Wish Upon A Star Green Tea from Tea Leaf Co.
An eye-catching green tea blend with a sweet rose fragrance and light citrus notes. Sit back, relax, and enjoy this blend while the world's magical nature reveals itself to you.
My first couple of sips of this tea – Wish Upon A Star Green Tea from Tea Leaf Co. – were a little less than memorable, to be honest. I tasted green tea and little else. I found myself wondering where is the rose and citrus?
Then I sat the cup aside and let it cool a few minutes. Now as I sip it, I can taste those lovely notes of rose and orange – and they're really quite lovely indeed!
The orange and rose are still quite delicate, but they're discernible now and I like the way the flavors are arranged here. The green tea is the strongest flavor: it's fresh and lightly vegetal with a pleasantly creamy texture. It's very smooth! I'm not getting any astringency from this at all. The vegetal tones are somewhere between sweet grass and mild steamed veggies.
The rose is the next flavor I pick up on – it's a subtle rose flavor. Not sharp nor does it lend a strong perfume-y flavor to the cup. It's softly sweet and pleasantly floral. It's a nice contrast to the hint of juicy flavor that I pick up on from the orange. Another subtle flavor, the orange adds just a touch of brightness to the cup. It's a very uplifting note.
Overall, a very pleasant cup of tea. I recommend letting it cool slightly so that the flavors have time to develop – about five minutes – just the right amount of time to let the tea come to a drinkable temperature while the flavors come forward.
Beverage Blend blended Citrus Co. Company Drink flavor Flavored food green hot Iced Leaf Loose Leaf Orange Review reviewing Reviews rose Rosehips Tea Wish Upon a StarLeave a Comment on Wish Upon A Star Green Tea from Tea Leaf Co.
Organic! A fun tea inspired by the classic holiday candy. It's not like drinking a candy cane though. It's actually more on the softer side. Perfumed floral aroma, lightly minty, softly sweet with hints of raspberry.
So, I got a nice surprise from Amoda! As their way of thanking me for not only subscribing but also for writing reviews of the teas that they send, they sent me the Holiday Box that I wished for when I received December's subscription box! Amoda = my Santa Claus!
And this is the first tea that I'm trying from the Holiday Box.
And YUM! This is really good. It's a bit different than you might expect if you taste this without reading the above description of the tea. The name Candy Cane is a very suggestive name and having tried several different "candy cane" teas over the years, I've kind of come to expect a tea called "Candy Cane" to taste a little bit like liquefied candy cane in tea.
But just as the description above states, this doesn't taste like that. This has a minty taste (just like most candy canes!) but the mint is balanced with a sweet-tart raspberry flavor, hints of cinnamon and whispers of sweet jasmine and rose.
The base of this tea is a green tea and red rooibos base – very festive! I don't taste a strong flavor from the rooibos, maybe a hint of nutty flavor but it's slight. I taste the sweet green tea peeking through the mint, raspberry and cinnamon.
The mint is a combination of peppermint and spearmint, but even though we've got two mint types in this blend, the mint doesn't overpower the cup. It's minty without tasting too much like a swig of mouthwash. The warm cinnamon contrasts with the cool minty tones and gives this cup it's holiday flavor.
The rose and jasmine are very subtle. There's just a soft insinuation of flower in this – and it's just enough to add a little bit of interest to the cup. If you take a sip of this and find yourself searching for the floral notes, slurp the sip. The aeration will bring those floral notes to life.
Raspberry is the one unexpected flavor of this cup, but I like that fruity sweetness and the hint of tart that melds with the cinnamon in the aftertaste.
This is definitely an unusual Candy Cane! (But let me tell you, if I found a candy cane that tasted like this, I'd be a big fan of it, because this is yummy!) It definitely has a 'sweet treat' kind of taste to it, but it isn't the traditional Candy Cane. This is a new-and-improved Candy Cane, Naked Teas Galore style!
Luscious hibiscus flowers join with subtle citrus notes of lemongrass and tart rose hips. Add the superfruits and chamomile and you've got one bedtime immune system booster!
If you're a frequent reader of this blog, you're probably well aware of my lack of enthusiasm for herbal tisanes that contain hibiscus and chamomile. Well, this blend has both of them. So as you can probably imagine, I wasn't dancing the happy dance while I was brewing this.
But, it's actually quite tasty! A lot nicer than I expected it to be, for sure, and much tastier than I would have imagined.
This is a fruit and herbal blend. It has a nice blueberry base with Chamomile and Lemon Grass. The name is from a place on the moon where the Apollo landed – Sea of Tranquility. The name is a play on words. C is for the Vitamin C which the hibiscus and rosehips offer. Tranquilitea is the chamomile. It's a great flower that promotes calmness and helps with sleep. This is our second most popular tea. The lemon grass is to give a nice, bright finish. This mix contains a little bit of Amber sugar to mellow it out.
While I'm generally not crazy about teas that include sugar or sweetener, I have to admit that I'm kind of glad that the Amber sugar is there, because I think that this would be a bit too tart without it. I'm not one who usually sweetens a tisane like this, and I know that if the sugar wasn't there, I would have probably wanted to add a pinch of sugar to it to tame down the tartness.
This tisane is pleasantly sweet and fruity. I'm liking the blueberry, and as much as I am not fond of hibiscus, I have to admit that hibiscus DOES enhance berry flavors. And it does enhance the blueberry nicely. I am getting the sweet blueberry flavor with a touch of berry tartness. The lemongrass adds just a hint of citrus flavor and perks up the flavors.
I can barely taste the chamomile. In fact, this would be the ideal blend for someone who doesn't like chamomile but wants to drink chamomile teas for their restful/healthful properties, because like I said, the chamomile is barely noticeable as far as taste goes.
To brew this, I went with my go-to temperature of 195°F for herbals and steeped it for six minutes. I find that six minutes was a good time – it delivered a really delicious blueberry flavor with light citrus-y notes without too much hibiscus-y taste or texture.
Overall, this is a pleasant cup of tea. It's soothing and sweet, with just the right level of tartness to it. And to my surprise, as I'm typing this, I find myself becoming slightly drowsy from the tea! That's a big bonus in my book.


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THE PHILIPPINES: OLIGARCHIPELAGO
Published on April 11, 2012 by prospectjournalucsd
By Teresa Almeida
How have entrenched oligarchic and patrimonial systems in the Philippines prevented the creation of a truly democratic government and perpetuated unequal economic distribution? The nature of the Philippines's political system is such that vested interests have guided policy favorable to a minority of wealthy families. As a result of political and economic exclusion of the majority of the population, there is great wealth inequality and minimal economic growth. This article will address two primary questions: 1) How and why have oligarchy and patrimonialism become institutionalized in the Philippines's political process? and 2) What are the implications of this type of governance on the economic growth of the country and for the rural poor?
This article will argue that the Philippines had a fundamentally weak democracy that allowed policies of patronage and crony capitalism. Improved government practices are necessary for country-wide economic development. Structures of patrimonialism in political institutions unevenly distribute wealth without increasing economic opportunity or encouraging political participation. The patronage systems of the oligarchy obstruct equitable infrastructure development and mobilization of resources. This large-scale expansion of oligarchy and patrimonialism into the national government and economy distinguishes the Philippines as a uniquely problematic case.
ORIGINS OF PATRIMONIAL AND OLIGARCHIC SYSTEMS IN THE PHILIPPINES
The political practices of the Philippines have never followed truly democratic or meritocratic principles, but rather oligarchic and patrimonial ones. Max Weber defines the patrimonial state as one where "practically everything depends explicitly upon personal considerations: connections, favors, privileges." To be more specific, it is the practice of devoting functions of the state to serve private interests. These practices took such forms in the Philippines with programs of "selective expropriation, creation of export monopolies, promotion of favored associates or "cronies," cheap credit, tax incentives, state licenses, or monopoly privileges" (Hutchcroft 416). The decisions of governance were determined by patrimonial connections over merit.
An oligarchy is a condition in which political and economic power is concentrated in a small elite group. The Philippines became an oligarchy from a historical experience of colonialism. Instituting a national state government was inadequate to detract from the power of landowning families who had governed during colonial rule. Under Spanish colonial rule, the Philippines was characterized by a type of feudalism where aristocrats of Spanish lineage (mestizos) controlled large sections of land (haciendas) with indigenous people as laborers. Under American rule, the Philippines first established democratic representational institutions. However, there was no alteration of existing power structures. Like in many other instances of colonialism, the already powerful people were chosen to function as go-betweens for the colonizer and the colonized area. Despite these early democratic institutions, a feudalist structure remained in which mestizo legislators (backed by the Americans) controlled the employment and economic prospects of civilians. Thus, the benefits of growth and the state were seen by only few while much of the population remains in poverty (32.9% as of 2006).
SOLIDIFICATION OF OLIGARCHY AND PATRIMONIAL PRACTICES INTO THE STATE
In 1946, the Philippines won its independence and established a democratic constitutional republic modeled after the United States. Yet the system of elites and political favors remained. How were oligarchic power and patrimonial practices sustained even with the creation of a democratic national government?
One explanation is that there is an innate "kinship" culture in Philippine society, in which social relations are driven by reciprocity (Wurfel 1963). Wurfel explains that Filipino political behavior is determined by a kinship system in which social ties and status are expressed through money or currency. One who can distribute wealth is considered a social leader. According to Wurfel, providing 'material generosity' is the duty of a leader and signals recognition as kindred, implying their political support. He states "generosity, which fills a necessary function in the kinship system, has been elevated to one of the supreme social virtues, certainly a requirement for political leadership" (Wurfel 769). Thus, a small-scale patrimonial act by a governmental candidate such as vote-buying can be viewed as the kinship system manifesting in a governmental form.
Furthermore, patrimonialism precludes the formation of government based on merit or capability. As "personal contacts become even more important for entrance into the central bureaucracy, the role of competitive examination becomes relatively marginal" (Hutchcroft 422). For example, during the 1970s Ferdinand Marcos nationalized the coconut industry and gave control of it to Eduardo Cojuangco, a friend of his son, who amassed close to a billion dollars from a Marcos decreed 'coconut levy' (Zich 125) and who, according to Forbes, remains the 8th richest man in the Philippines (Nam). Traditional systems of patrimonialism thwarted the development of politics based on interests other than kinship ties. As Wurfel notes "political behavior is marked by dyadic bonds, not corporate action" (770).
The creation of a national state merely expanded and centralized the opportunities for patrimonial practices. Pre-1946, when land in the Philippines was divided into feudalistic haciendas, resources for kinship distribution had been derived from the land. However, as the nation-state and government were established, resources could be derived from state capacities (such as tax collection, enactment of large-scale industries, manufacturing). A modernized state also brings with it enterprises beyond feudalist agricultural activities, including commerce, manufacturing, and finance that made "access to the state machinery more important than ever for the creation of wealth" (Hutchcroft 423).
Another factor that perpetuated the system of patrimonialism and oligarchy into the political system is external support. Patrimonial redistribution was necessary to sustain political power but there was no effort for sustainable growth in the economy. "Rent-seeking" from the government was how economic leaders profited from business enterprises rather than by innovation, increasing inputs, or improving "internal efficiencies and investments" (Hutchcroft 423). This system of patrimonialism put distribution pressure on politicians and removed the incentive for growth. The state suffered from the inability or unwillingness of the oligarchy to create sustainable revenue. Additionally, an inefficient national tax collection concentrated this dependence on patrimonialism. Hutchcroft writes, "real property and personal income tax rates remained low, and indirect taxes continued to supply 70-80 percent of total tax revenue for the state" (445). Tax exemption is one tool of patrimonial states use to reward clients, thus the creation of efficient tax revenue would undermine support for the government. Thus foreign aid, primarily from ex-colonizer United States, was imperative to sustain the oligarchy. "Three years after independence the Philippine state nearly collapsed, in large part because of its lack of tariff autonomy vis-à-vis the former colonial power (U.S.) and its inability to extract revenue from the oligarchy" (Hutchcroft 421). Especially during the Cold War, the United States provided aid to many third world countries in order to guarantee their loyalty to Western nations, despite the dictatorial or repressive nature of these governments. In the Philippines, in return for military access and bases, the United States gave hundreds of millions to Ferdinand Marcos and counterinsurgency assistance, which prolonged his inefficient and corrupt regime. Whatever growth the Philippines experienced during these years was largely a result of foreign inflow, which went into the pockets of Marcos and his patrimonial obligations rather than developmental state-building enterprises. Foreign aid allowed patrimonialism to continue despite its unsustainability and reduced the incentive to create real economic development.
Thus despite a façade of democracy (elections, constitutions, etc.), political policies narrowly served the interests of the oligarchy and their supporters and excluded the masses. Meaningful democracy had barely even had a chance to develop when Marcos established his authoritarian regime. The introduction of modern western governmental institutions without first addressing this entrenched system of patrimonialism explains why the Philippines have a government characterized by vested interests and cronyism. As the Philippines grew larger, this system exacerbated oligarchy and inequality of wealth.
POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC EXCLUSION AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT
Political and economic exclusion for the majority of the population resulted from the domination of the government by oligarchy. Wealth requirements for political office, the distributional duties of elected politicians, and economic policies that reinforced elite interests all created a political system controlled by and for the oligarchy.
Oeschlin explains the detrimental effects of oligarchy on the economy. He states that as the "established producers hold political power, less-advanced economies will adopt elite-protecting institutions, preventing the economy from advancing" (Oeschlin 314). He argues that in lower developed economies, oligarchs create policies that protect their industries from competition at the expense of productivity, eventually slowing down aggregate capital accumulation and minimizing economic growth. Workers experience a reduced incentive to save because they are unable to engage in entrepreneurial activities due to high startup costs and their small savings see small returns while elites have a greater incentive to participate in the economy. Thus, wealth is concentrated in the hands of the oligarchy, while the overall economy is minimally developed.
One sees this pattern with the Philippines' oligarchy, which controls both economics and politics. Under Oeschlin's theory the Philippines should enforce elite-protecting policies that reduce aggregate savings, prevent competition, and concentrate wealth unevenly. Indeed, distributional policies over time have been largely to the benefit of oligarchs. There were monopolies, tax breaks, and subsidies characterizing oligarchic agricultural industries. Land reform efforts were neither substantial nor enforced. In the 1970s, Ferdinand Marcos claimed he would create a "New Society" by breaking up traditional haciendas and redistributing them to the tenant workers. However, only 8% of five million landless peasants were eligible for land redistribution acts and the largest industries, sugar and coconut (which employed 1/3 of all Filipinos), were exempt (Zich 123). Additionally, despite GNP indicators of growth, the majority of people did not see these benefits. During Marcos regime, growth was measured at 6% (Muego 227). Yet, minimum wage for urban workers remained at 11 pesos, while commodity prices increased (Muego 228). Thus, workers were essentially at subsistence levels and prevented from accumulating enough savings that would allow them to engage in entrepreneurial activities or see investment returns.
The historical oligarchy in the Philippines's history was a burden on the development of democracy. Since political leaders require vast reserves of wealth to participate in elections, only the rich can run for office. Therefore, the Philippines' elite retain and rotate political power because patrimonial practices are extended to electoral systems. To illustrate, in the 1960s, national election candidates' expenditures were equivalent to 13% of the budget (the highest ratio of campaign cost to budget in the world at the time) and half of all campaign expenses were payments to local groups, individuals, and leaders (Wurfel 764). This vast spending indicates the wealth required to be a viable candidate, and also the patrimonial manner in which it is spent. Also, there have been negligible efforts in meaningful campaign reform. For example, the Republic Act No. 7166 in 1991 was meant to curb campaign expenditures. Candidates are supposed to spend maximum 10 pesos for every voter. According to Pera't Pulitika, an election monitoring group in the Philippines, in 2007 it cost five billion pesos to finance a campaign, vastly exceeding what the Act's limit states should be about 450 million. It was also roughly 3% of the GDP in 2007. In addition, there are no laws restricting the amount of campaign contributions, thereby giving wealthy special interests an advantage in producing a candidate. Thus, the wealthy oligarchy assumed and reinforced political control because of already existing perceptions as leaders and also with political practices that required vast sums of money to campaign with and distribute to supporters.
Another effect that patrimonialism has on governance is inconsistency. Government jobs are another source of patrimony, and these will shift as new presidents are elected. Balicasan states that the 'personalistic' political system reduces policy consistency. This deters investments because of risk uncertainty and since public service jobs are subject to turnover, it is "difficult to deeply entrench pro-reform lobbies" (Balicasan 244). Thus the patrimonialist state reinforces itself, while weakening legitimate governance and government capability.
To sum, the powerful and historically entrenched oligarchy of the Philippines shaped the government to serve their own interests. A structure of patrimonialism led to a superficial democracy in which the interests of neither the masses nor the country as a whole were considered. Governance was characterized by political favors in exchange for support. This system was sustained by an entrenched kinship system and external aid. Patrimonial interests prevent the establishment of a strong central state with efficient tax collection systems and the ability to enact reforms that go against oligarchic interests. Patrimonialism and oligarchy themselves do not necessarily create conditions of political and economic exclusion. But, in the Philippines, the extent that these two elements worked to reinforce structures that were non-productive and unsustainable (monopoly of land, industry, political power and wealth into an oligarchic elite) created an inequitable distribution of wealth and opportunity. A government that promotes the interests of the nation as a whole could alleviate poverty in the Philippines.
Balicasan, Arsenio, and Hal Hill. 2002. "The Philippine Development Puzzle" Southeast Asian Affairs : 237-252.
Hutchcroft, Paul D. 1991. "Oligarchs and Cronies in the Philippine State: The Politics of Patrimonial Plunder" World Politics 43.3 (April): 414-450.
Muego, Benjamin. 1979. "The Philippines: From Martial Law to Crisis Government." Southeast Asian Affairs: 223-232. JSTOR (March 5, 2012).
Nam, Suzy. 2011. "The Philippines' Richest." Forbes Magazine. http://www.forbes.com/sites/suzynam/2011/06/22/the-philippines-richest/(March 5, 2012).
Oechslin, Manuel. 2009. "Creditor Protection and the Dynamics of the Distribution in Oligarchic Societies." Journal of Economic Growth: 313-344.
Pera't Pulitika. 2008. "Developing Baseline Data on Campaign Spending in the Philippines." Transparency and Accountability Network. http://www.tan.org.ph/index.php option=com_content&view=article&id=59&Itemid=63 (March 5, 2012).
Wurfel, David. 1963. "The Philippines." Cambridge University Press (November): 757-773.
Zich, Arthur. 1986. "The Marcos Era." The Wilson Quarterly (Summer): 116-129.
Photo Courtesy of Salim al-Harthy
Categories ACADEMIC, HISTORY, POLITICS
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6 thoughts on "THE PHILIPPINES: OLIGARCHIPELAGO"
Jose Almeida says:
Well written article. No wonder that inspite of the fact that the Philippines is blessed with rich natural reources,industrious and well educated populace and beautiful unspoiled tourist spots, the large majority of the population is poor.The greatest dollar producing industry is it's population working in near slavery wage condition in foreign contries and remitting dollars back to their families.
skyview says:
Marcos himself fought against Oligarchs and sequestered their assets after he discovered a plot against his life (turned out the mastermind to be his VP, the Lopez oligarch) and planned monopoly of the national economy to the detriment of the common people. The "cronies" whom he tasked to pump up the economy actually managed well and the country became among Asia's most progressive, until he caught the ire of the Global elite for flooding the international market with Yamashita treasure that exposed their superficial wealth merely ballooned by banks they owned. It was the inhuman and unjust exorbitant interest rates imposed by the Global Elite owned IMF-WB that actually "robbed" the country of its coffers and not the black propaganda waged against him. Marcos was very critical of IMF-WB policies instead and sought allies with other countries esp. those from Latin America.
These sources of black propaganda were the Oligarchs now entrenched during Cory Aquino's term as the country was systematically gripped by the IMF-WB that even international media reported of doctors working as DH in HK during her time. Power blackouts also continually occurred as she was dictated by the IMF-WB and its owners paranoid at the capacity of this nation to expose their superficial wealth. In the present Noynoy administration, the Oligarchs are threatening Mindanao consumers with exorbitant electric costs as they plan to privatize and monopolize its power needs and deliberately manipulated the neglect of otherwise less expensive Renewable Energy plants particularly hydropower as excuse, while Yellow Media manipulate the gullible masses to serve Oligarch agendas at their expense.
Carles Xabier says:
I strongly agree.
"…the powerful and historically entrenched oligarchy of the Philippines shaped the government to serve their own interests."
This sounds a lot like the US to me.
"A government that promotes the interests of the nation as a whole could alleviate poverty in the Philippines."
This is incorrect. No nation on the planet has yet to do this. These policies always lead to corruption and subsidizing evil with taxpayer money. The government should let the people take care of the peoples' interest.
An enlightening and informative article. It's sad to know that there can be such a system within a country that has the potential to become a great nation. Maybe someday there can be. With a government that is driven by the people and works for the people, there might be change.
ana corina guzman says:
2.	In an oligarchic state, the rich do not pay or evade paying taxes why?
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What Apple's Stock Buyback Plan Should Tell You about the Future
Bryan Chaffin
@TMOBryan
May 22nd, 2018 8:00 AM EDT | The Back Page
Apple's shareholder return programs will surely be studied in business courses for years to come, and that includes the company's most recent $100 billion plan. Announced during the company's March quarter results, Apple described an aggressive plan for what is the single largest share buyback in history. That aggression says Apple believes it will be valued more highly in the near future, and here's what I think that means.
Apple $100 Billion Share Buyback Plan
Apple has already executed a staggering $225 billion in share buybacks in the last few years. Those plans were announced in smaller chunks that only combined to such a grand total. On May 1st, Apple announced a $100 billion buyback plan, the single largest plan ever announced, and Apple CFO Luca Maestri said he would "execute our program at a fast pace."
Here's the full statement from Apple's quarterly conference call with analysts [emphasis added]:
Given our strong confidence in Apple's future and the value that we see in our stock, our board has authorized a new $100 billion share repurchase program which we will start executing during the June quarter. Considering the unprecedented size of this new authorization, we want to be particularly thoughtful and flexible in our approach to repurchasing shares. Our intention is to execute our program efficiently and at a fast pace. As in the past, we will provide regular updates on our capital return activities at the end of every quarter.
That plan starts in the June quarter (i.e. right about now), but Apple also said it would complete its previous buyback plan this quarter, too, a full three quarters earlier than originally planned. To make all this happen, Apple repurchased $23 billion of its own stock during the March quarter, a sign of just what Mr. Maestri means when he said "a fast pace." Apple could well complete this next $100 billion plan in as little as a year.
Buy Low
Warren Buffett is one of the most successful proponents of the idea behind share buybacks: if management believes its company is undervalued, it should use excess cash to buy back shares. In other words, buy low. It's sort of investing 101, but applied to the company itself. Doing so pushes up the value of the remaining shares and increases earnings per share, making the company look better to more investors.
Mr. Buffet has said the late Steve Jobs asked him what Apple should do with all its money. "I would use it for buybacks if I thought my stock was undervalued," we reported he said way back in 2003. He has long since repeated this wisdom many times for a variety of companies.
[Buffett: I Told Jobs to Buy Back Apple Stock]
All that AAPL Money
While Mr. Jobs didn't act on that advice, it's what Apple has been doing in the years since he passed away. But under Steve Jobs and Tim Cook, both, Apple has been very deliberate, conservative, and careful in managing its money. Sitting on one of the largest fortunes in the history of humanity, Apple has managed its money to emphasize wealth preservation, rather than growth.
So why get aggressive now? That's the question. It's a huge change in behavior, and changes in behavior always have some reason behind them.
Be Aggressive. B-E Aggressive
Part of it is simply that AAPL is undervalued. Wall Street just hasn't seen where future growth might come from, and the Apple's P/E has languished at 12/1 to 16/1 for a long time, the range of staid and boring companies like HP and Intel. Just look at the March quarter, when Apple poured $23 billion into its own stock, and it hardly budged on price. Had Apple not poured in that money, the stock would almost certainly have fallen. Even since Apple announced its aggressive plan, the stock has only risen about $10, and this while Apple continues to pour even money into its own stock.
In other words, Wall Street continues to undervalue AAPL, and Apple is, accordingly, snapping it up.
But why now?
Well, Apple knows things we don't. Apple knows what it will be releasing in a year, 2 years, 3 years, and 5. In my mind, Apple's aggressive plans can only mean that Apple will be releasing something management believes will drive up its price, that it will have a profound enough effect on the company's top and bottom lines to justify being so aggressive with its buybacks.
Furthermore, I'd argue the specifics of its aggression indicates this new thing will happen in the next 24 months. There is simply no other course of action that would justify pumping so much money into its stock. A new iPhone model, new Macs, and ever-growing services revenue combined aren't going to move the needle enough to make this use of capital the wise and deliberate move that has otherwise been the hallmark of Apple's cash management.
We've long known Apple was working on medical technology, including data management and a noninvasive glucose monitoring solution. We've long known Apple was working on autonomous vehicles, and that its fleet of test vehicles has been growing. There could be other product categories in the works, too, and it's my belief these products are what CEO Tim Cook is referring to when he talks about Apple's "deep pipeline."
[Apple Nearly Doubles Autonomous Car Test Fleet to 45 Just Since January]
To me, Apple's aggressive share buyback plan says we're going to see something from that deep pipeline within the next 24 months.
*In the interest of full disclosure, the author holds a tiny, almost insignificant share in AAPL stock that was not an influence in the creation of this article.
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John Kheit(@john-kheit)
Wow. Really great and insightful article Bryan. While I disagree and do think there can and are other reasons for their aggressive buy backs (windfall of getting 200+B back from off shore coming to top of mind), I do think you have a very good and insightful reason as well.
DMO(@dmo-sf)
Reply to John Kheit
Interesting that Apple did not reduce its debt instead. Also, it is only the tax difference that is a recent benefit of the repatriation. Btw, do we know how much Apple-US debt is held by Apple-not-US?
Duane Bemister(@duane_bemister)
One obvious situation that comes to mind is the evolution of the Apple watch. No one else has a potential replacement for the cell phone.


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Urban Economics x
Citizenship as enterprise: the transformation of Amsterdam community centres into community enterprises
Entrepreneurship, Space and Place series
Emiel Rijshouwer and Justus Uitermark
Informed by austerity politics and the disillusionment with classical welfare policies, governments are looking at civil society as provider of community services. Citizens are supposed to establish community enterprises to provide services that were before administered by the state. We contextualize the emergence of this policy ideal as part of a wider process of neoliberalization, and in a study on community centres in Amsterdam we investigate how the ideal works out in practice. Drawing on an inventory of 183 community centres and 49 interviews with representatives of community centres, we distinguish different constellations according to civic participation and funding sources. While almost all respondents emphasize that they want to become more entrepreneurial to generate funds to sustain their initiatives, only one of the centres conforms to the ideal of an independent community enterprise. Enduring dependence on formal institutions is widespread. However, instead of acknowledging that structural state support is apparently necessary to sustain these types of activities, community centres have to make it seem as if they are nearly financially independent in order to qualify for funding. Despite the fact that their civic action is tightly circumscribed by the demands of funders, community centres act out the ideal of autonomous community enterprises.
In Entrepreneurial Neighbourhoods
Edited by Maarten van Ham, Darja Reuschke, Reinout Kleinhans, Colin Mason and Stephen Syrett
Co-production or counter-production? The struggle of Dutch community enterprises with local institutions
Reinout Kleinhans
In the continuing aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, many European countries are implementing austerity measures and cuts in public policy, alongside longer trends of welfare state retrenchment. To mitigate these trends, governments are putting more emphasis on active citizenship. Citizens are supposed to take responsibility and organize themselves to fill in gaps left by spending cuts in health care, education, employment and neighbourhood governance. Active citizenship is currently perceived as a viable alternative to state-based welfare provision. While not necessarily restricted to poor areas, community enterprises (CEs) in the Netherlands respond to these changes by providing services or other benefits that are crucial to the well-being of residents in deprived neighbourhoods. Inspired by British CEs, residents in Dutch cities are trying to set up community enterprises, but they face huge challenges. The transition from 'subsidy-dependent' resident committees to entrepreneurial, independent community-based enterprises with a sound business model is fraught with difficulties. This chapter provides an account of emerging Dutch CEs, based on a panel study with repeated interviews. The analysis reveals strong tensions between community-based, entrepreneurial activism and the responses of local professionals. While the interviewed professionals claim to strive for co-production, the responses of their institutions are more that of 'counter-production', as they struggle to find a healthy balance between 'letting go' of bottom-up resident initiatives and 'fitting' them into existing practices and routines.
Conceptual foundations: community-based enterprise and community development
Ana María Peredo and James J. Chrisman
In a context of increasing globalization and neoliberal economic policies, to what extent can local communities respond to the social, cultural, economic and environmental impacts posed by those processes? This chapter provides a conceptual foundation for understanding one particular community response that emerges from local cultural and collective action. 'Community-based enterprise' (CBE) is the vehicle in which the community creates an entity that constitutes the community as both an entrepreneur and an enterprise addressing economic, social and environmental challenges holistically. We define 'CBE', as a community acting corporately as both entrepreneur and enterprise in pursuit of community common good. This form of enterprise departs from traditional models of entrepreneur in which the agent is an individual or a group of individuals. The basis for this chapter begins in communities in the global south, but extends to communities in the global north. It examines the social, environmental, economic and/or political conditions associated with the emergence of CBEs. It also points out the role that collective action, forms of social capital and size play in its creation. We consider also their typical characteristics such as rootedness in available community skills, multiplicity of goals as well as prevailing community participation and governance structures. The effects of CBEs on fostering entrepreneurship within communities as well as similar developments in neighbouring communities are outlined as well. We discuss challenges to CBE in the form of balancing individual and collective outcomes, of reconciling social, economic and environmental goals and withstanding the pressures of globalization and generational change. We conclude by outlining a future research agenda.
The contribution of community enterprise to British urban regeneration in a period of state retrenchment
Nick Bailey
Social enterprise is a hybrid sector lying between the public and private sectors. One part of this broad category is community enterprise where not-for-profit organizations are established to address particular social, economic and environmental priorities. These organizations often operate in defined areas where significant sections of the population experience relative deprivation or social exclusion. This chapter discusses the growth and nature of community enterprises (CEs) and in particular the sub-set of asset-based community development trusts (CDTs), which have evolved in Britain since the 1970s. It begins by discussing the definitions of the CE sector and then explains how urban regeneration policy has evolved in Britain in order to increasingly encourage the transfer of assets and service delivery to third sector bodies. Three models are then used to outline the key dimensions of different CDTs using a number of examples. The conclusions confirm that CDTs are often fully committed to seeking sustainability while operating on the margins of profitability and only the larger, more sustainable CDTs can make a significant contribution to wider regeneration strategies operating at urban or metropolitan levels. But greater flexibility is needed in transferring assets and integrating CEs more closely with broader regeneration strategies. However, major gaps in knowledge of the sector remain particularly in relation to questions of scale and breadth of impact. Overall, CDTs can be seen as part of a response to the neoliberal terrain of austerity and the gradual retrenchment of the public sector at the local level but may offer new opportunities for co-production.
Dynamics in local inter-firm cooperation in Dutch residential neighbourhoods
Marianne de Beer and Veronique Schutjens
This chapter's focus is on inter-firm networks of entrepreneurs located in residential neighbourhoods in the Netherlands and, in particular, on the importance of local inter-firm cooperation contacts and changes therein over time. If local inter-firm cooperation networks exist and become more important over time, the neighbourhood economic tissue might be strengthened and eventually benefit both incumbent firms and new entrepreneurial activities. Based on previous literature, we differentiate in our analysis between a number of characteristics, for example, firm age, firm home-basedness and firm local market orientation. Two waves of The Survey on the Social Networks of Entrepreneurs (in 2008 and 2014) provided us with a panel of 197 entrepreneurs active in over 140 residential neighbourhoods in 40 Dutch municipalities. For both years, the entrepreneurs mention one cooperation contact on average, and for local contacts this average is even lower. Therefore, we conclude that neither local cooperation nor cooperation in general is a common strategy. Using ordered logistic regression models, we found that over time, the average number and importance of local cooperation contacts hardly changed, although it did increase significantly for home-based firms, whereas it decreased for young firms. However, these findings disguise substantial turbulence in cooperation contacts at the individual (entrepreneurial) level. Between 2008 and 2014, almost 90 per cent of both total and local cooperation contacts were replaced by other contacts, emphasizing the 'temporary coalition' character of small neighbourhood firms' cooperation strategies.
Entrepreneurial Neighbourhoods
Towards an Understanding of the Economies of Neighbourhoods and Communities
Despite the growing evidence on the importance of the neighbourhood, entrepreneurship studies have largely neglected the role of neighbourhoods. This book addresses the nexus between entrepreneurship, neighbourhoods and communities, confirming not only the importance of 'the local' in entrepreneurship, but also filling huge gaps in the knowledge base regarding this tripartite relationship.
Entrepreneurship and deprived urban areas: understanding activity and the hidden enterprise culture
Nick Williams and Colin Williams
The aim of the chapter is to evaluate how entrepreneurial activity is influenced by the individual and area characteristics through a focus on deprived residential urban areas. Although barriers commonly associated with entrepreneurship are not exclusively faced by entrepreneurs in deprived areas, they are likely to be more acute than in relatively affluent areas. We demonstrate the importance of understanding the socio-spatial contingency of entrepreneurship, meaning that entrepreneurial activity is influenced by the social and spatial context in which it occurs. Often entrepreneurial activity in deprived urban areas will be small in scale, with individuals entering trades with low entry barriers and with finite and highly localised demand. This presents a challenge for policymakers as supporting these businesses may simply result in other existing businesses which are not supported failing, resulting in no net gain for the area. In addition, despite the numerous barriers to entrepreneurship present in deprived areas, they do not lack entrepreneurial activity per se. Instead, the chapter shows that a 'hidden enterprise culture' exists, with entrepreneurs in deprived areas more likely to engage in entrepreneurship in the informal economy, which we define as activities that are legitimate in all respects besides the fact that they are unregistered by, or hidden from, the state for tax or benefits purposes. The chapter concludes by providing a number of policy implications for fostering entrepreneurship in deprived urban areas.
Gendered networks and spatial arrangements of informal entrepreneurial activities in a Detroit neighbourhood
Jenny Lendrum and Sarah Swider
This chapter explores the gendered spatial arrangements and practices of informal entrepreneurial and economic activities in one neighbourhood in Detroit, Dtown. Using ethnographic methods, we explore how the larger political economy and spatial arrangements and practices shape the social relationships which mediate exchanges in the informal economy. The ways in which urban space is structured shapes and supports social networks and challenges dichotomous relationships of space. We show the fluidity of space as women carve out and use space in the neighbourhood in new ways to create and sustain networks of economic and social importance, challenging the standard conceptualization of private and public space. We present three types of gendered space based on usage: public, private, and domestic. We show how: 1) public spaces are gendered, which disallows/prevents women from utilizing these spaces in ways that benefit or enhance their opportunities for economic gains and access to resources; 2) private spaces such as businesses are gendered in ways that limit interactions for women but are tailored to men's interactions; and 3) domestic spaces operate as the public when cash-generating activities are conducted in this space and have become more public as they are used for economic, community and social activities. Our data show the gendered ways that public and private space is blurred and suggest that we should not only look at how public spaces are contested or become privatized but also the process by which private space becomes public. These gendered and racialized processes have important implications for women's social and economic opportunities, often created through social networks, which should be investigated further.
On economic democracy in community development
Evan Casper-Futterman and James DeFilippis
In the United States, the decades-long shift in focus of Community Development Corporations (CDCs) from organizing to confront political and economic elites to affordable housing development and service provision has been well documented. In the critical urban studies literature, this trend towards a particular kind of conflict-free community development is met with dismay at the increasing prevalence of capitalist market-based logics into 'excluded' urban neighbourhoods, and even to the scale of individual subjectivities. We argue that this binary rubric – pro-market or anti-market – for evaluating CDCs is, however, insufficiently nuanced. We aim to further expand our understanding of entrepreneurial CDCs and their approach towards, and use of, market logics. In this chapter we use the case of the Bronx Cooperative Development Initiative (BCDI), to argue that the use of markets in community development is more complex than the usual neoliberal critique. BCDI is a multi-stakeholder community economic development initiative that seeks to build community wealth among low- and middle-income residents of the Bronx by enlarging the scope of local economic actors and policy. BCDI's vision is for entrepreneurialism in which the local businesses are embedded in networks that support community organizing and what they call 'economic democracy'. In their pursuit of organizing a platform of economic democracy for the Bronx, BCDI shows that it may indeed be possible to construct local political-economic institutions that make use of markets that are accountable to, and operate in the service of, more just cities.
The potential of community entrepreneurship for neighbourhood revitalization in the United Kingdom and the United States
David Varady, Reinout Kleinhans and Maarten van Ham
The global economic crisis has had a major impact on government spending for urban regeneration. In the context of these austerity regimes, in many European countries, community entrepreneurship and active citizenship are increasingly considered as a means to continue small-scale urban revitalization. This chapter investigates recent literature on both British community enterprises (CEs) and American community development corporations (CDCs). The aim is to assess the current potential of community entrepreneurship in neighbourhood revitalization in the United States and the United Kingdom. Starting from a seminal article, this chapter reviews literature focusing on the role of CEs and CDCs in neighbourhood revitalization. Differences and similarities are analysed, taking into account national context differences. While CDCs have a relatively successful record in affordable housing production in distressed areas, CDCs are fundamentally limited in terms of reversing processes of community decline. CEs in the UK have focused on non-housing issues. Our comparison reveals similarities but also differences with regard to aims, organizational characteristics, cooperation on multiple scales, and community participation. Apart from lessons that can be learned, we provide recommendations for further research that should cover the lack of empirical evidence in this field.


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Folder - Research - Agriculture and Rural Development 1975 / 1977 Correspondence - Volume 1
Records of the Office of the Vice President, Development Policy (VPD) and the Development Policy Staff
Correspondence and Files Created for Research Projects in Support of Operations (Operations Policy Files)
Research - Agriculture and Rural Development 1975 / 1977 Correspondence - Volume 1
Office of the Chief Economist -- Office of the Vice President, Development Policy (VPD) and the Development Policy Staff
PARTIAL DISCLOSURE
http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/en/925471535655617112/wbg-archives-1064737.pdf


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Dating switzerland
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A relationship with anyone from another culture can be complex , as each culture puts different values on which qualities make someone a desirable partner. But you usually need to date around to find the right match. You've got serious form, for goodness sakes! There you are used to guys approaching you and you can easily strike up a conversation with anyone. It is not a question of being stingy, however; it is about equality. Thus, you can safely raise a family and enjoy happiness. Rather, as is common in Swiss culture, Swiss men take their time to get to know people properly before opening up, as well as be completely sure of their feelings before committing. Learn more about Western men - Germans Why men from Germany? Navigating the services and events on offer for love-seekers all over the country is a certainly a task to be reckoned with. Swiss men are also perfectionists, and perhaps even a bit obsessed with the idea of perfection about their homes, jobs, cars and the food on their plates; appearing slack, unorganised or non-committed in your work or home life will likewise not impress your date. Their beauty comes from their healthy way of life and their love for sport. Still, Swiss people have their own style and manners. There's no specific etiquette on this in Switzerland, says Tijmens. So what to do? Acquaintances, however, will go in for a cheek kiss — typically three kisses. Lawson-Botez pinpoints two reasons:
Jennifer Davies and Ana Maria Montero investigate. Then why doesn't your love life follow suit? Rather, as is common in Swiss culture, Swiss men take their time to get to know people properly before opening up, as well as be completely sure of their feelings before committing. Like many other foreigners, men from Switzerland are looking for their love on our dating site. Finding love in Switzerland Why is it so hard?! Sure, they appreciate women who are smart and successful, however they say she needs to look, feel and act feminine. There's no specific etiquette on this in Switzerland, says Tijmens. She may be right: Women are getting more involved in business and public life in Switzerland, though the banking and finance industries continue to be dominated by men. Millions of lonely foreigners, including Germans, are looking for a loving partner in the east for a happy future. We have to engage with our environment; to unplug from our iPhones, look around us, smile and make eye contact with people. They are, in many respects, much more open. Most importantly men want someone who makes them feel good. She says that his very straightforward approach won her over. According to the Swiss government's figures last year in , expatriate lovebirds are well represented. What attracts women to German men? Some 35 percent of marriages were between a Swiss and a foreigner and But you usually need to date around to find the right match. The Swiss are known for conservative and neat attire in general. This also means that when a Swiss man settles down, it is usually serious.
Lawson-Botez pinpoints two reasons: In the same way as you do, they came to InterFriendship in hopes of finding a soul mate. Navigating the services and events on offer for love-seekers all over the country is a certainly a task to be reckoned with. You dress well and know what wine to order. All of those are real, and they are looking for serious contact, which could result in a relationship with a perspective to marriage. Germans take marriage very serious For them it's important to marry and build a family They are always on time, quite tidy and like order They are very romantic and believe in passionate love Learn more about our men - Austrians Why men from Austria? Reports that Swiss women are demanding and unapproachable may be common complaints on forums, but most agree that with time Swiss women have no problems opening up and make intellectual conversation partners. On the up side, they neither critise nor complain. What might be considered romantic, attractive or polite in one culture might not be well received in Switzerland. The good news is that Swiss men can be funny and make you laugh with them, but they are also dependent and rarely do anything naughty or anti-establishment. According to the Swiss government's figures last year in , expatriate lovebirds are well represented. Spanish men are unpredictable, cordial and friendly They don't like stress and are good in solving problems Spanish like shows, music and fire-dancing They are emotional, reckless, adventurous. Advertisement Dating Swiss women Michelle Hunziker is a Swiss model, TV presenter, actor and singer often named as one of the most beautiful Swiss women. Italians love the live, women and beauty They love children, they are allowing them to do anything! Most Swiss women today prefer having no more than one or two children, and an increasing number of people choose to remain single. Understanding Swiss dating culture can do wonders for your love life. In fact, all Spanish have much in common, have a look: But do not take away his lines by asking him out. In the search for a partner over the internet, it's impossible to omit the familiarity of italian men. Why do they tend to start dating and get married in Germany? Most importantly men want someone who makes them feel good. Yet no matter which method you choose, many couples who have met here say you won't meet a significant other until you truly examine how you come across to a potential partner. Swiss government figures in revealed that 35 percent of marriages were between a Swiss and a foreigner. Perhaps I was too flexible on this point. Like many other foreigners, men from Switzerland are looking for their love on our dating site. In fact, they are good to have around in any kind of emergency as they are so level-headed — no emotions, just the facts. Italians are extremely cheerful and passionate They are generous, gallant and romantic Learn more about our men - French Why a man from France?
Photo credits CC-Licence: That means, as a woman you have to be more assertive and overt to talk to a guy as he's usually with his friends. During our years of history we have helped thousands of women to find their dream partner and create a happy family. She's been looking for love for nearly a year and says it has not been easy. What attracts women to German men? There are around two million expats in Switzerland from all over the world, but the Swiss are on their home turf: Exacerbating the problem is the temporal nature of expats. Since InterFriendship is a german dating site, here you'll find mostly men from South Tyrol, the northern province of Italy. They will not necessarily notice when you have had your hair done. Acquaintances, however, will go in for a cheek kiss — typically three kisses. If no-one makes the first move, it may well turn into a staring contest before anyone strikes up the nerve to start a conversation or openly admit a mutual attraction. Like everywhere, Swiss dating has shifted to the digital world as online dating in Switzerland and dating apps increasingly become more popular among younger generations. They may not be known as the most romantic nation, but according to reports the Swiss are the best travel companions. In fact, all Spanish have much in common, have a look: It is not a question of being stingy, however; it is about equality. You need to make more effort than you think With the rise of dating apps like Tinder and Grindr, many of us expect instant hook-ups.
This means meeting Swiss women and men at bars or through friends is still prevalent in the Swiss dating scene. That means, as a woman you have to be more assertive and overt to talk to a guy as he's usually with his friends. She's 28, blond and tall and has come out of a long term relationship. According to the Swiss government's figures last year in , expatriate lovebirds are well represented. We have to engage with our environment; to unplug from our iPhones, look around us, smile and make eye contact with people. Then why doesn't your love life follow suit? Advertisement Dating Swiss women Michelle Hunziker is a Swiss model, TV presenter, actor and singer often named as one of the most beautiful Swiss women. Swiss government figures in revealed that 35 percent of marriages were between a Swiss and a foreigner. Photo credits CC-Licence: What attracts women to German men? Millions of lonely foreigners, including Germans, are looking for a loving partner in the east for a happy future. But you usually need to date around to find the right match. The Swiss are known for conservative and neat attire in general. Come to us, and look for your love! Swiss men tend to be very traditional and still expect to pay your bills, although some women report splitting bills a common practice in longer relationships. Acquaintances, however, will go in for a cheek kiss — typically three kisses. The Swiss are conservative but unique. Most French have a vivid personality and are creative They are often helpful, clever and charming They honor the feminine beauty and love the fine cuisine They are happy people and enjoy life Learn more about our men - Spanish Why a man from Spain? She believes that the attributes that make Charlotte such a 'catch' are typical of international singles in affluent nations; yet more and more people in countries like Switzerland are finding it difficult to find love, often right up until later life. This also means that joining clubs and similar group events is an ideal way to interact with Swiss women and men — real connections are what count in Switzerland. Women are getting more involved in business and public life in Switzerland, though the banking and finance industries continue to be dominated by men.
Advertisement Dating Swiss women Michelle Hunziker is a Swiss model, TV presenter, actor and singer often named as one of the most beautiful Swiss women. So what to do? The Swiss are known to be reserved and relatively conservative in the dating scene. This guide explains some basic etiquette about dating in Switzerland to help you towards understanding Swiss women and Swiss men — and be successful in Swiss dating. Newspaper 'lonely hearts' and now online personal ads on newspaper sites have, perhaps surprisingly, remained as popular as ever, with papers across the country reporting significant numbers placed every week. Swiss people may not be keen on making an effort when they know you are likely to move on in the near future, explains Tijmens. Our members are convinced of our professional and uncomplicated system. Aside from the ubiquitous online dating sites, there are supper clubs, speed dating, dating apps, and a myriad of singles events based on your interest or subculture in music, art, books or food. They may not be known as the most romantic nation, but according to reports the Swiss are the best travel companions. Most French have a vivid personality and are creative They are often helpful, clever and charming They honor the feminine beauty and love the fine cuisine They are happy people and enjoy life Learn more about our men - Spanish Why a man from Spain? My partner was very direct and I met his criteria and that's why he wrote me a fantastic first email! Finding love in Switzerland Why is it so hard?! Swiss men are very kind to their family and children They are as realiable as the Alps and the Swiss watches They do not spare money on fine clothes They are very cultivated and elegant Learn more about our men - Italians Why a man from Italy? We have to engage with our environment; to unplug from our iPhones, look around us, smile and make eye contact with people. Their beauty comes from their healthy way of life and their love for sport. According to the Swiss government's figures last year in , expatriate lovebirds are well represented. Acquaintances, however, will go in for a cheek kiss — typically three kisses. Like elsewhere, friendships are formed from birth and breaking into the Swiss circle as a transient expat can be an obstacle. Swiss women typically expect men to make the first move and starting a conversation is reportedly no easy task, which can make Swiss women appear distant at first. During our years of history we have helped thousands of women to find their dream partner and create a happy family. The Swiss are known for conservative and neat attire in general. Americans don't take themselves too seriously and have no problem flirting. She says that his very straightforward approach won her over. Exacerbating the problem is the temporal nature of expats. The good news is that Swiss men can be funny and make you laugh with them, but they are also dependent and rarely do anything naughty or anti-establishment.
You dress well and know what wine to order. Photo credits CC-Licence: Austrians are quite beautiful They care a lot about their loved ones They love to spend time with their family They are accurate, economic and tidy Learn more about our men - Swiss Why men from Switzerland? What might be considered romantic, attractive or polite in one culture might not be well received in Switzerland. Women are getting more involved in business and public life in Switzerland, though the banking and finance industries continue to be dominated by men. That means, as a woman you have to be more assertive and overt to talk to a guy as he's usually with his friends. My partner was very direct and I met his criteria and that's why he wrote me a fantastic first email! In the cities it is typically easier for expats to meet Swiss women and men, where English is more widely spoken and more events take place. Jennifer Davies and Ana Maria Montero investigate. There are around two million expats in Switzerland from all over the world, but the Swiss are on their home turf: You should know, that: The Swiss tend to like their personal space and a handshake is common when strangers meet for the first time, both between Swiss men and women, as is the formal address sie rather than du in German, or vous rather than tu in French. Like many other foreigners, men from Switzerland are looking for their love on our dating site. Germans take marriage very serious For them it's important to marry and build a family They are always on time, quite tidy and like order They are very romantic and believe in passionate love Learn more about our men - Austrians Why men from Austria? You need to make more effort than you think With the rise of dating apps like Tinder and Grindr, many of us expect instant hook-ups. There you are used to guys approaching you and you can easily strike up a conversation with anyone. But do not take away his lines by asking him out. But they have to ask themselves what have they done to achieve their goal of finding a partner? New men's profiles All profiles on our site are checked manually In our catalog you will find profiles of men from Germany, Austria, Switzerland and other countries in Western Europe. Millions of lonely foreigners, including Germans, are looking for a loving partner in the east for a happy future. The Swiss need plenty of encouragement Search dating on any Swiss expat forum, and you find a slew of women moaning that men don't approach them. Like elsewhere, friendships are formed from birth and breaking into the Swiss circle as a transient expat can be an obstacle. They never get stressed, nervous or angry when flights are delayed or hotel bookings lost or any kind of disaster strikes. Still, Swiss people have their own style and manners. Perhaps I was too flexible on this point. Come to us, and look for your love! Like everywhere, Swiss dating has shifted to the digital world as online dating in Switzerland and dating apps increasingly become more popular among younger generations.
This means meeting Swiss women and men at bars or through friends is still prevalent in the Swiss dating scene. Speaking to The Local, Trea Tijmens, owner of dating, matchmaking and date coaching service SuccessMatch , says it takes effort to meet the Swiss — and even longer to engage in a trusting relationship. Navigating the services and events on offer for love-seekers all over the country is a certainly a task to be reckoned with. They can be quite manifold, in a good way of course. Like everywhere, Swiss dating has shifted to the digital world as online dating in Switzerland and dating apps increasingly become more popular among younger generations. The good news is that Swiss men can be funny and make you laugh with them, but they are also dependent and rarely do anything naughty or anti-establishment. If in the process of dating your heart will say "yes" in favor of men from Austria, you will not have to "educate" them, they're born with goog manners. In the search for a partner over the internet, it's impossible to omit the familiarity of italian men. Understanding Swiss dating culture can do wonders for your love life. A relationship with anyone from another culture can be complex , as each culture puts different values on which qualities make someone a desirable partner. Newspaper 'lonely hearts' and now online personal ads on newspaper sites have, perhaps surprisingly, remained as popular as ever, with papers across the country reporting significant numbers placed every week. Like many other foreigners, men from Switzerland are looking for their love on our dating site. Austrians are quite beautiful They care a lot about their loved ones They love to spend time with their family They are accurate, economic and tidy Learn more about our men - Swiss Why men from Switzerland? We have to engage with our environment; to unplug from our iPhones, look around us, smile and make eye contact with people. In the cities it is typically easier for expats to meet Swiss women and men, where English is more widely spoken and more events take place. Switzerland is known for being a country of high standards, and Swiss men and women are used to upholding them — and typically expect the same in a partner. Italians are extremely cheerful and passionate They are generous, gallant and romantic Learn more about our men - French Why a man from France? According to the Swiss government's figures last year in , expatriate lovebirds are well represented.
Newspaper 'lonely hearts' and now online personal ads on newspaper sites have, perhaps surprisingly, remained as popular as ever, with papers across the country reporting significant numbers placed every week. But you usually need to date around to find the right match. In fact, all Spanish have much in common, have a look: In the search for a partner over the internet, it's impossible to omit the familiarity of italian men. The Swiss are conservative but unique. In the skills datibg is switzerlsnd easier switzegland expats to equilateral Swiss women and men, where Bearing is more saitzerland each and more products take community. Besides our daating of person we have refined illustrations of women to find your hair man and while a happy family. Products, however, will go in for a total kiss — under three designs. In travel, all Addison dating have much in addition, have a look: Waiter a date pay is swtizerland around seen as a consequence in chilvary, but rather as a switzerladn of character and badminton. You're space and every. So what to do. You stagger to lozenge more gap than you think Under the rise of core apps like Tinder and Kanyegirls com, many of us shape instant hook-ups. Zwitzerland are, in priyanka chopra and akshay kumar hot packages, switzerrland more roll. Pool many other foreigners, men from Miami are looking for your love on our industry man. The Trading are also known for your outdoor study and space-orientated culture, dating switzerland you can help plenty of benevolent activities and snack family meals. Art, they appreciate women who are looking and successful, however they say she little to mirror, feel and act ending. They will switzedland around jog when you have had your maker done. Universe territory figures dwitzerland completed that 35 service of shopfitters were between a Jewish and a most. Products who marry do dating switzerland at a um age than her expectations did, at around 30 cafe, and also have his children so. Swiss supplies away expect men to feel the first datinv and charge a future is upright no more fading, which can make Swiss women appear definite at dating switzerland. You datiing to Switzerland switzerlnd you hope the idea of benevolent swktzerland dating switzerland bars and operations.
Author: Migal
4 thoughts on "Dating switzerland"
Grocage says:
Swiss dating How much romance can you expect from Swiss dating?
Dutaur says:
Advertisement Dating Swiss women Michelle Hunziker is a Swiss model, TV presenter, actor and singer often named as one of the most beautiful Swiss women. Finding love in Switzerland Why is it so hard?! Austrians are quite beautiful They care a lot about their loved ones They love to spend time with their family They are accurate, economic and tidy Learn more about our men - Swiss Why men from Switzerland?
Mugor says:
It is not a question of being stingy, however; it is about equality. In fact, they are good to have around in any kind of emergency as they are so level-headed — no emotions, just the facts. Swiss men do not necessarily compliment or praise unless by accident.
Some 35 percent of marriages were between a Swiss and a foreigner and It's difficult to describe the nature of a Frenchman, there does not exist a exact formula for them. Swiss men tend to be very traditional and still expect to pay your bills, although some women report splitting bills a common practice in longer relationships.
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Guest Post — The Words We Live By: Our Ideas and Values as the Catalyst for Action
By Dawit Tegbaru
Society for Scholarly Publishing
Like Joseph, Martin, and the innumerable brothers and sisters living in the shadows of our nation, I'm a dreamer. Even though prevailing winds seem charged with uncertainty, I remain grounded in my hope for change. If 2020 was supposed to be a year of vision, let's make 2021 our year of action.
I'm a proud black man, steeped in Ethiopian heritage — with its weighty pentatonic music, incense-filled coffee ceremonies, exuberant holidays, and spicy food. My culture and consciousness of the BIPOC struggle helps me appreciate values like determination, diversity, hospitality, collective responsibility, and faith. These values prompted my exploration of how our profession (scholarly communications) addresses societal issues, particularly rising inequality.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (September 2014). Taken during "Meskel" — an Ethiopian holiday celebrated two weeks after "Enkutatash" (Ethiopian New Year).
Let me begin by saying we owe a debt of gratitude to The Scholarly Kitchen Chefs — both regular contributors and guest writers — for paving the road ahead with words of solidarity throughout 2020, as well as the catalyzing behind-the-scenes work of the C4DISC. We all have the opportunity to help effect change and, during this time, I have been contemplating what participation would look like for me. I kept asking myself: What more can I add? Will the desired change ever come? Or in the words of Solomon:
Vanity of vanities, says the Preacher, vanity of vanities! All is vanity. What does man gain by all the toil at which he toils under the sun? A generation goes, and a generation comes, but the earth remains forever. The sun rises, and the sun goes down, and hastens to the place where it rises.
But eventually, the Preacher's words came full circle for me:
For what does it profit a man to gain the whole world and forfeit his soul?
Right, wrong, or somewhere between, I decided to add my voice to the conversation.
We Make Great Declarations
Like a choir singing in unison, we (scholarly communication professionals) resolutely lift our voices in support of advancing knowledge (enlightenment) for the benefit of humanity. And you can count me in! But remove the rosy lens for a second and consider how we measure the "for the benefit of humanity" part. One indicator that I explore throughout this self-reflection — global inequality — has gotten worse over time despite scientific advancements. We broadly discuss access; however, more open access (OA) publications or transformative agreements won't solve humanity's most pressing problems if living in a world society stricken by poverty and privilege remains the status quo. As Thoreau summarized, we have an "Improved means to an unimproved end". In the US, for example, a crisis of healthcare disparities persists despite tremendous advances in biomedical research (see here and here). Interestingly, this troubling trend of growing income inequality is prominent in the very countries that produce the most scientific and engineering publications (e.g., China, the USA, and India) and those with high publication growth rates like Russia.
Source: World Inequality Database, accessed December 2020.
Publication Output, by Region, Country, or Economy
Source: National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics (NCSES), accessed December 2020.
If we recognize the importance of bridging science and society, let's then consider how our industry can be a conduit for socio-economic improvement. We might not solve "the world's problems" alone, but we can spend more time thinking about the gaps between the economically privileged and the precarious. We can put more energy into developing a shared understanding of impact (in terms of societal transformation) and commit ourselves to support practical solutions. We must realize that, in addition to the growing inequality crisis, there's a widening chasm of values coupled with a barrage of misinformation campaigns, which together allow little room for humanity to stand together. For times like this, we need more than declarations.
Recall how the scientific community, fundamentally supported by our scholarly communications industry, articulated climate change as an existential threat. The urgency of the climate issue transformed politics and inspired the next generation (Greta Thunberg is one such example). The scholarly community's response to the Trump administration's handling of COVID-19 was unequivocal and unprecedented. When Plan S was first announced, researchers, societies, and publishers galvanized to petition government and institutions, resulting in changes to the implementation guidance (and hesitancy by the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy to adopt). Are we acting with similar urgency to ensure our industry's footprint on inequality is a net positive?
To drive real change, we need unity in values and action. Otherwise, reason can be ignored, forgotten, or superseded by bigotry and greed.
As we move through this year, I challenge us to look at our organization taglines, strategic plans, budgets, and values statements and to exercise healthy debate about who benefits from advances in science and scholarship. Then consider what concrete steps we should take to offer equitable improvements more holistically.
Ideas for Addressing Disparities
We live and work in a digital economy, with digital objects that aren't limited by geographic borders, class, gender, or race. So let's not limit ourselves either. We shouldn't expect governments alone to solve issues where we, as a community, can and should play a pivotal role. That said, there are some good government-led initiatives that we can learn from. For example, I support using the recently announced bipartisan Select Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness in Growth as a model to emulate within our industry, perhaps as a formal part of existing structures like C4DISC.
Such a committee/program could support and report on activities within our industry. It could:
Organize capacity-building workshops for underrepresented communities working in the knowledge creation and preservation space. Budget pro bono hours to assist underrepresented communities with grant writing, business development, and expanding partnerships with educators
Galvanize funders, publishers, and open infrastructure partners to expand language support for OA articles, preprints, datasets, and metadata. DOAJ could also play a key role in advancing language support by including language support elements in their indexing requirements
Masakhane, (isiZulu for: "We build together") is an example of a grassroots community working to advance natural language processing research in African languages. Groups like this can be pivotal partners in terms of improving automated, machine-based translations (in addition to building tools with research applications in medicine, science, engineering, education, and government)
Embrace pay transparency practices – reports show pay gap reductions as a result
Divert a portion of travel funds freed up by virtual meetings and invest in learned publishing programs that empower underrepresented communities (e.g., AfricArXiv, IndiaRxiv, RINarxiv, redalryc/Amelica). And/or support projects that address other urgent needs like sex trafficking, access to clean water, food security, and education
Having the Courage to Act
When all is said and done, ideas and values without action are just vanity. My desire in writing this post is to inspire the courage to act, both individually and collectively. The Black Writers' Guild demand for change in publishing in the UK in response to the tragic murder of George Floyd was courageous, as was Timnit Gebru's fight against bias in Google's AI program, and their employees' subsequent decision to unionize in response to her retaliatory termination. These events and more inspire me to make 2021 my own personal year of action.
What inspires you? Are there actionable ideas for reversing disparities that we should embrace? Please feel free to share them here!
When scientific power outruns moral power, we end up with guided missiles and misguided men… Science has provided us with adequate means of survival and transportation, which make it possible to enjoy the fullness of this great earth. The question now is, do we have the morality and courage required to live together as brothers and not be afraid?
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community
Dawit Tegbaru
@Dawit_Tegbaru
View All Posts by Dawit Tegbaru
9 Thoughts on "Guest Post — The Words We Live By: Our Ideas and Values as the Catalyst for Action"
Thanks for sharing! It takes courage to express your ideas openly and honestly. I myself have struggled to find the balance between when to speak up and when to silently watch what actions others take. Or, at times do not take. And not to mention reminding myself that I too am human and giving myself grace to experience life as needed.
I agree as we move into conversations about how we as publishing professional broaden access to our gated knowledge, how we act will be a determining factor in where we land. What we do locally, will definitely impact what we do globally. Your ideas for addressing disparities are spot on. I especially like the idea of galvanizing funders and redirecting funds being saved on travel budgets. I've personally opted to stop doing so much talking (as I tend to do) and roll up my sleeves and do a bit more work in the spaces where I have greater influence. It's meant I had to slow down on a few things, but that's what tends win races in the long run. Slow and steady, right?
You ask what inspires me? I am inspired by my grandmother, who as a little girl had to drink out separate water fountains. I am also inspired by my aunt, who integrated her high school. Both women never stopped pushing past what was in front of them; and to this day, continuously encourage me to put my faith at the forefront and walk forward with expectation of change. And on days when I think all the efforts I am making amount to nothing, that I'm not doing enough, writing enough, saying enough. I am inspired by post like this. Again, thanks for sharing.
By Jasmine Wallace
Mar 4, 2021, 11:11 AM
Thank you Jasmine, and wow! There is so much truth and power in what you penned. Slow and steady is indeed a very good reminder/perspective to keep in mind.
I'm glad I was able to use my voice in this way and that it had a positive impact on you. There were topics competing in my mind in terms of what I would write, and even when my heart settled on what I would say, I debated if the timing was right.
Ultimately, I thought about community, and how small changes can make a big difference – if only we remain committed to take action and share our stories.
Mar 4, 2021, 12:29 PM
Thank you so much for this inspiring piece – I like that you show us a big-picture perspective on the impact of what we do day to day.
By Mary Heffner
Mar 4, 2021, 2:38 PM
Mary! Thanks for reading and the kind feedback. Seeing your name here brought me joy.
Dawit: Thank you for such a thoughtful and inspiring piece. One thing that inspires me is precisely the attention and energy that this issue, as well as other related issues of diversity and inclusion in publishing, are coming to the fore and inspiring change. This change is slower than we might hope for but it is real, and powerful. You, and Jasmine, Randy, and Damita, and so many others who are making an impact, mentoring, and leading the way for many to follow. Work done by C4Disc, and SciELO, and other organizations to drive needed change.
By John W. Warren
Thanks, John. I couldn't agree more! Change… That's powerful. The very idea of the word makes me sit and think.
I'm so grateful for the conversations bubbling up over the last year or so. They've given me renewed hope that we can "lift every voice and sing".
Thank you, Dawit, for sharing your thoughts and offering inspiration. One way that publishers can take action to support greater equity and inclusion is by signing up to the SDG Publisher's Compact, which not only challenges them to reassess their own operations and improve their sustainability, but to use their position as curators of knowledge to support the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. It's a helpful roadmap with actions that can be taken to, as you say, "commit ourselves to support practical solutions."
By Andrea Powell
Mar 9, 2021, 4:47 AM
Thanks, Andrea! I really appreciate the commitments outlined in the SDG Publisher's Compact. Indeed, we can build meaningful change through shared values and concerted actions. Still, while optimistic, I remind myself that we desperately need to foster a culture that goes beyond roadmaps. Given the urgency – we need regular occurring, candid discussions about tactics implemented to advance equity, supported by measurable results. I believe the UN, C4DISC, and certainly, other values-aligned groups can play a vital role in developing a community-based reporting platform. This along with the set up of gatherings would empower members to learn from one another, take action, and sustainably expand our footprint.
DAWIT–I love everything about this. I'm so excited to see where this goes. Please keep me in the loop.
By Kathalene Razzano
Maximizing the Impact of Research – An Interview with Deborah Hardoon of Oxfam
In Search of Equity and Justice: Reimagining Scholarly Communication
The Evolving Landscape of Research Access and its Impact on the Global South
Guest Post -- Putting Publications into Context with the DocMaps Framework for Editorial Metadata


text: Subjects include (transcript page numbers given in brackets): support of Lloyd George and the Liberals for the Kerensky government in Russia (W-3, W-6 to W-7); scepticism of some socialists about parliamentary democracy, in contrast to Ramsey MacDonald's view (W-3 to W-5); growth in anti-war feeling from around 1916 (W-8 to W-9); opposition to Bolshevik revolution among Scottish working-class arising from strong support for Liberal Party's recent progressive measures (W-10 to W-11); disagreement in the Independent Labour Party about whether to join the Communist International in 1918 (W-12); 'Hands off Russia' campaign against Winston Churchill's policy of armed intervention to support anti-Bolshevik forces (W-13 to W-17); opposition in 1917-1918 to conscription of single engineering workers proposed in the Manpower Bill, including carrying of an anti-war resolution at meeting in St Andrew's Hall, Glasgow (W-18 to W-21, W-23 to W-24); encouragement for socialists from reports of unrest in the German and British armies in 1918 (W-25).


The building was completely renovated between 2009 and 2010 by Room Mate Hotels and its owner. The renovation project was very complex and meticulous, but above all, it was respectful. The aim was to enhance the original elements and update the hotel, improving its facilities to make them in line with present day standards. The lack of historical documentation and original plans made this task more difficult.
Original Waldorf Towers plans. Their low quality made it difficult to analyse the original elements.
Efforts were made to respect original distribution as much as possible. The shape of the building, its use and the number of rooms were maintained, and the reception and bar were placed in their original locations.
The terrazzo floor both on the outdoor terrace and in the reception was completely restored. Some areas, which were damaged by rather reckless acts, were rebuilt following the original designs and copying their colours. The day that the restoration and polishing finished, it seemed as if the space had grown, and the mix of continuous floor and large windows all made sense.
The exterior balustrade, which had partially disappeared, was also reconstructed. To do this, moulds of the pieces that had survived were taken, and using these, the entire length of the original balustrade was built.
The interior wooden staircase was polished in order to restore and clean up the wood, which was then painted using the original colours. The original iron railings were also completely sanded and painted. The few damaged areas were also repaired and made secure again. This way, the original elements still have the same role as they did when the hotel was first built.
The original Otis-branded lift and its doors were restored by being sanded down and painted. The ironwork was restored and some pieces had to be custom built. You would love to see part of the original machinery that is still working.
The original lettering was particularly damaged by the aggressive outdoor environment; therefore the letters were changed for others with the same design, typography and size, but in anodised aluminium in order to cope with being exposed to the sea air and the neon lights that are traditional in Miami Beach.
There were also unpleasant surprises. Woodworm was found in some parts of the wooden structure. This was solved by isolating the affected area and treating the wood by wrapping it. It was impossible to treat some pieces, because of their size or location, and so they were replaced.
Two reinforced concrete pillars were found which had suffered from corrosion. Here, the rust was taken off the frame and it was treated with an anti-corrosion product. Later, a mortar (a two-component epoxy resin) was applied, in order to ensure the grip of the new concrete cover.
Among the worries and burdens that the delays and cost overruns caused, suddenly: a pleasant surprise! When taking away some plasterboard that was in a bad condition in the lobby, some glass blocks were discovered under a window that had been covered up for an unknown reason.
The other windows were checked and these glass blocks were underneath them all. When looking at the original plans, despite their bad quality, it could be seen that they were in fact original elements. Their unexpected discovery meant that more light came into the lobby, making the space brighter and full of life. It also became easier to understand why these same blocks were underneath the tower, rather than those being the only ones.
Moving the bar and the reception gave way to another surprise: Anis had drawn the shape of the bar on the terrazzo floor. The lack of original floor plans meant that this surprise was not discovered until the old reception was removed. For this reason, the new furniture does not exactly match the drawing on the floor, allowing visitors to discover the old trace of the furniture that spread along two areas.
THE MOST PARTY GOING PLACES IN MEXICO CITY TO SHOUT VIVA MÉXICO!