the Pynes to their packing and drive to Show Low, a town of 7,700 named for the Wild West card game by which a ranchhand won the land, now evacuated and serving as the base for the firefighting effort. I'm looking for Jim Paxon, a district ranger in the Gila National Forest in New Mexico and Forest Service spokesman on the fire.
It is eerily calm. Police cruisers and military units in Humvees patrol empty streets under a milky orange sun filtered through a light fall of ash. On the playing fields at the high school, swarms of blue crew tents are massed like jellyfish in a green sea. Parking lots stretching two blocks are jammed with TV satellite trucks. Five times daily, Paxon appears before TV cameras to announce the numbers of acres burned, of homes "saved" and of those afforded no salvation. A Texan with a thick mustache and a laconic drawl, Paxon is the very definition of a grizzled veteran: since 1969, he has worked on some of the biggest wildfires in American history, and has seen the bodies of scores of firefighters taken out of the mountains.
"I'm a prescribed burner," he tells me. "Some of my own peers call me a pyromaniac. I burned 86,000 acres in the last four years in my little bitty district"–the Black Range, 560,000 acres of ponderosa and pinyon-juniper pine woodlands within the national forest. He can quantify the results: "Where I've burned, I've got creeks that have been dry for 15, 20 years that are flowing water year round now." Some areas of pinyon-juniper forest that have been thinned are yielding about 700 pounds per acre of grass, he says. "I can show you a biological desert, where there's 400 juniper trees an acre, and you're getting 200 pounds of forage [grass] an acre. I can show you where we burned and there's 1,200 pounds.
"I take some of these old ranchers, in their 70s and 80s, and I walk 'em through blue grama grass that's brushing their crotch, and they've never seen that."
Paxon is the first to admit that his is a rare situation. His district is mostly wilderness in a near-empty quarter of a sparsely populated state, 50 miles from the closest thing to a city–Truth or Consequences, N.M., named after the game show. Successes like this do not constitute a nationwide model.
Paxon was also lead information officer on the May 2000 "Los Alamos" fire in New Mexico, a prescribed fire at Bandelier National Monument that turned out of its intended track and blew toward the town of Los Alamos and the nearby national laboratory, where nuclear materials are kept. Conditions in Upper Frijoles Canyon, the target of the fuel-reduction burn, were probably too moist for burning, according to Pyne's post mortem, while conditions in the ponderosas around Los Alamos were superb for a firestorm.
In spite of intensive firefighting efforts, the blaze was unstoppable, burning 42,849 acres, 235 homes and part of the lab itself. In its wake, prescribed burning fell under a cloud of smoke. Its record is, on the whole, good: In the last few decades, less than 3% of controlled burns have become uncontrollable–exactly the same percentage as the number of unintentional wildfires that defeat suppression efforts. But the exceptions make the perception. Some of the worst fires of the past 20 years have been escapes, Pyne says. Seven have killed firefighters; one burned a small town in Michigan to the ground.
Burning remains an art, not a science–one with innumerable variables that must line up for success, and a steep price for failure. Of those prescribed burns that are attempted, many end in failure–fizzling out, going the wrong way when the wind shifts or just not burning hot enough, singeing trees enough to kill them but not fell them, leaving standing deadwood that is more flammable than live trees. The burning also creates smoke, which few people associate with a wholesome weekend in the mountains.
"Urban people," Pyne says, "the only fire they see is a disaster–the car is burning, there was an accident, the house is burning, they see it on TV, it's a crisis." In their cabins in the pines, they can't see the "large fuels," in firefighter parlance, for the trees. It's tough to get them to cut down the trees that brush against their wood-shake roofs; it's even harder to persuade them to welcome prescribed fire into the nearby woods.
Burning programs nationwide are routinely stifled by complaints about drifting smoke. The White Mountain Apache tribe, historically among the most aggressive controlled burners in the country, has seen its program severely curtailed when smoke sinks down into smog-choked Phoenix, pushing it into violation of clean-air statutes. In 1996, a fire closed Phoenix's Sky Harbor airport for three days to all but instrument landings.
Against that backdrop, advocates of prescribed burning have had to give ground to those who see a greater role for chainsaws in bringing the forests back into balance.
The nation unquestionably needs to find a way to put fire back into the landscape, on a huge scale. But how? It's a riddle Pyne has struggled with for most of his career.
Back at the Pynes' cabin, I ask if burning alone can restore the tangled ponderosa forest in which the house sits. "No," he replies. "And I say that reluctantly. Twenty years ago, I would have said, 'Yeah we took fire out, now what we need to do is just put it back in.' But I think we've learned to our pain that it is not a reversible process. You can't put fire back in the same way you took it out. It turns out to be very complicated. It's like introducing a lost species: you can't take wolves and dump them into Arrowhead Mall and expect that they're going to behave as they would have 200 years ago. You can't dump fire into some of these landscapes and expect that fire is going to dissolve all the ills out there."
There is consensus that forest "treatment" must involve a combination of cutting and burning. Smaller trees would be cut down and, along with other debris from the forest floor, either ground up or burned after the snow falls. In a given forest, the process might have to be repeated, and it might take several years.
Pyne cautions against any universal prescription. "Right now it's all slashing and burning, it's all shoving biomass around, it's all an engineering problem: we take out so much fuel, we kindle so many fires, or we suppress so many."
Instead, the recipe must be tailored to the habitat. What works in a ponderosa pine forest won't apply to a coastal Douglas fir forest, a lodgepole pine forest, a pinyon-juniper forest or chaparral. It will differ on north-facing slopes and south-facing slopes. And, to top Pyne's paradox with another, he points out that, in some high-altitude forests, periodic "stand-replacing" fires that strip away every living thing are ecologically normal and necessary. Thinning would only deprive them of the fuel they require.
"We're talking about boutique burning," Pyne says. "Site specific, knowledge-intensive, time-intensive, and hugely expensive."
The greatest barrier to free-burning fire is the growing phalanx of homes being built in fire-prone environments. Houses in the woods form the most bitterly contended front in the fire wars: the "wildland/urban interface." Now resources have to be committed to saving structures, at great cost and risk to firefighters trained and equipped to fight for territory, not lives or property. "Suddenly the firefighter is even more compromised. Do you save the houses or the trees?" Pyne asks.
Perhaps fires like those this season will spur a keener awareness of the risks of building in fire-prone regions, and changes in attitudes and legal and financial incentives will follow. As Babbitt says, "Living in the forest is dangerous, and ironically, in most of these areas there are no building codes at all. The governor and all the politicians are busy blaming everybody, but they seem to be unable to turn to the communities themselves and say, 'You have a responsibility, and it's about time to enact some building codes and to take some simple precautions.' We still haven't learned that lesson."
Even in Los Alamos, Paxon says, people still resist providing buffer zones between the forest and their homes. Within four months of the fires there, some homeowners sought permission to build to within five feet of the national forest boundary. The existing setback was 15 feet. The city denied the request. The fire had burned 20% of Los Alamos, Paxon notes, yet among those in the other 80% were people who thought: "It'll never happen to me.See, the big fire's already come."
In California, an explosive hillside intermix is a traditional form of urbanism, and it has shown a discouraging pattern. When a neighborhood burns in Malibu or Berkeley, the owners rebuild, generally with insurance and disaster relief money, building bigger and more expensive houses. Property values rise, the area becomes more desirable, and more houses are built even higher on the slopes. Eventually, another fire torches the neighborhood, and the insurance and relief payments, being larger, cover the cost of rebuilding even bigger structures, and so on. So far, no limit to this perverse cycle has been reached.
The federal land management agencies spent their entire fire-suppression budgets this year by mid-July. The Forest Service drained half of its reserve on just five fires. To continue the effort through the fire season, the agencies will have to ask for at least $1 billion in emergency appropriations–money the White House is loath to grant during a budget crunch and an election year, but which influential members of Congress are loath to deny constituents.
After the disastrous 2000 season, the Clinton administration secured passage of the National Fire Plan, with $2 billion in funding for mitigation efforts, including fuel reduction. To date, fewer than half of the national forest fire plans required by the legislation have been prepared–hence, little progress has been made. The money is regarded as just a down payment on a fuel-reduction bill that is expected to reach $12 billion over a decade.
By the end of August, the national burn tally exceeded 6.2 million acres–double the mark last summer, surpassing the year-to-date burn tally for the devastating 2000 fire season, the worst ever recorded. Various governments spent $1.6 billion fighting those fires, calling out 30,000 firefighters.
Pointing to these numbers, the Bush administration is pushing Congress to exempt 10 million acres from environmental laws to clear the way for "treatment"–mostly by for-profit logging, not burning. Environmentalists counter that the White House is using the fires as a smoke screen for letting loggers back into the wilderness, setting back decades of environmental gains.
Pyne is not optimistic. "You're going to see some change around the houses. Congress is tired of having houses burning on TV," he says. Some national parks and monuments will have a form of preventive treatment, including prescribed fires. But the vast expanses of generic public lands, the 50% of the West owned by federal agencies like the Forest Service and the Bureau of Land Management, remain in danger of catastrophic fires and, in their wake, cascading biological shifts that no one can predict.
"It's hard to justify billions of dollars and years and years of effort to try and prevent it from burning under extreme conditions," Pyne says. "The likely scenario is they'd rather spend $12 billion on prescription drugs. We've just put them aside until we tackle those other issues, but fire isn't waiting and fire is going to chew those lands up."
Arizona's Rodeo-Chediski fire eventually destroyed 467 structures and blackened 468,638 acres. Its eastward advance, toward the Pynes' cabin, was stopped by an Apache fire crew working day and night in a last-ditch effort along a fire line that had been cleared two years before in a controlled burn. The earlier fire had successfully removed enough undergrowth and small trees that the new fire was deprived of fuel. When it hit the line, the inferno "just lay down and died," says Rick Lupe, a 24-year firefighting veteran and head of the Apache crew. The Pynes' cabin was spared.
The same thing happened to Colorado's Hayman fire. After joining with the Arizona fire, it, too, ran into a previous prescribed burn and died.
The lessons seemed clear.
As I left the cabin, Sonja gave me two gifts: a bag of cookies and a sack of ponderosa pine cones she had soaked in paraffin to make foolproof firestarters for the fireplace.
tagged with #fireparadox


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Ozblack Bird
A Brief History of Harley Davidson
August 20, 2020 January 15, 2023 CBR
In 1903, Milwaukee became the birth place of Harley-Davidson. Over the last one hundred and twenty years, Harley-Davidson has become one of the most influential automotive manufacturers in the world. But it wasn't always the dominant force we see today. In the beginning, Harley Davidson was all about two young adult's desire to get around town in style. Changing the world in the process? That was just collateral damage.
A thriving economy and quality education system led to great technological innovations in Wisconsin during the turn of the century. In 1901, William S. Harley drafted the first blueprints for a small engine that could fit into a bicycle. He was twenty-one at the time and enjoyed tinkering on engines with his friend, Arthur Davidson. Together the two boys would spend the next two years constructing the first Harley Davidson motorcycle. Walter Davidson, Arthur's brother, joined the duo and helped put Wisconsin on the automotive map. In the winter of 1903, the trio sold their first motorcycle to a school friend, Henry Meyer.
Wisconsin's topography and lack of paved roads helped carve out a very specific style for Harley-Davidsons. Their tough aesthetic was built on necessity. Motorcycles in the 20th century went through the ringer on a daily basis. The car was growing in popularity during this time, but concrete and asphalt roads would not reach prominence for another two decades. The motorcycle's off roading capabilities and steady handling made them desirable for travelers.
It was in 1917 that the Harley-Davidson's jack of all trade quality lifted it to global relevance. When the United States entered World War I, the military invested in bikes and motorcycles for the war effort. It's estimated that the US army bought over 20,000 Harley-Davidson's throughout the conflict. After the war, Harley-Davidson's were firmly associated with patriotism. That trend continues today. Though the Great Depression nearly destroyed the motorcycle industry.
Only two American motorcycle manufacturers survived the Great Depression. Of course, Harley Davidson was one of them. Though motorcycle sales had very little to do with it. Wisconsin and much of the United States tried to rejuvenate the economy by investing in power. Harley-Davidson found success in using their engine technology to manufacture power plants. This practice was responsible for keeping Harley-Davidson in business. One other invention played a smaller, but important role. During the depression the company released a three-wheeled delivery vehicle named the Serve-Car. It became quite popular as the economy recovered and remained in production until 1973.
The 1950s and 60s were not particularly kind to Harley-Davidson. In 1952, the company applied to the U.S. Tariff Commission for a forty percent tax on all imported motorcycles. Instead, they were charged with restrictive practices that forced production costs to rise. This led to a buyout by the company, American Machine and Foundry (AMF) in 1969. AMF streamlined production and slashed the workforce, leading to a quick diminishment in quality that had long-lasting consequences. In the void that was left, Japanese motorcycle sales grew rapidly. The bike's superior performance and handling at a lower price, gave them market control.
Harley-Davidson's decline hit a breaking point in 1976, when the company produced their Liberty Edition motorcycle. The bike was meant to commemorate America's bicentennial, but it drew criticism for its Confederate Edition. Which was essentially a stock Harley-Davidson with a Confederate-specific paint job. The situation led to all time low sales reports and AMF eventually selling Harley-Davidson.
It was the spring of 1981 when AMF sold Harley-Davidson to thirteen investors for $80 million. Included in those investors were Vaughn Beals and Willie G. Davidson. This change in leadership marked a massive resurgence in the Harley-Davidson brand. Headquarters in Milwaukee boomed with creativity as motorcycle production rose. The return to form included a switch back to more traditional Harley-Davidson styles. Rather than competing with Japanese manufacturers on sleek builds, Harley-Davidson went back to their classic, sophisticated look. Customers quickly came flooding back and Harley-Davidson was soon on track to regain their market share. The company celebrated its one-hundred-year anniversary in 2003, once again a dominant force in the automotive industry.
Harley-Davidson was the brainchild of two Wisconsin born twenty-one-year olds. Though they could never have imagined the winding road their initial motorcycle would take. From a motorized bicycle to military necessity to symbol of American ideals, the Harley has transformed over and over again. After nearly one hundred and twenty years of innovation, the one driving force that has kept Harley-Davidson going is its commitment to quality and style. As technology grows and changes in the coming years, it's going to become even more difficult to hold onto tradition. Which makes it fascinating to see what Harley will do next.
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Do You Need Insurance for Your Home Based Business?
We see many seasonal claims reported during the winter. The months of January and February can be brutal, we are in the think of it! From ice dams, to frozen pipes, to slip and falls homeowners claims can be pricey. Here are some ways to prevent some of the most common winter home insurance claims….


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The internal urethral sphincter is a urethral sphincter muscle which constricts the internal urethral orifice. It is located at the junction of the urethra with the urinary bladder and is continuous with the detrusor muscle, but anatomically and functionally fully independent from it. It is composed of smooth muscle, so it is under the control of the autonomic nervous system, specifically the sympathetic nervous system.

Function

This is the primary muscle for maintaining continence of urine, a function shared with the external urethral sphincter which is under voluntary control. It prevents urine leakage as the muscle is tonically contracted via sympathetic fibers traveling through the inferior hypogastric plexus and vesical nervous plexus. Specifically, it is controlled by the hypogastric nerve, predominantly via the alpha-1 receptor.

During urination, the preganglionic neurons of this sympathetic pathway are inhibited via signals arising in the pontine micturition center and traveling through the descending reticulospinal tracts, allowing the muscle to relax. During ejaculation, the muscle contracts to prevent reflux of semen into the urinary bladder, a phenomenon called retrograde ejaculation.

Spasms of the internal urethral sphincter are associated with penile erection. Because the internal urethral sphincter is under involuntary control, it is believed to play a role in paruresis, in which a person who perceives oneself to be under observation is unable to urinate.

See also
 Detrusor muscle
 External sphincter muscle of female urethra
 External sphincter muscle of male urethra
 Urination#Physiology

References

Urinary system
Urethra

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The top floor of the Belmar building is dedicated to our 2 penthouses. These amazing spaces provide you with outdoor living with one of the best views of the whole island. The living, dining and kitchen area are completely open plan and outdoors so you really feel at one with nature in our penthouse. The 3 bedrooms are air conditioned and the 2 bathrooms are conveniently situated. If you come with a large group the 2 penthouses can be joined together simply by opening the connecting door and then you have the whole top floor of the building to enjoy.


1In Brussels, the question of the Pentecostal religious experience is closely linked to that of migration [Maskens, 2008, 2010; Fancello, 2010 ; Demart, 2008]. This intermingling of experiences may be put into perspective through the analysis of the migration narratives of Pentecostal ministers, offers a particularly relevant opportunity to question the tensions between endogenous identification processes (missionaries chosen by God) and exogenous assignment (repeated associations with otherness and strangeness, as well as the stigmas associated with the pejorative characterisation of the "migrant").
3For thirty years, Pentecostal1 churches attended by migrant communities or communities resulting from migratory movements have appeared in the European capital. They have experienced considerable expansion on the Belgian religious scene. As I have already discussed in a previous article [Maskens, 2008], the growing number and success of these congregations go hand in hand with the increase in migrations from Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America these past three decades. These migrations have not been organised in a systematic manner by the countries concerned, and 1974 marked the official end of quota immigration in Belgium. Several believers are in a situation of irregularity in Belgium – or have been in the past – and almost all of them – or their antecedents – have had a migratory experience. These problems therefore play a central role within the Pentecostal religion.
4The link between Pentecostalism and the migratory phenomenon constitutes the starting point of my reflection. The interweaving of these two phenomena is not characteristic of Pentecostalism as practised by migrant communities in Europe as – in the countries in the south where most of the believers are from – the Pentecostal congregations in cities are often composed of migrants from villages [Robbins, 2004: 123]. But the migration experience constitutes a "privileged moment for conversion" [Pédron-Colombani, 1998: 149]. Why do these churches often lie within a context of migration? In what way does the religious factor give meaning to the migratory experience in Brussels? What forms of "integration" in the host country are encouraged or established by religion? What special shape will these religious movements – which are highly popular in southern countries – take [Corten and Mary, 2001: 12 ; Corten, Dozon and Pedro Oro, 2003: 17] in a very different European religious context, as each group makes use of its own referents within Pentecostalism [Corten, Marshall-Fratani, 2001: 11]?
5The two most detailed monographs on the establishment of African Christians in Europe are by Hermione Harris  concerning the setting up of the "Cherubims and Seraphims" Aladura church in London, and by Gerrie Ter Haar  regarding a church led by Ghanaian migrants called the "True Teachings of Christ's Temple" located in Bijlmeer, a disadvantaged neighbourhood in Amsterdam. These two analyses – the fruit of extensive field work – provide contrasting views of the same phenomenon involving the emergence of a special type of Christianity supported by Nigerian and Ghanaian migrants respectively, established in cosmopolitan European capitals. While the two anthropologists' ideas are closely akin regarding the description of the African condition in Europe – a special condition which gives form to religious content and practices – the methods of integrating religious stakeholders in the host society appear to take different directions. The need for recognition and the search for legitimacy is expressed in contrasting terms. In the English case, Hermione Harris shows how the religious space constitutes a place for refreshing one's ideas, where believers can be with others from their community and increase their capacity to have an impact on the world around them, as well as their spiritual power. The London branch of the "Cherubims and Seraphims" church therefore does not have the calling to transform the local practices or landscape. This positioning contrasts strongly with that described by Gerrie Ter Haar regarding the "True Teachings of Christ's Temple" church which, during its establishment in the Netherlands, was able to gather enough social and political resources to offer its members of diverse African origins a certain visibility on the religious scene. This specific integration into the local landscape provides weight and strengthens the Christian discourse of a universal calling.
6In the wake of the theoretical views discussed in these two monographs and the different problems resulting from the various anthropological interpretations of a particular phenomenon, this article is centred on the practical and discursive link between the migratory experience of the different speakers and the form of their religious commitment in Brussels. The mobility of ministers before their establishment in Belgium is the starting point. A minority of them migrate for specifically religious reasons: their narratives of this dynamic experience therefore follow precise outlines and are carefully set in a rhetoric which is aimed above all at proving that they have been chosen by God.
7The narratives presented below concern five ministers, i.e. a quarter of the ministers whom I was able to speak with during this study of a religious nature. Currently,2 they work for the "deed of God" in three congregations in Brussels3. I have chosen to present their narratives because they allow the description of what I refer to as the channels of "divine" migration. The term "channels" is used in the plural form as there are various ways of reinterpreting the migratory experience in this religious landscape.
8By describing the torments of an in-between situation which confines them to the status of foreigner here and elsewhere, we shall attempt to understand how the religious scene provides these speakers with an incomparable opportunity for a positive self-definition compared with the possibilities offered by the other scenes frequented by the same believers (professional, citizen). In these spaces, they participate in the world in another way and become the prestigious subjects of a story which they were excluded from until now: the expressions "chosen people", "chosen race" and "God's children" are related to the construction of a group in the register of transcendence.
10This behaviour – a sort of "desecularising compensation", to use Danièle Hervieu-Léger's  expression – must be understood as a reaction to the religiosity differential between the original context and the European context. These individuals experience the distance from God in the world they live in. The relative effacing of the religious figure in the public space reinforces or revives the affiliations which are affected by this.
11Whether they were converted before or after migration, or whether they became ministers in their country of origin or after settling in Europe, in most of the narratives about conversion, migration to Belgium appears to be part of God's "plan" for them, regardless of whether or not it involves a retrospective interpretation of the event. While this migration was not yet understood to be a consequence of God's will, the religious message delivered during services prompts believers to see their presence in foreign lands as a miracle. This way of perceiving or presenting migration constitutes a common denominator in the different narratives about conversion.
12In congregations in which the majority of believers are also migrants, it is not surprising that migration is the subject of a more general reflection on God's means of manifesting himself in the life of believers.
14The analysis of migration narratives is important in order to understand the cogs in a religious group for whom conversion and learning the rhetoric of transformation are fundamental. Believers are expected to bear witness to their faith regularly in religious contexts among others, thus taking part in the collective effort to make the ups and downs of daily life correspond to the divine scenario. As with the narratives about conversion, one may wonder what constitutes the true founding event in the transformation process, between the original conversion and its narrative. As shown admirably by Peter Stromberg in his works on evangelical converts in the United States , the transformative effectiveness of the conversion experience is not limited to the original event. The act of telling and retelling the story of one's conversion has an effect on the narrator and allows him or her to actualise, put into perspective, express, reconfigure, build or make the transformations palpable in the present.
15The first two experiences of ministers correspond to the first scenario presented above. They are missionary narratives because they received their calling to become ministers in their country of origin, i.e. Burkina Faso and the Democratic Republic of Congo respectively, and because their journey to Belgium was based on religious motives. In these ministers' narratives – as with the narratives about conversion – many events coexist under the aegis of a unique story and a meaningful plot [Ricoeur, 1990]. In this context, geographic movements and divine actions intermingle, testifying to the chosen character of the speaker.
"Migrants come from the South to the North, they are usually dark-skinned, they tend to work in low-skilled jobs, they usually have a lower financial status than the indigenous population, and they are expected to adapt and integrate because they have moved from an "old home" to a new one" [2009: 137].
"Expatriates move as an act of personal agency. They go to a foreign country […] with a sense of purpose, to do a certain job, or to live out an ideal. They move freely and go back home […] if they chose to do so. […] Expatriates are expected to show some "cultural sensibility" and local language skills, but they are not supposed to "go native", but rather to keep some distance from the local population" [2009: 137‑138].
These categories constitute precious tools in the analysis of the migration narratives of ministers in a city such as Brussels. The figure of the "expatriate" is particularly visible in the Belgian capital, which is home to the main European institutions as well as many international organisations (NATO). The establishment of a transnational elite (Caillez, 2004; Beaverstock, 2002) plays a vital role in the collective and ordinary understanding of the "quality" of the migratory flow.
18The scenario in this sequence is centred on the conditions which Aristide asks God to fulfil for him. Aristide's will is clear: he does not want to go to Europe and he is looking for "excuses" not to have to travel. The conditions he lays down are in keeping with this initial reluctance. But he is compelled by the will of God ‑ a will which is expressed when his requirements are met (this scenario involving human will hindered by divine will is found in many ministers' narratives about their calling). Divine agency is therefore always first in the hierarchy of actions of the entities involved in international mobility. The communication between Aristide and God is efficient: the latter answers his requests. The hand of God is at work in obtaining settlement visas for Aristide and his family. The fact that his conditions – which seem to be so complicated that it was a miracle he got one – were met, reinforces the idea of divine choice and of the minister's importance. This scenario calls to mind the model of mobility considered in terms of expatriation. As he told me later, God "wanted" him to be in Belgium. This form of religious missionary mobility whose objective is to go and "preach the truth" in Europe, must be accompanied with a corresponding migration which is equal to these ambitions. Aristide cannot enter a country in "roundabout ways" when it is his calling to lead it back to the ways of God. Religious truth and legality go hand in hand in this case. By underlining the ease with which he obtained a visa, the narrator sees himself as an expatriate, different from other migrants. The minister therefore alludes to a parallel and alternative migration: the migration of God. This is at odds with the dominant discourse regarding immigration. As I demonstrated earlier, while there is a God of refugees who is capable of solving the problems of irregularity which affect many believers [Maskens, 2008] (and here, religious logic and illegality are associated and not placed in opposition), there appears to be a "migration of God" as well, which differs from the other type due to the channels and networks it favours.
20In the case of Célestin, the voice of God which he heard in Belgium triggers his missionary objective in Europe, i.e. to help the Congolese to pray like they should do. Divine action also takes the form of financial and administrative help provided by an American missionary. I met Célestin for the first time in 2006, and his missionary project was at a major turning point: after helping the Congolese from the diaspora to "pray like they should do", he explained that "Caucasians"7 were his new targets for evangelisation. Two temporalities seem to stand out in the act of coming to Belgium for religious reasons.
"The speakers, who are clearly aware of the strongly sedentarist dominant discourse in Germany construct their narratives as a conscious alternative conversation: they do not describe themselves as uprooted, or trying to negotiate different cultural patterns" [2009: 141].
Listeners are supposed to understand that the presence of these ministers in Belgium has nothing to do with that of other migrants, and that it is of a different nature. The narratives feature divine action in the form of an orienting of migratory paths. They insist on the fact that they are very different from other migration candidates, i.e. the generation of those who are "capable" of jumping out of the plane, or those who "fiddle around" and use "roundabout ways" to get in there. Everything sets them apart: the motives for migration, the ways of migrating and, of course, the ways of integrating into the host society (integrationist discourse). Due to their missionary motivations, these ministers distance themselves from the logic of dependency which is often associated with the establishment of people from the south in Europe: they are bearers of a message which they feel is decisive for the future of Europeans [Swanson, 1995: 29].
22This need for distinction which is presented here with respect to migration – experienced by people who are all more or less marked by a lack of legitimacy – gives food for thought about the central theme of being chosen. This is far from the salvationist concerns of Calvin, who said that it was through trust – or in other words faith – that a person can be sure that they have been chosen. There is therefore nothing for the protestant theologian to distinguish the chosen ones from the reprobates from the outside – not even their behaviour [Weber, 1964: 131]. In the Pentecostal world in Brussels, it appears in the migration narratives of ministers that the means of action and – in this context – the ways of migrating, testify to, confirm and strengthen their character of being chosen. Compared to the pejorative and mortifying definitions of the migrant (who is often associated with difference and sometimes with unsociability, accused of stealing work, criminality and other stereotypes), the proof of their being chosen, as illustrated here in migration narratives, gives ministers a "challenge and desire" [Belin, 2002: 155], motivating integration and upward social mobility which characterise their religious life.
24The moral of this story inspired by Biblical characters is that in order to succeed, one must not choose the easy route by cheating or lying. One must remain "firm" in one's convictions – to use an adjective which is common in these circles – and the Lord will therefore reward his most deserving children. Once the foundations of this divine meritocracy have been laid, mediocrity becomes the number one enemy: a "child of God" must climb the social ladder and show the world his or her success.
26In the case of François, God guarantees his importance by anticipating his request for asylum and by obtaining a favourable decision from the local authorities. In other words, God did not allow his "child" to act as a "beggar" with respect to the host country, which invites the minister to stay on its territory.
29The way in which he carries out his functions as minister is therefore closely related to the bad experience he had when he arrived in Belgium. His movement from Latin America to Belgium is not interpreted as having a divine cause. Contrary to his African counterparts, Diego does not appear to have taken the route of "divine" migration (which does not allow us to draw general conclusions based on a single Latin American case). In the same respect, he told me that he is surprised to be a minister today. His calling took shape through encounters and prophecies which other "men and women of God" made regarding his life. A few years ago, he could not have imagined himself as a religious messenger in a foreign country. However, his presence in Belgium today is clearly considered to be God's will. His importance and the proof that he was chosen are illustrated in a biographical event which he talks about on different religious occasions. When he lived in Peru he delivered bread. One day, he was attacked by Shining Path revolutionaries who threatened to kill him. There were four of them and they were armed. He was able to escape that day because "God had a plan for [him] and wanted [him] to be in this country." This story was part of the "miracles" which contributed to his important role in founding his church.
30For the four ministers from African countries, their migration from Africa to Europe followed a divine path. This specific mobility contributed to giving their decision to settle in Belgium and in Brussels a special value. Their presence in this country is not due to their will: it is of a higher order and is part of a plan which is beyond their control. Their usefulness in the country is therefore justified. For the Latin American minister, even if his migration did not take divine channels, his religious project in Belgium has definitely been moulded by his migratory experience.
"not surprisingly, pentecostals and charismatics recount their life stories in the horizon of the "sacred narratives" of the Bible" [Währisch-Oblau, 2009: 32].
In this metanarrative, the Old Testament serves as a model for the scenario about contemporary religious mobility: the image of Europe sparkles like the mirage of the Promised Land given by God to the Israelites.
"First, enacted destiny refers to an idea of divine empowerment, which enables believers to deal with risk and contingency. Second, it refers to a scheme of interpretation in which a correspondence between God's agency and human agency is ascribed retrospectively" [2010: 25].
This proclaimed correspondence has the power to connect the human narrator's destiny with stakes of a divine nature and thus, in a sense, to go beyond the disparaging views concerning the players in the migratory movements which unite the southern and northern hemispheres.
ADAM Ilke, BEN MOHAMMED Nadia, KAGNÉ Bonaventure, MARTINIELLO Marco, RÉA Andréa, 2002, Histoires sans-papiers, Brussels, Éditions Vistas.
BEAVERSTOCK, Jonathan, 2002, "Transnational elites in global cities: British expatriates in Singapore's financial district", Geoforum, No. 33, pp. 525‑538.
BELIN, Emmanuel, 2002, Une sociologie des espaces potentiels. Logique dispositive et expérience ordinaire, Brussels, Editions de Boeck Université.
CORTEN André, MARSHALL-FRATANI Ruth, 2001, (eds.), Between Babel and Pentecost. Transnational Pentecostalism in Africa and Latin America, Bloomington, Indiana University Press.
CORTEN André, DOZON Jean-Pierre, ORO ARI Pedro, 2003, "Introduction", In: CORTEN André, DOZON Jean-Pierre, ORO ARI Pedro, (eds.) Les nouveaux conquérants de la foi. L'Église universelle du royaume de Dieu (Brésil), Paris, Karthala, pp. 13‑35.
CORTEN André, MARY André, 2001, "Introduction", In: CORTEN André, MARY André, 2001, (eds.), Imaginaires politiques et pentecôtismes : Afrique / Amérique Latine, Paris, Karthala, pp. 11‑33.
DE JONG, Pieter, 1961, "Migration in Biblical Perspective", in In a Strange Land. A Report of a World Conference on Problems of International Migration and the Responsibility of the Churches, Held at Leysin, Switzerland, June 11‑16, 1961, Division of Inter-Church Aid and Service to Refugees, WORLD COUNCIL OF CHURCHES, pp. 24‑36.
DEMART, Sarah, 2008, "Le 'combat pour l'intégration' des églises issues du Réveil congolais (RDC)", Revue européenne des migrations internationales, Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 147‑165.
FANCELLO, Sandra, 2010, 'Afrique élève l'Europe', Pentecôtisme, afrocentrisme et démocratie, In: Chrétiens africains en Europe. Prophétismes, pentecôtismes et politique des nations, Khartala, Paris, pp. 207‑241.
HERVIEU-LÉGER, Danièle, 2004, "Le converti 'évangélique', figure de description de la modernité religieuse", In: FATH, S. (dir.), Le protestantisme évangélique : un protestantisme de conversion, Turnhout, Brepols, pp. 207‑213.
HOCK, Klaus, 2008, "Religion on the Move : Transcultural Perspectives. Discourses on Diaspora Religion between Category Formation and the Quest for Religious Identity", In: ADOGAME A., GERLOFF, R., and HOCK, K, (eds.), Christianity in Africa and the African Diaspora. The Appropriation of a Scattered Heritage, London and New York, Continuum, pp. 235‑247.
MASKENS, Maïté, 2011, "Récits de conversion, identité narrative et dispositif d'évangélisation pentecôtiste à Bruxelles", Uzance, No. 1, pp. 69‑80.
MASKENS, Maïté, 2010, "Cheminer avec Dieu : pentecôtisme et migration à Bruxelles", Doctoral thesis, Université Libre de Bruxelles.
MASKENS, Maïté, 2008, "Migration et pentecôtisme à Bruxelles. Expériences croisées", Archives des Sciences Sociales des Religions, No. 143, pp. 49‑68.
TER HAAR Gerrie, 1998, Halfway to Paradise: African Christians in Europe, London, Cardiff Academic Press.
1 It is perhaps worthwhile to go over a few well-known facts, i.e. that Pentecostalism is a charismatic form of Protestantism resulting from the American revivals of the last decades of the 19th century. Its emergence is generally linked to the Azuza Street Revival which began in Los Angeles in 1906, motivating a movement of latent revival in the United States at the time. But certain people also feel that Pentecostalism has a dual origin. Minister Charles Parham, who worked on the east coast of the United States (and in Chicago in particular) at the time of the Azuza Street Revival, was also considered to be a founder of the movement. Since the beginning, Pentecostalism has been an example of globalisation, as Pentecostal missionaries were already present in west and south Africa as well as in other regions around the world from the end of 1906.
2 "Currently" has meaning in this religious world in which the religious experiences of ministers are marked by great internal mobility between different churches, countries and charismatic organisations.
3 Two of them are missionary bridgeheads of large American and transnational denominations (the "Assemblées de Dieu" and the "Church of God") and the third is the result of the will of a Congolese minister trained by the French-speaking African branch of the "Campus pour Christ International" movement.
4 It is true that given the cumbersomeness or absurdity of certain procedures which precede authorised and legal movements, their successful completion is sometimes something of a "miracle".
5 The meaning of the term "agency" refers to the theoretical framework of "capabilities" developed by Amartya Sen  as well as the capacity of individuals to be social stakeholders (their capacity to act, be independent, make choices and be heard).
6 Christian missionary organisation founded in 1951 at the University of California, Los Angeles, by Bill Bright, whose main target is university and students.
7 This term used in medical classifications refers more generally to "whites" or "Europeans" according to the speakers.
8 The domestic space where weekly prayer gatherings are held for all of the believers in a neighbourhood.
After a bachelor's degree in anthropology, Maïté Maskens wrote a doctoral thesis entitled "Cheminer avec Dieu : pentecôtisme et migration à Bruxelles", which she defended in June 2010. Her thesis explored the intertwining of the religious and migratory experiences of Eurafrican and Euro-Latin American Pentecostal believers in Brussels. She is currently a senior research fellow with the FNRS, and continues her research on the migratory phenomenon in Brussels, and more specifically on marriages between binational couples.


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Top 10 Worst Ever Tottenham Hotspur Signings
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Spurs is one of the most followed club in UK. Many great legends have played for the club in the past. However, the club has also made quite a few horror signings. These signings were not only bad for the club but also for the players. Let us have a look at some of the worst ever Tottenham Hotspur signings.
Here are the top 10 worst ever Tottenham Hotspur Signings –
10. Vincent Janssen
When Spurs signed Vincent Janssen for 17million from AZ Alkmaar, the Dutchman brought with him a reputation for scoring goals. However, he did little to nothing to prove himself worthy of being competition to Harry Kane up top.
Janssen did little to endear himself to the Spurs faithful, as he scored just six goals, justifying none of the club's £17m investment. Currently on loan at Fenerbahce , his loan deal could be extended.
9. Clinton N'jie
Mauricio Pochettino and Daniel Levy got this one wrong; Clinton N'jie was signed from Lyon back in 2015 for a cool £12million. Pochettino couldn't find a way of making N'jie fit into the Spurs set up. He made just 14 appearances, though, and was shipped out on loan to Marseille, with the manager unable to tame his wild first-touch and raw pace. His loan move was made permanent in 2017.
8. Sergei Rebrov
He expected to be an equivalent to Shevchenko when he arrived at Spurs from Dinamo Kiev, but turned out to be more of a Voronin. He started with a struggling nine goals in 29 games, where he looked off the pace, and then scored one goal in thirty games the following season. Loan spells followed, and then a one-year-deal with West Ham after Spurs let his contract expire.
7. Grzegorz Rasiak
Grzegorz Rasiak is the definition of a panic buy; brought in by then Spurs boss Martin Jol to score a heap load of goals, Rasiak did the complete opposite.
Lured from Derby County on transfer deadline day in 2005 with the club in desperate need of attacking reinforcements, Rasiak failed to score in nine appearances for the club and was shipped out on loan to Southampton just a year later, before eventually completing a permanent move.
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2 thoughts on "Top 10 Worst Ever Tottenham Hotspur Signings"
Bentley was worth every penny for that Arsenal goal!!
I can think of at least 5 others that are in front of any of the players in your list. Who thought this up, because they ain't got a clue.
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Corbyn wins Twitter battle
Brexit is top policy issue for Tweeters
Terry Murden, Editor | June 7, 2017
Analysis of the Twittersphere conducted by researchers at the University of Edinburgh has highlighted Brexit as the top policy theme of the campaign on the social media platform.
The study, conducted by researchers in the University's schools of Informatics and Social and Political Science also found that that pro-Labour sentiment dominates the Twitter conversation and that there is also a disproportionate presence of the Scottish National Party, given the UK-wide nature of a Westminster election.
It found that substantive issues have featured much less prominently and in a less sustained manner in the Twitter debate than pro- and anti-leader and political party posts.
However, the issue of Brexit has provided a consistent backdrop to the election conversation and has rarely dropped out of the top three most popular hashtags in the last month.
@Jeremycorbyn was both the most retweeted account and the most mentioned with counts of 821,499 and 1,367,392 respectively.
@Theresa_may was the second most mentioned account (654,417) but failed to make it into the top twenty accounts for retweets.
The difference between the two main party accounts @uklabour (323,027) and @conservatives (307,550) is much less. Both leaders are mentioned much more often than their respective parties, which the researchers say could confirm the presidential tenor of the campaign.
There is a disproportionate presence of the SNP (145,937) and its leader Nicola Sturgeon (116,360) at positions six and seven in a UK-wide debate. The SNP outperforms the Liberal Democrats (93,473) and its leader Tim Farron (69,009).
Scottish Conservative leader, Ruth Davidson (69,334), is also mentioned marginally more often than Tim Farron.
UKIP (80,855) is the tenth most mentioned account, but its leader Paul Nuttall does not feature.
On Twitter, at least, Brexit has been the issue of the campaign, eclipsing even the NHS.
Share of hashtags by subject
Most of the Twitter traffic is pro or anti-leaders or political parties. However, of the issues discussed, Brexit dominates.
It is the fourth most common hashtag employed (935,456) in the discussion of GE2017 and is employed more than twice as often as the next issue of significance, the NHS (420,092).
The only other issues to feature in the top twenty hashtags over the full collection period are the potential further Scottish referendum (176,382) and the so-called dementia tax (154,007).
The appearance of the Scottish independence question as the thirteenth most common hashtag employed in the discussion of GE2017 is particularly striking, given the UK wide nature of our data collection and the likely more localised interest in this issue in Scotland.
This provides an indicator of the salience of this issue to those mobilised to tweet from Scotland. Most striking in this data set is the overwhelming dominance of Labour tweeting.
Tweets using hashtags do not necessarily indicate support but do highlight areas of discussion. With over one million tweets using Labour hashtags in our data set, Labour party coverage out-performs Conservative coverage by almost three times. There are no tweets employing anti-Labour hashtags in our top twenty most used hashtags collection.
The research partially confirms the results of another study into the parties' use of social media conducted by Beattie Communications which showed Labour making more use of these platforms.
Professor Laura Cram, director of the NRLAbs Neuropolitics Research Lab, who led the research, said: "Tweeters are typically highly motivated and perhaps those who initially see themselves as the underdogs in the debate, excluded from mainstream coverage.
"This may explain the surge in pro-Labour social media activity that subsequently developed a life of its own and has ultimately had to be acknowledged by the mainstream media. This also fits with the high presence of the SNP in our data set, with the Scottish debate marginalised at the UK level."
Her colleague, Clare Llewelyn added, "Twitter is, of course, not representative of the voting public as a whole, and therefore not necessarily a clear reflection of 'the many, not the few'.
"However, whilst Twitter cannot be used to predict elections and the overwhelming support we see for Labour and Jeremy Corbyn may not be fully reflected in the ballot boxes, it is a useful tool in allowing us to gauge the mood of those who are motivated enough to comment in social media."
The researchers examined 34 million Tweets between 29 April and 4 June.
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Karina discovered yoga during her freshman year of college while studying marketing in her native of South Texas. As a childhood dancer, the graceful movements and flexibility yoga provided were captivating to her. After college, Karina moved to London where she began a regular practice and envisioned opening her own "yummy mummy" studio in North London. At the time she had no yoga training, but only an idea of what yoga was.
Years later, Karina completed her 200 & 500 hour training courses in Bali, Indonesia with Shades of Yoga and continues her studies and training with Shiva Rea in Venice Beach, CA. As an active individual, her practice is movement based – a creative and energetic flow. Karina believes in the lifestyle of yoga and invites you to take your practice off your mat and into your world.


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Video Review: Volkswagen Amarok
News & Advice > Advice > Buying Guides > Choosing Right Car > Video Review: Volkswagen Amarok
Volkswagen is one of the new kids on the block when it comes to pick up trucks. Just over six years ago, the Amarok brought something new to the party. It saw the opportunity to offer a practical and utilitarian four by four flatbed, but with the build quality we've come to expect from the German manufacturer.
This latest 2016 model though improves things further with more grown up looks, more fuel-efficient engines and more standard equipment. But with competition in this segment also upping their game, how does the latest Amarok fair?
Well from the outside, you can see the familiar Volkswagen face, with this pronounced grille and headlamps and this prominent VW badge. The Amarok is a bit more rounded than some of its more angular competition; this gives it more of a car-like appeal.
Whereas some of the Amaroks rivals are available as two or four doors, the VW is only available as a four door, five-seat model. Inside, the cabin is one of the best in class. Whereas most 'commercial vehicles' claim to have car like cabins, the Amarok is one of the few that actually delivers. It really is put together with high quality materials, and anyone familiar with the VW line up will have no trouble getting to grips with the switchgear and infotainment system. The driving position is adjustable, as you'd expect, as is the seating position, which is very tall, giving a king of the road view over the road ahead.
Some of the practicality you'd find in commercial vehicles is carried over too, so there's no shortage of cubby-holes or places to store odds and sods, and the glove box is a decent size as well. If load lugging is high up your wish list then the Amarok is well worth considering, it has one of the largest load bays of any double cab, with a volume of 2.5 square meters, enough to take a Europallet sideways in the back. It can also carry in excess of a tonne and will be able to tow 3 tonnes, 3.5 tonnes with the 4motion auto.
Originally the Amarok was equipped with a range of 2.0-litre diesel engines, which were economical but not very punchy. Now though, gone has the 2.0-litre instead replaced with a more powerful 221bhp 3.0-litre TDI diesel, borrowed from the Touareg. While more fuel efficient V6 engines are expected next year, the 221bhp will return over 37 miles per gallon and emissions of 199g/km. That might not sound that impressive, but consider this is the most powerful version that will be available and will do the 0-60mph dash in under 8 seconds. Not bad for a work truck.
Pick-ups have never been the best riding vehicles, they are commercial vehicles after all, but the Amarok is surprisingly good, especially when you take into consideration its large dimensions. While the ride on most competition can be a bit unsettled, the VW is pretty strong in this department. It absorbs imperfections with ease and there's less of the rolling body when driving through twisty roads.
The Amarok is one of the best driving pick-ups on the market and the 3.0-litre diesel engine is impressively smooth and quick. The premium feel of the interior is another massive draw, the only drawbacks though are the running costs are expensive, and while a less powerful more efficient engine is on the cards, other rivals might be more tempting. The lack of a single cab may put some people off too.
Jack Evans
After completing his university studies in English and Creative Writing in Cardiff, Jack is now a full time motoring writer at Blackball Media. His love of cars stems from his childhood years when he began to live and breathe all-things automotive.


Contemporary style for men is made simple at Boutique Tozzi and looks classic on Model Hugo Melancon.
There are key essential pieces that every guy should have in his wardrobe. Four of them are seen in this segment – the two button, all season blazer; the classic light blue oxford shirt; raw dark denim jeans and new sneakers.
Watch how they are put together by Joey Tozzi of Boutique Tozzi and feel confident wearing them separately to create endless multi season options.
Boutique Tozzi is an upscale menswear boutique for those who are looking to build their perfect wardrobe. Opened Fall 2010 by Joey Tozzi, a fashion buyer with over a decade of experience, Boutique Tozzi is Montréal's premier destination for those on the hunt for the latest and most tasteful in menswear.


The celestial can control biophotons in much the same way a spirem can control its atoms, but with one significant difference. Celestials can manipulate 'any' biophotonic particle in either energy state or its matter state. They can also do the same to atoms – anyone's atoms. Celestial can do anything that a human or spirem can do, but, they don't want too. They are singularly impelled to spiral in the perpetual motion of the celestial energy fields. That is what makes them celestial.
Hence the spirem notion that a 'celestial' caused the Inversion Hole is not really plausible and hence not accepted by all spirems. Yet, no other possible explanation or reason has come to 'light'.


A van driver has been taken to hospital after colliding with the central reservation on the M25.
Following the incident, emergency services completely closed the carriageway clockwise at junction 22 near St Albans just before 2pm today (Tuesday, February 13).
A spokeswoman on behalf of Hertfordshire Constabulary said: "Police were called at 1.50pm today to the M25 clockwise at J22 to reports that a white van had collided with the central reservation.
"The driver of the van has been taken to hospital.
"Police are closing the motorway to carry out a crash investigation.
All four lanes remain closed whilst repair work is carried out.
Data from Highways England suggests that normal traffic conditions are not expected to resume as normal until around 8.15pm.
Delay time is not yet known.


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Homepage - CHICKENPOX- (varicela) article explaining chickenpox to kids.
You haven't been feeling so great for the last few days, and you've had a runny nose and a cough. Then one morning you wake up and stumble into the bathroom. You look in the mirror with blurry eyes and — yikes! You have chickenpox!
What Is Chickenpox?
Chickenpox is caused by a virus called varicella zoster. People who get the virus often develop a rash of spots that look like blisters all over their bodies. The blisters are small and sit on an area of red skin that can be anywhere from the size of a pencil eraser to the size of a dime.
You've probably heard that chickenpox are itchy. It's true! The illness also may come with a runny nose and cough. But the good news is that chickenpox is a common illness for kids, and most get better by resting just like you do with a cold or the flu.
And the really good news is that, thanks to the chickenpoxvaccine, lots of kids don't get chickenpox at all. Kids who do get it after they've gotten the shot often get less severe cases, which means they get better quicker.
What Happens When You Have Chickenpox?
Chickenpox may start out seeming like a cold: You might have a runny or stuffy nose, sneezing, and a cough. But 1 to 2 days later, the rash begins, often in bunches of spots on the chest and face. From there it can spread out quickly over the entire body — sometimes the rash is even in a person's ears and mouth.
The number of pox is different for everyone. Some people get just a few bumps; others are covered from head to toe. At first, the rash looks like pinkish dots that quickly develop a small blister on top (a blister is a bump on your skin that fills up with fluid). After about 24 to 48 hours, the fluid in the blisters gets cloudy and the blisters begin to crust over.
Chickenpox blisters show up in waves, so after some begin to crust over, a new group of spots might appear. New chickenpox usually stop appearing by the seventh day, though they may stop as early as the third day. It usually takes 10-14 days for all the blisters to be scabbed over and then you are no longer contagious.
Besides the rash, someone with chickenpox might also have astomachache, a fever, and may just not feel well.


All Inclusive packages with free children til 6 years old.
The promotional periods are valid for a minimum stay of 7 nights in double room, for families of at least 3 people including 2 paying full price (max 1 child free per room) and include accommodation in CLASSIC room. During the reservation must be requested by the customer this particular type of room.
Furthermore, ALL INCLUSIVE includes full board, menu choices, buffet breakfast, vegetable and appetizer buffet; water and house wine and two sun beds and an umbrella.
The price also includes a complimentary whirlpool and fitness room in the garden of Mirage hotel.


Staining a deck is something that you are going to have to get used to if you want the deck to look good and last as long as possible, below we are going to stain two decks, one deck is brand new and has never been previously stained (but is tanalised) and the other deck has been treated with deck stain before.
When choosing a decking stain ensure you choose a good quality one and ensure you shop around. This tin of Cuprinol decking stain was £25 at B&Q but only £14.40 at Travis Perkins.
If you are using more than one tin of stain it is important to mix them together in a larger container, failure to do so can mean the stain will appear patchy. Many of todays water based stains require at least two or three coats of stain.
Do not use regular wood stain or fence stain as it is not as durable as decking stain.
Because of the failure of the stain after just a few months, I would not recommend using any stain on the deck at all but would use a "decking oil" instead.
This decking is being brush stained, before applying the stain the deck was cleaned using a vacuum to remove any dust, it was then sprayed with a coat of clear wood preserver that has soaked right into the timber, this is important especially on the cut ends of the deck boards.
Three coats were eventually applied to this deck!
A large 4 inch wide paint brush was used to apply the stain and the tin was stirred several times, even during use to ensure the stain covered correctly.
This is an older deck and has previously been stained.
When staining previously stained decking it's a good idea to choose a similar colour as staining over brown with green will not always work well !
The first step is to get the decking as clean as possible, here we are using a deck scrub to clean the decking. If the decking is particularly dirty it may require power washing a few days prior to re-staining it.
Depending on how loose the original decking stain is you may have to sand the decking, it's a good idea to do this if possible as it provides a better key for the new stain.
Ensure the stain is thoroughly mixed, even during use.
A large 4 inch wide brush will ensure that you cover the deck quickly and evenly.
Once finished the decking should look good for a couple more seasons!


This hill was made using surplus soil from a construction site. From the top of the hill (58 meters above sea lebel), you can view the Pacific Ocean and vast the Kanto Plain.
This area features many egg-shape objects scattered in the garden and the wind wheel with a bridge, which reminds you of the Netherlands. Various kinds of tulips are in bloom colorfully with a well-planned growing design, which changes every year, attracting lots of visitors.
The garden theme is Seabreeze and Rose Entertainment. The rose plants are planned to be short so that even young children and wheel-chair users can see the roses closely.
This garden is situated between Grassland Area and Pleasure Garden. In early summer, popies, linarias, and in autumn cosmos flowers are in bloom.


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Whitefield is a neighbourhood of Bangalore in the state of Karnataka, India. Established in the late 1800s as a settlement for the Eurasians and Anglo Indians of Bangalore, Whitefield remained a quaint little settlement at the eastern periphery of Bangalore city till the late 1990s when the local IT boom turned it into a major suburb. It is now a major part of Greater Bangalore.

The locality is named after D. S. White, founder of the European and Anglo Indian Association which received 4,000 acres of land from Mysore Maharaja Chamaraja Wodeyar in the 19th century.

History
In 1882, King Chamaraja Wodeyar IX, the Maharaja of the Mysore State, granted  of land to the Eurasian and Anglo-Indian Association for the establishment of agricultural settlements at Whitefield, which lay within his territory. The association was then about 170 strong with a committee of 30 members. They were part of the formation of the only settlement in India that Europeans and Eurasians could call their own. Mr. White, the then president of the E&AI Association., took a lively interest in it and helped in its advancement which at the beginning was an uphill task.

In the first decade of the 1900s, there were about 45 houses: 18 were on the village site and the remainder were on farms throughout the settlement and contained about  of land fit for cultivation. The number of residents in 1907 was 130. Lord Connemara, the then governor of Madras (1890) and General Sir Harry Prendergast, a British resident in Mysore, visited the settlement and lent support to the development of Whitefield. Subsequently, there were regular visits to Whitefield by the Bangalore District officials and high dignitaries from the Madras Presidency.

The settlement was  south of the Bangalore-Madras (now Chennai) line and a station was built. It led to the influx of residents and their families who worked at Kolar Gold Fields, about  (by train) to the east. It became convenient for those working at KGF to catch a train (running 3 to 4 times a day) and return to their families. There were frequent trains running to Bangalore  to the west (by train). Reaching the settlement from the railway station was possible only by writing a letter to Mrs. Hamilton (wife of a James Hamilton, the keeper of the Waverly Inn) who would arrange for a bullock cart trip for 8 annas.

Until the late 1990s, Whitefield was a small village. It has since become a major hub for the Indian technology industry. The Export Promotion Industrial Park (EPIP) at Whitefield is one of the country's first information technology parks—International Tech Park, Bangalore (ITPB) which houses offices of many IT and ITES companies.

Whitefield is now officially part of Bangalore city which is part of the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike.

Infrastructure
Whitefield has started seeing a boom in residential construction since the latter half of 1990s and especially during 2002 and onwards.

There are two major four-lane roads connecting Bangalore city with Whitefield — Whitefield road via Mahadevapura and Varthur road (HAL Old Airport Road) via Marathahalli. Both roads intersect with Karnataka State highway 35 (SH 35) which runs north–south (Siddlaghatta in the north to Anekal in the south).

The Whitefield railway station is about 3 km north of the Whitefield Bus stop. It lies on the Bangalore-Chennai route and is double and electrified, the Krishnarajapuram-Whitefield railway station section is slated to be converted to a quadruple line. The station is slated to become a junction with a new Whitefield-Kolar (53 km; 33 miles) line being laid. Neighbouring the Whitefield railway station is Brindavan, the ashram and winter residence of the Hindu spiritual leader Bhagawan Sri Sathya Sai Baba.

The Container Corporation of India (CONCOR) has a large inland container depot just off Whitefield road near ITPB.

Shopping malls like The Forum Neighborhood Mall, Phoenix Market City, Park Square Mall, Inorbit Mall, Forum Shantiniketan Mall and entertainment centres like IONA Entertainment are in the Whitefield area. It also houses the renowned super speciality hospital, Sri Sathya Sai Institute of Higher Medical Sciences, Whitefield, inaugurated by Bhagawan Sri Sathya Sai Baba on 19 January 2001, which offers all the medical services for free. Vydehi Institute of Medical Sciences and Research Centre is the other major super-speciality hospital in Whitefield.

Whitefield has extensive city bus connectivity with a wide range of services offered by BMTC. A Traffic and Transit Management Centre (TTMC) in EPIP is functional with schedules connecting it with most areas of the city.

The much anticipated Namma Metro project is expected to cater to Whitefield under Phase 2. The Purple line will be extended from Baiyyappanahalli to Whitefield covering 13 stations in between.

Whitefield suffers from water shortages especially during summer months as the whole region relies almost entirely on groundwater. With the increase in housing and office space, the demand has been multiplying over the years, and groundwater depletion has been worsening alarmingly. BWSSB is supplying the region with water under the Cauvery Water Supply Scheme Stage IV, Phase II. BWSSB has been granted Rs.1000 crore for water projects in 2012 including supplying water to areas of Greater Bangalore which includes Whitefield.

Geographic location

There are two main roads serving this area — Whitefield Road from Krishnarajapuram and Whitefield Main Road from Varthur. On November 2, 2020, Whitefield recorded its poorest air quality since the lockdown due to COVID-19. On January 24, 2021, residents petitioned the authorities to save the neighbouring Pattandur Agrahara Lake. They demanded removal of encroachments and rejuvenation of the water body by the city corporation.

Food and Leisure
There are multiple malls and food hotspots in and around the Whitefield area, some of them include -

 ITPL Mall (Park Square Mall)
 Forum Shantiniketan Mall
 Phoenix Marketcity (Bangalore)
 VR Bengaluru
 Inorbit Mall, Bangalore
 The Forum Value

These malls host multiple restaurants that cater to a variety of cuisines - Regional Indian cuisines, Japanese, Fast Food, etc.

Additional prominent standalone restaurants in the area apart from the ones hosted in malls include -

 Stoners (Burger and Ice Cream franchise)
 Windmills Craftworks (Restaurant and Micro-brewery)
 Pasta Street (Italian Cuisine)
 A2B - Adyar Ananda Bhavan (South Indian restaurant franchise)

Gallery

References

External links

Neighbourhoods in Bangalore
1882 establishments in India