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How will Meiyi fight? Expert: Iran will let the United States swallow the bitter fruit
As previously warned, Iran began to take revenge on Sulaimanis death.
But so far, all revenge has been restrained.
As the fifth phase of suspending the implementation of Irans nuclear agreement, Iran announced to abandon the limit on the number of centrifuges in the agreement, which means that its nuclear program is no longer subject to any actual restrictions. However, Iran did not formally announce its withdrawal from the nuclear agreement, but said it would continue to cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency, and all measures to suspend the implementation of the agreement could be reversed.
After suleymanis death, the U.S. Embassy in Iraq and the U.S. Air Force Base in Ballard were shelled, but the shelling did not cause any death or injury to any Americans. The wounded were three Iraqi soldiers. In a virtual space that will not directly cause casualties, Iranian hackers have launched attacks on US government websites, and US authorities have reminded the public and private sectors to prepare for the cyber war in Iran.
Although it did not cause substantial harm to American citizens, Irans oath of revenge and its power throughout the Middle East have strained the nerves of the United States. The Pentagon decided to send 3000 more soldiers to the Middle East; the Truman carrier arrived in the Gulf of Oman and the Batan amphibious assault ship went to the Middle East; American citizens in Iraq were asked to evacuate; Washington and New York entered a state of alert.
Iraq, which has been struggling with anti Iran and anti-government demonstrations, has also made big moves: Parliament has voted for foreign troops to withdraw from Iraq. In addition to more than 5000 soldiers, the U.S. military has built multiple bases in Iraq. President trump has threatened to impose sanctions on Iraq and demand that Iraq repay the cost of building the bases.
What other retaliatory measures will Iran take against the United States as February 21 parliamentary elections approach? What is Irans bottom line? Will the situation get out of control? Li Shaoxian, Dean of the Chinese Academy of Arab States, Ningxia University, interprets the interface news.
What does it mean for Iran to announce once again that it has suspended the implementation of its nuclear agreement?
Li Shaoxian: now Irans approach is to say that it is not bound by the Iranian nuclear agreement, but it does not mean that Iran withdraws from the Iranian nuclear agreement, because it is still cooperating with the International Atomic Energy Agency. That means the IAEA will still be able to check Irans nuclear facilities as before and retain all monitoring equipment.
In addition, Iran has made it clear that it can return to full compliance if other signatories fulfill their commitments under the Iran nuclear agreement. If Iran were to withdraw from the agreement, it would publicly announce it, but this is not the case now.
Iran would not have come this far without the death of suleymani. Prior to the attack on suleymani, Irans top officials had worked out a plan for the next steps of the Iranian nuclear agreement, which was to be announced on January 5. But after the attack, Irans top officials met again to make the decision. But the current approach still leaves room for negotiations.
After Sulaimanis death, although the Iranian military has put a lot of harsh words, but the attacks in the green zone and other places did not cause American casualties. Is Iran avoiding a confrontation with the United States?
Li Shaoxian: it is impossible for Iran not to retaliate against Sulaimanis death, but its retaliation will not be as sharp as many people think.
The second is the military. The military, of course, is very high-profile and tough, let the American corpses spread all over the Middle East and so on. The militarys high-profile is understandable and logical. To a certain extent, the militarys high-profile can also pacify the people.
Another is the highest level. Although they also spoke hard, on the whole, the top management kept calm and restrained. From the current situation, the big situation is still under the control of the senior management; from the overall response of the senior management, I dont think they will take revenge measures that may lead to war. In retaliation will also grasp the scale, more cautious.
Iran has many means of retaliation, but no matter what means, I think the general principle will be followed: it will make the United States uncomfortable, but at the same time, it will make the United States able to bear, and it will have to swallow the bitter fruit.
As for the concerned Israel and the Strait of Hormuz, they will not be the targets of revenge. Attacking Israel or blocking the Strait of Hormuz means war, which is the last resort. Iran will not go this far.
The Iraqi parliament did not set a time limit for the withdrawal of foreign troops. Will the US military really withdraw?
Li Shaoxian: if Sulaimanis death can make the American troops in Iraq withdraw, or the atmosphere aroused by Sulaimanis death can make the American troops in Iraq more and more unable to stay, then I think Sulaimanis death is worth it.
It has already been said in Iran that creating this situation in Iraq is the last big gift package Sulaimani left to the Iranian people and national security.
The U.S. military is not staying or leaving in Iraq. The Iraqi parliament passed the vote. Although trump threatened to impose sanctions, the reason for the United States to stay in Iraq is no longer tenable. In the long run, the United States cant wait.
Of course, the U.S. will not withdraw because of Iraqs demands. The U.S. has never paid attention to Iraqs sovereignty. The U.S. president never needs the invitation of the Iraqi head of state to go to Iraq.
But even if the U.S. military does not leave Iraq, it will face endless harassment and threats in the future, which has objectively created an atmosphere that makes it difficult for the U.S. military to stay any longer. Now that the United States is nervous, it has strengthened security at home, let alone in the Middle East.
In my opinion, the US bombing of suleymani was a stupid decision.
Iraq has become the front of the battle between the United States and Iran. Before Sulaimanis death, there had been several months of protests in Iraq, targeting Iran; but now when Sulaimani died, the spear began to target the United States, which is equivalent to helping Iran to solve the problem. In the next step, there will be a series of struggles around the withdrawal of US troops.
Under the current situation, is it possible for European countries to remain neutral?
Li Shaoxian: now Europe is very embarrassed. Whether it is the bombing of suleymani or the US crackdown on Iran, Europe is inclined to the US. But objectively, these actions of the United States also put NATO members at risk.
NATO has stopped training in Iraq to stay out of the limelight and ensure security. As for what NATO will do next, it depends on the United States. If the United States withdraws, other NATO forces may withdraw before the United States.
On the issue of Irans nuclear agreement, the interests of European countries and the United States are not entirely the same. Europe wants to keep the Iranian nuclear agreement, and if it is repealed, it will face the threat.
On the one hand, Europe tends to the United States, on the other hand, it wants to keep the Iranian nuclear agreement, which is embarrassing. However, there is little that countries can do, and only diplomatic means can alleviate conflicts.
If the US Iraq fighting law is still under control, is it likely to lose control in the future?
Li Shaoxian: at present, from the perspective of the Iranian government, there is no sign of out of control. But Sulaimanis death has made more Iranians incline to the hardliners. If the hardliners win the next parliamentary election, the first step must be to withdraw from the Iranian nuclear agreement.
After that, public confrontations with the United States became possible. Moreover, with the continuation of the US Iraq fighting law, it is impossible to rule out the possibility that the situation is out of control.
But in any case, from the current situation, the bottom line between the United States and Iran is no war.
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Lobbying of Hillary begins
December 17, 2014 | Kris Hermes
Tim Devaney, The Hill
The lobbying of Hillary Clinton has begun.
Pressure groups are making moves to bend Clinton's ear in hopes of shaping the policy platform she would use to run for the White House in 2016.
On issues ranging from energy policy and immigration to gay rights and medical marijuana, advocacy groups are increasingly tailoring their public campaigns toward Clinton in hopes of winning her early support.
Environmentalists, for instance, are pressing Clinton to take a stand against the Keystone XL oil pipeline. As secretary of State, Clinton refused to weigh in on the issue.
Before backing her for a potential presidential bid, some environmental groups are insisting she publicly oppose Keystone, even as the Obama administration continues to delay a decision on the highly controversial oil pipeline.
"Secretary Clinton, will you stand with us against Keystone XL?" dozens of environmental groups wrote in a letter to Clinton this year.
Clinton has remained coy about her intentions regarding Keystone, a strategy that keeps her from getting backed into a corner. By standing with environmental groups, Republicans would paint her as an "anti-jobs" candidate. But siding with business groups, would infuriate Democrats' environmental base of supporters.
Her silence is concerning for environmentalists. The CEO of one green company told The Hill earlier this year that "environmental voters will know she cannot be counted on" if she does not come out against Keystone.
But Clinton is also facing pressure from coal groups to support rolling back controversial power plant regulations from the Environmental Protection Agency.
The industry group American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) called on Clinton to be a "voice of reason" ahead of her speech to an environmental group earlier this month
"As Mrs. Clinton considers another run for the White House, we hope that she continues to be the voice of reason for coal-powered electricity," ACCCE spokeswoman Laura Sheehan said.
Sheehan pointed out that the former presidential contender supported an all-of-the-above energy policy during her 2008 campaign.
"We are going to use coal," Clinton told voters during campaign stop in Indiana.
"There's no doubt about that," Clinton added. "It's just that we've got to figure out how to make it as clean as coal can be."
The industry group says it plans to hold Clinton to her word, if she runs again.
On immigration, advocates are warning Clinton that she'll be in "big trouble" if she does not take a stronger stance on the hot-button issue.
They're calling on her to push comprehensive immigration reform in Congress during what would be her first year in office.
In the meantime, they want her to commit to enforcing President Obama's recent executive order delaying deportations for millions of illegal immigrants.
"If I was Hillary Clinton, I would be concerned because her statements so far are not as conclusive and supportive as Latinos would like to see," said Arturo Carmona, executive director of the Latino advocacy group Presente.org.
Other Hispanic leaders have called on the former first lady to push for driver's licenses for illegal immigrants.
According to a recent survey by the polling firm Latino Decisions, 85 percent of Hispanic voters would cast their ballots for Clinton if she were to commit to upholding Obama's executive order.
"But it will be much harder to mobilize the Latino vote in 2016, if you don't have a candidate who strongly supports the Latino community," said Matt Barreto, co-founder of Latino Decisions.
Meanwhile, other special-interest groups are courting Clinton's super-PAC, Ready for Hillary, in hopes of gaining influence with her potential campaign.
Ready for Hillary has raised more than $11 million and built a base of 3 million supporters that it intends to turn over to her campaign, if and when she announces her candidacy.
The group has had conversations with leaders in the LGBT, Latino American and African-American communities, though its efforts are more focused on grassroots-level organizing, Ready for Hillary spokesman Seth Bringman said.
"That's been our focus identifying those Hillary supporters out there to encourage her to run," Bringman said.
Tico Almeida, president and founder of the gay rights organization Freedom to Work, confirmed he has reached out to Ready for Hillary to discuss her potential campaign.
"Our ask of Hillary Clinton is that if she is elected president, in her very first State of the Union address, we would like her to call for Congress to pass federal legislation protecting LGBT Americans from all forms of discrimination," Almeida said.
One foreign policy group is even calling on the former secretary of State to lift what critics say is an outdated Cuban embargo.
The Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) spoke with Ready for Hillary this week to discuss Clinton's foreign policy.
"What I've conveyed to the Ready for Hillary camp is that we'd like to see Hillary come out and say the Cuban embargo has failed," said Marc Hanson, WOLA's senior associate for Cuba.
A number of special-interest groups say they're waiting until Clinton announces her candidacy before they begin their lobbying efforts.
Marijuana lobbyists, for one, are hoping to encourage Clinton to take pot decriminalization laws "into serious consideration."
Mike Liszewski, director of government affairs at Americans for Safe Access, says he plans to speak with Clinton's staff about marijuana laws sometime next year after she announces whether she will run for president.
The group is planning to keep a scorecard of where Clinton and other presidential candidates stand on the issue.
"If Clinton doesn't seize upon this issue, other candidates can make significant in-roads by seizing upon it," Liszewski said. "It's an issue that's going to resonate with voters across the country in 2016 like it never has before."
In the wake of the CIA report on enhanced interrogation, the Americans for Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) would like to see Clinton, as well as other presidential candidates, commit to broader reforms within the nation's intelligence community, said Michael Macleod-Ball, chief of staff at the ACLU's Washington Legislative Office.
Once the campaigns heat up, the ACLU plans to "nail candidates down on" on where they stand on torture, as well as other issues such as the militarization of police and domestic surveillance activities.
For some groups, however, it's never too early to make sure their issues are on Clinton's radar.
"From our perspective, it's never a bad time to reach out to Hillary Clinton," said Hanson, of the Latin America group. "Whether or not she's going to run, she commands a lot of attention and she's still someone who can make an impact on the national debate."

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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A MIdsummer Night's Dream - Thomas A. Edison High School - Alexandria, Virginia - November 17, 2017
cappies nca reviews, thomas a edison high school, 2018 season, a midsummer night's dream | 0 Comments | Share
Simon Van Der Weide
Flint Hill School
Thomas Edison High School invited audiences into the whimsical and enchanted world of "A Midsummer Night's Dream," where a timeless forest of fairies lurks just outside of orderly Athens.
Written in the 1590s by William Shakespeare, "A Midsummer Night's Dream" tells the story of Titania and Oberon, two immortal fairies, whose arrival near Athens disrupts the lives of humans in fantastic ways. When four youths venture into the woods to follow their lovers, they enter a land of magic and contention, also inhabited by the Mechanicals, a group of rude actors rehearsing a play of their own. With double-entendre and sharp wit flying on the wings of every fairy, it is no surprise that this Shakespearean comedy is one of the most performed.
Actors Amen Adib and Carina Hines brought the character of Puck to life with their synchronous dialogue and fluid motion. Although Adib and Hines each represented one side of a single character, they brought out the idiosyncrasies of Puck and Robin Goodfellow with unique and inspired physicality. Nathaniel McCay (Oberon) and Sophia Pelakasis (Titania) carried with them a regal and imposing presence whenever they graced the stage.
Other dramatic performances were made by Reel Yousif (Hermia), Angeline Ignacio (Helena), Alex Savage (Nick Bottom), and Sean McGavin (Snout). While Ignacio beautifully displayed a young woman's dilemma in desiring an unrequited love, Yousif protested against the condemnation of her love with soulful lamentations and strong emotion. The Mechanicals' play-within-a-play of Pyramus and Thisbe would have been incomplete without McGavin's brilliant and sarcastic portrayal of Wall. Savage brought tremendous arrogance to narcissistic Bottom, casting himself for every role in the play with aplomb and larger-than-life motions.
The passage of time was well displayed by the use of sunlit hues for the dawn. This production also featured numerous handcrafted headpieces and sets of wings that highlighted the nature of the characters that wore them. The costumes themselves established clear distinctions between the warring fairy courts and contributed to the timeless nature of the entire show. From the practices of the elaborate triple wedding to the intricate dénouement, Jillian Brooks' choreography enhanced the emotion of every scene and kept the show lively in otherwise slow moments.
The cast and crew of Thomas Edison High School's production reimagined the classic tale of "A Midsummer Night's Dream" with distinct modernity and exceptional talent.
Erin Mullins
Lake Braddock Secondary School
In the depths of the forest on a hot summer eve, a fairy giggles in the shadows as a man with the head of a Donkey sings loudly and crudely. Magic is in the air as the fae world and the human world clash in Thomas A. Edison High School's production of A Midsummer Night's Dream.
William Shakespeare's timeless comedy, one that has been around since the 16th century, is set in Athens and follows the mixed-up romance of four young lovers as they attempt to navigate their way through forbidden love and consequential pining. With the "help" from mischievous fairies, true love wins out and in the end a hilarious play within a play greets the lovers on their wedding day.
The cast as a whole showed dedication to each and every role, and came together to deliver a performance that was high spirited and full of comedic value. The technical aspects of the show were intricate and enhanced the performance through added detail.
The antics of The Mechanicals (Perry Brown, Alex Savage, Mason Clark, Landen Chanthaphanij, Sean McGavin, and Sam Kaynor) had the audience in fits of laughter throughout the entire show. The group worked well not only as an ensemble, but also as individuals who brought life and special quirks to his or her own character. The Mechanicals had unwavering energy in every scene; there was never a dull moment while they were onstage. The chemistry between the actors was clear, both as their "acting" characters and as their "Pyramus and Thisbe" counterparts.
The decision to have the role of Puck/Robin split between two actors (Amen Adib and Carina Hines) was interesting, and the two worked well with it. The way the actors played off of each other and delivered their lines back and forth was entertaining, and easily allowed them to capture the dynamic of the rascally sprite. Angeline Ignacio, who played Helena, performed in a way that showed she understood her lines and her character, and she captured the audience's attention. Reel Yousif, who performed as Hermia, showed a range of emotions from love to disappointment to anger that allowed the audience to feel her pain as she watched her lover turn away from her.
The detailed and colorful design (Maggie Landis and Jillian Brooks) of the homemade headpieces and wings for the fairies was beautiful and defined the status' of the various characters. The use of feathered quills and rolled up paper helped define the time period and showed attention to detail on the designer's part. The fairies makeup (Jocelyn Gyasiwaah Antwi) was bright and creative. The pinks and blues set the magical creatures apart from the human actors, and each actor was easily distinguishable. The set design (Amédé Karina-Plun and Julia Stonefield) accentuated the depth of the stage and gave the appearance of an Athenian forest with its multiple trees and pillars.
Thomas A. Edison High School's production of A Midsummer Night's Dream was packed with entertainment, and the bright colors and details surrounding the actors fully captured Shakespeare's themes of love and dreaming.
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A Prime Minister Under Criminal Investigation
August 13, 2017 | Written By: Dr. Ofer Kenig, Dr. Guy Lurie
A summary of where the law stands regarding alleged wrong doing by the premier, as well as timely suggestions for reform, are in order.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was first summoned for questioning by the police more than six months ago. Though he was interrogated a few more times since, it is still too soon to tell whether the police investigations will yield indictments, let alone a conviction. This seems like a good time for review of the way the law addresses a situation in which a prime minister is subject to criminal proceedings. Every stage of the criminal proceeding - investigation, indictment, and conviction - is defined differently by law. The following review addresses the legal aspects of the issue, but also discusses public and governance aspects of a prime minister under a cloud.
Investigation launched -> Indictment filed -> Conviction (first instance) - > Final conviction (no appeal)
The first stage, which is where PM Netanyahu is in when this is written, is the investigation - a preliminary stage that may or may not end with a charge sheet. The law does not require that the PM step down or take political timeout at this stage, but only states that the instruction to launch an investigation against an incumbent PM should be agreed to by the Attorney General (AG), who often makes that decision, particularly when it concerns a PM, only after conducting a "preliminary inspectionSome maintain that the preliminary inspection is a separate stage that precedes the official inquiry. We will not analyze it so here. According to existing AG instructions re investigations against public officials, the AG's consent follows "a preliminary examination of the complaint and is meant to determine whether an investigation is warranted".."
Why does the law not present an option of suspending a PM from office at this stage? It may be argued that this is a reasonable arrangement. After all, not all investigations yield indictments, and civil servants and public officials should not be subject to sanctions as long as they are presumed innocent. Though it should be remembered that the AG may give his consent to launching investigations against the PM only after a preliminary inspection that assesses the existence of a "reasonable suspicion that justifies an inquiry." See also Rinat Kitai, Deposing Public Officials due to Suspicion of a Criminal Offence, 2 Alei Mishpat 107 ,2012 [in Hebrew]. Nevertheless, in certain cases, the Supreme Court took a different approach and stated that the presumption of innocence does not apply outside criminal proceedings and should be of lesser importance when dealing with the appointment or the ousting of public officials. According to this approach, though the law does not explicitly call for sanctions against a PM under investigation, this does not eliminate the complexity of the situation - even more so when the said PM is questioned as part of several ongoing criminal investigations that might last a substantive period. Indeed, should the PM be dragged into a lengthy investigation process, it might naturally impair on his order of business and daily work, and cast a shadow on his ability to reasonably conduct the affairs of the state while spending time, energy, and mental resources on his legal affairs. In other words, it may be argued that under such circumstances, the PM might not be able to properly fulfill his duties - namely, become effectively incapacitated.
In this respect, we hope that the legal authorities will expedite and quickly conclude the investigation. The fact that the Chief of Police said, "we realize that a quick conclusion of the investigation has public meanings," reflects the realization that having a PM under lengthy police investigations is an unhealthy situation. Yet, what if it turns out that despite the efforts, investigations last longer than expected? We should remember that the previous two prime ministers were questioned for months. Were they supposed to stay in office as usual, or declare temporary incapacity and step down? It is worth remembering that the prime minister of the State of Israel is one of the busiest world leaders. When he spends time on and preparing for police interrogations, clearly his capacity to give his full attention to the affairs of the state is impaired.
Basic Law: The Government states that when a PM is temporarily unable to fulfill his duties, he should be replaced by his deputy When a PM does not appoint a deputy (the law does not require appointing one and Netanyahu is not the first PM to choose not to man that post), the cabinet should name one of its members (minister) to serve as acting PM for the duration of the incapacity. . The Law further states that a PM thus incapacitated may return to his office within a 100-days period, but incapacity becomes permanent after that period and thus automatically ends the government's term. At the same time, the law is rather vague on the circumstances under which a PM may (or should) become temporary incapacitated, nor does it specify the body that may (or should) determine that. There are, however, certain circumstances under which the PM's inability to fulfill his duties is quite obvious. For example, when a PM undergoes a medical procedure during which he is desensitized or anesthetized, he is clearly unable to fulfill his duties and is then replaced by his deputy or another cabinet minister. The same applies in more serious medical cases. When PM Ariel Sharon had a stroke in early 2006, he was clearly incapacitated. Ehud Olmert became acting PM during the temporary incapacity period and was nominated prime minister when it became permanent, after 100 days. Certain cases, however, are far less obvious. In Netanyahu's case, it is not clear what should happen when a PM undergoes a series of intense interrogations that cast doubt on his ability to effectively manage the affairs of the state. Should he declare himself temporary unable to fulfill his duties and take time off to put his personal affairs in order? And if he does not believe that move is necessary, should the Knesset be authorized to force him to take a timeout?
As noted above, the law is not clear on that matter. Ehud Olmert, for example, remained as PM while the police investigated him on several affairs in 2007-8. Eventually, after he lingered for months, political and coalitional pressures made him announce his resignation (rather than incapacity) as prime minister. Yet, even before he resigned, certain politicians advocated changing the law so that it state who has the power to declare the PM temporarily incapacitated.
Indeed, the letter of the law should be clearer. At the very least, it should be more specific and clear on when and how a PM may declare himself temporarily incapable of fulfilling his roles (or suspend himself) and regain that capability when he sees fit (within the 100-day period stipulated by law). A similar mechanism is already in place with regard to the post of the President of State. The law states that the President may ask the Knesset to temporarily suspend him because of his inability to fulfill his roles. Former President Moshe Katzav opted for that arrangement near the end of his term and asked that the Knesset declare him incapable when he was interrogated on rape charges. Knesset Speaker Dalia Itzik replaced Katzav as Acting President for the last six months of his term.
Furthermore, under certain circumstances during an investigation, perhaps a legal-experts committee that includes the AG should be authorized to consider suspending a prime minister - as the IDI suggested in 2015 (see below). It would seem that such a mechanism offers an appropriate balanced arrangement that allows a group of independent legal experts to consider whether a prime minister may be ordered to step down temporarily without formally deposing him, thus causing the Government to resign and creating undue political upheaval.
This is the IDI suggestion:
Should a criminal investigation be launched against a prime minister on suspicions of an offense related to his position, whose circumstances involve moral turpitude, and should a substantial suspicion coalesce - the Supreme Court President will appoint a committee to consider his suspension, comprising:
A. A former Supreme Court president
B. The AG
C. A jurist capable of serving as a Supreme Court justice
The committee may suspend the prime minister should it think that remaining in office might impact the investigation against him, and that the public interest in revealing the truth surpasses, in the circumstances of the case, the harm caused by his suspension.
The committee may not suspend the prime minister before he is given an opportunity to argue his case.
A prime minister so suspended should be viewed as temporarily incapable of fulfilling his role.
(Source: Doron Navot, Yuval Feldman, Mordechai Kremnitzer, Lina Saba-Habesch, Tehilla Shwartz Altshuler, and Amir Fuchs (2015), A Plan for Combating Government Corruption, Jerusalem: IDI, p. 21.
After an Indictment Is Filed
By law, indictments against a PM are filed by the AG. The PM, as all other Knesset members, may review the indictment before it is filed and may, within 30 days after receiving the indictment, ask the Knesset to declare him immune to criminal charges for reasons specified by lawFor more on this, see "Four Short Notes on MKs' Immunity", Prof Suzie Navot, Parliament, vol. 70 (2012). . What then should happen when a presiding PM is indicted? Should he suspend himself or resign at once? How should he act after the AG announces his intentions to file charges, subject to a hearing? Should he suspend himself until the hearing takes place, even before an indictment is filed? Though we are looking at an advanced stage of the criminal proceeding, existing law does not explicitly stipulate that a PM must step down once he is charged. In other words, the fact that a charge sheet against him has been filed is not in itself a clear and immediate reason to end his term in office.
Nevertheless, once a charge sheet is filed, the AG's legal stance and Supreme Court rulings on the matter play a significant role. Handing down two verdicts known as "the Deri-Pinhasi Precedent,In 1993, a charge sheet was filed against Minister of the Interior Arye Deri and there was an intention to file a charge sheet against Deputy Minister Refael Pinhasi (but the Knesset decided not to lift his immunity). The two failed to resign and then Prime Minister Rabin failed to fire them. In two rulings (in the Government Quality Movement and the Amitay cases), the Supreme Court established a precedent according to which, when an indictment is filed against a minister or deputy minister, under circumstances these rulings elaborated on, they must be removed from office." the Supreme Court stated that once an indictment pertaining to a grave offense has been filed against a Government member, he should be removed from office if he does not resign on his own accord, because it made a distinction between the minister's capacity to fulfill roles as stipulated by law and the PM's reasonableness of considerations when deciding to oust an indicted minister. Some argue that if that ruling applies to Government members, it all the more so applies to the prime minister - due to the supremacy of his standing and position, and due to his duty and power to depose a minister under similar circumstances, an act he would not be able to make while under similar circumstances himself The wording of Article 5(a) of Basic Law: The Government - "The Government is composed of a Prime Minister and other Ministers" - may be deduced as stating that the prime minister is himself a minister (Government member). . Others differ and argue that while a minister is an appointed official, a prime minister is an elected official (albeit, indirectly). The latter's resignation from duty is not politically equal to deposing a minister. Also, Basic Law: The Government does not name a body authorized to depose a prime minister (except for the Knesset, in a vote of no confidence against the entire Government; though a suspension is possible as part of temporary incapacity)See Amnon Rubinstein and Barak Medina, The Constitutional Law of the State of Israel, Vol. B, 847-848 (2005). . Several years ago, the issue came up for discussion as part of a petition filed against the mayors of Nazareth Illit and Ramat Hasharon, and the Deri-Pinhasi procedure was applied in their cases (in a verdict that led to a 2013 amendment of the law and the appointment of a committee whose duty it is to consider whether or not to depose presiding mayors when they are charged with grave offencesHCJ 4921/13 Ometz et al v Rochenberger et al (Oct. 14, 2013); The Local Governments Act (suspending a local government head because an indictment is filed) (legislation amendments), 2013..
Furthermore, clearly an indictment once filed bolsters the public's expectation that an accused PM resign or be suspended. In such a case, public pressure will intensify significantly because that would be a precedent and because a PM's ability to manage the affairs of the state would be further impaired. It may be assumed that many citizens, pundits, public officials, and even members of the PM's own party would feel that a prime minister facing criminal charges cannot remain in office.
That is why we need to consider revising the law so that it forces an indicted PM to suspend himself or declare temporary incapacity. In this context, we would like to mention a suggestion made by a public committee (headed by former Supreme Court President Meir Shamgar), formed to devise Government members' ethics, that a Government member - the PM included - should suspend himself or resign when "the law-enforcement authorities make an official statement, issued by individuals authorized to file indictments, that attributes grave offences to them that impair on the public's trust in the government." Another suggestion in the same spirit was made in the aforementioned 2015 Plan for Combating Government Corruption as promoted by the IDI. According to that suggestion, Basic Law: The Government should be amended so that if a PM is charged with offences involving moral turpitude, he "should be viewed as temporarily incapable of fulfilling his role."
What should be the fate of a convicted prime minister? If found guilty of an offense that does not fall under the definition of moral turpitude, he does not have to resign and may remain in office. If found guilty of an offense that the court defined as involving moral turpitude, the law says that his term in office ends automatically once the verdict becomes final. In other words, a PM may practically hold on to his post even if he is convicted by a District Court in a felony with moral turpitude because he still has the right to file an appeal with the Supreme Court. Only after that appeal is denied, his term (and his government's term) is automatically expires.
Still, experience has shown that the period between these two rulings could be several months. A situation in which a convicted PM awaits the results of his appeal while serving as usual might be intolerable in terms of governmental norms. The law, therefore, establishes a procedure that may be applied to depose a PM who has been convicted of a crime (with moral turpitude) as soon as the first instance finds him guilty. This is a complex procedure that was designed to guarantee that a PM's removal from office follows real issues and not some political intrigue.
First, within a month after a PM is found guilty by a District Court, the Knesset's Knesset Committee should decide whether or not it recommends that the PM be deposed. By law, the PM may present his case before the Committee.
Upon concluding its deliberations, the Knesset Committee should present the Knesset plenum with its recommendation, but if none is presented, the Knesset Speaker will submit the issue of the PM's removal from office for a plenum discussion (where the PM may also present his case).
Subsequently, the Knesset Plenum will hold a vote and a majority of 61 MKs at least may terminate the PM's term.
The law and court-stipulated rules lay down distinct arrangement systems for every stage of the criminal proceeding - from interrogation to final conviction. It should be stressed, however, that according to one interpretation of the law (and, as noted, there is another), there is no reason for a PM not to remain in office until his final conviction. The Knesset may oust him a while sooner, following his conviction by the first instance.
It may be argued that the current legal arrangement, which theoretically allows the PM to hold on to his seat throughout the legal proceeding and even after he is convicted, is not satisfactory. Advocates of that view argue that the law should align with public's expectations and create legal tools that allow or force a PM to suspend himself at earlier stages of the legal process. Suggestions in this spirit were raised by the IDI as part of its plan for combating government corruption.
It may, however, be argued that the law should not add to the current arrangements, and that pressure to oust a PM who faces criminal charges should be made by the public, based on public norms. Regrettably, in the past, we could expect civil servants who face criminal charges or proceedings to show enough personal integrity and responsibility and quit their public posts without being forced to do so by law (as is the case in many democratic countries). Today it seems that such expectations are unrealistic given the prevailing political cultural and norms.
The matter of a PM under criminal proceedings, therefore, gives rise to quite complicated dilemmas. For example: the PM's presumption of innocence vs. public appearances, political ethics, and the potential harm this might cause to the public's confidence in the government; the stability of the political system, effective governance, and the continuity of government (key arguments used by individuals who have promoted a bill that would ban interrogating a presiding PM) vs. the formal and essential rule of law and equality before the law. Another issue worth considering is how far the dollar of the judicial-legalistic arrangement may and should be stretched, and when the public-norm arena should be allowed to act so that the legal order does not break due to a political culture that disrespects public ethics.
A Prime Minister Under Criminal Investigation:
Current v Desired State
Stage Current Law/Legislation Our Recommendations
An investigation into the PM's affairs is launched only after the AG signs off.
The law does not force the PM to resign.
Given certain circumstances during an investigation, a legal-experts committee that includes the AG may be authorized to consider suspending a prime minister. Such an apparatus offers an appropriate interim arrangement as it allows an independent group of experts to consider whether a PM should take a timeout without officially deposing him, causing the Cabinet to resign, and unnecessary political upheaval.
The AG files an indictment with a District Court. The PM must not resign by law. The question remains whether the Deri-Pinhasi procedure (by which the PM must fire a charged minister or deputy minister) applies here too.
The issue is disputed: while some maintain that this procedure all the more so applies to a PM, who must resign, others argue that because the PM is an elected official, the two cases are not politically comparable.
We believe that once a charge sheet has been filed against a PM, he should at least opt for temporary incapacity: If a PM is charged with offences involving moral turpitude, he should be viewed as temporarily incapable of fulfilling his roles.
Conviction - First Instance
The PM must not resign by law. The Knesset may - in a procedure stipulated by law and with an absolute majority - depose a PM who was convicted of offences involving moral turpitude.
No recommendations for this stage.
Final Conviction (Peremptory Verdict) A PM's term ends automatically. No recommendations for this stage.
criminal law,
judicial reform,
Survey: 56% of Jews Think Most Arab Citizens Support Temple Mount Attack
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Safeguarding Justice


MANGUSTA 94 is a Loading... luxury yacht, built by Overmarine and delivered in 2015. Her top speed is 38.0kn and she boasts a maximum cruising range of 280.0nm with power coming from two 3485.0hp MTU 16V2000M94 diesel engines. She can accommodate up to 6 people with 3 crew members waiting on their every need.


If you want to render a classic look in your home and you prefer to use the natural choices for this, the sisal carpet is a perfect choice. Not only can you get a great variety of choices of designs and styles, but also the sisal carpet is also highly inexpensive.
With the sisal carpets, your endeavour to give a unique and extraordinary look to the interiors wouldn't require you to burn down your pockets. On the other hand, if you go for a hand-knotted wool rug of the same size, it is going to be a costly affair.
One of the wondrous aspects of using a sisal rug is that it has an uncanny ability to adapt to all kinds of surroundings. Whatever the style or the colour palette of your interior, the sisal rugs are going to look as if these were made for the settings. Moreover, this natural rug adds an element of clean design and texture into a space.
Why sisal carpets and rugs?
There is a wide range of choices pertaining to the vivid kinds of patterns and colours of sisal rugs. Because of an immense number of design variations, and both multicoloured and monochrome options, sisal carpets are a versatile option.
Going beyond its aesthetic appeal, sisal rug is incredibly easy to clean and maintain. The only thing to keep in mind is that the sisal fibre rugs should be placed in dry spaces, away from kitchens and bathrooms. Sisal fibres cannot tolerate a lot of moisture.
Sisal floor rugs when placed in bedroom areas and living spaces add an aura of cosiness and warmth. Moreover, these are highly durable and resilient. When used correctly, a sisal carpet can look great in different areas of a room even after 8-10 years of hard wearing use. Thus, these are most suitable for high traffic areas.
Sisal fibres are non-slippery. Thus, sisal carpets can be placed in the entryways. These look quite good and functional in the wall to wall placement patterns, especially in the stairways. One can also install sisal rugs on walls.
Sisal carpets can be used in various creative ways. If you choose a sisal carpet with a coloured border, it can truly make a room pop. Select the border colour according to the main colour of the room's colour palette. You can achieve a custom look in the room without spending much.
Sisal carpets are super easy to clean. These natural fibres neither attract nor retain dust. Thus, these are very easy to maintain with your regular routine of vacuuming. These are hard wearing and you can use these as area rugs through a variety of splendid edge treatments.
Sisal rugs are anti-static and absorb sound. Thus, these give the calm and peaceful aura in a home the complements the classic look which the rug characteristically imparts to a place where it is kept.
The best part is that the source plant of sisal, Agave grows without the use of pesticides and chemicals. Thus, you have a naturally resplendent choice of furnishings for your home with the Floorspace sisal rugs!


Lucerne provides an attractive setting for living and working, but above all, it is a place where life is most enjoyable! There are many ways you can organise your leisure activities – be it alone, with children or in a group. You can join a club, engage in sports or artistic activities, go hiking in the mountains, take advantage of the city's cultural offer or just relax with a good book.
01. Where can I find information about cultural events and organizations?
A diverse selection of cultural options are available in Lucerne. An overview of events can be found in the Kulturmagazin 041 (Culture Magazine). The Kulturkalender (Culture Calendar) is also published online. At Luzern Tourismus you will find a schedule of festivals und events, a list of museums in the city and the region, as well as the cinema (Kino) and theater programs.
02. Which types of sports activities are available in Lucerne?
A large variety of sports clubs that inspire and integrate participants with a wide range of backgrounds, ages, and abilities are available in Lucerne. Swimming and sports facilities to suit anyone's liking can be found in the city.
Luzern Tourismus offers an overview of sports and leisure in Luzern.
03. What major sporting events are held in Lucerne?
Thanks to the nearby mountains, lakes, and the Reuss river, a wide range of all kinds of sporting events are held in Lucerne. The city run (Stadtlauf), Lucerne City Marathon, rowing events, and world-class track and field are the most prominent.
04. What excursions can be undertaken in and around the Lucerne area?
The historic Old Town, the location on the Lake of Lucerne (Vierwaldstättersee), and the surrounding mountains offer ideal conditions to make you feel comfortable in Lucerne.
You can find ideas for excursions and points of interest in Lucerne on the Luzern Tourismus website.
05. How can children and young people become involved in politics?
Children and young people can become actively involved in politics in Lucerne's Children's and Youth Parliament (Kinder- und Jugendparlament), where they learn to consider and respect different viewpoints.
06. Where can I find out about volunteer work?
Volunteers work free of charge in fields such as culture, the environment, sports, politics, neighborhood service, as well as social, church, and many other areas of our society. Further information on volunteer work is available from the agency Benevol Luzern.
Caritas Luzern also has an extensive list of opportunities for volunteer activities.
07. What benefits/discounts are available to me?
For one hour every six weeks, the FUKA-Kiosk offers Lucerners free tickets for cultural events, publications, CDs, etc. The bargains are distributed at the Heiliggeist Chapel (Heiliggeistkapelle) in City Hall Park (Stadthauspark, entrance at Hirschengraben 17b).
With the Lucerne Museum Card (Luzerner Museums-Pass), you can visit as many museums as you wish on two consecutive days. Many of the museums and institutions also offer year-long memberships or family discounts.
The culture pass (KulturLegi) allows persons with low incomes to obtain discounts for many cultural, sports, educational, and leisure activities.
The community Day-ticket (Tageskarte Gemeinde) is valid for free transportation on all federal train (SBB) and post-bus routes as well as most private railways, public transportation in the cities, and many boat companies in Switzerland.
Many season passes, such as the railway Halbtax-Abo (SBB travelcards and tickets), offer discounted rates.


"The obstacle is the path" is one of the better-known Zen proverbs—one that invites us to view challenges as growth opportunities. This is a very healthy outlook to have when working in technical support, where problem solving and stress tolerance are part of the job description.
Thankfully, there are tech support tools to help you face your path-obstacles. One of these is Zendesk, a versatile platform that streamlines many of the customer service challenges in running a large-scale, multi-tier operation.
Here are some examples of how our own customer support teams use Zendesk to support various service quality policies and work processes.
When working on a ticket, providing first response is like providing first aid, offering immediate relief by communicating that a.) you understand the issue and b.) you are working on a solution.
Consequently, tight first response times are an important part of our enterprise service level agreements (SLAs) and our internal customer service policy.
Zendesk helps us meet our first response targets by providing us a dedicated feature set, specifically designed to manage response times for different SLA scenarios.
As shown in the image above, these features allow you to define reply time targets, based on ticket priority, and also to set conditions for when these rules will apply. In this case, for all tickets from organizations the custom Managed field is checked, which is true for all of our managed-service enterprise accounts.
With the correct SLA rules in place, high priority tickets can get the immediate attention they deserve.
The image below shows how an Urgent priority ticket pops up on top of our queue, with a special countdown that notifies us of time left to SLA breach.
Having these countdowns in front of us helps prioritize our tasks, providing us with the heads-up we need for a helpful and meaningful response.
Great customer support is fast, but never rushed. Each interaction between you and your customer should be a step toward the solution, with the entire journey ideally complete in just a few strides.
To avoid prolonged support processes, we use a Zendesk trigger to highlight tickets with above-normal number of interactions. The trigger, shown in the image below, auto-escalates these tickets by marking them with special tag, which brings it to the top of the queue.
Similarly, we also use another trigger to keep an eye out for above-normal number of agents involved in solving a ticket, taking it as another indicator for escalation.
You many have noted that, in both cases, the trigger conditions are set to fairly low numbers which doesn't necessarily indicate an issue. This is intentional, as our goal here is to anticipate complications even before they arise, providing a preemptive solution to an emerging problem.
Customer feedback is an important part of any support process, one that gives you the opportunity to listen to your customers and get their take on the provided solution.
One way Zendesk helps us do this is with customer satisfaction surveys. Feedback, of course, is not only about getting performance ranked but also about taking action, when such action is needed.
In addition to the survey, we also offer our customers an option to re-open Solved tickets, if the solution was found to be inadequate or our directions were unclear.
To do this we put a 60-hour delay on a solved ticket, before changing its status to Closed.
During that time any response from the customer will change the ticket status back to Open, bringing it back to our attention. This allows us to offer additional explanations and new solutions, making the client the one to decide when a problem is actually solved.
One side benefit of this rule is having Solved tickets re-opened by "thank you" emails.
As a security company we work hard to avoid false-positives. These, however, we don't mind one bit.
How do you use Zendesk business rules? Which additional automations do you want us to talk about? What would you suggest we should have in place?


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I was super stoked to interview I AM BLOX, when things suddenly took a turn and I found myself in the men's restroom. Needless to say, this was by far the most interesting interview I've done. BLOX and Hart are unpredictable artists but will have you on the edge of your seats yearning for more music! Check out these sick tracks by I AM BLOX!
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text:
Studying and education
Strong link with companies
About FBE
Beta Gamma Sigma
Beta Gamma Sigma (BGS) is the international honor society serving business programs accredited by AACSB International - The Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business. Membership in Beta Gamma Sigma is the highest recognition a business student anywhere in the world can receive in a business program accredited by AACSB International. Since 2016 we host an annual "recognition ceremony" in collaboration with James Madison University.
Lifetime membership is the most significant benefit of Beta Gamma Sigma. With more than 600 collegiate chapters on 6 continents, Beta Gamma Sigma established itself as the biggest and fastest growing organisation of its kind worldwide. The member network is a rich source of knowledge for students and alumni. A complete list of additional benefits, e.g. BGS career services, discounts to magazine subscriptions, etc. are available on the Beta Gamma Sigma website.
Recognition ceremony Wall of fame
"What a conference this weekend!" - Pieter Deleye, 2018
"I've had the honor to represent the University of Antwerp on to the Beta Gamma Sigma Global Leadership Summit 2018 and want to thank the BGS team and CEO Chris Carosella for making this such an unforgettable experience.
Furthermore, the speakers all inspired better, more empathic and innovative leadership for all the interesting students present. Special thanks to Alfonzo Alexander, Jennifer Selke & Sameer Somal for sharing their knowledge. You have inspired me the most.
Last but not least, the participants from all over the globe brought all their own experience to the table and I hope to see as many again for any future endeavor."
Pieter Deleye, 2018


CG PPHT 2019 Answer Key – After the commencement of the exam, the conducting body will release the CG PPHT 2019 answer key on its official website cgvyapam.choice.gov.in. It is expected that the official answer key is going to be available in the second week of May 2019. Chattisgarh Pre-Pharmacy test (CG PPHT) is scheduled to be held on May 02, 2019, at the allotted exam centre. According to the prescribed marking scheme, +1 marks would be given on each correct response and there is no negative marking on an incorrect answer. The CG PPHT 2019 Answer Keys will help the candidate to cross-check their and to estimate the marks. Check more details about CG PPHT 2019 Answer Keys on this page.
CG Vyapam Answer Key 2019 will be published the answer keys of PPHT. The conducting body has revealed the exam dates. Candidates can check the exam dates from below table and get an idea regarding when the answer key will be available for download.
Answer Keys: The Answer key of CG PPHT 2019 is going to be released on the official website cgvyapam.choice.gov.in.
To predict the score with the help of the CG PPHT 2019 Answer Key, the candidates will have to check the answers submitted in the exam with that given in the answer key. Then, as per the marking scheme, the candidates will have to allocate and deduct marks for the correct and incorrect answers. When all the questions will be checked, candidates will be left with their estimate scores.
Marking Scheme: Candidates will be awarded 1 mark for every correct response and there will be no negative marking for an incorrect response.
Note: For each entrance examination the marking scheme is different. Hence, the candidates should calculate the score as per the marking scheme for their examination only.
How to download the CG PPHT 2019 Answer key?
In the table above seek the name of respective CG entrance examination.
Click on the link for CG PPHT 2019 Answer key link provided in front of the exam name.
Check the answers and calculate the score with the help of it.
Once the preliminary answer keys will be released and the objection to answer keys can be raised by sending at [email protected]. The corrected version of the final answer keys will be uploaded by the official body. The final answer key will help the board to prepare a rank list of the candidates and according to the Final Answer Key, the result will be declared. The candidate will able to download the answer keys from the official website.
The result for CG PPHT 2019 will be announced after the releasing of the final answer key on the official website cgvyapam.choice.gov.in. Candidates can access their scorecard by providing the login credentials such as roll number and date of birth. After submitting the details, candidates can see their score and rank obtained in the entrance test. The candidate who will obtain the minimum qualifying marks as per the cut-off released by the conducting body is going to be treated as the eligible candidate to appear in the counselling process.
Chattisgarh Professional Examination Board (CPEB) conducts the CG PPHT entrance for the purpose of granting admission to the eligible candidates in the courses such as B.Pharmacy and D.Pharmacy. As soon as the candidates are done with the exam, the conducting body first releases the answer key for the candidates to evaluate the tentative result. Also, CPEB publishes the cut-off list after the result declaration and on the basis of the concerned list, the candidates are shortlisted for the counselling session.


Letter on Null's denialism: please read and act!
Since comments on this "blog" don't get Tweeted and such, I wanted to point out two comments from George Carter of The Foundation for Integrative AIDS Research, and organization that sponsors clinical trials of alternative therapies for HIV/AIDS. Unlike Null's ludicrous and dangerous HIV denialism, FIAR supports conventional therapies, but also sees great supplementary value in more "natural" approaches. This seems like an eminently sensible position, but apparently not sensationalist enough to appeal to the loons in the Null set.
Carter's first post outlines his position, and makes the point that HIV denialists, who claim that antiretroviral therapies are either useless or harmful, are outright murdering people. This should be said bluntly: as Carter puts it, Null's ideas can kill people. And his second post lists the impressive and growing number of signers, individual and institutional, of the letter to WBAI.
Doug, on a Blog -> Twitter aside: see http://twitterfeed.com/.
seriously scratching its (already scratched) charisma.
Null almost died from consuming one of the health products he sells, what more does one need to know to realize that giving such a character a radio show is more than just irresponsible.
I'm sorry to post this here, but I'm tired of trying to find the right place. A easily detectable contact email is necessary. The point: WHERE IS MY BEHIND THE NEWS!!!! Well I will definitely be following you wherever you are. BTN is a staple in my world and no clowning at 'BAI is going to keep me from it. Carry on Mr. Henwood. I too will be listening to you very fine work.
After you act, perhaps it's time to reflect on why this is happening. Sure, there's the greed of some sleezeballs and the decision by others that, despite their disgust with Null and Cohen, deadly disinformation is the price to set WBAI's accounts in order. But Null is a symptom, so is Obama. Media savvy, saying what we want to hear… all while there are little to no serious outlets for Leftist action. The cycle leads to squirrelly minds, paranoid and even vicious tempers, sterile debates and evermore refined analysis and terminology, plus tired theatrics (i.e., ritualized civil disobedience complete with scripted police/courtroom response).
Really? How about the fact that the sans culottes are not ready to get their skulls cracked again at the barricades.
There are plenty of "outlets"–right where we're at at any given moment is a good one. Keep in mind, though, that the fight now is less "polite" (q.v., for example, G20 baton-wielding robocops in Toronto).
Obama is, of course, a "symptom"–but the "disease" has accelerated to the tune of CDOs and credit default swaps garnering MASSIVE returns for the "players"–i.e., before the entire economic charade deconstructs.
That is, the investor class is not going to just walk away from the casino tables–dragged kicking and screaming to the guillotines would be more like it.
The anarchist dictum, "NO war but CLASS war" ought to be revised: this is not a war but an investor-class MASSACRE. One hundred Right-of-center lobbyists (e.g., Koch brothers funded) descended upon Capitol Hill to fight single payer–for every ONE Left of center proponent of same. That's a massacre, not a war.
All bets are off. And, therefore (and, to cop a riff from the Zionist playbook), American labor (the "working class", the "lesser people", etc.) has a right to defend itself.


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Home Research > Constituencies > 1690-1715 > Bedfordshire
Constituency Detail
Other Constituencies in this County
See Bedfordshire in
Number of Qualified Electors:
Number of voters:
2,563 in 17051
27 Feb. 1690 Hon. Edward Russell
Thomas Browne
2 Nov. 1695 Lord Edward Russell
William Duncombe 1108
Thomas Browne 9062
20 July 1698 Lord Edward Russell
Sir William Gostwick
William Duncombe
Thomas Bromsall
c.Jan. 17013 Lord Edward Russell
11 Dec. 1701 Lord Edward Russell
23 May 1705 Sir Pynsent Chernock, Bt. 1408
Sir William Gostwick 1276
Lord Edward Russell 1239
John Harvey 7644
19 May 1708 Lord Edward Russell 1457
5 Oct. 1710 Lord Edward Russell 1239
John Harvey 11786
2 Sept. 1713 John Harvey 1264
Sir Pynsent Chernock, Bt. 1261
John Cater 1254
William Hillersden 1241
In the terms of the political sympathies of its greater gentry, Bedfordshire was a strongly Whiggish county, 'the least addicted to Jacobitism of all England' according to the 2nd Earl of Ailesbury (Thomas Bruce†), who in later life reflected on his own and his father's inability to command widespread respect there even when holding the lord lieutenancy under Charles II and James II. Ailesbury's involvement with James's government, both at court and in the country, had left him politically compromised and out of favour after the Revolution, and deprived the Tory minority in the Bedfordshire squirearchy of effective leadership. On the Whig side, by contrast, there was no shortage of active aristocratic magnates. The St. Johns of Bletsoe were losing their former pre-eminence to the Russells, earls and, from 1694, dukes of Bedford, but in 1690 this process was still under way. The leading offices in county administration were shared between the two families, with the Earl of Bedford (Sir William Russell†), lord lieutenant, and the Earl of Bolingbroke (Paulet St. John†) as custos, and in 1690 the parliamentary representation seems similarly to have been divided, between Bedford's son Edward Russell and a connexion of the St. Johns, Thomas Browne. Although residing in the neighbouring county of Hertfordshire, Hon. Sir Henry Capel* (later Lord Capell) also exercised some influence over the Bedfordshire Members in this Parliament and perhaps over electoral politics in the county too.7
The 1695 election was marked by the reappearance of William Duncombe of Battlesden, who had sat as knight of the shire in the Convention but had been abroad, as ambassador to Sweden, in 1690. Although formerly a Whig, Duncombe had recently quarrelled with Lord Capell in their joint government of Ireland and when chosen for Parliament in 1695 enlisted with the opposition, possibly out of pique at being recalled from his Irish lord justiceship without any alternative post offered in compensation. Whether he had stood on an opposition platform in Bedfordshire is not clear. Both the two outgoing Members were Court Whigs, but there was now some difference between the political standpoints of the Russell and St. John families: the Duke of Bedford adhered to the Court, while Lord Bolingbroke had given support to Country issues such as the place bill of 1692–3. Whatever the reasons, each candidate seems to have stood singly, with Duncombe defeating Browne for the second seat. Russell, now Lord Edward, spent over £125 on his election, compared with less than £100 in 1689, paying for entertainments, the delivery of hogsheads of ale and cases of tobacco to the freeholders in their various hundreds, the transportation of voters from Woburn, and even a small dole in charity to the poor in the parishes of Bedford itself (which contained about 10 per cent of the county electorate). The sum of these expenses pales beside the £6,000 allegedly spent on a county election at the time of Exclusion, but it sufficed to secure Russell first place in the poll. The contest three years later was more clearly between the Bedford interest and Duncombe, who had voted consistently against the Whig administration during the 1695 Parliament. Russell was partnered by Sir William Gostwick, whose financial embarrassments seem to have propelled him towards seeking the refuge of a parliamentary seat; Duncombe by another local gentleman, Thomas Bromsall. What is not clear is the part played in this election by the Tories. Ailesbury, whose memory in exile was often confused, claimed in his memoirs and in a letter written many years later to Lord Treasurer Oxford (Robert Harley*) that following his release from imprisonment in 1697, on suspicion of involvement in Sir John Fenwick's† plot, his popularity in Bedfordshire climbed to an unexpected peak. During the summer and autumn of that year
the nobility honoured me with their company, and I was at their houses also, and more of the gentry than usual, and more often than customary, and I dined at many of their houses also. And that county . . . had now a real respect for me, and some gentry northward always averse to our family, and had there been an election for the county at that time I could have had the whole sway.
How seriously these boasts are to be taken is open to question. The fact that at one point Ailesbury's recollection had become so fuddled that he claimed to have carried the election against the Bedford interest, whereas the result had been quite the reverse, should act as a sharp warning. It seems improbable that Ailesbury would have 'won over' the 'factious party' had he stayed any longer in England and not gone into a continental exile, but the detail he gives of a meeting with various Whig gentlemen at Sir William Gostwick's house has the ring of truth. There may have been some fleeting dissatisfaction with the ascendancy of the Russells or, more probably, Gostwick and others may have been trying to avoid the expense of a contest by arranging an accommodation. In fact, the election was so bitterly contested that afterwards Duncombe and Bromsall petitioned twice against their opponents' return (12 Dec. 1698, 16 Nov. 1699), the committee reporting to the House on 21 Dec. 1699. After the committee had summarily rejected a protest against the conduct of the sheriff in refusing, quite properly, to readmit to poll voters who had already plumped for one of the anti-Bedford candidates, the petitioners rested their case on allegations of treating against Russell and Gostwick. This was indeed a vulnerable point, as Russell's election accounts demonstrate, and efforts had already been made by the Duke of Bedford's agents to secure evidence for a counter-charge of treating against Duncombe. As no such accusations were made, it must be assumed that the evidence was not forthcoming. Instead the sitting Members' counsel produced witnesses to deny that money had been offered on their behalf. Only two were heard, however, before the committee declared itself satisfied, and one of these produced the unlikely story of an election agent offering to pay bills without, he said, any assurance of reimbursement. The statement that 'Sir William Gostwick had refused to pay him' is plausible enough, but to trust that the Russells had also refused stretches credulity. While the committee found for the sitting Members, the House as a whole was less happy with their case, and disposed of the petition not by a direct vote but by an adjournment, after which the case was quietly dropped. The petitioners' supporters cannot have been encouraged by the size of the majority at the poll, about 600 votes between the second and third candidates, and despite the strength of the Country party in the House, and the weakness of some of the sitting Members' evidence, they clearly did not wish to carry on with the affair.8
Russell and Gostwick were returned unopposed at the three subsequent general elections, but by 1705 there had been a revival in the fortunes of the Tories in Bedfordshire, related to the emergence as a political force in the county of Ailesbury's heir, Lord Bruce (Charles*), who attained his majority in 1703 and in the continued absence of his father abroad set about the task of reorganizing the family's finances. Bruce resisted pressure to put himself forward for knight of the shire but clearly lent his support to the Tory candidates, as in all probability did another recently arrived magnate, Lord Ashburnham (John†), who had backed the Bedford interest in 1701 but subsequently returned to his former Tory allegiance. The reinvigoration of Tory spirits had showed up in 1704 when the county address of congratulation on the military triumphs of that summer had mentioned the 'bravery' of Admiral Sir George Rooke* alongside the 'wise and matchless' conduct of the Duke of Marlborough (John Churchill†). Significantly, the address was presented not by either of the county Members but by Thomas Bromsall, one of the defeated candidates from 1698. Capitalizing on this mood, a Tory squire, Sir Pynsent Chernock, 3rd Bt., was first in the field to announce that he was putting up at the next election, and had made such good progress by January 1705 that he was confidently expected to carry all before him. The 2nd Duke of Bedford (who had succeeded his grandfather in 1700) was certainly aware that the outgoing Members faced a stiff fight, the more so when Chernock at last found after some refusals a Tory partner to mop up some of his supporters' second votes. Chernock in fact topped the poll by a majority of well over a hundred. The second Tory, John Harvey of Ickwell Bury, finished well down, with little more than half the Whig vote, the disparity mainly owing to Chernock's advantage in having begun his canvassing much earlier: this was reflected in the high number of electors who plumped for him, 373 in all. The printed pollbook also reveals the strength of clerical support for the Tories, especially Chernock, who claimed the votes of 69 of the 87 clergymen who polled. It does not explain why Russell should have been the Whig candidate to be rejected, albeit narrowly. Possibly the higher profile of the Russells attracted more Tory hostility. Not even the parish of Woburn itself was unanimous in the Whig interest.9
Startled by this defeat, Bedford took pains to put matters right. There were overtures to the Bruces, presumably in vain, and perhaps some kind of appeal to Chernock, who at any rate did not seek re-election in 1708, leaving Harvey to take on the Whigs single-handed. The clerical element in the electorate was also analysed, and through the bishop of Lincoln, William Wake, and archdeacon of Bedford, Thomas Frank, both Low Churchmen, some pressure was brought to bear. Bedford even took pains to publicize his denial of a Tory rumour that Lord Edward Russell 'went to meetings': 'he never heard that my lord was at a conventicle in his life'. It is not known whether any efforts were made to muzzle local Dissenters, whose enthusiasm for the Whig cause had been an important factor in infuriating and thus politicizing the local clergy. The Whig interest was also assisted by the recruitment of another landed magnate: the Duke of Kent, formerly a Tory, but tied to the Court by his office of lord chamberlain, appeared at this election alongside Bedford. The result was a clear victory for the Whigs, with Russell this time at the head of the poll. It was the same outcome two years later, with the same three candidates, though this time the contest was much more closely fought. Clergymen, and Tory voters generally, were galvanized by the Sacheverell affair. In May 1710 the clergy of Bedfordshire had addressed the Queen in support of the doctor, and Harvey set himself up, or so he claimed, 'at the request of the whole body of the clergy in Bedfordshire'. The Whigs' countering tactic was the same as before, to mobilize the influence of the diocesan establishment to suppress clerical enthusiasm for Harvey. It proved highly effective, for some 40 clergymen polled for Russell and Gostwick, almost exactly the margin of Harvey's defeat. He did have his own phalanx of clerical supporters, however, for 20 or so of the clergy came to plump for him 'in a body triumphant' headed by the High Church dean of Gloucester, who resided locally. Tory explanations for Harvey's failure preferred to ignore the question of the clergy's votes. The Post Boy, having first remarked on the aristocratic assistance given to Russell and Gostwick, attributed the outcome to Harvey's ill-luck in being obliged to stand on his own. He polled '930–odd single votes', but 'his double votes', nearly 250 by this reckoning, 'did him no service'. The dean of Gloucester, in a private letter, put an even brighter gloss on the result: Harvey had in reality, he claimed, enjoyed 'a great majority':
Many were coming from Royston fair (which fell out unluckily on that day) and my Lord Salisbury, I mean the good Salisbury [i.e. the 19th Earl, not the bishop], had mustered 30 votes for him in his parts; and yet tho' the poll was so rashly closed, it was lost but by about 20, and a far greater number voted against him who had no right, so that he will have relief in the committee, and the Whig interest is broken in one of its strongest holds.
The dean also recalled how 'a bulldog fell, or was set upon, Harvey in a neighbouring town. It fastened on his horse, which ran away, and threw him against a gate, and endangered his life.' Nor could he resist a reference to his own contribution, which throws more light on the Whigs' efforts to deter the clerical vote. 'My Lord of Kent sought me out' he wrote,
and earnestly pressed me to relinquish his [Harvey's] interest, which I refused, but he at length prevailed with me to be absent, which his lordship, though I desired the contrary, declared everywhere, which Mr Harvey told me . . . cost him more votes than I thought myself able to make in the whole kingdom.10
Harvey did not follow the dean's advice and take advantage of the Tory majority in the Commons to petition against the return. However, the High Church interest in the county did make significant progress over the next three years, helped by two dynastic accidents which befell the Russell and St. John families. The dukedom of Bedford went into a minority with the death in May 1711 of the 2nd Duke, while with the death of Lord Bolingbroke in the following October the St. John estates descended to a cousin, the 8th Lord St. John of Bletsoe (grandson of Sir St. Andrew St. John, 2nd Bt.*), who, to judge by his conduct at the 1715 election, was an active Tory. Leadership of the Bedfordshire Whigs devolved upon the Duke of Kent, Bedford's replacement as lord lieutenant. Kent's nomination was a disappointment to the Tories, who probably hoped, along with Ailesbury, that the lieutenancy would be given to Lord Bruce, in order to advance 'the Queen's service', that is to say Tory electoral prospects. None the less, they were able to make some progress in changing the balance of county opinion, to judge by the county addresses on the peace, which provided a test of political strength. In 1712 two rival addresses were presented, one by the Members and the other by the sheriff, which couched their responses to the communication of the peace conditions in conflicting terms, the one cool and restrained, the other warmer and more violent in its denunciation of warmongers. The conclusion of the treaty in the following year was greeted by only one congratulatory address from Bedfordshire, the phrasing of which speaks for itself:
It is with the greatest satisfaction we have observed . . . Parliament so eminent in their returns of duty and gratitude to your Majesty. We beg leave to assure your Majesty that in the ensuing elections we shall endeavour to return such Members as shall rival them in their loyalty and zeal for your Majesty, and cheerfully concur in satisfying such well digested schemes of commerce as have rendered your Majesty's endeavours for the prosperity of your people most effectual.
This pledge was made good, but only just, for the margins by which Harvey and Chernock defeated their nearest Whig rival were only ten and seven votes respectively, and 23 votes separated first from last in the poll. In part the Tory victory was a reflection of the national swing away from Whiggery since 1710; but it was also a tribute to the improvement in Tory organization in Bedfordshire. The Tory 'noblemen' and greater gentry gave a further demonstration 'at the opening of the first sessions' of the Parliament, when they dined in London for the purpose of establishing an 'engagement and design of meeting together' and to settle any future electoral differences among their friends by means of an arrangement to rotate candidatures for the county and borough. They were even able to secure one of the seats in the shire election of 1715, after another very close contest in which Harvey, aided again by a squadron of parish clergy, topped the poll with almost exactly the same number of votes as he had received two years before, only to be unseated on petition.11
Author: D. W. Hayton
1. Beds. RO, Orlebar mss OR1823, Beds. Pollbk. 1705.
2. Lincs. AO, Massingberd mss, pollbk.
3. Original return missing.
4. Bull. IHR, xlviii. 67.
5. Daily Courant, 21 May 1708.
6. Bodl. Willis 9, f. 156.
7. Ailesbury Mems. ii. 441–2; CSP Dom. 1689–90, p. 181; Browning, Danby, iii. 182.
8. Bull. IHR, liii. 82; Beds. RO, Bedford mss, vouchers and election acct. 1695; election acct. 1699; 'Moneys laid out . . . in finding out whether Mr Duncombe treated or not', 4 Dec. 1699; Orlebar mss OR1823; info. from Prof. H. Horwitz; Ailesbury Mems. 441–3; HMC Portland, v. 62.
9. HMC 15th Rep. VII, 188, 192; [Bull. I]HR, lx. 78; W. A. Speck, Tory and Whig, 26; London Gazette, 19–23 Oct. 1704; Bull. IHR, xlviii. 67–68; HMC 5th Rep. 188; Orlebar mss OR1823; EHR, lvi. 83; G. Holmes, Electorate and National Will in 1st Age of Party, 29–30.
10. Wilts. RO, Ailesbury mss 1300/3509a, Bedford to Ld. Bruce, 13 Dec. 1707; Bull. IHR, xlviii. 68–69; Speck thesis, 387–8; Christ Church, Oxf. Wake mss 1, ff. 132–3, 256 (Speck trans.); N. Sykes, William Wake, ii. 92–93; Beds. RO, Lucas mss L30/8/63/3, Kent to (Sir) Robert Walpole II*, [Dec. 1733]; Add. 70421, Dyer's newsletter 23 May 1710; 28893, f. 394; EHR, lvi. 83; Post Boy, 12–14 Oct. 1710.
11. Sykes, 93; Herts. RO, Panshanger mss, Ld. Cowper's (William*) diary, 3 Mar. 1712 (Speck trans.); HMC Portland, 62; London Gazette, 22–24 July, 19–23 Aug. 1712, 18–21 July 1713; HMC 15th Rep. VII, 217.