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Βρίσκεστε εδώ:Αρχική»Αρθρογραφία»Human Rights and Democracy in the Post-Westphalian/Keynesian environment
By katrougalos.gr on	 9 Νοέμβριος, 2018 Αρθρογραφία, Επικαιρότητα, Επιστημονική αρθρογραφία για τη δημοκρατία
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G. Katrougalos, Prof. of Democritus University, Alt. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece
I-Universalism of human rights in theory and practice
Forget the end of history! The process of globalization, instead of imposing a general institutional uniformity, has released a series of challenges to the dominant conceptualization of human rights and democracy. Look again at the paradox: whereas both of the latter have been enshrined already in late 1970's in the great majority of modern constitutional charters[1] and despite the democratization process of the 1980's, the recent trend is backwards. A number of empirical surveys, such as Freedom House's "Freedom in the World" or the annual "Democracy Index Report" by the Economist indicate a relative decline of democracy worldwide[2]. In the latter, for instance, of the 167 countries ranked in 2018, 89 of them received lower scores than the previous year[3].
The essential question, however, goes beyond the political trends of the conjecture. Is there a common understanding of democracy and human rights, especially between "us" in the West and "them" in the rest of the world? It is undeniable that in the Western world, a continuous osmotic procedure between jurisdictions and legal cultures has resulted to a quasi unification of the fundamental principles of state organization[4], due both to a uniform cultural and economic background and to the activism of supranational judicial organs, especially in Europe[5].
In parallel, the political elites of the Third World have initially embraced at least some of these ideas, despite the obvious entanglement of the rule of law with the imperial, colonial rule[6]. It is an expression of the irony of history and the ambivalent character of law, to act both as a instrument for domination of the strong and a weapon at the hands of the weak, that the emulation of the constitutional institutions of the West has become a vehicle of modernization or/and national emancipation for the Others[7]. Already in the 19th and early 20th centuries, pioneers such as the Egyptians Rifaa Al Tahtawi, translator of Montesquieu in Arabic language, or Ali Abd al Razik have been fascinated by the potential of progress that western type secular liberalization could inspire. Later, in the fight against colonialism, all liberation movements have included in their programs the introduction of a new constitution protecting human rights. Illustrative is the fact that the national party of Tunisia was named "Destour", that is "party of the Constitution".[8]
Subsequently, in the post-colonial world emerged a universal -at least nominal- acceptance of the basic premises of democracy and human rights[9], which has only been contested by the rival paradigm of the Soviet Union and the other likeminded countries. Even the latter did not dispute democracy or human rights as such, but emphasized the opposition of "real" (=social and economic) and "formal" (civil and political) freedoms. Due to this ideological clash between the two camps, the right to property is practically omitted by the two U.N. Covenants, because of the disagreement on how extended should be its protection.
After the collapse of the socialist camp, democracy and human rights protection have –in theory- evolved into both supranational principles of universal rank and cultural pro-constitutional standards[10]. In the framework of the UN Conference of Vienna (1993), all the members of the UN have practically reaffirmed their support to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which in 1948 has been voted only by the Western world[11]. According to the Vienna Declaration "all human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated"[12]. Of course, the objective constitutional reality in many countries was and is still in sharp contradiction with these premises. Still, the institutional progress of countries like India or South Africa have showed that the respect of the essence of democracy and fundamental rights is not a privilege of rich, western democracies[13].
In any case, the acceptance of the universality of human rights did not entail a unified understanding of their implementation, especially regarding their interaction with economic development. After the end of the cold war the axis of confrontation morphed from East-West to North-South[14]. Especially in the rising continent, Asia, strong leaders have consistently claimed that national economic development is a prerequisite for realizing the civil and political rights and, in consequence, the latter should be adapted to the economic reality and not vice-versa[15].
In tandem, political elites in the Third World put the emphasis on cultural diversity and the existence of peripheral values, not necessarily aligned to the "western" liberties and rights. In this framework, several peripheral declarations of rights have seen the light. The most important have been the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights of 1981, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights of the same year, and the 1997 ASEAN proposal to review the Universal Declaration of Rights.
However, it would be a mistake to consider the reassertion by non-Westerners of their own cultures as vindication of a Hundingtonian concept of clash of civilizations[16]. On the contrary, the globalisation, in the interest of unimpeded international trade, needs a global political legal order and, therefore, acts as a great unifier. But not at all levels. The interaction between cultures, through migration and commerce, produces new contradictions and confrontations. There is a dialectic process, in which the expansion of the dominant market paradigm and the subsequent erosion of traditional values trigger opposite forces of reassertion of identities and national projects, sometimes invested in cultural particularism. This is the ideological translation of the conflict between the dominance of the neoliberal global order and the contestation of the hegemony of a unipolar Pax Americana.
As Asia emerges as a rising global economic power, "Asian values" are presented as alternative to the Western ones, portrayed as individualistic, culturally and ideologically biased [17]. The eternal Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir bin Mohamad, who, in 2018, 93 years old, has made an impressive comeback in power, is the champion of this school of thought. He considers the prevailing definition of human rights "as formulated by Western nations after World War II when much of the world was their colonies" [18]. He alleges that «developed countries can do with weak governments or no government, but developing countries cannot function without strong authority", whereas "liberal forms prescribed by the West would retard their development and continue the economic dependence". In the same vein, other politicians, like Lee Kuan Yew, Prime Minister of Singapore, argue in favour of some kind of «true democracy» contrasting with the standard democratic forms of multi-party systems, liberal guarantees etc.
So, according to these assumptions, not only human rights and democracy could hinder economic performance, but, moreover, they reflect western concepts, antagonist to less individualistic «Asian values, which, eventually, perpetuate cultural and political domination and subjugation of non-western cultures[19]. These "Asian values" are closely related to the Confucian tradition of order, work discipline, ethic, responsibility and collectivism. President Wee of Singapore describes them as follows: «placing society above self, up-holding the family as the basic building block of society, resolving major issues through consensus instead of contention, and stressing racial and religious tolerance and harmony«[20].
However, empirical researches, already in the 90s[21], have shown that there is a positive correlation of respect for fundamental rights with economic development. According to a comparative study, covering 147 states during the period 1980-1988[22], the basic precondition for democracy is not primordially the high level of wealth per se, but the relatively equal distribution of resources among the different sections of the population, related to the respect of fundamental civil, political and social rights[23].
Another survey[24] suggests that the respect for democratic elections, political and individual rights is not a sufficient condition for consolidating a democratic regime, if it is not accompanied by an effort to promote the social ones. In the inverse case, during a first period there is, indeed, an expansion of political rights. However, in a second phase, as the social rights lag behind, enthusiasm about the political participation begins to stabilise and then to drop. Finally, as discontent among the population arises, the regimes tend to take depressive measures that trigger a chain reaction of coercive policies, seriously jeopardising the democratic reforms and the political rights.
In a parallel, but not similar, vein with the "Asian values" narrative, China is seeking a "socialism with Chinese characteristics", distancing itself of the "western" perception of values, portrayed as bearer of capitalist ideology. In the words of President Xi: "Hostile forces at home and abroad constantly try to undermine our Party, attempting to make us abandon our belief in Marxism, communism and socialism. A number of people, even including some Party members, cannot see the underlying dangers of accepting the "universal values" that have developed in the West over hundreds of years, along with certain Western political dogma. (…) Some even regard Western theories and discourse as the gold standard and thus unconsciously become trumpeters of Western capitalist ideology[25]."
The real issue is broader than the traditional confrontation about universalism or relativism of human rights. The pertinent question is not whether all human rights should be understood in the same sense everywhere, as rooted in some transcendent value. It is neither whether there are global, cross-cultural "universals", although contemporary cultural anthropology has found many essential similarities among different cultures regarding societal ideals and corresponding behaviors[26].
It is not culture but power the actual determining factor for both the conceptualization and the implementation of human rights. The latter define the balance of forces between dominant and oppressed social actors, who struggle and interact using legal norms as tools and weapons for promoting their conflicting interests. Both the process and the outcome of this struggle is emancipatory, to the extent that it reconfirms and reshapes democracy as rule of and by the majority, combined with the protection of autonomy provided by human rights.
Thus, ideally, a government of the people, by the people and for the people should combine a democratic and a liberal component, the first essentially defined by the majoritarian rule and the latter by rule of law and human rights, especially in their function to protect vulnerable minorities. This is how we should understand the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action[27] (1993), which proclaims that "all human rights derive from the dignity and worth inherent in the human person[28]. (…) Democracy, development and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms are interdependent and mutually reinforcing"[29].
Globalization exerts a pressure both on Democracy and respect for human rights. It brings, through liberalisation and deregulation, a weakening of the state both in vertical -i.e. transfer of sovereign functions to supranational entities, like the EU or the WTO- and horizontal directions -devolution, privatization-.
II-Human Rights and Democracy in the context of globalization
Globalization does not entail only the disembeding of capital from domestic markets but also a parallel, political process of denationalization and extraterritoriality of traditional state functions. There is an evolving «disaggregation» of the state[30] through the transfer of public functions both "upwards" to international or transnational entities and "downwards," through the de-centering of the decision-making either to lower state levels (devolution) or by new blends of public and private power at all levels of government[31].
In this new, globalizing environment, polycentric relationships between the public/private and national/international/transnational spheres[32] signify a shift away from both the centrality of the state and the historical compromise of regulated markets within the welfare state. The arising "Post-Keynesian-Westphalian" frame[33] undermines the regulatory capacity of nation states and this loss is not compensated by the development of functionally equivalent international regulation. Exactly the opposite: Instead of an emergence of a Kantian cosmopolitan community we see rather the imposition of a deregulating 'fast track' towards an even less fair global economic order.
The neo-liberal understanding of deregulation as a necessary precondition to efficiency and economic growth has become the prevailing ideology of global governance, through not only the direct interventions of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, but also by the free-trade treaties of WTO[34]. This supranational economic constitution is based on a coherent set of constituent principles such as monetary stability, open markets, freedom of contract, liability and "policy coherence"[35]. This "policy coherence" is far away from the Keynesian compromise that most of the modern constitutions outside the Anglo-Saxon world endorse.
I had the odious privilege, as minister of Labor, to conduct the negotiations of the Greek Government with the IMF in the framework of the adjustment program of the so-called "Third Memorandum". I have been impressed by the impermeability of the IMF to any argument related to human rights, recognized by international instruments, such as the European Social Charter or the ILO treaties. For instance, in a series of collective complaints[36] the European Committee of Social Rights found a number of the obligations imposed to Greece by its international creditors contrary to the European Social Charter. According to the Committee, the cumulative effect of the austerity measures brought about a significant degradation of the standard of living, in violation of the rights protected by the Charter[37]. The IMF, with the tacit compliance of the European institutions, totally neglected these decisions, considering that economic priorities, understood under the light of its neoliberal postulates, prevail over obligations of international law.
More generally, the aforementioned transnationalisation process has significantly restricted domestic policy choice of national democracies, even those outside the onerous "safety programs" of the IMF. The neoliberal "rule-oriented" landscape[38] does not merely affect internal economic policies but results to the supersession of the keynesian public values by the global setup of the Washington consensus. It is notable that the economic forces, which promote deregulation at national level, may be hostile or indifferent to human rights instruments but they are not against international legal norms friendly to the new, liberal order. And this is not only because they don't want to operate in a legal vacuum, but, above all, it is because they seek to superimpose international legal norms for unimpeded markets to those of the old Westphalian-Keynesian paradigm.
In this sense, there is a latent revision of the fundamental principles regulating the relations between the State, the market and the citizen, without direct public consent and under minimal political control. For instance, the empirical research shows that in almost all jurisdictions the ex post legislative scrutiny of negotiated rules of WTO's Uruguay Round Agreements was largely perfunctory[39]. In front of the unified logic of unleashed markets, the national demoi do not have any substantial influence.
Hence, not only internationally protected rights are neglected but also domestic law, including constitutional norms, is facing itself a sideline through the mutation of modern capitalism from a normatively "embedded" to an "unleashed" version. A new legal landscape is emerging, characterized by a redefinition of what is public and what is private, what should be determined by democratic procedures and what by the markets[40]. In other words, globalization has changed the nature of the relationship of market to the state and the individual at all levels of political and societal life. The process of conciliation of democracy and capitalism, which became possible in last century's welfare state by the democratic, political control of national markets, is completely absent at the level of international transactions.
The inexistence of a democratic regulation of the international markets does not only entail full inability of political power to rein the private global players. It signifies also a progressive upset of the domestic balance between market and state, capital and labour and is producing a huge internal democracy deficit. In Rodrik's words, globalization «gets in the way of national democracy«[41], as the national "economic constitutions" are gradually trumped by a supranational one. Hence, the transnational economic governance is not only producing new rules, but also implicitly "amends" domestic rules through reconceptualization and reinterpretation.
Many authors consider a transnational democratization of governance impossible[42]. The justification of this view is not so much normative as pragmatic, claiming the impossibility of transportation at supranational level of the constitutional principle of democracy, which is historically associated with nation-states, in the absence of a global state or a global demos. Realisation of narrower political ideals, especially accountability or rule of law, has often been proposed as a substitute.
Accountability is usually identified with the introduction of due process of law guarantees and institutions of good governance, such as transparency, judicial review or, in the best case, with some form of political representation through participation of global NGOs, as representatives of the "stakeholders". Still, by any valid constitutional benchmarks, this is not democracy, but a postmodern version of the confrontation of the miller of Sans-Souci with Frederick the Great: in other words, rule of law in a non democratic environment.
However, the concept of democratic legitimacy is essentially idiosyncratic in comparison with other forms of legitimization (legal, procedural/formal, output or results oriented)[43]. First of all, democracy is a normative principle that defines not only the outputs and methods of an administrative process, but also its source, its ethos and its functional modes. Since the Enlightenment, the predominant source of legitimacy of any official authority has been always linked with the principle of democracy, and the abandonment of this linkage risks to undermine the liberating process of two centuries of constitutionalism. Therefore, as it is cogently remarked, democracy may not be the only source of legitimacy for public power, but other sources are likely to serve as complements, not substitutes for it[44].
Efficiency alone, or any Pareto-optimal technocratic solutions, legitimised by output considerations alone, cannot be accepted as equivalents to democracy, not only because of their inconsistency with the normative character of the principle but primarily because they are based on an unsound cyclical foundation: in order to identify optimal results, one should first define their finality, in other words the public goods related to them and their teleology. How this can possibly be founded on non-political, technocratic fundaments?
Rule of law is not an equivalent, either. The judicial accountability mechanisms may, instead, lead to a 'juridification' of governance, narrowing further the space for democratic decision making[45], as it is clearly illustrated by the WTO's recent evolution. This does not so much establish a "juristocracy", but rather isolates further the political decisions making from nationally accountable institutions: we cannot have equation of control by law and control by democratic politics, especially when "law" itself (i.e. the global regulation) is not democratically instituted[46]. Therefore, by the introduction of elements of rule of law, such as, for instance, an improvement of transparency or introduction of some forms of consultation, one might get, at best, what Stewart calls 'administrative law lite'[47], not democracy.
Hence, the asymmetry between transnational capacities for political action and social participation results to a disjunction between global socioeconomic and political processes, on the one hand, and national processes of democratic participation, on the other[48]. In this sense, the basic political problem is not the absence of global democracy, as this has been always the state of the art in international law and transnational governance. It is the absence of effective regulation and oversight, over economic power at all levels, national, international and transnational.
Facing the impossibility to normatively reconcile the conflicting demands of democratic accountability and economic efficiency, it is often advised that one should look for pragmatic solutions[49]. So, Cassese suggests that the lack of democratic accountability before a representative body "actually increases the pressure on global administrative law towards greater openness, participation and transparency", features which "may make up for the democratic deficit caused by the absence of a constitutional foundation to global administrative law"[50].
Actually, participation of the stakeholders in the decision process could be a weak equivalent for democracy, but only if all the stakeholders could be fairly represented. Of course, lacking a quasi-federal structure of the global order, the participation by all those affected by a particular issue is still utopian, if not overall impossible[51]. Keohane and Nye have very rightfully described the networks of the few stakeholders powerful enough to be represented in international fora as emblematic of the "club model" of international institutions[52].
Other authors argue that instead of seeking an impossible hierarchical "constitutional" settlement of the issue of democratic governance, we should opt for a pluralist, heterarchical model, more adequate to the context of the global space[53]. According to this argumentation, one should "eschew constitutionalism's emphasis on law and hierarchy" for "more pluralist models, which would leave greater space for politics in the heterarchical interplay of orders"[54].
However, if we don't have a guiding normative principle for resolving extreme tensions between international, transnational and legal orders, then the issue will be simply settled according to the prevailing balance of power. The international legal order is far from being egalitarian. It reflects the existing global power relations[55] and it is often irresponsive to the concerns of the poor, the developing countries and its peoples[56]. If we ignore this fact, voluntarily or involuntarily, we risk to perpetuate this inequality and to legitimise its outcomes.
It should be clear that if we leave the issue of the relationship between domestic and transnational rules open, without any previous normative delimitation, to the "dialogue" between international and domestic courts or other international fora, inevitably we will have the complete supersession of national constitutions by the emerging transnational neoliberal legal order. Hence, instead of ensuring that international markets will be embedded in a system of international regulation similar to the democratic economic governance of nation states, we will have full deregulation of the latter.
Therefore, I strongly argue that parallel to any measures aimed to remedy the existing democratic deficit of global governance, it is even more important to introduce political and juridical means for containment of the most extreme intrusion of transnational rules to the national legal orders, when there is not an explicit previous popular consent.
It is true that we cannot, yet, have a global constitutionalism, based on a universal Grundnorm, or even a generally accepted rule of recognition. This does not mean that we should abstain from promoting global accountability mechanisms. As the emergence of a global demos is not possible in the foreseeable future, one should try to identify functional equivalents of democratic control and oversight at two levels (by retaining, however, awareness of their limited scope regarding to the fulfillment of the democratic principle): a) how to reinforce the democracy in transnational governance, b) how to mitigate the impact of the globalization to democratically instituted forms of national regulation.
Short of the impossibility to have genuinely democratic governance at global level, it is still possible to increase openness and transparency[57]. Concrete measures towards this direction could be a) the democratic reorganisation of major international organizations, especially these of economic governance[58], b) the legal reinforcement of political control over non state entities, such as multinational corporations, c) Inclusion of concrete constitutional provisions concerning delegation of competencies to transnational or global private bodies, ensuring some form of democratic accountability.
A first step towards a democratization of transnational governance should be the improvement of the representation of less powerful countries in international organizations[59]. Shifts in quota shares to developing and to under-represented countries have been for longtime under discussion in the IMF, but the reform is far from remedying the existing inequalities[60]. Of even greater importance would be the reintroduction of some form of minority blocking mechanism to a panel or Appellate Body decision in WTO, preventing that decision from becoming binding WTO law.
It should be clear that globalization cannot be fenced out, but it is neither a natural phenomenon, impervious to political decisions. It can be shaped by national policies, defined by democratic means. For instance, it has been suggested that the outcome of the WTO's Doha Round of negotiations should be the object of a referendum at national level[61]. In the EU every modification of the Treaties should be subject to a similar popular ratification, even in countries that do not have similar explicit constitutional obligation. Besides the reconfirmation of the democratic character of constitutional settlements, similar procedures could contribute to the gradual formation of a global (or regional) democratically regulated public space, since the related political issues would be discussed horizontally in all involved countries. The establishment of a similar common public space, overlapping the national ones is a functional prerequisite for the emergence of any possible demoi-cracy.
Any realistic reaction to the post-Westphalian-Keynesian environment should not regard the new globalized conditions as given and immutable, but rather as a battleground between competing international and domestic political, economic and social forces[62]. It is important that the core of the democratic principle, i.e. preserving an ultimate link between the decision making and the will of the people, through their representative governments, can and should be respected. Of equal importance is sustaining a worldwide commitment to human rights protection, accommodating competing national values, to the extent that they do not put into question established interpretation of the related international instruments.
[1] See on that the statistical analysis of H. van Maarseveen, Written Constitutions, A computerized Comparative Study, Oceana Publications and Sjthoff and Nordhoff, N. York and Alphen aan den Rijn, 1978.
[2] Cf., for instance, the special issue of Journal of Democracy, Is Democracy in Decline? Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Issue, January 2015, Volume 26, Number 1.
[3] https://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2018/01/daily-chart-21, published Jan 31st 2018, visited Sep 1 2018..
[4] The British concept of "Rule of law" had been the basic juridical feature of the liberal state. According to A.V. Dicey (An introduction to the study of the law of the Constitution, Macmillan, London, 1915, pp. 183 ff.), it prohibits the arbitrary power of the government and consolidates the right of every man to be subject to ordinary law, administered by ordinary tribunals. The principle was supposed to be introduced in the Continent by the French Revolution, which was saluted by the words of Michelet, as "l'avènement de la loi" (J. Michelet, Histoire de la Revolution Française, Paris, 1847, I, xxiii.) In Prussia, under the influence of the Kantian legal philosophy, scholars like Wilhelm von Humboldt, Robert von Mohl and Rudolf von Gneist have developed the parallel concept of the Recthsstaat, as an aggregate of formal legal guarantees that ensure the absence of arbitrariness of the state, the respect of human rights (especially of property, liberty and formal equality) and the certainty of law (Rectssicherheit).
[5] See, among others, the classical remarks of P. Häberle, Gemeineuropäisches Verfassungsrecht, EuGRZ 1991.261, cf. A.J. Arnaud, Pour une Pensée Juridique Européenne, PUF, Paris, 1991.
[6] See D. Lino, The Rule of Law and the Rule of Empire: A.V. Dicey in Imperial Context, Modern Law Review, 2018, Volume 81, Issue5, 739-764.
[7] See, for instance, G. Conac, État de droit et démocratie, L'Afrique en transition vers le pluralisme politique, Economica, Paris, 1993.483.
[8] Cf. L. Hamon, L'affirmation, l'évolution et la signification du fait constitutionnel, in La suprématie de la Constitution, Casablanca, Les éditions Toubkal, 1987, p. 86.
[9] See, for instance, Ph. Ardent, Institutions politiques et droit constitutionnel, LGDJ, Paris, 1997, no 22, J. Chevallier, L' Etat de droit, Montchrestien, Clefs, Paris, 1999, p. 54, the same, La mondialisation de l'Etat de droit, Mélanges Ph. Ardent , LGDJ, Paris, 1999.325, G. Kassimatis, Commentary of the Constitution, A. Sakkoulas, Athens, 1999, Article 1, nr. 168 (in Greek).
[10] Cf., however, the para 7 or the article 2 of the UN Charter:
"7. Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII."
[11] Actually, not only the former communist states but also countries like Saudi Arabia have not voted for the Universal Declaration in 1948, but have abstained.
[12] Ibidem, sec. 5. See also the sections 32 ("The World Conference on Human Rights reaffirms the importance of ensuring the universality, objectivity and non-selectivity of the consideration of human rights issues").
[13] Cf. B.O. Nwabueze, Constitutionalism in the Emergent States, 1973, H. J. Spiro (ed.), Patterns of African Development: Five Comparisons, 1967.
[14] See, eg., R. Kothary, Rights as a North South Issue, in In Claude R. P. and Weston B. H. (eds.), Human Rights in the World Community, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1989, p. 134.
[15] See, for instance, the speeches of Nigeria's, Pakistan's and Mexico's delegates in the U.N. Assembly in 1992, all emphasizing the priority of social rights vis-à-vis the civil rights, in order to create stability and encourage democracy. They all stated that the right to development strengthened individual freedoms and not the other way around. (Quoted in Human Rights and Development, Published by the United Nations Department of Public Information, DPI/1275-92868-November 1992.) Cf. R. Kothary, Rights as a North South Issue, op.cit. (note 14).
[16] S. Hundington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, Touchstone Books, 1997, the same, The Third Wave : Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century , Julian J. Rothbaum Distinguished Lecture Series, Vol 4, 1993, cf. M. Kelley, The Impulse of Power: Formative Ideals of Western Civilization, Contra Mundum Books, 1999.
[17] Cf. J.R. Bauer & D. A. Bell (eds) The East Asian Challenge for Human Rights, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1999.
[18] See, for instance, his speech at a conference of the Just World Trust in Kyala Lumpur, 6/12/1994, quoted by T. C. Tan, Rethinking Human Rights, University of Technology, Malaysia, Koala Lumpur, article posted in the Internet list PSRT-L on 8/12/1994
[19] Cf. the Bangkok Declaration of April 1993, where the Asian governments stressed «the significance of national and regional particularities and various historical, cultural and religious backgrounds.» These famous "Asian values" which bring up the connection of duties to rights and the stress of collectivism versus individualism are also reflected on the wording of the Constitutions. For instance, in the Taiwan's Constitution of 1946 the articles on human rights protection begin with the phrase "The people shall have freedom of…" without reference to the person or the individual.
[20] Quoted by Huntigton, op.cit. , p. 319, also 108-109.
[21] See P. Das Gupta, Well-Being and the Extent of its realization in poor countries, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1993, UNDP, Human Development Report 1992, Oxford University Press, N. York, 1992, p. 32 and A. Bhalla and Fr. Lapeyre, Social Exclusion Revisited, Towards an analytical and operational framework, Paper for the International Symposium "From Social Exclusion to Social Cohesion", Roskilde University, Denmark, 2-4 March 1995, International Institute for Labor Studies, Geneva, February 1995, tables 3 and 4.
[22] T. Vanhanen, The process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-1988, Crane Russak, N. York, 1990, see, esp., pp. 48 ff, 167, 195.
[23] Cf. M.Poppovic, P. S. Pinheiro, How to consolidate Democracy? A Human Rights Approach, International Social Science Journal, 1995.75, p. 78.
[24] Z.F. Arat, Democracy and Human Rights in developing countries, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London, 1991, pp. 4 ff.
[25] Speech of President Xi at the National Conference on Party Schools, December 11, 2015, in Xi Jinping, The Governance of China, Foreign Language Press, Beijing, 2017, Volume II, p. 355-356. See also his speech on The Socialist Rule of Law, ibidem, p. 119 ff. Cf. Xu Zhangrun, "Western law in China: transplantation or transformation: four cases and Liang Shuming's responses." Social Sciences in China. 3 (Fall 2004): 134-15.1
[26] See A. D. Renteln, International Human Rights: Universalism versus relativism, Sage, London, 1990, p. 61 ff, cf. D. J. Puchala, The Ethics of Globalism, The 1995 John W. Holmes Memorial Lecture, ACUNS, Brown University, Reports and Papers, 1995, No. 3, L. Kohlberg, From Is to Ought: How to Commit the Naturalistic Fallacy and Get Away With It in the Study of Moral Development.» in T. Mischel, ed. Cognitive Development and Epistemology. Academic Press, New York, 1971.
[27] As adopted by the U.N. World Conference on Human Rights on 25 June 1993.
[28] Vienna Declaration, ibidem, Preamble.
[29] Ibidem, section 8. Cf. also the Draft declaration and draft program of action of the U.N. World Conference of Copenhagen (A/CONF.166/1 of 2 February 1995): " 4. We are convinced that democracy and transparent and accountable governance and administration in all sectors of society are indispensable foundations for the realization of social and people centered sustainable development." Cf., among others, J. Donnely, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1989
[30] See A-M. Slaughter, "The Real New World Order" Foreign Affairs 76 (1997), 183 ff.
[31] See G. Katrougalos, Democracy, Privatization, and the Rise of Non-state Regulatory Power, in Indian Yearbook of Comparative Law 2016, Oxford University Press, 2017, cf. J. Black, "Decentring Regulation: Understanding the Role of Regulation and Self Regulation in a «Post-regulatory» World, " Current Legal Problems (2001) 54, 103-145.
[32] See, among others, the interventions at the Symposium, "Public Values in an Era of Privatization," Harv. L. Reveview, 116 (2003), 1212, 1218, cf. A. Aman, Jr., "The Globalizing State: A future-oriented perspective on the Public/Private Distinction," Federalism and Democracy, 31, 1998, Vand. J. Transatlant'l L. 769.
[33] N. Fraser, Reframing Justice in a Globalizing World, 36 New Left Review, 69m 2005, M. Kumm, Democratic Constitutionalism Encounters International Law: Terms of Engagement , in Sujit Choudhry (ed.) The Migration of Constitutional Law, Cambridge Univ. Press 2006, pp.256 – 293, N.Walker, Beyond boundary disputes and basic grids: Mapping the global disorder of normative orders , I•CON, Volume 6, Number 3 & 4, 2008, pp. 373–396.
[34]Cf. D. Nicol, The Constitutional Protection of Capitalism, Hart Publishing, Oxford and Portland, Oregon, 2010.
[35] E.U. Petersmann, European and International Constitutional Law: Time for Promoting 'Cosmopolitan Democracy' in the WTO in G. de Burca / J. Scott (eds.), The EU and the WTO: Legal and Constitutional Issues, Oxford 2001, 81-110, p. 88, cf. B. Hoekman and M. Kostecki, The Political Economy of the World Trading System, 2nd edn (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2001, 1 ff.
[36]General Federation of employees of the national electric power corporation (GENOP-DEI) / Confederation of Greek Civil Servants' Trade Unions (ADEDY) v. Greece, Complaint No. 65/2011, decision on the merits of 23 May 2012, § 18, cf. also Complaints 78-80/2012.
[37] The argumentation of the Committee was the following: "Even taking into account the particular context in Greece created by the economic crisis and the fact that the Government was required to take urgent decisions, the Committee furthermore considers that the Government has not conducted the minimum level of research and analysis into the effects of such far-reaching measures that is necessary to assess in a meaningful manner their full impact on vulnerable groups in society. Neither has it discussed the available studies with the organizations concerned, despite the fact that they represent the interests of many of the groups most affected by the measures at issue. (…) In general, the Committee thus concludes that the Government has not established, as is required by Article 12§3, that efforts have been made to maintain a sufficient level of protection for the benefit of the most vulnerable members of society, even though the effects of the adopted measures risk bringing about a large scale pauperization of a significant segment of the population, as has been observed by various international organizations Paragraphs 75-76, cf. also paragraphs 36 and 47 of the Collective Complaint 80/2012 Pensioners' Union of the Agricultural Bank of Greece (ATE) v. Greece. The Committee held, consequently, that due to the cumulative effect of the restrictive measures and the procedures adopted to put them into place, contained in the laws Nos. 3845 of 6 May 2010, Act No. 3847 of 11 May 2010, Act No. 3863 of 15 July 2010, Act No. 3865 of 21 July 2010, Act No.3896 of 1 July 2011, Act No. 4024 of 27 October 2011, Act No. 3833 of 15 March 2010, Act No. 3866 of 26 May 2010, Act No. 3986 of 1 July 2011, Act No. 4002 of 22 August 2011, Act No. 4051 of 28 February 2012 and Act No. 4093/2012 of 12 November 2012, this statutory legislation constitutes a violation of Article 12§3 of the 1961 Charter". Cf. G. Katrougalos, Social security in the "case law" of the Social Rights Committee, in Frans Pennings, (Ed.), Research Handbook on European Social Security Law, Elgar Publisher, 2015, 84-102.
[38]J. Jackson, Sovereignty, the WTO and Changing Fundamentals of International Law Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006, 205-6
[39] J. Jackson / A. Sykes (eds.), Implementing the Uruguay Round, Oxford, 1997, cf. R. Howse, How to Begin to Think About the "Democratic Deficit" at the WTO, 2003, M. Fakhri, Reconstruing WTO Legitimacy Debates, Notre Dame Journal of International & Comparative Law, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 64, 2011.
[40]See G. Katrougalos, Constitutional Limitations of Privatization in USA and Europe: A Theoretical and Comparative Perspective, Constellations Volume 17, Number 3, 2010, 407-425. cf. A. C. Aman, Jr., The Globalizing State: A Future-Oriented Perspective on the Public/Private Distinction, Federalism and Democracy, 31 Vand. J. Transnat'l L. 1998, p. 769, the same, Globalization, Democracy and the Need for a New Administrative Law", 10 Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 125, 2003.
[41] D. Rodrik, The Globalization Paradox, Norton, N. York, 2011, p. 190.
[42] See, for instance, C. Harlow, Accountability as a Value in Global Governance and for Global Administrative Law' in Gordon Anthony, J-B. Auby, J. Morison and T. Zwart (eds), Values in Global Administrative Law, Hart Publishing, 2011, pp. 167-185, G. de Búrca, 'Developing Democracy Beyond the State', Columbia J Transnat'l L (2008) 101.R.O. Keohane, 'Global Governance and Democratic Accountability', in D. Held & M. Koenig- Archibugi (eds), Taming Globalization: Frontiers of Governance, Polity, Oxford 2003 T. Macdonald & K. Macdonald, 'Non-Electoral Accountability in Global Politics: Strengthening Democratic Control within the Global Garment Industry', 17 European Journal of International Law 2006, p. 89; A. von Bogdandy, 'Globalization and Europe: How to Square Democracy, Globalization, and International Law', 15 European Journal of International Law (2004) 885A. von Bogdandy, R. Wolfrum, J. von Bernstorff, P. Dann and M. Goldmann (eds), The Exercise of Public Authority by International Institutions, 2010, R. B. Stewart, 'U.S. Administrative Law: a Model for Global Administrative Law?' 68 Law and Contemporary Problems 2005, 63, R. Wolfrum and V. Roeben (eds), Legitimacy in International Law (2008), at 899, D. Dyzenhaus, Accountability and the concept of Global Administration, Global Administrative Law Series IILJ Working Paper 2008/7, N. Petersen, Demokratie als teleologisches Prinzip. Zur Legitimität von Staatsgewalt im Völkerrecht, 2009.
[43] Cf. J. Black, 'Constructing and contesting legitimacy and accountability in polycentric regulatory regimes' Regulation & Governance 137, 2008, p.145.
[44] A. von Bogdandy, 'Globalization and Europe: How to Square Democracy, Globalization, and International Law', 15 European Journal of International Law, 2004, p. 885, J. Black, 'Constructing and contesting legitimacy and accountability in polycentric regulatory regimes' op.cit., p. 145-146
[45] Cf. C. Harlow, "Global Administrative Law: The Quest for Principles and Values",) 17, European J of International Law 2006, 187-214, cf., more generally, B. Zangl, M. Zürn (Eds), Verrechtlichung – Baustein für global governance?, Dietz, Bonn, 2004
[46] Cf. M. Shapiro, '"Deliberative", "Independent" Technocracy v. Democratic Politics: Will the Globe Echo the E.U.?' (2005) 68:3 Law & Contemporary Problems 341.
[47] R. B. Stewart, 'U.S. Administrative Law: a Model for Global Administrative Law?, ibidem.
[48] Cf. J. Habermas, The Crisis of the European Union in the Light of a Constitutionalization of International Law EJIL, 23, 2012, No. 2.
[49]N. Krisch, 'The Pluralism of Global Administrative Law', 17 The European Journal of International Law 2006, p. 247, 248.
[50]S. Cassese, 'Administrative Law Without the State? The Challenge of Global Regulation'37 New York University Journal of International Law and Politics 2005 663, pp. 687-8, 669. 31
[51] D. Held, Democracy and the Global Order, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995, especially ch. 10, cf. M. G. Schmidt, Demokratietheorien, Eine Einfürung, Wiesbaden, 2008, I.M. Young, Inclusion and Democracy, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000.
[52] R. O. Keohane and J. S. Nye, Jr., "The Club Model of Multilateral Cooperation and Problems of Democratic Legitimacy,» Paper for the American Political Science Convention, Washington, D.C., August 31-September 3, 2000, available at http:www.ksg.harvard.edu/cbg/trade/keohane.htm, cf. C. Barfield, Free Trade, Sovereignty, Democracy: The Future of the World Trade Organization, AEI Press, 2001.
[53] N. Krisch, Beyond Constitutionalism: The Pluralist Structure of Postnational Law, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2010, the same, The Pluralism of Global Administrative Law', ibidem.
[54] N. Krisch, Beyond Constitutionalism, op. cit., p. 14–17
[55] Cf. on that again N. Krisch, 'More Equal Than the Rest? Hierarchy, Equality and US Predominance in International Law', in M. Byers and G. Nolte (eds), United States Hegemony and the Foundations of International Law, 2003, p. 135.
[56] B. S. Chimni, 'International Institutions Today: An Imperial Global State in the Making', 15 EJIL 2004, p. 1, the same, 'Cooption and Resistance: Two Faces of Global Administrative Law', IILJ Working Paper 2005/16, available at www.iilj.org/papers/2005.16Chimni.htm. Cf. also N. Krisch, 'International Law in Times of Hegemony: Unequal Power and the Shaping of the International Legal Order', 16 European Journal of International Law 2005.369
[57]As Weiler suggests, at the supranational level "democracy can be measured by the closeness, responsiveness, representativeness, and accountability of the governors to the governed" J. H.H. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe», «Do the new clothes have an Emperor? and other essays on European Integration», Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 81, cf. also J. H. H. Weiler and I. Motoc, Taking Democracy Seriously: The Normative Challenges to the International Legal System, in S. Griller (ed.), International Economic Governance and Non-Economic Concerns-New Challenges for the International Legal Order, Wien, Springer, 2003, p. 68-69.
[58]Cf. the resolution passed in the 55th Session of the UN Third Committee for the promotion of a democratic international order A/RES/55/107, cf. A/RES/56/151.
[59] See, for instance, J. S. Nye Jr. "Globalization's democratic deficit: How to make international institutions more accountable" Foreign Affairs July/August 3, 2001, R.O. Keohane, 'Global Governance and Democratic Accountability', in D. Held & M. Koenig- Archibugi (eds), Taming Globalization: Frontiers of Governance (Oxford: Polity, 2003) 130, 145, M. de Bellis, Global standards for domestic financial regulations. Concourse, competition and mutual reinforcement between different types of global administration, 6 Globaljurist Adv. (2006), available at http://www.bepress.com/gj/advances/vol6/iss3/art6/
[60] Cf. G. Napolitano, The Two Ways Of Global Governance After The Financial Crisis Multilateralism vs. Cooperation Jean Monnet Working Paper 16/10
[61] R. Howse, How to Begin to Think About the "Democratic Deficit" at the WTO, ibidem.
[62] M. Rosenfeld describes this position as "ordered pluralism». See M. Rosenfeld, Rethinking constitutional ordering in an era of legal and ideological pluralism, I • CON, 2008, pp. 415 – 455, the same, Just Interpretations: Law between Ethics and Politics 200 – 201 (Univ. Calif. Press 1998, inspired by Mireille Delmas-Marty's expression, in Le pluralism ordonné, Hart 2006). Cf. the cosmopolitan view of J. Habermas, The Divided West (Polity 2006) and its critical overview, by Michel Rosenfeld, Habermas ' Call for Cosmopolitan Constitutional Patriotism in an Age of Global Terror: A Pluralist Appraisal , 14Constellations 159 (2007).
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Looking for a way to infuse more yoga into your life? Join me for one of the following upcoming "events:"
The perfect workshop for all who love their hip-openers (yogis who live in pigeon pose, I'm talking to you!) or for those who may not love them, but know they need them. Join moi for this workshop that will explore all sides of the hips through many different hip-opening asanas. We will focus on opening the hips from both an anatomical/functional mobility standpoint and from an energetic/emotional standpoint. The workshop will consist of a 1.5 hour heated, hip-opening vinyasa practice, followed by time for discussion, breaking down the poses, and journaling. Register online here.
*Can do this anywhere--all you need is a computer!
Join Melissa, Mary Catherine, Niya, and Kimberly for a 4-week e-course outlining ways to live the yoga lifestyle with tranquility. This e-course will allow you the opportunity to explore the yoga lifestyle in depth from four of Tranquil Space's talented teachers. The four sessions focus on healthy and mindful eating, creative expression, pranayama, anxiety reduction, asana, and living your yoga philosophy.
Read the private blog and go through the videos and podcasts at your own pace - there is no start or end date. Take time for the OMwork and pick up the recommended sources to dive deeper into the topics. Post pictures from your journey on our Flickr page. You are encouraged to commit to a daily spiritual practice such as yoga, running, meditation, prayer, or nature walks – whatever resonates most with you while taking the e-course.
Tranquil Space Lifestyle E-course is recommended for beginner and experienced yogis looking for ways to infuse yoga into their everyday or non-yogis interested in living a more mindful lifestyle. Join us on this adventure and let the tranquility unfold. Investment: $99, approximately 5-10 hours to listen to podcasts, watch videos, and read musings.


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Policymakers' failed actions led to the O'Neill raid
By Jordan Feyerherm on Aug 23 2018 - 2:58pm
At the Center for Rural Affairs, one of our guiding principles is to promote vibrant rural communities and the people who live here. A cornerstone of any community is safety, stability, and trust.
On Aug. 8 in O'Neill, Nebraska, that sense of community was shaken when 133 agricultural workers were taken from their places of employment and transferred to a detention center more than 100 miles away in Grand Island, leaving their families and children to wonder if their loved ones would ever return.
In 2013, the Center for Rural Affairs Board of Directors called on Congress to act on comprehensive immigration reform. Our call for action was four-part:
An opportunity for undocumented immigrants who fulfill the requirements for obtaining citizenship to remain in the U.S. as citizens.
A more robust process for legal immigration that shortens the timeline and waiting list for legal immigration and creates clear avenues for future immigrants.
Practical and appropriate limits as determined by an independent commission on the number of manually skilled workers allowed to immigrate legally each year.
More effective enforcement of existing wage and labor laws and of the prohibition on hiring undocumented immigrants and falsely classifying them as independent contractors.
Because policymakers have failed to act, too many workers remain trapped in limbo, leaving themselves and their families in insecure and dangerous situations. These are the preconditions that led to the raid in O'Neill, Nebraska.
A silver lining in this humanitarian emergency is the outpouring of support and love shown to those affected. As soon as people became aware of the raid, the community, as well as state and national organizations, stepped up to provide assistance. O'Neill Public Schools opened their doors to provide counselors to affected children, and school employees opened their homes to children who were separated from their parents. Local churches were quick to provide a safe haven to those who were too scared to return home, and provided those affected with what comfort they could. Systems were put into place to provide direct aid and advice on how to reconnect with their loved ones.
The Center for Rural Affairs joined individuals from Heartland Workers Center, Centro Hispano, the Multicultural Coalition, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), Nebraska Appleseed, Lutheran Family Services, Immigrant Legal Center, and many more, in O'Neill to assist with legal aid, immigration assistance, trauma counseling, logistic support, and any other need that presented itself. Local businesses provided furniture, bedding, basic necessities, hot meals, toys, and even school supplies for the children getting ready to enter the new school year.
Through the actions of the community members rallying together to support their own in a time of need, we can see rural values and love for their neighbors in action.
Unfortunately, however, the damage is done. When individuals in vulnerable populations fear interaction with those tasked to enforce the law, they are put in an even more vulnerable position.
In 2015, the President's Task Force on 21st Century Policing determined, "Trust between law enforcement agencies and the people they protect and serve is essential in a democracy. It is key to the stability of our communities, the integrity of our criminal justice system, and the safe and effective delivery of policing services."
Families, children, parents, spouses… the community as a whole has experienced a deep trauma. Trauma takes time to heal, but it also requires safety, stability, and trust. Trust that families will not be broken up and separated by force, stability to know that a goodbye is not forever, and the safety to call the community you live in "home."
Business needs prompt conference in Spanish
Civity and Center staff connect to create welcoming communities
Center staff member recognized for commitment to community
Staff spotlight: Carlos helps bring communities together
Making steps toward an inclusive community
Center for Rural Affairs commits to equity and inclusion for all residents of rural America

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Thank you for your submission – we look forward to seeing you on the 28th and 29th November.


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What is a Politically Exposed Person (PEP)?
In order to ensure your organisation fully complies with the latest financial PEP regulations, it is essential that you and your team are aware of who or what a Politically Exposed Person (PEP) could potentially be.
Providing a definitive list of who could be classed as a PEP is difficult, as the criteria is so broad; international definitions vary and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) is frequently issuing updated recommendations.
In basic terms, a Politically Exposed Person is someone who, through their prominent position or influence, is more susceptible to being involved in bribery or corruption. In addition, any close business associate or family member of such a person will also be deemed as being a risk, and therefore could also be added to the PEP list.
The Basic Criteria for Deciding who is a Politically Exposed Person
Anyone in any of the following roles should be considered a potential PEP.
PEPs in Government Roles
Legislative Bodies: A good example here would be a Member of Parliament
Executive Bodies: A PEP could range from the head of state down to the assistant ministers
Diplomatic Roles: Ambassadors or charges d'affaires would be considered PEPs
Judiciary Bodies: Key people working within supreme courts, constitutional courts or high-level judicial bodies
State-Owned Enterprises: A PEP would typically be anyone from a senior executive upwards. However, even former members of the board of directors no longer associated with an organisation may retain influence and still be flagged as PEPs
PEPs in Organisations and Institutions
Central Financial Institutions: Examples here would be the Court of Auditors and members on the boards of central banks
Armed Forces: In this situation a PEP rating would typically only apply to a high-ranking officer
International Sports Committees: Members of these committees may be influenced to vote on the location of major sporting events/contracts for building venues, etc., so have recently been included by FATF under their definition of a PEP
Known 'Close Associates' who are Considered PEPs
Anyone who has a close business relationship or joint beneficial ownership of legal entities or legal arrangements with a PEP
Anyone who has the sole beneficial ownership of a legal entity which is known to have been set up for the benefit de facto of the PEP
Immediate Family Members who are Considered PEPs
Parents and children of PEPs
Spouse or partner
Uncles and aunts
Even slightly indirect family members (such as in-laws) will be considered as a politically exposed person
Note: Each country may have different local PEP regulations that you need to comply with when doing business in that region.
Accuity has produced a handy infographic that summarises information on who should be classified as a Politically Exposed Person.
What is a PEP? Infographic
Test Yourself: Are these people PEPs?
The mayor of Paris
A former member of the board of directors for a state-owned enterprise
A famous actress
Head of the Olympic Committee
The son-in-law of the mayor of Paris
A town councillor
The justice of the peace in a Magistrates Court
The manager of a national football team
The business partner of someone who has a sister on the Olympic Committee
View the PEP infographic for the answers and learn what constitutes a PEP.
How to easily identify these PEPs
It's easy to see how the list of potential PEPs is huge and continually in flux as people move into new roles, family members change, regulations and recommendations from the FATF get updated on a local level, and the international landscape continually alters.
Request a demonstration to see how our KYC Due Diligence Data File can be seemlessly built into your PEP screening process to help streamline your due diligence and lower your exposure to risk and fines.
Why Relationships with PEPs May Represent an Increased Risk for Financial Institutions
Many financial institutions are at risk as a result of PEPs and their close associates.
The Banker Masterclass video series: 'Improving payments services'
Robert McKay, Managing Director of Accuity, identifies three key trends in the payments landscape: globalisation, user experience and trust.
Firco Trade Compliance Transforming Your Trade Screening
Trade compliance teams face the challenge of having to understand and be up to date with all regulatory requirements. Firco Trade Compliance provides an all-in-one solution that screens both customers and activities.


text:
Molly Make-Believe – romanzo del 1910 di Eleanor Hallowell Abbott
Molly Make-Believe – film del 1916 diretto da J. Searle Dawley

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Godda College, Godda
Godda, Jharkhand, India
Sido Kanhu Murmu University (SKMU), Dumka
Near Ramgarh More, Godda, Jharkhand 814133
About Godda College, Godda
Godda College, Godda was established in the year 1954, Godda College, Godda is affiliated to Sido Kanhu Murmu University (SKMU), Dumka
Godda College, Godda was established on 15th August 1954 by the joint active efforts of the freedom fighters and educationists of this area. The foundation of its main building was laid down on 29th November 1957 by the then Chief Minister of Bihar Sri Srikrishna Singh while the college building was inaugurated on 23rd Oct 1959 by the then President of Indian National Congress Smt. Indira Gandhi.
Before 1960 it was affiliated to Bihar University and later on to Bhagalpur University. It became a constituent unit of Bhagalpur University on 27th February 1976 and then the University bifurcated in the year 2000 under an established Sido-Kanhu Murmu University SKMU Dumka, Jharkhand, duly approved by the regulatory body UGC.
It is a co-educational pioneer institute located in 36 acres of land in Godda town area of Santal-Pargana, Jharkhand. It has been providing UG and PG level of education specially to the backward and tribal community of this area. The effort of the institution is to make a knowledge-based society with a view to protecting the interest of the community, and motivating the academic excellence and fulfilling the expectations of the tribal community as well as society at large.
Godda College is a multifaculty institution which imparts quality education in different subjects of Arts, Science and Education. It has maintained the quality of teaching and research by offering UG level programmes BA/B.Sc in 17 subjects and PG MA/M.Sc in 08 subjects alongwith research facilities leading to Ph.D degree of the university. It has got achievements in social transformation through suppoting the poor students residing in the remote areas as well as in the hostels SC,ST,OBC situated in the campus. The number of faculties working at present against sanctioned post are 35 while 06 temporary faculties are in education faculty. Total strength of the students in all programmes in 2014-15 is 2449 out of which 803 are female students. The status of total SC, ST, OBC and General students in all programmes are 147, 1063, 995 and 244 respectively. The institution has an Arts block, Science block, Separate B.Ed building, Library, Computer lab, Common room boys and girls and an examination hall. The teachers and students of the institution are recognized nationally and internationally in various fields of education and research along with social and community development sectors.
Godda College, Godda offers various graduate courses as well as Post Graduate courses.
Godda College, Godda offers 3 Years Full Time Bachelors Degree in Bachelor of Arts (BA)
Godda College, Godda offers 3 Years Full Time Bachelors Degree in Bachelor of Science (B.Sc)
Godda College, Godda is affiliated to Sido Kanhu Murmu University (SKMU), Dumka.
Click here to browse Sido Kanhu Murmu University (SKMU), Dumka Examination Results
Godda College, Godda is affiliated to Sido Kanhu Murmu University (SKMU), Dumka. Browse Sido Kanhu Murmu University (SKMU), Dumka Time Tables
List of facilities available at Godda College, Godda for students.


The character has also appeared in cross-over episodes of That's So Raven, Hannah Montana, Wizards of Waverly Place, I'm in the Band, Jessie, and the Disney Channel special, Studio DC: Almost Live.
Instead, the Sprouses walked away from the table entirely, which meant no content (and thus no money, and no jobs) for anyone.I'm very fortunate because I had people help me get this person out of my life, out of my house—like physically lock the door. So he threw a phone at me and it shattered to pieces and he was screaming, punching the wall, and cussing me out.I mean, he showed up across the country at a meet-and-greet of mine and said he needed to talk to me. STALKER SARAH ALSO CLAIMED DEBBY RYAN HAS SUBSTANCE ISSUES!Turns out she's actually "gorgeous." [Insert eyeroll here.] Now a laywer-turned-beauty-pageant-coach wants to make her a pageant queen. Clearly, this role marks a big change from Ryan's previous projects The Suite Life on Deck and Jessie.Sprouse sees plenty of that on Riverdale, that's for sure.


text:
12 People Killed As Train Derails In Southwestern Pakistan
An injured child victim of a train accident is rushed to a local hospital in Quetta, Pakistan, on November 17.
At least 12 people have been killed and some 70 injured when a train carrying about 300 passengers derailed in a mountainous area of southwestern Pakistan.
Baluchistan Province's Interior Minister Sarfraz Bugti said the accident occurred in the remote Bolan district on November 17 after the train's brakes failed.
The train was en route to Rawalpindi from Baluchistan's capital, Quetta.
A military spokesman in Quetta said seriously injured passengers had been airlifted by helicopter to hospital.
Train accidents are common in Pakistan, where tracks are often poorly maintained due to corruption, mismanagement, and lack of investment.
With reporting by AFP and AP


Posted July 25, 2018 by Sue Peffer & filed under News.
Python scripts that extend the functionality of FlareTM, our structure-based design platform, are now available for download from GitLab. This includes scripts written by Cresset that extend the functionality of Flare, scripts that use pyflare to create command line workflows and example scripts for developers.
See at a glance the keyboard shortcuts for V2 of Flare and the Flare Molecule Editor.
Access the latest information on reagent availability to refine your SparkTM results. Download the updated version of the Spark reagent databases, based on the eMolecules Building Blocks collection.
We're recruiting for a European Application Scientist, based in the UK. The successful applicant will provide scientific support to our existing customer base and commercial team.
These one day symposia, delivered by Cresset, Optibrium and Elixir, will highlight new approaches and technologies being applied to the search for future therapeutics.
Free to attend, these events are aimed at scientists from pharmaceutical, biotechnology, agrochemical, flavor and fragrance organizations, not-for-profits and academia who wish to get a broad appreciation of the latest advances in drug discovery delivered by key scientists and thought leaders from leading organizations.


Members of the Bord na Móna (BNM) Group of Unions in the company's peat briquette production facility in Littleton, County Tipperary, have voted 94% in favour of proposed redundancy terms in a ballot counted this evening (Thursday, 8th February).
Bord na Móna Group of Unions Secretary and SIPTU Organiser, John Regan, said: "The redundancy terms apply to union members in the BNM fuels and peat business based in Littleton. It has been agreed that the plant will continue after the 31st March this year with the redeployment of 40 jobs.


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Sugatsune's LIN-X1000 is a lateral door opening system designed to operate large doors in places where space can be a challenge. The system requires less than 20 in. of opening space and allows users to move large doors weighing up to 200 lbs. With stop- and soft-close available and only six parts needed to install, the lateral doors can be used for both cabinet and passage doors.


Geology (2012) 40 (4): 379-382.
Accumulation of gaseous methane can generate seabed domes in soft cohesive sediments. Such structures can, in turn, lead to seafloor instability, act as precursors to pockmark formation, and arguably pose a threat to seafloor drilling if they contain significantly overpressured gas. Future melting of gas hydrates within the seabed, due to global warming, will likely lead to a significant long-term release of methane, which could potentially produce a new and abundant generation of gas domes and associated pockmarks. Despite their geological and practical significance, our understanding of gas-dome formation in marine sediments has been limited to observations and qualitative analyses. To provide a quantitative understanding, we conducted small-scale laboratory doming experiments. We found that thin layers of clayey sediment behave elastically over the range of deformations needed to create seabed domes. The observed behavior is well described by elastic thin-plate mechanics, from which it is possible to predict the gas pressure required to create natural domes. Our results suggest that observed shallow dome geometries require surprisingly small overpressures to form; however, large overpressures can build under increasingly thicker and stiffer layers of sediment.


text:
Герб Ві́льнюса () — один з офіційних символів міста Вільнюс, столиці Литовської Республіки. Існує у двох варіантах — великий та малий.

Історія

Герб був введений в 1330 році, через сім років після заснування міста.

За даними литовського історика ХІХ ст. Теодора Нарбута, до XIV століття на гербі зображували казкового героя Алкіда (Альціса), який переносить через річку свою дружину Янтеріте. Судячи з усього, це було гіпотетичне (романтизоване) прочитання зображення на печатках міста XV — XVI ст. — постаті Святого Христофора (патрона міста), що несе на плечі Немовлятко Ісуса з державою в руці.

Після входження до складу Російської імперії було вирішено замінити на погоню, що мало більше пов'язати Вільно з Росією (а також відповідало тогочасному геральдичному правилу, за яким губернія й губернське місто зазвичай мали тотожну символіку). Офіційне затвердження цього герба відбулося згідно з указом імператора Миколи І від 1845 року (водночас із гербами повітових міст губернії — Вілейки, Дісни, Ліди, Ошмян, Свенцян і Трок);

Герб губернського міста Вільни — озброєний вершник з піднятим у руці мечем. Ця емблема в геральдиці має назву «погоня». Її появу, спочатку як князівської емблеми, а потім і як герба всієї Литви, пов'язують з ім'ям великого князя литовського Вітеня. Про це в доповненнях до Іпатіївського літопису (під 1278 роком) сказано:

Пізніше ця емблема стала гербом Віленського воєводства, а з 1845 р. — і самого міста.

Герби з зображенням погоні були дуже поширені в середньовічній Європі і на Русі.

Тут можна відзначити, що в польсько-литовській геральдиці терміном "погоня" називались і ніби фрагменти цього сюжету, коли на гербі зображувалася тільки фігура лицаря по пояс, з піднятим у руці мечем, або навіть тільки одна його рука з піднятим мечем.

Зображення погоні як герба Великого князівства Литовського є в Титулярнику 1672 року. Зауважимо, що форма і колір хреста на щиті лицаря були іншими: хрест був червоний шестикінечний на золотому щиті, а не золотий восьмикутний на срібному щиті, як на гербі Вільни 1845 року.

Малий герб
Одночасно з гербом у вигляді погоні у Вільно був у вжитку й давній герб, який зафіксований на магістратській печатці міста. На ньому (за даними литовського історика ХІХ ст. Теодора Нарбута) зображений міфологічний сюжет: легендарний литовський велетень Альціс, або Алькид, в момент, коли він після свого чергового подвигу — перемоги над драконом — переходить вбрід море, несучи на плечі княжу дочку, яку він отримав за дружину в обмін на скарби, забрані у дракона.

Припускають, що легенда про подвиги Алкіда виникла під впливом давньогрецького міфу про подвиги Геракла. Можливо, підтвердженням цього може бути й ім'я героя — Алькид, адже первинне ім'я Геракла було Алкід — міцний. В перекладі на латину Алкід пишеться як Alcides (що в литовській мові поступово перетворилось на Alcis).

За даними (очевидно, помилковими) того ж Теодора Нарбута, герб на магістратській печатці Вільни у вигляді велетня Алкіда був отриманий містом, імовірно, в 1387 році при запровадженні в ньому самоврядування на основі Магдебурзького права. Насправді ж найдавніше відоме зображення цього герба (фактично — постаті Святого Христофора з Немовлятком Ісусом на плечі) на міській печатці датується 1444 р., а його офіційне затвердження відбулося лише 1568 р., згідно з тогочасним привілеєм Великого князя Жигимонта (Сигізмунда) ІІ Августа.

Історичний герб був відновлений в 1990 році. Сучасний герб затверджений 17 квітня 1991 року Верховною Радою Литви. На прапорі Вільнюса в центрі розміщений герб міста.

Джерела
 Герб Вильнюса. Герадьдика.ру
 Герб города Вильна (Вильнюс, 1845 г.) Наука и жизнь, N6, 2000 г. (О. Рево. Гербы городов Виленской губернии Российской империи)

Посилання

Вільнюс
Вільнюс


UCLA law professor Peter Arenella and Loyola University law professor Laurie Levenson offer their take on the Simpson trial. Joining them is former Los Angeles County District Atty. Robert Philibosian, who will rotate with other experts as the case moves forward. Today's topic: Exit Mark Fuhrman.
On the prosecution: With only a few minutes of testimony from Detective Fuhrman and Lt. Frank Spangler, Marcia Clark slammed shut the narrow window of opportunity for Fuhrman to have found and hidden the second bloody glove at the crime scene by pointing out that he was never alone. Clark also ridiculed the idea that Fuhrman would risk his career and his liberty by planting evidence when he didn't know whether O.J. had an alibi or whether there were witnesses to the crime.
On the defense: Potential defense witness Max Cordova may have rehabilitated F. Lee Bailey's credibility by recalling that he had talked to him. But Cordova destroyed his own usefulness to the Simpson defense by his sudden 'dream' recall of an incident with Fuhrman that he had persistently denied in many previous media interviews. The defense can only hope that Kathleen Bell has no similar quirks and that other credible witnesses come forward.
On the prosecution: The prosecutors must be happy to be back in the murder trial of O.J. Simpson and not the trial of Mark Fuhrman. Clark clearly felt that Fuhrman had done well because she chose not to engage in a prolonged redirect examination. Rather, she asked only questions that show why it would have been illogical for Fuhrman to plant the glove. The prosecutors then called witnesses, like Spangler, to corroborate Fuhrman's testimony.
On the defense: You could just hear the wind go out of the defense sails Thursday. Bailey ended his cross-examination with a whimper. The defense team had promoted Fuhrman as a make-or-break witness, but he may have broken them. They never established how or why Fuhrman would risk his career to plant the glove. Now, they must face even tougher evidence against Simpson--the physical blood DNA evidence.
On the prosecution: Clark showed great confidence and smart strategy by asking Fuhrman only seven questions on redirect. She focused the jury's attention on Fuhrman's state of mind, indicating that he did not view Simpson as a suspect and, therefore, would not have planted evidence. She also cut off additional cross-examination by Bailey because the defense is limited on re-cross to only subjects covered in redirect.
On the defense: Bailey wisely decided not to engage in recross-examination of Fuhrman. If he had made any headway at all in trying to convince the jury that Fuhrman was a biased, lying witness he would have lost that momentum by giving Fuhrman the opportunity to clean up any problems with earlier answers. Bailey appeared to have run out of steam and out of ideas. He withdrew from the field and left Detective Philip Vannatter to Robert Shapiro.


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Andy Laing (who lives in Tonbridge) found a pair of glasses in the violin area after last Monday's sectional rehearsal, and asked me to take them.
Please let me know if they're yours: Nice-but-plain all-black Calvin Klein case, The specs are bronze -coloured. Will also alert the school.
This list is used to inform Bromley Symphony Orchestra string players about string-specific rehearsals and events.


text:
Notice of Death – December 15, 2022
December 16, 2022 December 16, 2022 / harrietpenrod
Kenneth Walter Bruce
May 2, 1970 — December 13, 2022
Visitation: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 1:00-2:00 p.m. at St. Ann's Catholic Church, Stonewall.
Funeral Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 2:00-3:00 p.m. at St. Ann's Catholic Church, Stonewall.
Interment: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 3:00-4:00 p.m. at St. Ann's Cemetery, 2264 US Hwy 171, Stonewall.
Leander M. Cook
Visitation: Monday, Dec. 19, 2022, 5:00-7:00 p.m. at Centuries Memorial Funeral Home, 8801 Mansfield Road, Shreveport.
Celebration of Life: Tuesday, Dec. 20, 2022, 1:00 p.m. at Centuries Memorial Funeral Home, 8801 Mansfield Road, Shreveport.
Martha H. Hunter
Celebration of Life at Graveside: Monday, Dec. 19, 2022, 10:00 a.m. at Centuries Memorial Funeral Home, 8801 Mansfield Road, Shreveport.
Jacqueline Sabbath
March 21, 1974 — December 12, 2022
Visitation: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 11:00 a.m.-6:00 p.m. at Heavenly Gates, 1339 Jewell Street, Shreveport.
Funeral Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 6:00 p.m. at Heavenly Gates, 1339 Jewell Street, Shreveport.
Funeral Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 10:00 a.m. at New Boggy B.C., Bethany.
Interment: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, following service at New Boggy Cemetery, State Line Road, De Berry, Texas.
Leslie Henderson
September 11, 1952 — December 10, 2022
Funeral Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Heavenly Gates, 1339 Jewell Street, Shreveport.
Interment: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, following service at Carver Cemetery, 498 Kennie Road, Shreveport.
Janice Colston
February 6, 1960 — December 9, 2022
Memorial Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 1:00 p.m. at Heavenly Gates, 1339 Jewell Street, Shreveport.
June 5, 1956 — December 9, 2022
Graveside Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 2:00 p.m. at Round Grove Cemetery, 2869 Round Grove Lane, Shreveport.
Johnny Demery
December 8, 1949 — December 9, 2022
Visitation: Sunday, Dec. 18, 2022, 11:00 a.m.-4:00 p.m. at Heavenly Gates, 1339 Jewell Street, Shreveport.
Funeral Service: Monday, Dec. 19, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Heavenly Gates, 1339 Jewell Street, Shreveport.
Interment: Monday, Dec. 19, 2022, following service at Northwest Louisiana Veteran Cemetery, 79701 Mike Clark Road, Keithville.
Levert Kessee
November 22, 1942 — December 13, 2022
Graveside Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 1:00 p.m. at Carver Memorial Park Cemetery, 498 Kennie Road, Shreveport.
Claret Dale Taylor
July 25, 1933 — December 14, 2022
Funeral Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Holy Nativity of the Lord Mission, 2155 Southern Loop, Shreveport.
Bruce Allen Stone
March 28, 1961 — December 9, 2022
Visitation: Sunday, Dec. 18, 2022, 1:00-3:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2500 Southside Drive, Shreveport.
Evelyn McLemore Reed
April 5, 1925 — December 10, 2022
Memorial Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 3:00-4:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2500 Southside Drive, Shreveport.
Thomas 'Trey' Andrew Groce, III
October 27, 1962 — December 11, 2022
Memorial Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 2:00-3:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 943 Polk Street, Mansfield.
London M. Nichols
January 30, 1950 — December 13, 2022
Viewing: Tuesday, Dec. 20, 2022, 1:00-4:45 p.m. at Shreveport Funeral Home & Cremation Tribute Center, 5307 Alex Lane, Shreveport.
Celebration of Life: Wednesday, Dec. 21, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Shreveport Funeral Home & Cremation Tribute Center, 5307 Alex Lane, Shreveport.
Annie Mae Washington
April 8, 1939 — December 2, 2022
Graveside Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 12:00 p.m. at Carver Cemetery, 498 Kennie Road, Shreveport.
Bernard Rose
Visitation: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 10:00 a.m.-12:00 p.m. at King's Temple United Pentecostal Church, 8951 Kingston Road, Shreveport.
Celebration of Life: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 12:00 p.m. at King's Temple United Pentecostal Church, 8951 Kingston Road, Shreveport.
David Allums
August 13, 1995 — November 7, 2022
Graveside Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at St. Paul Cemetery, Koran.
Grady McCulloch
June 20, 1943 — December 9, 2022
Visitation: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 11:00 a.m.-4:00 p.m. at Antioch Baptist Church, 724 Butler Street, Bossier.
Funeral Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Antioch Baptist Church, 724 Butler Street, Bossier.
Freddie 'Fred' Joe Smith
Visitation: Wednesday, Dec. 21, 2022, 10:00-11:00 a.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2201 Airline Drive, Bossier.
Memorial Service: Wednesday, Dec. 21, 2022, 11:00-12:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2201 Airline Drive, Bossier.
Interment: Wednesday, Dec. 21, 2022, 2:00-3:00 p.m. at Northwest Louisiana Veterans Cemetery, Keithville.
Douglas Vincent Mantia
Visitation: Sunday, Dec. 18, 2022, 2:00-3:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2201 Airline Drive, Bossier.
Memorial Service: Sunday, Dec. 18, 2022, 3:30-4:30 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2201 Airline Drive, Bossier.
Juanita Mangham
Visitation: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 1:00-2:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 1315 Ringgold Avenue, Coushatta.
Funeral Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 2:00-3:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 1315 Ringgold Avenue, Coushatta.
Graveside Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 3:30-4:30 p.m. at Springville Cemetery, Coushatta.
Elissa Ford
August 15, 1935 — December 12, 2022
Visitation: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 1:00-2:00 p.m. at Centuries Memorial Funeral Home, 8801 Mansfield Road, Shreveport.
Celebration of Life: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 2:00 p.m. at Centuries Memorial Funeral Home, 8801 Mansfield Road, Shreveport.
Rosetta Rogers
November 5, 1952 — December 9, 2022
Viewing: Thursday, Dec. 22, 2022, 1:00-5:00 p.m. at Winnfield Funeral Home, 3701 Hollywood Avenue, Shreveport.
Funeral Service: Friday, Dec. 23, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Winnfield Funeral Home, 3701 Hollywood Avenue, Shreveport.
Interment: Friday, Dec. 23, 2022, following service at Forest Park Cemetery West, 4000 Meriwether Road, Shreveport.
Jewell Charles Douglas
Viewing: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 1:00-5:00 p.m. at Winnfield Funeral Home, 3701 Hollywood Avenue, Shreveport.
Funeral Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Winnfield Funeral Home, 3701 Hollywood Avenue, Shreveport.
Interment: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, following service at Galilee B.C. Cemetery, 7785 Colquitt Road, Keithville.
Charles E. Jackson
Family Hour: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 5:00-7:00 p.m. at Faith Missionary Baptist Church, 1706 Severine Street, Shreveport.
Interment: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, following service at Forbing Union Cemetery, 245 Overton Brooks Road, Shreveport.
Jackie Lynn Jones
Viewing: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 1:00-4:00 p.m. at Shreveport Funeral Home & Cremation Tribute Center, 5307 Alex Lane, Shreveport.
Celebration of Life: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at New Greenwood Baptist Church, 7480 Greenwood Springridge Road, Greenwood.
Doyle Lee Wise, Jr.
October 9, 1930 — November 7, 2022
Visitation: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 10:00 a.m. at Broadmoor United Methodist Church, 3715 Youree Drive, Shreveport.
Celebration of Life: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Broadmoor United Methodist Church, 3715 Youree Drive, Shreveport.
Reception: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, following service at Elks Lodge #122, 310 East Preston, Shreveport.
Eldridge Tombleson, Jr.
Funeral Service: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 10:00 a.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 1815 Marshall Street, Shreveport.
Interment: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, following service at Centuries Memorial Funeral Home & Park, 8801 Mansfield Road, Shreveport.
William M. Robertson
March 3, 1936 — December 8, 2022
Visitation: Friday, Dec. 16, 2022, 2:00-4:00 p.m. at Centuries Memorial Funeral Home, 8801 Mansfield Road, Shreveport.
Dianne Renee Phillips (Kiser)
September 27, 1978 — December 7, 2022
Celebration of Life: Saturday, Jan. 7, 2023, 12:00 p.m. at First Baptist Church Sibley, 124 NE 2nd Avenue, Sibley.
Lori Lewis Maddry
May 11, 1968 — November 16, 2022
Celebration of Life: Saturday, Jan. 7, 2023, 11:00 a.m.-12:00 p.m. at St. John's Episcopal, 1107 Broadway Street, Minden.
Stephen 'Steve' Christopher Hust
September 7, 1972 — November 27, 2022
Memorial Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 1:00 p.m. at Forest Park Funeral Home, 1201 Louisiana Avenue, Shreveport.
Patsy Briggs Wilson
May 6, 1932 — November 23, 2022
Visitation: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 9:30-10:00 a.m. at Trinity Heights Baptist Church, 3820 Old Mooringsport Road, Shreveport.
Memorial Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 10:30 a.m. at Trinity Heights Baptist Church, 3820 Old Mooringsport Road, Shreveport.
H. Earl Underwood
Visitation: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 11:00 a.m.-12:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2500 Southside Drive, Shreveport.
Funeral Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 12:00 p.m. at Rose-Neath Funeral Home, 2500 Southside Drive, Shreveport.
Interment: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 1:30 p.m. at Forest Park West Cemetery, 4400 Meriwether Road, Shreveport.
Johnnie Smith
January 31, 1945 — October 13, 2022
Visitation: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, 11:00 a.m. at Osborn Funeral Home, 3631 Southern Avenue, Shreveport.
Memorial Service: Saturday, Dec. 17, 2022, following service at Osborn Funeral Home, 3631 Southern Avenue, Shreveport.
The Shreveport-Bossier Journal publishes paid obituaries – unlimited words and a photo, as well as unlimited access – $90. Contact your funeral provider or SBJNewsLa@gmail.com . Must be paid in advance of publication. (Notice of Death shown above are FREE of charge. You may email them to SBJNewsLa@gmail.com)
I-Bowl Passport program encourages visitors to explore Shreveport-Bossier →


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text:
import keyMirror from'react/lib/keyMirror';

const constants = keyMirror({
  'VARIATIONS_FETCH_ALL': null,
  'VARIATIONS_ADD': null,
  'VARIATIONS_REMOVE': null,
});

export default constants;

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Traz Outro Amigo também é um álbum de canções do músico José Afonso.http://blitz.sapo.pt/principal/update/2016-12-10-Rock-em-Portugal-nos-anos-70-eletricos--revolucionarios Foi gravado em Londres, nos estúdios da PYE, e editado em 1970.

Dentro da carreira do seu autor, vem abrir as portas a uma nova fase. Os poemas são mais complexos e o suporte musical torna-se menos expurgado. Carlos Correia (conhecido por Bóris) empresta-lhe um acompanhamento mais rico e abre perspectivas sonoras que José Mário Branco vai explorar de forma inigualável.

Alinhamento
 Traz Outro Amigo Também
 Maria Faia
 Canto Moço
 Epigrafe Para a Arte de Furtar
 Moda do Entrudo
 Os Eunucos
 Avenida de Angola
 Canção do Desterro
 Verdes São Os Campos
 Carta a Miguel Djéjé
 Cantiga do monte

Álbuns de 1970
Álbuns de José Afonso
Álbuns em língua portuguesa


Question 1. What role does economics play in your personal decisions? What role does economics play in your organizational decisions?
Question 2. What are your opportunity costs of getting your degree from UOP online?
Question 3. What can you say about the elasticity of the demand curve that faces the product (or service) produced by your organization? Is it inelastic, elastic, unit elastic? Why? How much does your organization rely on advertising? What do you think will be the impact of an increase in advertising expenditures by your firm on the elasticity of the demand curve that your firm faces? Why?
Question 4. How do economic and political events in other countries affect the U.S. economy? Cite some examples.
Prepare computations showing which bid should be accepted by Wal-Mart, Inc.
Calculate the rate Nu-Mode in the last problem should expect to pay on a two-year loan.
Debt is the term associated with money you owe another party. What is the difference between an expense and a debt?