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Victoria County History - Yorkshire
A History of the County of York: the City of York
Guilds, markets and fairs
A History of the County of York: the City of York. Originally published by Victoria County History, London, 1961.
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Craft Guilds
Religious Guilds
MARKETS AND FAIRS
Pavement Market
Malt Market
Hay Market
Wool Market
Leather Market
Parliament Street Market
About 80 crafts were responsible for performing the Corpus Christi plays in the early 15th century, (fn. 1) many of them having a guild organization. Other occupations are to be found, for example, in the freemen's rolls, (fn. 2) but presumably not all of them represent distinct guilds. The work of the guilds is discussed elsewhere in this volume, (fn. 3) as is the existence of religious fraternities within some of the craft guilds. (fn. 4) Many of the craft guilds held their meetings in St. Anthony's Hall after 1554, (fn. 5) but several crafts had separate halls. The only one to survive is the present Merchant Tailors' Hall in Aldwark. The large hall was probably built in the late 14th century and certainly by 1415; the smaller wing is somewhat later. The small hall was encased with brick in about 1672 and much of the great hall in 1715; the porch also dates from about 1715. The hall was subsequently used for many purposes including theatrical performances from at least 1685 until 1744. Restoration of the hall took place shortly after the Second World War. (fn. 6) Other halls known to have existed were the Butchers' Hall, near The Little Shambles, (fn. 7) and the Shoemakers' Hall, in Hungate. (fn. 8)
One trade organization, the company of the mercers and merchants, was more powerful than the craft guilds. The mercers and merchants had long dominated the guild of Our Lord and the Blessed Virgin before, in the early 15th century, they absorbed it and assumed control of its hall, chapel, and hospital in Fossgate. (fn. 9) In their present form the company's buildings date from the late 14th century (see plate facing p. 116). Buildings already stood on the site in 1356 but extensive reconstruction was proceeding during the years 1357-64; the hospital was founded in 1371 and built soon after; and the dilapidated chapel was rebuilt soon after 1411. (fn. 10) During the later 16th century a north wing was added to the hall, and the fore-building towards Fossgate containing the entrance to the hall was constructed or rebuilt. The buildings have been much restored in the 20th century. (fn. 11) The company also had a cloth hall on Ouse Bridge in the 17th century. In 1622 the corporation authorized the merchants to enlarge and use the former council chamber on the north side of the bridge (fn. 12) and the 'Cloth Hall' was leased from the corporation until at least 1701. (fn. 13) This was presumably the building in which, from 1650 to 1696, the courts of the Merchant Adventurers and Eastland Merchants of York were held 'on Ouse Bridge'; (fn. 14) the company still met there in 1737 (fn. 15) and may have done so until the rebuilding of Ouse Bridge in the early 19th century; it subsequently met in the Guildhall in Coney Street. (fn. 16)
Of the three great religious guilds—Corpus Christi, St. Anthony's, and St. Christopher and St. George's—that of Corpus Christi was outstanding in size and influence. This guild's activities, among them the organization of the Corpus Christi festival and plays, are discussed elsewhere in this volume. (fn. 17) It had no guild hall as such and before 1478 its meetings were sometimes held in the Merchants' Hall, Fossgate. (fn. 18) In 1478 the guild was united with the Hospital of St. Thomas, (fn. 19) situated outside Micklegate Bar, and in the same year 'the new house outside Micklegate Bar' was built. The 'new house', no doubt situated near the hospital, included a hall; a hall is mentioned among subsequent repairs to the hospital, and it was probably used for guild meetings. (fn. 20) After the Dissolution the hospital fell under the control of the corporation; (fn. 21) the 'house outside Micklegate Bar' was in 1576 granted by the Crown to John Mershe and others, (fn. 22) and in 1598 it was conveyed by William Hildyarde, the recorder, to the mayor, sheriffs and two others. (fn. 23)
The guild of St. Anthony was of complex origin. (fn. 24) A guild of that name existed in the early 15th century when it probably attracted the members of the suppressed guild of Holy Trinity and also absorbed the Paternoster Guild. (fn. 25) It was this enlarged guild which received a royal licence of incorporation in 1446; (fn. 26) it was incorporated as the guild of St. Martin and the erection of an image or an oratory to St. Anthony was forbidden, (fn. 27) but the old name of St. Anthony was nevertheless retained. (fn. 28) The dedication to St. Martin appears to have arisen from the presence of the chapel of that name on the land granted to the guild in 1446. A new chapel and a hall were forthwith built on the site, on the corner of Aldwark and Peaseholme Green. The 1446 licence provided for eleemosynary work by the guild and the institution is usually referred to as St. Anthony's Hospital.
After the Dissolution the guild fell under the governance of the corporation, who eventually dissolved it in 1627. (fn. 29) During this period the main guild function to be continued was the great triennial feast which all citizens might pay to attend. (fn. 30) The corporation put the hall to a variety of uses. In 1554 trade guilds which had no hall of their own were authorized to meet in St. Anthony's, (fn. 31) and in 1623 49 guilds contributed towards the repair of this, their 'mote hall'. (fn. 32) These meetings were probably held in the great hall on the first floor where playacting and archery also took place in the 16th century. The ground-floor chapel also had special uses as when, in 1579, the corporation authorized a school to be established there, (fn. 33) and it was presumably in the chapel that the 21 poor people in the hospital were in 1593 directed to attend prayers. (fn. 34)
Perhaps as early as 1551, and certainly from 1569, St. Anthony's was used as a corporation workhouse for the poor, and part of the hall was, in 1586, converted into a house of correction. It may have ceased to be so used in the earlier 17th century, but the 'lower house' of the hall was appointed a knitting school for poor children in 1614, (fn. 35) and by at least 1655 the lower story had been re-equipped as a house of correction; it remained in this use until 1814. (fn. 36) During the civil war the hall had been used as a storehouse and 'military' hospital. (fn. 37) A charity school (the Blue Coat) was established in part of the hall by the corporation in 1705 and was not closed until 1946. (fn. 38)
The corporation subsequently conveyed the hall to the York Civic Trust and it was opened as the Borthwick Institute of Historical Research in 1953. (fn. 39) A large collection of documents from the Diocesan Registry and the Probate Registry has been deposited there.
The buildings (fn. 40) may have been completed by 1453 when the chapel was consecrated, and the west end of the present building is of that date: the chapel and antechapel on the ground floor, and an aisled great hall with tie-beam roof on the first floor. The building was extended towards the east in the late 15th century with an aisled undercroft on the ground floor and a prolongation of the great hall above. The only notable change made during the 16th century was the replacement of the lead by tiles on the roofs of the aisles, a step recommended by the corporation in 1551.
While in use as a hospital for the poor the hall underwent substantial alterations, including the erection of chimneys, as a result of the generosity of Mrs. Beatrice Hudson in and shortly after 1621. Further extensive alterations followed the decision of 1655 to re-use the hall as a house of correction; eight fireplaces with chimneys were built and the timber-framed walls of the first floor had by 1656 been replaced by brick. The east and north walls were rebuilt at this time and there remains in the north wall a small cell window with iron bars, and with signs of others on either side of it.
Other changes were made after the establishment of the Blue Coat School in the hall in 1705; the cells were removed shortly after and the present internal walls built. Among 19th-century changes were the extensive repairs of 1828-9 which involved the erection of the main staircase. The Hall was extensively restored after the Second World War.
The guilds of St. Christopher and St. George were apparently united during the later 15th century, but the exact date is unknown; their work is discussed elsewhere in the volume. (fn. 41) St. Christopher's Guild is not known to have possessed a hall, but in 1445 it agreed to share with the corporation the cost of rebuilding the city's Guildhall and in return was entitled to use the hall on certain days each year. (fn. 42) In 1445, too, the guild received from the corporation a grant of land adjoining the Guildhall site; (fn. 43) it was on this land, fronting upon Coney Street, that the guild subsequently built its chapel and maison dieu. The chapel, much altered, later became the 'Cross Keys' public house, and in 1726 the Mansion House was built on the site. (fn. 44)
When St. George's Guild was incorporated in 1447 (fn. 45) it was given possession of the chapel near Castle Mills, 'long desolate' for want of resident chaplains and greater income. The chapel had belonged to the Knights Templar and stood on meadow land, adjoining their mills, which Henry III had granted them in 1232. (fn. 46) After the suppression of the Templars in 1312 the chapel came into the hands of the Crown and appointments of chaplains were made until 1437. (fn. 47) In 1358 it was found that land called La Holm, lying between the Castle and the Ouse and clearly the meadow granted to the Templars in 1232, rightfully belonged to the king's free chapel of St. George; it had been appropriated and used for boat-building, archery, wrestling, and games, but was now returned to the chapel. (fn. 48) The Templars had erected other buildings adjoining the chapel and these were used by the king's armourers and smiths in the 1330's. (fn. 49)
After the Dissolution the property of the guild was bought by the city (fn. 50) and the former chapel and other buildings subsequently let. (fn. 51) In 1566 the corporation decided that 'the mansion house called St. George's Chapel' should be taken down and the stone used for the repair of Ouse Bridge; the tiles, timber, and other materials were to be kept by the chamberlains. (fn. 52) If this order were carried out, St. George's House had certainly been rebuilt by 1569 when it became a workhouse; it was converted into a house of correction in 1576 and still so used in 1598. (fn. 53) The house was let by the corporation during the 18th century. (fn. 54) In the later 19th century a timber building was still standing and was known as Jersey House—perhaps a corruption of the original name. (fn. 55) It was taken down in 1856. (fn. 56)
St. George's Close (the former La Holm) had apparently been acquired by the city earlier than the chapel: the first of numerous 16th-century leases of it was granted in 1542. (fn. 57) It was used as a source of sand, as cattle pasture, and as a place in which to walk and shoot and where cloths might be bleached. (fn. 58) In the 18th century it was leased together with the house. (fn. 59) St. George's Field remained as an open space in 1959; it included the riverside New Walk, an avenue of elm trees planted in the early 18th century. (fn. 60)
A number of small religious guilds also existed in York; about ten such guilds are said to have been established in parish churches and one or two in religious houses. (fn. 61)
It seems likely that most of the early medieval markets of the city lay within the district known as Marketshire, and that this was one of the seven Domesday shires. (fn. 62) The term Marketshire was still used in the 14th century when it was applied to The Shambles and, especially, to Pavement: (fn. 63) Thursday Market, too, had probably lain within the shire. Apart from Pavement and Thursday Market, other smaller markets were held elsewhere for individual commodities. (fn. 64)
Orders were frequently made in the 16th century for the exclusive use of the markets by 'foreigners' and countrymen: freemen were expected to sell goods only in their own shops. (fn. 65) At the same time 'foreigners' were obliged to sell only in the marketplaces, and hawking in the streets was prohibited. (fn. 66) Only in special circumstances was this relaxed: in 1550, for example, to improve meat supplies during a visitation of the plague, 'foreign' butchers were allowed to sell not only in Thursday Market but at Foss Bridge and in the churchyard of Holy Trinity, Micklegate. (fn. 67) Irregular markets were sometimes held, however, as when in the early 15th century the churchyard of St. Michael-le-Belfrey became a public market-place on Sundays and feast days. (fn. 68)
Until the early 14th century, Sunday was apparently observed as the city's market-day: (fn. 69) this was prohibited in 1322, (fn. 70) and the regulation market-days and hours subsequently varied from market to market. By the 16th century, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday were the market days in Thursday Market, Pavement, the Malt Market, and the Leather Market. Since 1836, when Parliament Street Market was opened, the chief market-day has been Saturday.
The city's markets were exempted from the jurisdiction of the royal clerk of the markets in 1316: the assize of bread and beer, the keeping and assay of weights and measures, and all other things belonging to the regulation of the markets were granted to the citizens, who had previously enjoyed them only in the absence of the king. (fn. 71) These privileges were confirmed by Edward III who was obliged, however, to appoint men to carry out the duties in 1335 because the mayor and bailiffs had not properly exercised their office. (fn. 72) The city's rights were confirmed in 1632, (fn. 73) and again in 1665, (fn. 74) when the mayor was appointed clerk of the market and given the powers which the royal clerk enjoyed elsewhere. This was confirmed in 1685. (fn. 75)
In pursuance of these charters, as well as by prescription, the corporation collected tolls and stallage in all markets and fairs held in the city, although the right to do so was frequently let. By the early 19th century some tolls had been relinquished and the payment of others was negligently enforced. (fn. 76) The Act of 1833 (fn. 77) reaffirmed the corporation's powers of regulating all markets and fairs in the city, and market by-laws and rates for tolls were established by the corporation in 1873. (fn. 78) Full control over all markets and fairs was confirmed to the corporation by the York Extension and Improvement Act of 1884. (fn. 79)
One of the two principal markets in the city was held in Thursday Market (now St. Sampson's Square) and no doubt existed long before the 13th century when the name first occurs. (fn. 80) The name suggests that a market may at first have been held here only one day each week, but by the early 16th century three market-days were kept 'according to the ancient custom heretofore used', (fn. 81) and, at different times, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday have all been market-days; furthermore, certain cloths were for a time sold in the market on Fridays. (fn. 82)
One of the chief commodities sold in Thursday Market was meat of various kinds. Orders about the sale of poultry, wildfowl, and other victuals were made in the late 14th century; (fn. 83) it was the sole place of sale for common poulterers in the late 15th and early 16th centuries; (fn. 84) and from at least the late 15th century the 'foreign' butchers were confined to Thursday Market: (fn. 85) freemen butchers were obliged to sell only in their own shops, many of them in The Shambles. (fn. 86) In 1528 the country butchers were instructed to come into York on Tuesdays and Saturdays only, (fn. 87) and in the 18th (fn. 88) and 19th (fn. 89) centuries Saturday was their market-day.
Cloth of various kinds was frequently directed to Thursday Market. In 1492, for example, country woollen-cloth sellers were ordered to retail their cloths there, and Kendal men were to do likewise although they might also sell in gross in their inns and lodgings; but 'poor creatures' who made a few cloths in their own houses were allowed to retail them in Pavement or elsewhere. (fn. 90) In the early 16th century the woollen- and linen-cloth sellers were often the subject of corporation orders, (fn. 91) among them those of 1545 which directed that Kendal cloth, broadcloths, and kerseys should be sold in the common hall. (fn. 92) However, the provisions of 1492 were reintroduced in 1551 with the addition of the common hall as an alternative venue to Thursday Market, (fn. 93) and certain coarse cloths were again directed to this market in 1579. (fn. 94) In 1593 it was confirmed that linen, hempen, and 'harden' cloth should be sold in Thursday Market on Fridays, and a yard wand was to be set on the cross as a common standard for these cloths; (fn. 95) this order was repeated in 1623. (fn. 96) Linen cloth had apparently been stored in the market cross since 1586 when the building's suitability for the purpose was considered. (fn. 97)
The full range of goods exposed in Thursday Market is revealed in orders of 1519 for the thriceweekly sale of poultry, swine, dairy produce, oatmeal, salt, coarse cloth, herbs, vegetables, hemp, and candles; (fn. 98) wildfowl and rabbits were added to this list in 1578. (fn. 99) Bread was also sold in this market: in 1554 the common bakers were authorized to sell their goods near the cross, a spot to which the tiplers and 'boll-bakers' were confined, and the minster clock was to set their market hours. (fn. 100) In 1569 the bakers were instructed to serve Thursday Market 'as they ought to do'. (fn. 101) Wool was sold in this market at certain periods: in 1522 the wool-sellers were ordered to conduct their sales 'as they have done in times past'. (fn. 102)
In the late 14th and early 15th centuries the market was supervised by keepers, (fn. 103) who presumably collected tolls. The market and its tolls were certainly leased to tenants by the corporation during the 16th and 17th centuries: the rent was £1 10s. a year in the 1520's but was increased to £2 10s. in 1533. (fn. 104) By 1542 the rent charge had been transferred to the revenues of the Ouse bridgemaster and he still received it in the early 17th century. (fn. 105) The lessee was responsible for the market cross and other buildings in the market-place. In 1421 the widow of John Brathwayt, a past mayor, gave 20 marks for the building of a new stone cross, (fn. 106) and it was presumably this erection which survived until 1704. It was surrounded by a shed or pent-house supported on eight pillars, to one of which was fastened a yard wand; (fn. 107) such a standard yard for the sale of cloth had been fixed there in 1593. (fn. 108) The cross was examined in 1646 to discover whether its ornaments should be removed as being 'superstitious'. (fn. 109) In 1704 Elizabeth Smith, the corporation's tenant of the market shops, stalls, guard-house (or lodge), cross, tolls, and customs, sought a renewal of her lease, together with permission to take down the cross, guard-house, and adjoining buildings and to replace them with a new structure, 16 yards long and 8 wide, standing on stone pillars, and having chambers, garrets, and a cellar. (fn. 110) In 1706 the building was completed and the lease renewed at £22 a year. (fn. 111) In the same year a clockmaker was enfranchized for making, installing in the cross, and maintaining a clock valued at £25. (fn. 112) The cross also bore a statue of George II which was removed to the Guildhall in 1786. (fn. 113)
In or after 1756 a school began to be held in an upper chamber of the cross; (fn. 114) it was removed in 1784 when the corporation ordered the cross to be altered and reroofed, and the market lessee's rent of £60 was reduced by £4—the rent which he had received for the school-room. (fn. 115) In 1815 the corporation agreed that the cross should be removed on condition that the petitioners for such an improvement (who were local residents) should pay £80 to the corporation and compensation to the lessee; (fn. 116) the materials of the cross were sold by auction. (fn. 117)
The final long-term lease of the market expired in 1818, and subsequent leases were for a year only: the lessee in 1826, Thomas Rayson, the elder, paid a rent of £140. (fn. 118)
After the construction of Parliament Street in 1836, (fn. 119) Thursday Market (by that time known as St. Sampson's Square) continued in use as a market for butchers; (fn. 120) it was reserved for the sale of fish in 1888. (fn. 121) St. Sampson's Square became a car park in 1955 when the stall-holders there were provided with a fresh site in Newgate. (fn. 122)
The second of York's principal markets was held in Pavement; in addition, the sale of goods in High Ousegate and Coppergate was inseparably connected with the Pavement market. Pavement, as an important part of Marketshire, was an ancient market-place and the scene of public gatherings, proclamations, and punishments: (fn. 123) it was perhaps one of the first streets in the city to become a 'paved way'. (fn. 124) The paving was probably maintained by the corporation; it was they who in 1497 imposed a payment of 12d. on each iron-bound wain or cart coming to Pavement which 'of new is made' (fn. 125) and in 1578 it was agreed that corporation and parishioners should share the upkeep of the roadways on either side of All Saints' Church in view of the wear and tear on market-days. (fn. 126) It is likely that from medieval times the market-days in Pavement, as in Thursday Market, were Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday; those were the days kept in Pavement in the 16th (fn. 127) and 18th centuries. (fn. 128)
Like Thursday Market, Pavement was a general market for a wide variety of produce, and at different times certain goods were sold in both places. In 1500 it was ordered that butter, cheese, eggs, pigs, poultry, and other victuals should be sold in Thursday Market and not in Pavement; (fn. 129) conversely, in 1579, corn, butter, cheese, eggs, and poultry were directed to Pavement and were not to be sold in Thursday Market; (fn. 130) and again, in 1630, the corporation considered the removal of the Saturday sale of butter, cheese, eggs, and poultry from Pavement to Thursday Market. (fn. 131) A similar range of goods was being sold in Pavement in 1784 (fn. 132) and 1829: (fn. 133) positions were allotted for the sale of vegetables, rabbits, poultry, wildfowl, eggs, butter, roasting pigs, corn, sieves and baskets, wooden ware, shoes, and leather goods. Cloth was also occasionally sold in Pavement: linen, 'sameron', and 'harden' cloths were restricted to this market in 1546 (fn. 134) and poor cloth-sellers were allowed to stand in Pavement despite orders for the sale of cloth in Thursday Market only. (fn. 135)
Before the establishment of the herb market in High Ousegate, herbs and vegetables had been sold in both Pavement and Thursday Market. (fn. 136) In 1727 the corporation decided to buy a riding school adjoining All Saints' churchyard for the site of the new herb market; the ground was built up with covered stalls and shops which were subsequently let, and in 1735 gardeners and dealers in garden produce were ordered to sell only in the new market. (fn. 137) The site of the herb market was added to All Saints' churchyard in 1782 when the parishioners received it in exchange for the site of the chancel of their church and another part of their churchyard, which were used to enlarge Pavement marketplace. (fn. 138) The sale of vegetables was transferred to Pavement. (fn. 139)
In the 14th century a corn market was held in Micklegate, (fn. 140) but the usual place for the sale of corn was at or near Pavement. In 1477 the oat market began at the ringing of All Saints' bell, and in 1505 Ouse Bridge bell announced the beginning of the corn market; but subsequently 16th-century cornsellers were regulated by the 'cornbell' in the Pavement. (fn. 141) Space in Pavement was restricted and efforts were made to enlarge the corn market during the 18th century: in 1769, for example, Hosier Lane (a row of shops in front of St. Crux Church) was bought by subscription and removed, (fn. 142) and the chancel and part of the churchyard of All Saints' were acquired in 1782. In 1829 the corporation ordered that wheat, rye, meslin, and barley should be sold in that part of Pavement between the site of the old market cross and St. Crux Church, and oats and beans from the site of the cross into Coppergate; (fn. 143) and in 1855 corn was sold at the east end of All Saints' Church. (fn. 144)
A company was formed in 1868 and a corn exchange erected in King Street (fn. 145) but the project was not supported by farmers. The Royal Commission on Markets was told that farmers had established as of right a custom of selling by sample in the open street, and that an average loss of £100 was made at the corn exchange in the three years ending 31 March 1888. (fn. 146) The exchange was closed in 1901; a theatre was built on the site in the following year. (fn. 147) A covered corn market was built by the corporation between Coppergate and High Ousegate in 1926, (fn. 148) but until at least 1939 sales continued to take place outside in Coppergate as well. In 1946 the corn market was moved to accommodation in the cattle market. (fn. 149)
From at least the mid-15th century, and for much of the 16th, the tolls of Pavement market were let by the corporation to individual toll collectors. In the 1520's a rent of £3 was paid, but this had been increased to £6 13s. 4d. by 1535 and to £10 10s. by 1543. From at least 1535 the corporation also let the tolls of the malt market in Coney Street; the rent of £3 6s. 8d. had been increased to £6 3s. 4d. by 1543. (fn. 150) In 1564 the corporation let the tolls of both Pavement and the malt market to the lord mayor to ease the charges of his office; (fn. 151) he paid the old rents (fn. 152) until 1677, when they were reduced to a total of £6 13s. 4d. (fn. 153) In 1736 the corporation decided that the corn tolls (for these were the principal tolls taken in Pavement, and the malt market may no longer have existed) should no longer be let to the lord mayor but offered for 3-year periods to the highest bidders; the first lessees paid a rent of £225; (fn. 154) the rent of the tolls fell to £200 in 1742 and to £170 in 1748. (fn. 155) In 1783 the corporation ordered a committee to inquire into the state of the corntolls, (fn. 156) and collection is said to have ceased in 1784. (fn. 157) Pavement toll-house was ordered to be repaired in 1723, (fn. 158) but the date of its removal is not known.
Pavement market cross was erected in 1671 at the expense of Marmaduke Rawden who gave £400 for the purpose. It was a small, square, domed building with 12 pillars, and stood near All Saints' Church. At the same time houses near the church were taken down, the market-place enlarged and the churchyard reduced in size. In 1672 the corporation raised the cross higher, adding a turret and vane. The cross was removed in 1813. (fn. 159) The market-place was also the scene of bull-baiting: there was a bull ring in that part of Pavement lying in St. Crux parish. (fn. 160) Near the pillory lay the 'Capon Call', taken down in 1633 (fn. 161) —a structure perhaps connected with the sale of fowls.
In the 16th century the malt market was held on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, near St. Martin's Church in Coney Street; the hours of sale to citizens and foreigners were regulated and a bell rung to announce its opening. (fn. 162) It was permissible for malt to be brought into the city on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays if it had already been sold. (fn. 163) For a long period the tolls of the malt market were leased together with those of the corn market. (fn. 164)
The wholesale butter market in St. Martin's churchyard in Micklegate appears to have originated in a corporation order of 1662 that all butter should be sold there. After 1665 several mayors attempted, by virtue of their office of clerk of the market, to have the butter market moved to Pavement, but their right to do so was disputed by the corporation (fn. 165) and the butter standard still stood in Micklegate in the early 18th century. In 1722 it was necessary to order that the butter weighers should be sued for money collected by them in 1719, 1720, and 1721; (fn. 166) it was widespread abuse of the market regulations that prompted the corporation to obtain an Act in 1722 (fn. 167) which provided that butter should be examined, weighed, and sealed before sale, and only Sunday was prohibited as a market-day. In Drake's time the usual market-days were, in fact, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. (fn. 168) The butter standard near St. Martin's Church needed repair in 1729, (fn. 169) was blown down in 1777, replaced in 1778, and finally removed in 1828. (fn. 170) The standard was leased to a toll collector whose rent decreased as the trade in butter declined: about 1790 the rent was £40, and 80,000 firkins of butter were weighed; but the rent had fallen to £30 by about 1800, and to £20 by 1818 when only 14,000-15,000 firkins were handled. The butter was bought by contractors and shipped to London. (fn. 171)
In medieval times hay may have been sold in The Shambles, for which an alternative name was Haymongergate, (fn. 172) but by the 18th century the hay market was held near Holy Trinity Church in King's Court. The available space was enlarged in 1768 after a house and part of the church had been demolished and part of the churchyard acquired. (fn. 173) In 1827 the market was moved to Peaseholme Green where a new weighing machine was provided; (fn. 174) in 1855 the market was held there each Thursday. (fn. 175) In King's Court the toll collector had received about £100 a year, one-third of which was allowed to him by the corporation. (fn. 176)
It has been suggested that the early wool market was held on Ouse Bridge; (fn. 177) some wool was sold in Thursday Market in the early 16th century. (fn. 178) The market appears to have lapsed for a long period, however, before being established by the corporation in St. Anthony's Hall in 1708; it was later moved into the street in Peaseholme Green where the wool was weighed and tolls collected; (fn. 179) the beam was in need of repair in 1728. (fn. 180) The market was in 1818 held on Thursdays from Lady Day to Michaelmas, (fn. 181) and in 1855 each Thursday from the end of May until the end of August, and each alternate Thursday in September, October, and November. (fn. 182) In 1862 sheds were erected in the cattle market for the accommodation of the wool market. (fn. 183)
In 1490 it was ordered that all tanned leather should be searched in the common hall, (fn. 184) where its sale was ordered to take place in 1544 and 1546; in the latter year, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday were the appointed market-days. (fn. 185) In 1579 'foreigners' were ordered to sell untanned hides only in the 'common market' (fn. 186) —probably Thursday Market. The tanned-leather market was in 1626 said to have usually been held in the common hall on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays; since the tanners and shoemakers found the building unsatisfactory, however, the market was in future to be held in Thursday Market on the same days. (fn. 187) In Drake's time leather was sold in Thursday Market on Thursdays. (fn. 188)
The medieval sea-fish market was held on Foss Bridge and is first mentioned in 1253. (fn. 189) In the mid15th century some tenements on the north side of the bridge were described as 'the fish shambles', but by the later 16th century no tenements were specifically ascribed to them: (fn. 190) by that time the fish market was probably an open one. Some fishermen's ordinances of 1586-7 decreed that freemen were to sell fish only between the gutters at the ends of the bridge. (fn. 191) The market was opened by the ringing of the 'scayt-bell', as in 1519 when different hours were laid down for purchase of fish by freemen and 'foreigners'. (fn. 192) A surveyor of all sea-fish brought to the market was appointed in 1550, (fn. 193) and tolls were presumably collected. In 1724 sheds were ordered to be built on the bridge for the market, (fn. 194) and in 1727 it was recalled that the tolls had been remitted when the new market was built; the tolls were then reimposed since their removal had been of no advantage to the market. (fn. 195) In Drake's time, when Wednesday and Friday were the market-days, free 'panniermen' sold fish on the bridge, and unfree panniermen in Walmgate, at the east end of the bridge. (fn. 196)
The medieval freshwater-fish market was held at the east end of Ouse Bridge. (fn. 197) Ground called the Fish Landing on the north side of the bridge there was in 1573 leased to Andrew True for 16d. a year on condition that he made a landing place and provided the fishmongers with access to it. (fn. 198) This was still the freshwater-fish market in Drake's time. (fn. 199)
The fish markets were apparently removed from Foss and Ouse bridges in the late 18th century: fish was sold in Pavement, near All Saints' Church, after 1782, (fn. 200) and in Thursday Market at about the same time; (fn. 201) in 1818 it was sold in both market-places. (fn. 202) In 1837 a new fish market was opened in what is now Silver Street, near St. Sampson's Church, (fn. 203) where it was still being held in 1855. (fn. 204) The market was later moved to St. Sampson's Square, and in 1955 to Newgate. (fn. 205)
By the early 19th century the facilities offered by Thursday Market and Pavement were proving inadequate: only limited space was available in both and, moreover, the corporation had lost full control of the markets. By 1830 the restricted space of Pavement was being increasingly used for stalls of city shopkeepers, and by hawkers and pedlars, to the exclusion of legitimate stall-holders from the country; the corporation had neglected to enforce its regulations, and the offenders were well entrenched. (fn. 206) In Thursday Market and Pavement alike the corporation's negligence in collecting market tolls had encouraged the illegal erection of stalls, and occupiers of houses and shops around Thursday Market were themselves letting the ground in front of their windows to stall-holders who did not pay tolls to the corporation's lessee. (fn. 207) By way of remedy an Inspector of Markets was appointed in December 1829 to have control over all stall-holders; at the same time, different sections of Pavement were assigned to different commodities, and the sale of haberdashery, hardware, and other 'ordinary shop goods' in the market was prohibited. (fn. 208) Even these new regulations were flouted, and the corporation was uncertain how its authority might be reasserted. (fn. 209)
To solve the problem of space, many plans were put forward for improvements to existing markets, or for completely new ones: one scheme, for example, envisaged a new market on the site of the 'Water Lanes' near King's Staith. The plan eventually favoured involved the linking of Pavement and Thursday Market by a broad, new street, and the extensive demolition of old property. (fn. 210) The Act of Parliament obtained in 1833 (fn. 211) provided for both physical expansion and civic control: the new street was to be used only by the corporation which was to retain its powers of regulating all markets and fairs in York. (fn. 212) The work of demolishing old property and building new began in 1834, and the new market was opened in July 1836. (fn. 213) Thursday Market, about this time renamed St. Sampson's Square, remained in use but there were henceforth to be no stalls in Pavement. (fn. 214)
The cost of this work was met by the sale of demolished houses and of the new building sites, by a corporation contribution, from rates, and from loans. (fn. 215) By December 1836 about £31,000 had been borrowed, and nearly £17,000 remained to be repaid in December 1840. (fn. 216)
Throughout the second half of the 19th century proposals were continually being made for a covered market, but none materialized (fn. 217) and the market remains entirely open. Parliament Street, however, has itself proved inadequate for modern requirements and several plans have been put forward for the removal of the market to the area between Parliament Street and The Shambles; (fn. 218) the name 'Gell Garth', suggested for this new market, is presumably a corruption of Geil or Gail Garth which is said to have been the medieval name for the area, deriving from the 'gails' or lanes running into it. (fn. 219) By the end of 1955 the first stage of the transference had taken place, involving the erection of temporary stalls for a variety of goods, and the rehousing of the fish and meat markets in permanent stalls in Newgate; (fn. 220) St. Sampson's Square became a car park.
Markets have not been held in Parliament Street on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays as they were in Thursday Market and Pavement. In 1855 the chief market was held on Saturdays with a smaller one on Thursdays; (fn. 221) in 1888 Saturday was market-day although some people paid for stallage on other days; (fn. 222) in 1939-40 marketing took place every week-day in both Parliament Street and St. Sampson's Square although Saturday was still the principal market-day; (fn. 223) likewise since the establishment of the Newgate Market in 1955 sales have taken place there every week-day although Saturday has been the sole market-day in Parliament Street itself.
The modern cattle market replaced a number of small markets, as well as fairs held both in the city streets and at the Horsefair. (fn. 224) Toft Green, for example, was appointed as a cattle market in 1416, (fn. 225) and again in 1457, when a weekly market was to be held there on Fridays. (fn. 226) It was appointed as a swine market in 1738, (fn. 227) and swine were sold there on Wednesdays until shortly before 1818. (fn. 228) Swine were ordered to be sold at Peaseholme Green in 1500 (fn. 229) and 1572, (fn. 230) and they were also sold in Swinegate: the inconvenience caused resulted in the establishment of a swine market at Bean Hills (outside Fishergate Bar) in 1605. (fn. 231) In the 19th century a pig market was also held near Foss Bridge. (fn. 232) Between the late 16th and the 19th centuries the chief market for the sale of cattle was that provided by the Fortnight Fairs, held chiefly in Walmgate. (fn. 233)
The inconvenience of holding cattle markets and fairs in city streets and at the distant Horsefair eventually led the corporation, in 1826, to buy about 6 acres of land outside the city walls near Fishergate Bar. (fn. 234) The walled-up bar was opened, the dyke alongside the walls was covered over, pens were constructed, and the market was opened late in 1827. The Soulmas, Martinmas, Fortnight, and all the other stock fairs were thenceforth held there. The site was further improved in 1828 by the building of the City Arms Inn. (fn. 235)
Tolls were collected at the new market, and both market-place and City Arms Inn were let by the corporation: the rents were, in 1828, £310 and £90 a year respectively. The first Fortnight Fair, on 4 October 1827, brought receipts of over £18 and a profit of over £10; gross receipts for the first year, during which 32 fairs were held, amounted to over £352. (fn. 236)
The cattle market was reconstructed in 1855; accommodation for the wool market was provided in 1862 (fn. 237) and extended in 1876 and 1898-9; cement floors were laid in the market pens between 1879 and 1882; land was bought in 1898-9 for the extension of the market; and considerable improvements, including the addition of two auction rings, were made in 1904. (fn. 238) A railway siding and branch line to the market had been built in 1879. (fn. 239)
Continuing the Fortnight Fairs, markets were held fortnightly—with weekly sheep fairs in September and October—until 1914; thereafter markets were held weekly until 1926, (fn. 240) and after 1928 Monday and Thursday were the market days. (fn. 241) A Fat Stock Show, instituted in 1857, was still being held in 1939-40, in December. (fn. 242)
Most of the city's fairs were held in the marketplaces or streets, but the three of oldest foundation —two belonging to the city and one to the archbishop—were held at the Horsefair. This ground, lying outside the walls and at the northern end of Gillygate, was so-called from at least the early 15th century; it was then probably of greater extent than the area known in the mid-19th century as 'Milking Hill or the Horsefair' (now Clarence Gardens). (fn. 243)
The city's early fairs, held at Pentecost and at the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, were both apparently prescriptive and were in existence at least by the late 13th century, when receipts from them greatly decreased as a result of the Scottish wars. (fn. 244) In 1570 the city claimed to have certain rights within the forest of Galtres, (fn. 245) among them the holding of fairs in the Horsefair on the day after Pentecost and on the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, and the claim was upheld. (fn. 246) The Pentecost Fair had been extended in 1449 when the city received a grant of a fair to be held on the six days following Pentecost, (fn. 247) but it was later confined to Whit Sunday and Whit Monday. It was ordered in 1586 that the Whit Sunday Fair, which had formerly been held in 'Minster Garth' (presumably in the close), should no longer be kept, but that the Whit Monday Fair in Thursday Market should be frequented instead; (fn. 248) and in 1587 the Whit Monday horse fair was ordered to be held 'according to the ancient custom'. (fn. 249) Thus on Whit Monday there was, in the late 16th century, a fair for the sale of horses in the Horsefair and one for other goods in Thursday Market. The horse fair was still held in 1818, (fn. 250) and horses and other animals were sold at the fair in 1822, (fn. 251) but this was one of the fairs merged with the new cattle market in 1827. The festal part of the Whit Monday Fair continued throughout the 19th century, with stalls and shows at first in Thursday Market, Pavement, and Peaseholme Green, and later in St. Sampson's Square and Parliament Street. (fn. 252) In 1924 the fair was moved from Parliament Street to St. George's Field, where it continues as one of the city's three annual pleasure fairs. (fn. 253) The second of these city fairs, St. Peter's Fair, was still held in 1818 (fn. 254) but was merged with the new cattle market in 1827.
The archbishop's fair was held at least as early as the first half of the 12th century when grants from the proceeds of his fair of St. Peter's Chains were made to the canons of the minster and to St. Clement's Priory. (fn. 255) The fair was held at the Horsefair, and from at least the late 12th or early 13th centuries (when it was said to be prescriptive) it lasted from the day preceding to the day following the feast of St. Peter's Chains; during the fair the city sheriffs surrendered their authority to the archbishop who collected tolls and determined disputes for those three days. (fn. 256) Tolls were collected on goods passing through the city bars and posterns during the Lammas Fair (as it was later called) until the early 19th century; (fn. 257) it was for this reason that, in 1807, Archbishop Markham disputed the corporation's decision to remove Skeldergate Postern; his opposition was temporarily successful but he died later that year and the postern was later demolished. (fn. 258) The tolls apparently ceased to be collected about 1814, (fn. 259) but £10 is said to have been paid to the archbishop in 1825 in compensation for his loss of tolls when Castlegate Postern was demolished. (fn. 260) The fair was merged with the new cattle market in 1827. (fn. 261)
The entitlement of the Abbot of St. Mary's to hold a fair and market in Bootham was confirmed in 1308. (fn. 262) It is uncertain whether they were, in fact, held, for in 1318 the abbey was granted an annual fair and a weekly market there; this grant was subsequently cancelled as being prejudicial to the city. (fn. 263) That a market continued to be held in Bootham is suggested by the granting, in 1448, of permission for the abbot to appoint clerks of the market 'in the abbey, cells, lordships and so forth', thus excluding the jurisdiction of the royal clerks. (fn. 264)
The city sought in 1501 and received in 1502 a royal grant of a fair to be held on the Monday after the feast of the Ascension and the five days following. (fn. 265) In 1502 the first two days of the fair were for animals: cattle were sold in Fishergate, horses outside Walmgate Bar, and sheep on Heworth Moor; on the remaining days goods of many kinds were sold, different streets, all on the east side of the Ouse, being appointed for each. (fn. 266) No later mention of the fair has been found.
The royal grant of 1502 included a fair to be held on St. Luke's day and the five days following. (fn. 267) In 1502 the first two days of the fair were for animals: horses and cattle were sold in the streets outside Micklegate Bar and beyond St. James's Chapel, and on Knavesmire; on the remaining days goods of many kinds were sold, different streets, all on the west side of the Ouse, (fn. 268) being appointed for each. (fn. 269) In Drake's time St. Luke's was known as the 'Dish Fair', with small wares being sold in Micklegate. (fn. 270) This was apparently a fair the date of which was changed after 1752. (fn. 271) In 1827 the 'Black Fair' (apparently another name for St. Luke's) was held on 29 October: it was reported that only a slender show of wooden ware and a few ginger-bread stalls were to be seen in Micklegate. (fn. 272) St. Luke's Fair is said to have been discontinued about 1859. (fn. 273)
During the 16th and 17th centuries linen cloth and yarn were sold at the cross in Thursday Market, (fn. 274) and foreign hemp and 'line' sellers were directed to that market in 1731. (fn. 275) The first fair for hemp and flax was held at the cross in 1780, the appointed days thenceforth being Whit Monday, St. Peter's Day, and the Saturdays before Martinmas, Christmas, Candlemas, and Lady Day. (fn. 276) When the cross was taken down in 1815 the 'Line Fairs' were transferred to the Guildhall yard and the archway leading into it; (fn. 277) Lammas Day and the Saturday before Michaelmas Day were added to the fair days. (fn. 278) By 1823 the fairs had been removed to Peaseholme Green, (fn. 279) and they had apparently been discontinued by the mid-19th century. (fn. 280)
In 1590 the city received a royal grant of cattle fairs to be held on the Thursday before Palm Sunday and on alternate Thursdays between Palm Sunday and Christmas. (fn. 281) The fairs were then held in Walmgate, Fossgate, in the Bean Hills (outside Fishergate Bar), and outside Walmgate Bar. (fn. 282) The letting of the tolls of the fairs was discussed in 1591, (fn. 283) and the tolls were certainly let during the late-16th and the 17th and 18th centuries. (fn. 284) In the 17th century at least, sheep as well as cattle were being sold at these fairs. (fn. 285) Long Close, stretching within the city wall from Fishergate to Walmgate Bars, was used during the fairs until the early 19th century, (fn. 286) but the sale of animals continued in the streets as well and caused great inconvenience, particularly in Walmgate. Proposals were made for the removal of the fairs to various sites outside the city walls, (fn. 287) and in 1826 the corporation established the cattle market outside Fishergate Bar. (fn. 288) After this the Fortnight Fairs were held in the cattle market, but the fair held on the Thursday before Palm Sunday apparently preserved a separate identity: it still existed in 1855 and 1867, (fn. 289) but was said in 1906 not to have been held for many years. (fn. 290)
A fair to be held on the Thursday and Friday before Candlemas was granted to the city in 1632. (fn. 291) It was a cattle fair, held originally in Walmgate, Fossgate, and outside Walmgate Bar; (fn. 292) after 1827 it was held in the new cattle market.
A cattle and horse fair was held in Walmgate on All Souls Day (fn. 293) at least as early as 1736; in 1752 it was moved from 2 to 13 November. (fn. 294) The fair was still held in 1818; (fn. 295) after 1827 it was held in the new cattle market.
A Martinmas fair for horses and cattle, of which the origin is unknown, was in 1752 moved from 11 to 22 November. (fn. 296) In 1841 the sale of horses took place 'as usual' outside Walmgate Bar, with cattle in the new cattle market. (fn. 297) Martinmas Fair also served as the 'statute fair' for the hiring of servants, who offered themselves at first in Pavement and later in Parliament Street: the hirings were still held in 1906. (fn. 298) Throughout the 19th century this was also a pleasure fair, with stalls, shows and exhibitions in Parliament Street and elsewhere. (fn. 299) Martinmas Fair was in 1924 moved from Parliament Street to St. George's Field and continues as one of York's three annual pleasure fairs. (fn. 300)
A quarterly Leather Fair was established in 1815 and held on the last Wednesday in March, June, September, and December. (fn. 301) In 1837 these days were changed to the last Wednesday in February, May, August, and November, (fn. 302) and the fair was discontinued about the middle of the 19th century. (fn. 303)
In 1770 half-yearly shows for horses were held in summer on the Monday of Race Week and in winter on the Monday of the last whole week before Christmas. (fn. 304) The 'Christmas Horse Fair' was held in Blossom Street in the 19th century and continued until at least 1906. In 1818 and 1855 it took place during the last whole week before Christmas; (fn. 305) in 1906 it was held on 15 and 17 December. (fn. 306)
An August Bank Holiday Fair was established during the Second World War as the third of the city's pleasure fairs; it is held in St. George's Field. (fn. 307)
1. L. Toulmin Smith, York Mystery Plays, xix-xxvii.
2. See pp. 114-16.
3. See pp. 91-95, 126-7, 169-70, 218.
4. See pp. 95-97.
5. See below.
6. York and E. Yorks. Archit. Soc. Year Bk. 1953-4, 51-52; B. Johnson, Act. and Ordinances of Co. of Merch. Taylors, York, 19-20, 102-14.
7. A. Raine, Med. York, 186-7; the butchers' guild was revived in 1941 and has a hall in the Shambles: Yorks. Eve. Press. 6 Mar. 1958.
8. A. Raine, Med. York, 65; O.S. Plan, 1/1056 (1852).
9. York Merch. Adv. iii-xiii; see pp. 106, 111, 422,.
10. York Merch. Adv. iii-ix.
11. York and E. Yorks. Archit. Soc. Year Bk. 1952-3, 47-49.
12. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 34, ff. 250, 256, 267.
13. The Last of the Old Hanse (priv. print. York, 1949), 10; the hall was sub-let by the company in 1679-82: York Merch. Adv. 292.
14. Camd. Soc. 3rd Ser. xi. 71-139.
15. Last of Old Hanse, 31.
16. Ibid. 33 et sqq.
17. See pp. 96, 147.
18. York Merch. Adv. 68; C.C. Guild, viii.
19. York Corp. Rec., G/13, 14; see p. 422.
20. York Corp. Rec. C/99 (gild acct. rolls for 1478-9, 1489-90).
21. See p. 422.
22. C 66/1138, m. 15.
23. York Corp. Rec. G/12.
24. This paragraph is based on A. Raine, Med. York, 91-94; for another account, see J. S. Purvis, St. Anthony's Hall (St. Anth. Hall Publ. no. 1), 3-5.
25. St. Anthony's subsequently performed the Paternoster Play: see p. 96.
26. Cal. Pat. 1441-6, 442.
27. Except with the agreement of St. Anthony's London, which might otherwise have been prejudiced.
28. Alone and sometimes in association with that of St. Martin.
29. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 35, f. 31.
30. St. Anthony's Hall (St. Anth. Hall Publ. no. 1), 6.
31. York Civ. Rec. v. 106-7.
32. Drake, Ebor. 224; the list includes three—the mercers and merchants, shoe-makers and butchers—who had their own halls.
33. St. Anthony's Hall (St. Anth. Hall Publ. no. 1), 7-8.
35. Ibid. 34, f. 37.
36. For details of the workhouse and house of correction see pp. 134, 494.
39. Yorks. Eve. Press, 15 May 1953; a bequest was made to the trust by the trustees of William Borthwick of Hatfield (Herts.): York Civic Trust, Ann. Rep. 1951-2.
40. This architectural description is from E. A. Gee, in St. Anthony's Hall (St. Anth. Hall Publ. no. 1), 9-15.
41. See pp. 111, 147.
44. A. Raine, Med. York, 140.
45. Cal. Pat. 1446-52, 80-81; York Corp. Rec. A/19.
46. V.C.H. Yorks. iii. 257.
47. Cal. Pat. 1436-41, 40; and Cal. Pat. passim.
48. Ibid. 1354-8, 495; 1358-61, 154, 270.
49. Ibid. 1334-8, 85; Cal. Close, 1333-7, 23-24, 378-9.
51. York Corp. Rec., Chamberlains' Bks. passim.
52. York Civ. Rec. vi. 114.
54. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 42, 150; 45, 127.
55. Davies, Walks Through York, 91; unless it refers to jersey wool; see p. 172.
56. Knight, Hist. York, 648.
58. A. Raine, Med. York, 198-9.
61. A. Raine, Med. York, passim.
62. See p. 21.
63. P.N. Yorks. E.R. (E.P.N.S.), 293; Yorks. Inq. iv. 45; Yorks. Deeds, viii. 174-6; Yorks. Deeds, ix. 177, 183, 186.
64. The Shambles, in which many city butchers had shops, is not considered as a market.
65. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 17, f. 45; 20, f. 7.
66. Ibid. 7, ff. 73, 76-77; 13A, f. 10; 17, ff. 45-46; 20, ff. 7, 64; 21, f. 74b; 22, f. 63; 35, f. 87.
68. Minster Fab. R. 248.
69. Not perhaps the sole market-day for the name 'Thursday Market' occurs in the 13th cent.
70. Widdrington, Analecta, 59.
71. Cal. Chart. R. 1300-26, 329.
73. York Corp. Rec. E/60 B.
74. Ibid. A/46.
76. Ibid. K/127, 'Case and Opinion of Mr. Tindal concerning market tolls and stallage, &c. [Thursday Market], 1826'; see pp. 486-7.
77. 3 and 4 Wm. IV, c. 62 (local personal act).
78. 1st Rep. Royal Com. on Market Rights, vol. iv [C. 5550-III], p. 293, H.C. (1888), lv (1).
79. 47 and 48 Vic. c. 232 (local act).
80. E.Y.C. i. 229.
81. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 9, f. 98.
82. See below.
83. York Mem. Bk. i. 45-46, 223.
84. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 2/3/4, f. 156; 9, f. 81.
85. Ibid. 2/3/4, f. 56; 23, f. 10; 27, f. 188.
86. Ibid. 11, f. 42; 27, ff. 126, 187; 42, f. 125.
88. Drake, Ebor. 219.
89. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 397; Sheahan and Whellan, Hist. York and E.R. i. 583.
90. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 7, ff. 73, 76.
91. e.g. ibid. 13A, f. 10; 17, ff. 45-46; 20, f. 7.
94. Ibid. 27, f. 141.
95. Ibid. 31, ff. 4-5.
97. Ibid. 29, f. 79; in the 18th cent. the sale of hemp and flax in Thursday Market took place at the 'Line Fairs': see p. 490.
98. Ibid. 9, f. 98.
100. Ibid. 21, f. 33.
101. Ibid. 24, f. 154.
103. York. Mem. Bk. ii. 13, 25.
104. York Corp. Rec., Chamberlains' Bks. and Rolls, passim; Ho. Bk. 12, f. 1.
105. Ibid. Chamberlains' Bks. and Bridgemasters' Accts. Ouse, passim.
106. Davies, Walks Through York, 30-31.
107. Ibid. 31.
108. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 31, ff. 4-5.
109. Ibid. E/63, f. 47.
110. Ibid. Ho. Bk. 40, ff. 174-5.
111. Ibid. 224.
115. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 45, f. 178.
117. York Courant, 24 July, 1815.
118. York Corp. Rec. K/127, 'Case and Opinion of Mr. Tindal concerning market tolls and stallage, &c. [Thursday Market], 1826'.
119. See p. 488.
120. O.S. Plan, 1/1056 (1852); Sheahan and Whellan, Hist. York and E.R. i. 583.
121. 1st Rep. Royal Com. on Market Rights, vol. iv, pp. 297-8.
123. A. Raine, Med. York, 177-80.
124. P.N. Yorks. E.R. (E.P.N.S.), 296.
125. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 8, f. 21.
128. Drake, Ebor. 219.
130. Ibid. 27, ff. 149-50.
132. Ibid. 45, ff. 163-6.
133. York Pub. Libr. broadside of regulations for Pavement market, Dec. 1829; see also Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 266.
134. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 18, ff. 20-21.
137. Ibid. 42, ff. 99, 112, 124, 189, 191.
138. Ibid. 45, ff. 49, 99-100.
139. Ibid. ff. 163-6; York Pub. Libr. broadside of regulations for Pavement market, Dec. 1829.
140. York Mem. Bk. ii. 121.
141. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 1, f. 68; 9, ff. 24, 98; 17, f. 45; 20, f. 7.
142. York Courant, 28 Feb. and 6 June 1769.
143. York Pub. Libr. broadside of regulations for Pavement market, Dec. 1829.
144. Sheahan and Whellan, Hist. York and E.R. i. 583.
145. Yorks. Herald, 14 July 1906.
146. 1st Rep. Royal Com. on Market Rights, vol. iv, p. 294.
148. Yorks. Gaz. 23 Oct. 1926; Rep. of Markets, Trading and Industrial Facilities Sub-Com. of York Civic Com. 1945 (unpubl. copy in York Pub. Libr.)
149. Official Handbk. City of York Markets, 1939-40, 16; ex inf. Markets Superintendent, 1959.
150. York Corp. Rec., Chamberlains' Bks. and Rolls, passim.
152. Ibid. Chamberlains' Bks. and Rolls, passim.
153. Ibid. Chamberlains' Bks. passim; Drake, Ebor. 181.
155. Ibid. f. 235; 43, ff. 63, 66-67, 158, 279; 44, ff. 15, 204.
157. W. White, Dir. W.R. York and Hull (1838), ii. 554.
158. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 42, ff. 25, 32.
159. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 266-7; York. Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 38, ff. 64, 75.
160. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 24, ff. 140, 219.
161. Ibid. 35, f. 198; E/31, ii. 11.
162. Ibid. Ho. Bk. 9, f. 74; 12, f. 1; 13, f. 75; 21, ff. 74a-b.
163. Ibid. 8, f. 88; 21, f. 74b.
165. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 38, ff. 131, 135, 151, 183, 236.
167. 8 Geo. I, c. 27.
168. Ebor. 220.
171. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 173-4; see also p. 221.
172. A. Raine, Med. York, 186.
174. Yorks. Gaz, 10 Mar. 1827.
176. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 380.
177. Yorks. Herald, 21 July, 1906.
179. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 343-4.
185. Ibid. 17, f. 71; 18, f. 22.
189. York. Mem. Bk. i. 117.
191. York Corp. Rec. E/22, f. 201.
192. Ibid. Ho. Bk. 9, f. 98.
193. Ibid. 20, f. 2.
195. Ibid. Ho. Bk. 42, f. 95.
197. York. Mem. Bk. ii. 122.
198. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 25, f. 46.
203. Yorks. Gaz. 28 Oct. 1837; O.S. Plan 1/1056 (1852).
206. York Corp. Rec. K/127, 'Case and Opinion of Mr. Coltman [Pavement market], 1830'; blocking of the roadways by stalls had long been complained of, e.g. in 1784, Ho. Bk. 45, ff. 163-6.
207. Ibid. K/127, 'Case and Opinion of Mr. Tindal, &c.'
209. York Corp. Rec. K/127, 'Cases and Opinion of Mr. Coltman, &c.'
210. Yorks. Gaz. 8 May 1824, 3 and 10 Mar. 1827, 12 Dec. 1829, 24 Mar. 1832, 19 Jan. 1833; Yorks. Herald, 1 Aug. 1914.
211. 3 & 4 Wm. IV, c. 62 (local and personal act).
212. York Pub. Libr. broadside, Market Improvement, Feb. 1833.
213. Yorks. Herald, 1 Aug. 1914; see plate facing p. 486.
214. Yorks. Gaz. 16 July 1836.
215. Ibid. 16 Feb. 1833; York Pub. Libr. broadside, Market Improvement, Feb. 1833.
216. Yorks. Gaz. 10 Dec. 1836, 12 Dec. 1840.
217. Knight, Hist. York, 671-2, 713; York Pub. Libr. pamphlet, 'Proposed Covered Market, 1895'.
218. S. D. Adshead, C. J. Minter, and C. W. C. Needham, York, a Plan for Progress and Preservation (priv. print. 1948), 'A plan for the Shambles area', Y.A. & Y.A.S., Proc. 1949-50, 21-35; 1951-2, 10-11.
220. Yorks. Gaz. 25 Mar. and 2 Dec. 1955.
223. Official Handbk. City of York Markets, 1939-40, 13.
224. See below.
225. York. Mem. Bk. ii. 53.
226. Hargrove, Hist. York. ii. 178.
232. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 666; Sheahan and Whellan, Hist. York and E.R. i. 582.
234. York Corp. Rec. K/126, copy of Geo. IV's licence for the removal of the Fortnight Fairs, and other documents.
235. Ibid. contracts for work on sheep pens and inn; York Pub. Libr. Giles MS. 'York Cattle Market' (extracts from minute book of cattle market cttee.); Yorks. Gaz. 6 Oct. 1827.
236. York Pub. Libr. Giles MS. 'York Cattle Market'.
237. 1st Rep. Royal Com. on Market Rights, vol. iv, pp. 299-300.
238. York Herald, 7 July, 1906.
239. Official Handbk. City of York Markets, 1939-40, 9.
240. Yorks. Gaz. 23 Oct. 1926.
241. Markets and Fairs in Eng. and Wales, iii. (Min. of Agric. 1928), 73; Rep. Markets, Trading and Industrial Facilities Sub-Committee of York Civic Com. 1945.
242. Yorks. Herald, 21 July 1906; Official Handbk. City of York Markets, 1939-40, 13.
243. A. Raine, Med. York, 273; O.S. Plan, 1/1056 (1852).
244. S.C. 6/1088/13; E 372/146; receipts fell from £2 6s. 8d. in 1292 to £1 3s. in 1294-5 (Pentecost Fair), and from £2 10s. in 1292 to 17s. 0½d. in 1294-5 (St. Peter and St. Paul Fair).
246. York Corp. Rec. G/9.
247. York Corp. Rec. A/20.
251. Yorks. Gaz. June 1822.
252. Ibid. 31 May 1828; 1 June 1833; 28 May 1836; 20 May 1837; 9 June 1838; 25 May 1839.
254. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 667; in 1855 the date of this fair is given as 10 July (Sheahan and Whellan, Hist. York and E.R. i. 582), suggesting that it may have been changed after 1752; see below n. 35.
255. E.Y.C. i. 126-7, 278, the fair yielded £3 9s. 9d. in 1212: Pipe R. 1212 (P.R.S. N.S. xxx), 2.
256. Plac. de Quo Warr. (Rec. Com.), 222-3 (temp. Edw. I); Drake, Ebor. 218; Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 667-8.
257. Following the confiscation of lands belonging to bishops and deans and chapters, the corporation sought in 1647 to purchase the tolls and profits of the archbishop's fair: York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 36, f. 208.
258. Ibid. K/21, 'Durham Assizes 1807 . . . brief for defendents &c.'; Ho. Bk. 47, ff. 201-4; Knight, Hist. York, 569.
260. Knight, Hist. York, 610.
261. In 1855 the date of the fair is given as 12 Aug. (Sheahan and Whellan, Hist. York and E.R. i. 582), suggesting that it may have been changed after 1752; see below n. 35.
262. Chron. St. Mary's Abb. (Sur. Soc. 148), 43.
263. Cal. Chart. R. 1300-26, 407.
264. Ibid. 1427-1516, 110.
265. Cal. Pat. 1494-1509, 257; in its petition for the fair, the city had asked for Monday and the following eight days: York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 8, ff. 110, 127.
266. York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 8, f. 131.
267. Cal. Pat. 1494-1509, 257; in its petition, the city had asked for St. Luke's Day and the following eight days: York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 8, ff. 110, 127.
268. Cf. the provisions for the fair following the feast of the Ascension.
271. See below n. 35.
272. Yorks. Gaz. 3 Nov. 1827.
276. York Courant, 24 Oct. 1780.
277. Ibid. 25 Sept. 1815.
279. E. Baines, Dir. Co. York, ii (1823), 61.
280. They are not mentioned in the York directories after 1843.
281. Drake, Ebor. 207-8; Cal. S.P. Dom. 1581-90, 673.
282. York Corp. Rec. K/126, 'Orders appointing fortnight fairs to be held &c.'; Ho. Bk. 30 f. 191.
283. Ibid. Ho. Bk. 30, f. 273.
284. Ibid. 35, f. 5; 32, f. 78; K/126, 'Abstract of leases of tolls of fortnight fairs since 1722'; Chamberlains' Bks. passim.
287. York Corp. Rec. K/126, petitions to the mayor, &c.
289. Sheahan and Whellan, Hist. York and E.R. i. 582; W. White, Dir. Hull, York, &c. (1867), 394.
291. York Corp. Rec. E/60 B.
292. Drake, Ebor. 218; Yorks. Herald, 21 July 1906; York Corp. Rec., Ho. Bk. 35, f. 184.
294. York Courant, 3 Oct. 1752; Yorks. Herald, 21 July 1906; the change was apparently made as a result of the new calendar introduced that year: 24 Geo. VI, c. 23.
296. York Courant, 3 Oct. 1752.
297. Yorks. Gaz. 27 Nov. 1841.
298. Drake, Ebor. 218; Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 668; Yorks. Herald, 21 July 1906.
299. Yorks. Gaz. 24 Nov. 1832; 29 Nov. 1834; 28 Nov. 1835; 26 Nov. 1836; 24 Nov. 1838; 27 Nov. 1841; 29 Nov. 1890.
300. Official Handbk. City of York Markets, 1939-40, 16; Yorks. Gaz. 22 Nov. 1930.
301. Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 344; York Courant, 4 Sept. and 2 Oct. 1815.
302. Yorks. Gaz. 9 Sept. 1837.
304. K. L. McCutcheon, Yorks. Markets and Fairs (Thoresby Soc.), 177.
305. Ibid. 582; Hargrove, Hist. York, ii. 668.
306. Yorks. Gaz. 22 Dec. 1906.
307. Ex inf. Markets Superintendent 1959; York Corp. Mins. 1947-9, 332.
Guides and calendars
Secondary texts
Administrative and legal
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Version 5.0. © 2019, University of London.


Maths doesn't have to be an activity that's confined to the indoors - we've got some great ideas for ways that you can bring numeracy outside as the weather (hopefully!) starts to warm up.
Measuring is an important element of maths that is useful throughout our lives. Measuring things that grow and change in size, like plants is not only fun, but it's full of opportunities for maths learning at all levels.
For kids who are just being introduced to the concept of measurement, you can either go outdoors with a ruler and look for bulbs that are starting to grow and measure the shoots - lots of public parks have daffodils and other shooting flowers whose bright green spears are easy to measure as they grow. What size is the tallest shoot you can find?
Alternatively you can plant your own daffodil bulb (like we did!) very easily in a small pot and measure it as it grows. Older kids can practice recording measurements on a chart or graph, and if there's more than one bulb, you can compare sizes and measurements. There's a wealth of maths in a flower bulb at spring time!
Finding lines of symmetry in shapes is something that children start to learn about around the age of 6 or 7. Finding the lines of symmetry that are present in nature and the outdoors is a really fun activity to do while out on a walk or in the garden. Look for lines of symmetry in leaves, flowers, insects - what else can you find that is symmetrical?
You can look for angles between the trunks of trees and the branches they send up, and between the leaves and twigs they are growing from. Discuss whether the angles are acute or obtuse and see if you can find any right angles. You can bring estimation into the mix by having a rough guess as to how many degrees each angle might be.
If you have a garden with space to plant things, this is a perfect opportunity to teach kids about area. Help them measure the length and width of the space you can plant to find the total area. Figure out how many of each plant can grow in the area you have - you can find a wealth of info to use for these calculations on the back of seed packets.
The backs of seed packets also estimate how long it will take for each plant to mature - mark off when each plant should be ready based on these estimations and practice using the calendar to countdown to harvest time!
Have fun finding maths in the outdoors!
One of the important things we like to emphasise is that maths is all around us and we use it every day throughout our lives. It is not just about getting the right answers and it shouldn't be something to be anxious about. We feel that by using maths regularly, positively and in a fun way with kids, we can help reduce any worries they may feel about it, and in turn enable them to reach their potential in this fascinating, fun and important area!
About Komodo – Komodo is a fun and effective way to boost primary maths skills. Designed for 5 to 11-year-olds to use in the home, Komodo uses a little and often approach to learning maths (15 minutes, three to five times per week) that fits into the busy family routine. Komodo helps users develop fluency and confidence in maths – without keeping them at the screen for long.
Festive Christmas calculation colouring sheets - do the maths to reveal the picture. A fun way to build number bonds fluency this festive season.


While all-electric and hybrid vehicles are the more popular types of EVs at this point of time, it is a rather curious move from Toyota to keep insisting on pushing for hydrogen propulsion (FCEV).
The reason that the 2016 Toyota Mirai has failed to kick off has more to do with lack of support than poor capabilities.
Unlike Tesla, who built Superchargers according to the demand of the Model S, Toyota has not given the Mira sufficient charging infrastructure to make the FCEV commercially viable.
The automaker however remains adamant as its luxury arm Lexus is gearing up a potential replacement/variant for the Mirai with a high-output FCEV model in a couple of years.
This move comes on the back of the Lexus LC 500h gaining approval from all sides. The LC-FC concept, on which the LC 500/h is based, is going to arrive as an FCEV sedan that is built with performance and handling in mind.
There are definitely detractors of the LC-FC concept, but it is definitely more exciting than the Mirai in respect to design. Is Lexus going to learn from the mistake with the lack of support by investing in charging stations for its FCEV?


The best way to force yourself to get rid of things is to move into a much smaller house. This is easier if you are a renter, but you can do it if you own your house as well, you would just need to either sell your house, or rent it out to someone else.
If you look back, you will find that the average house built thirty or forty years ago is about half the size of the houses today. The average family had more kids as well. A large house, a McMansion if you will, is not necessary for most, if not all families. All a large house does is cause you to have to buy more stuff to fill it.
Two summers ago, Sara and I took our younger daughter to Asia for three months. We were renting at the time and our lease was up, so we decided to move everything we owned into storage and save the rent money for those three months. We could then use the money we saved to pay for hotels in Asia and come out ahead. Here is how we did it and what happened.
We knew that our daughter was going to a different school at the end of the summer, so we chose the school we wanted and then canvassed the area for available townhomes that we might like. None were available that far in advance, but we got to know the area we wanted. We were living in a 2000 square foot house and wanted to move to something smaller. The townhomes we liked were about 1100 square feet, so we needed to get rid of a bunch of things.
A month or so before the move out, we had a big yard sale. We also listed things on Craigslist and gave some things away to friends or charity. We got rid of tons of stuff. On moving day, the movers magically packed everything we owned (except the things in our luggage) into a 10x15 storage unit and we were off.
While we were in Taiwan, I was scouring Craigslist for available townhomes and found a promising one. We had one of our friends, Paola, go and check it out for us. She said it was full of college boys and reeked of beer, sweat and a little bit of vomit. OK. Pass.
I found another and Paola went again. Yes, we owe Paola a lot of favors. She liked the owners and said that after they put in new carpet, which they promised to do, the place would not be too bad. Sara has a very sensitive sniffer, and according to Paola, it would pass the smell test. Sold.
I returned to San Diego a week earlier than Sara and our daughter so that I could move us in before they got back. I drove from LAX to the owner's house in LA County and signed a two year lease, sight unseen. I then drove down to our new (rented) townhouse and walked in for the first time. Truthfully, it is a little dated in its decor, but the carpet was brand new and it smelled fresh.
Next, I had to move in. I had already set it up with the movers to pick up everything from storage the next day. I met them there and they loaded it all in the truck. When they arrived, they started unloading and anything that I did not know where it would go was put in the dining area. After an hour or so, I had to stop one of the movers and ask him if they had gone somewhere between the storage and our house and picked up more stuff. I couldn't believe how much crap we still had. Even after getting rid of so much.
Once they finished, the house was full and I did not know what to do. It was way too much and there was no room for it. I had been looking forward to a streamlined existence and I was going to be climbing over things just to go to the refrigerator. I made a decision. I would keep the storage unit for one more month. I piled things back into my car and took a bunch back to storage.
Now, here is the key. I was not complacent. I didn't want to keep the storage unit. That was $75 per month, or $900 per year that could be used to travel. I went crazy getting rid of things that we did not need. I would then go over to storage and bring a few things back, go through them and get rid of the nonessentials, while finding a place for the rest. At the end of that month, I had cleaned out the storage unit and the house was livable. I was also driving Sara insane with getting rid of things, so she made me take a month off.
I am very guilty of this. I have found that a lot of the time, the only way I get certain things done is when I am supposed to be doing something even worse. The only time I cleaned and organized my room in college was the night before a big exam. If you have a forced deadline, though, you will get it done. Moving is definitely a forced deadline.
The thing about moving is, it makes you go through EVERYTHING that you own and at least acknowledge it. At the very worst, you will find things that you forgot you had, or things you had misplaced, or duplicate items, or maybe even an old sandwich under the couch.
The key here, though is to go through every item and decide if it will fit in the new home. You must decide if it has a place. Of course the best time to do this is before the move, because then you don't have to move the things that you won't need. Unfortunately, the reality is that you will probably move a lot of things that you will end up getting rid of. It is difficult to think of everything when you are moving, and if you are just moving across town, it is probably cheaper to just move things that are questionable and decide if you need them on the other end.
Once you get to the other side, though, you need to get ruthless. You need to cut out all of the non-essentials, especially if the house is a lot smaller than your previous house. So how do you decide what you need and what you don't? You use the same techniques as the ease-into-it method, which I will be covering next week.
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Awesome Article Phil! I have been considering buying a sail boat to leave on so I can travel more. My big problem is that transition to a minimalist lifestyle. Thanks for the great advice!
Thanks, Pat! I have often dreamed of living on a sailboat. It seems like the ultimate freedom. If you don't like your locale, just leave. It is also a great way to force a minimalist lifestyle. Hope all is well with you!


A small New Zealand whisky distillery is being threatened with legal action by a global drinks giant over an alleged trademark infringement.
William Grant & Sons, the world's third largest producer of Scotch whisky based at the famous Glenfiddich Distillery, has hired top Auckland lawyers Simpson Grierson to get the New Zealand Whisky Company to change one of its award-winning brands.
The Scottish company claims Kiwi tipple Dunedin DoubleWood breaches the 1986 Fair Trading Act and the trademark will mislead the public into thinking it's connected with William Grant's Balvenie DoubleWood.
The Oamaru-based Kiwi company has rubbished suggestions drinkers could be confused when browsing the top shelf.
It says the Dunedin DoubleWood bottle features a map of New Zealand and points out the name is a reference to a cask-ageing process.
New Zealand Whisky Company also argues that while 126-year-old Balvenie launched its DoubleWood brand in 1993, it didn't register it as a trademark here until last year, five years after Dunedin DoubleWood hit the shelves.
"We got the shock of our life when we received legal threats," said New Zealand Whisky Company chief executive Greg Ramsay.
New Zealand Whisky Company has been asked to cease using the DoubleWood trademark in relation to any of its products.
New Zealand Whisky Company said it doesn't think it has a case to answer.
On behalf of its client, Simpson Grierson last night said that given the length of time that William Grant & Sons had been using the DoubleWood trade mark in New Zealand and internationally, and the valuable goodwill it had in the trade mark, "it was simply seeking to protect its valid rights from others who have sought to associate themselves with this goodwill.
"The New Zealand Whisky Co acknowledges it knew of William Grant & Sons' use of, and therefore rights in, DoubleWood when it adopted the name," a spokesman for Simpson Grierson said.
William Grant & Sons had used the mark in New Zealand since 1994, and the DoubleWood trade mark is distinctive when used in relation to alcoholic beverages, the spokesman said.
The Kiwi whisky was produced at the Willowbank distillery in Dunedin, which ceased operation in 1997.
The New Zealand Whisky Company bought its stockpile in 2000 and has been ageing it at its Oamaru maturation store ever since.
The 10 year-old Dunedin DoubleWood blended whisky saw off stiff Scottish, Irish and US competition last year to be named the "world's best" at the Mid-West Whisky Olympics in Michigan.
New Zealand Whisky Company is confident over its legal stance. If someone orders a bottle of Dunedin DoubleWood, it will throw in a miniature bottle of Balvenie DoubleWood for free and let the buyers decide.
A small New Zealand whisky distillery, based in Oamaru, is being threatened with legal action by a global drinks giant over an alleged trademark infringement.
"We feel they don't have grounds for a cease and desist," said Mr Ramsay.
Simpson Grierson was not able to provide a response from its client before press time.


We are pleased to present the findings of our 18th annual international survey of consumer spending over the Christmas and New Year holiday period. To see the full version of the document, please click here. To find out the key results of the survey, click here.
We also invite you to watch this video dedicated to our festive survey.


The message on this birthday card says "Happy Birthday Daughter 1 Today. Igglepiggle-niggle-wiggle, Upsy Daisy dance and giggle! Makka Pakka Ing-ang-ooo, Happy 1st Birthday to you!" There is lots of space to write your own personal message as well.


text:
""" Team views
"""
from django.shortcuts import render
from teams.models import Team
from django.db.models import Count
from django.core.paginator import Paginator, PageNotAnInteger, EmptyPage

def homepage(request):
  """Home page for teams
  """
  teams = Team.objects.all()\
      .annotate(runners =Count('runner'))\
      .order_by('-runners')
  paginator = Paginator(teams, 50)
  page = request.GET.get('page')
  try:
    teams = paginator.page(page)
  except PageNotAnInteger:
    teams = paginator.page(1)
  except EmptyPage:
    teams = paginator.page(paginator.num_pages)
  return render(request,
      'teams/homepage.html',
      {'teams' : teams})

def roster(request, team_pk):
  """ Displays information on a single team
  """
  team = Team.objects.get(pk = team_pk)
  runners = team.runner_set.all()
  runners = sorted(runners,
      key = lambda j:(j.result_set.count(), j.class_year), reverse = True)
  men = (j for j in runners if j.gender == "Men")
  women = (j for j in runners if j.gender == "Women")
  return render(request,
      'teams/roster.html',
      {'team': team,
        'men' : men,
        'women': women})

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Nissan to Unveil the Revolutionary 'Variable Compression' Engine
Interesting, International, News
Nissan Motor Company, an early mover in the electric vehicle market, will use the Los Angeles auto show next week to send a message about gasoline-fueled engines: They're not dead yet.
Shinichi Kiga, Head of Nissan's gasoline engine project group, told Reuters that the Japanese automaker is resolved to keep improving internal combustion technology to prolong its usefulness for decades to come. A new Infiniti QX50 sport utility vehicle to be unveiled at a media event in Los Angeles on Nov. 28 will highlight one technology Kiga plans to use.
The Infiniti QX50 will be the industry's first use of a variable compression ratio system, Nissan hopes it will be able to take on the Electric cars.
The QX50 will be the industry's first use of a variable compression ratio system. The engine has a maximum thermal efficiency of around 40 percent, as much as twice the level of current gasoline engines in the industry, which average around 20 to 30 percent. Thermal efficiency refers to the power an engine generates from a unit of fuel.
Advancing the internal combustion engine technology is "one of the most overlooked trends in the industry," James Chao, Asia-Pacific chief of consultancy IHS Markit Automotive, said. "These advances beg the question. Are EVs the best solution to the issue of vehicle greenhouse emissions?"
Nissan's four-cylinder VC-Turbo promises to be one of the most advanced internal combustion engines ever created. VC-Turbo technology uses an advanced multi-link system to seamlessly raise or lower the stroke of the pistons, detecting the car's driving condition and driver inputs, and instantly selecting the most suitable compression ratio.
The newfangled engine, dubbed VC-Turbo for marketing purposes, uses new electronics and software to continually choose an optimal compression ratio for combustion – until now a key factor in the trade-off between power and efficiency in a gasoline-fueled engine.
The turbo-charged, 2-liter, four-cylinder VC-Turbo engine averages 30 to 35 percent better fuel economy than the much bigger 3.5-liter V6 engine it replaces, with comparable power and torque. Nissan says the new engine matches a diesel engine in torque – the amount of thrust that helps determine the car's acceleration. It is a level of performance and efficiency the conventional gasoline engine has so far struggled to achieve.
Related: Smaller Cars Aren't Always Fuel-Efficient
Kiga said the VC Turbo system costs thousands of dollars less than a comparable gasoline-electric hybrid car, although a VC Turbo hybrid could be in the offing. Kiga said his eventual aim is to develop engines for Infiniti and Nissan vehicles that achieve a thermal efficiency of 50 percent.
In a race to make gasoline engines more efficient, Toyota has come up with a 2.4-liter, four-cylinder engine – the one that is equipped in the latest Camry car – which the company claims has a maximum thermal efficiency of 40 percent. That's an industry-leading level Toyota says it has achieved without relying on technologies such as variable compression but through incrementally improving existing technologies.
Forecasts for the use of internal combustion engines over the next 10 to 15 years vary widely, but few industry officials or consultants are forecasting the end of the technology by 2030, as some government regulators have suggested. Boston Consulting Group, for example, forecast the share of fully electric vehicles at 14 percent by 2030.
Tags:InfinitiNissanVariable Compression EngineVC Turbo
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
MOH Dedicates Waiting Home and Surgery Theatre in Belefanai
The Ministry of Health has officially dedicated the Belefanai Health Center Surgery Theater worth little over one hundred ninety-seven thousand United States ($197, 000 USD) Dollars in Zota District, Bong County.
The dedicatory ceremony took place at the Belefanai Comprehensive Health Center (formerly Belefanai Clinic) on Monday, December 29, 2020, to ease quality health service delivery.
The one hundred and ninety- seven thousand United States Dollars ($197, 000 USD) project include, a Theater or operation room, Maternal Waiting Home and fencing of the entire Belefanai health center now named by Dr. Jallah as the Belefanai comprehensive health center.
The project was initiated under the Fixed Amount Reimbursement Agreement's (FARA) program as a commitment by the government of the United States of America to enable the rebuilding of the Country's health sector.
The modernized Belefanai Comprehensive Health Center is now compared to other major health facility like the JFK hospital, the Phebe referral hospital, among others and will be able to do work that other health facility across the Country can do.
Addressing scores of citizens in Belefanai Town during the opening ceremony of the facility, Liberia's Health Minister, Dr. Wilhelmina Jallah described the facility as a big boost to the county's health sector.
With the construction of the Material Waiting Home and the Theater at the Belefanai Comprehensive Health Center, she said maternal death will be minimized.
Expressing gratitude for the initiative, the Minister praised H.E. Dr. George Manneh Weah and the Government of Liberia for the expedient and bilateral corporation with the Government of America, which has yielded such a fruitful result. She also indicated that the President's vision to seeing quality and resilient healthcare as enshrined in the pro-poor agenda cannot be overemphasized.
Dr. Jallah, however, encouraged residents of Belefanai and its surroundings to always take ownership of the health facility by maintaining its tidiness and at the same time lauded the County Health Team of Bong County for the high level of commitment exhibited despite challenges faced in those hard to reach places.
In remarks, Bong County Health Officer, Dr. Jonathan Flomo, reaffirmed the county's commitment to making sure the livelihood of the people representing central Bong County and its neighboring Counties receive continuous quality health service.
Making revelation on the assignment of trained medical surgeons to the facility, the Bong County Health Officer revealed that a team of medical surgeons have already been set to take care or charge of theater in Belefanai.
The Bong County District#4 Lawmaker, Rep. Robert Flomo Womba who was fully present, vowed to work with his colleagues in making sure that the facility is properly maintained in the County in turn of budgetary allotment.
Meanwhile, Bong County Development Superintendent, Anthony Boakai Sheriff characterized the dedication of the facility as a new dawn for the healthcare delivery system of the County.
Mr. Sheriff, on behalf of Superintendent Esther Y. Walker and the people of Bong County, lauded President George M. Weah for the improvement in the county health sector.
Meanwhile, the Bong County official cautioned citizens of the District to take care of the facility by helping to clean around it.
This dream come true of the Belefanai Comprehensive Health Center dedication brought together stakeholders, officials of the Ministry headed by Dr. Jallah and Representative of Zota District, Bong County.
Signed:_______________________________________
Felecia Gbesioh
Liberia's Health Minister Dr. Wilhelmina Jallah has officially dedicated a newly constructed county Health Team office in Sinje, Garwula District, Grand Cape Mount County.
The new county health office dedicated yesterday, December 22, 2020 will host health officers assigned in the county and effectuate free flow of administrative communication between the county and the Health Ministry. The one hundred eighty thousand United States Dollars ($180,000.00USD) project was funded under the Fixed Amount Reimbursement Agreement (FARA) project.
Speaking on behalf of the Government and the Ministry of Health, Dr Wilhelmina Jallah said: "On behalf of my boss, H.E. Dr. George Manneh Weah and the Ministry of Health family, I want to extend sincere thanks and appreciation to Mrs. Louise Mapleh, Program Manager of the USAID sponsored Project, and her team that worked diligently to make sure that this project become a success".
She praised the Almighty God for sparing lives of Liberians during these trier times of the Coronavirus pandemic: "we want to also thanks the Almighty God for seeing this day; He is able to make us seeing this day despite the spread of the virus.
Acknowledging series of projects, which are expected to be dedicated by the Ministry in many parts of the Country, Dr. Jallah said collaboration and corporation from citizens is the bedrock to achieving any development goal.
She urged resident of Sinje to serve as ambassadors of the facility for its safety and maintenance and work with assigned health workers at the Health Center for its smooth functioning "We put our people in your hands for you to take care of them".
She also hailed the people of Sinje and Liberians at large for the resilience demonstrated in the fight against the deadly Coronavirus pandemic.
Dr. Jallah, however, reminded them to bear in mind that Covid-19 is not yet eradicated and urged all citizens to keep heeding health protocols instituted by the Ministry to the pandemic.
The Health Minister said she was exceedingly happy to visit that part of Country to dedicate such a huge project that will provide quality health service delivery in Grand Cape Mount and its environs.
In separate remarks, the people of Sinje Lauded the Government of Liberia through the Ministry of Health for constructing such office in the County
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Paul Hurst's dozen - the verdict on Ipswich Town new boys so far
Janci Donacien in action against Aston Villa. Photo: Steve Waller
© Copyright Stephen Waller
There's been a complete squad overhaul under new boss Paul Hurst. Stuart Watson gives his verdict on how the 12 new signings have started at Ipswich Town.
Janoi Donacien
Signed on loan from Accrington Stanley but is set to become a permanent addition – for an agreed fee of around £750k – once some work permits issues are sorted, hopefully before the trip to Hull a week on Saturday.
He operated as a left-back for much of last season, made his Town debut at centre-half against Blackburn Rovers, but was soon switched to right-back – the position manager Paul Hurst always had in mind for the man with the No,2 on his back.
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At times the 26-year-old has maybe got a little too tight to his man, and it would be nice to see a little more offensively, but he's certainly not looked out of is depth after stepping up from League Two to the Championship.
He kept Aston Villa danger man Albert Adomah quiet in the 1-1 home draw, then handled tricky former Blues loanee Tom Lawrence pretty well in the 2-0 defeat at Derby County. Okay, Sheffield Wednesday wide man Lucas Joao scored twice in the 2-1 defeat at Hillsborough, but it still came as a surprise when Jordan Spence was preferred to him for Sunday's 1-1 East Anglian derby draw with Norwich.
Match ratings: 665876
Toto Nsiala slides in on Villa's Albert Adomah. Photo: Steve Waller
Toto Nsiala
Links back up with long-term mentor Paul Hurst following spells under his management at Grimsby Town and Shrewsbury Town.
An athletic, rugged centre-back who simply loves to defend. He can leap to win headers in either box and use his pace to mop up at the back. Physically he's looked every inch the part, but the 26-year-old – who has previously played in the National League, League Two and League One – is learning what you can and can't get away with in the Championship.
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He gave away costly free-kicks against Rotherham and Derby (arguably harshly done by for both), while he was also dismissed for a tackle on Fernando Forestieri at Sheffield Wednesday (a complete miscarriage of justice).
Players at this level are that bit quicker and cannier though and Nsiala may have to curb his slide tackling instinct slightly (not easy) to prevent referees having a decision to make.
Match ratings: 77767
Everton loanee Matthew Pennington enjoyed a fine debut against Norwich. Photo: Steve Waller
Matthew Pennington
Joined on a season-long loan from Everton just moments before the window shut at 5pm last Friday.
The 23-year-old has made nine appearances for his boyhood club (including scoring a goal in a Merseyside Derby) and got taste of the Championship last season when on loan at Leeds (15 starts and nine sub appearances on loan).
He was thrown straight into the starting line-up for Sunday's East Anglian derby at Portman Road, replacing the suspended Nsiala at centre-back, and was up there in terms of man-of-the-match candidates after producing an assured display.
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Deceptively quick, reads the game well and provided some decent raking balls forwards. With skipper Luke Chambers having started every league game so far, it's going to be fascinating to see who ends up being the centre-back pairing of choice, especially if veteran defender James Collins – currently training with the club – signs as a free agent in the coming days.
Match ratings: 8
Trevoh Chalobah celevrates his goal against Aston Villa. Photo: Steve Waller
Trevoh Chalobah
The Chelsea loanee may only be 19 but he has some real pedigree. Was on the bench for the FA Cup Final last May, trained with England's senior squad prior to the World Cup and then captained the Under-19s at the European Championships.
He may well end up a centre-back, like his older brother Nathaniel at Watford, but Hurst has used him primarily as a holding midfielder during these early steps into men's football.
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You can see the huge potential. There's been plenty of swagger but also a fair bit of sloppiness. He sent his spot-kick well wide at Exeter, but hooked home an equaliser against Villa. Undoubtedly, he has tended to fade around the 70 minute mark of games.
Going to be fun to watching him grow as the season goes on.
Match ratings: 7767567
Tayo Edun is on a season-long loan from Fulham. Photo: Steve Waller
Tayo Edun
Diminutive, versatile left-footer with a lovely low centre of gravity.
The 20-year-old – on a season-long loan from newly-promoted Fulham – scored on his debut when his cross crept in at the far post for a dramatic late leveller against Blackburn.
He played on the left wing when stepping off the bench that day, but has since played as a central midfielder – his preferred position. Was full of energy, tenacity and positive intent at Exeter before fading, then was harshly dismissed for two yellow cards just before half-time of the Aston Villa draw.
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Did okay on his return at Hillsborough and then was dropped for the visit of Norwich. Looks to be very a useful squad asset.
Jon Nolan is reunited with Paul Hurst at Ipswich Town following a move from Shrewsbury. Photo: Steve Waller
Jon Nolan
Close ball control, tight turning circle, treats the ball with care and capable of both spotting and executing a forward pass.
Hurst was desperate to be reunited with his former Shrewsbury star man and, technically, he does look every inch the Championship player.
The 26-year-old still seems to be getting up to the speed of this level though. He needs to be more involved in games and support the front men more. Looks capable of chipping in with his fair share of goals.
Gwion Edwards
Flying Welsh winger has produced some dazzling displays on the right.
Gwion Edwards has produced some dazzling wing displays. Photo: Steve Waller
Headed home just five minutes into his debut and then had us all cooing with one audacious flick and run. Woodwork denied him a super goal against Villa, then he frightened the Norwich defence with his directness throughout. Deflected finish against the Canaries further cements his status as new fans' favourite.
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There have been quieter games, as can be the case with old-fashioned wingers, but he certainly looks a snip at £700k from League Two side Peterborough. At last Town have a crowd-pleaser they can call their own.
Jordan Graham
Arrived on a season-long loan from Wolves last week. The 23-year-old, who had a very brief spell at Town back in 2013, will be looking to rediscover the sparkling form he produced pre long-term injury midway through the 2015/16 campaign. During that purple patch he produced a string of assists and man-of-the-match displays.
Went straight into the team against Norwich but failed to make much impact out on the left. Was booked for a dive in the box, while his set-piece deliveries were a mixed bag.
Jordan Graham went straight into the team after joining on loan from Wolves. Photo: Steve Waller
Jordan Roberts
A Bosman free transfer signing from League Two side Crawley, Roberts is probably seen as more of a long-term project.
The 24-year-old, who can play wide left or up front, loves to take on his marker and get crosses or shots away. Restricted to two sub appearances so far, including a bright cameo at Derby.
Match ratings: 67
Jordan Roberts has been restricted to two substitute appearances so far. Photo: Pagepix
Former Town favourite is back at Portman Road as a loan addition from Burnley.
The 34-year-old striker has been drafted in until January to provide some much-needed experience and leadership – both on and off the pitch.
Since departing Portman Road in 2010, he had racked up 226 appearances in the Premier League for Stoke and made 53 caps for the Republic of Ireland.
May have missed most of last year through injury, but looked fit and sharp when playing the full match against Norwich. Could be the shrewdest addition of the lot.
Kayden Jackson
Striker with a reputation as being one of the quickest in the business, he scored 16 goals in League Two for Accrington Stanley last season. At £1.6m he was Town's most expensive signing in almost a decade.
Jon Walters is back at Ipswich Town - on loan from Burnley. Photo: Steve Waller
Began by playing the role of impact sub, but has started the last two games. Closes down defenders quickly, has an aggressive edge and makes selfless runs into the channels. Yet to really catch the eye though.
Hopefully there is a lot more to come from the new No.9.
Ellis Harrison
Welshman has been schooled in the art of forward play by Town hero Marcus Stewart at Bristol Rovers.
From what we've seen so far, the 24-year-old – who cost £750k – he looks a decent all-rounder. He's quick enough, can hold the ball up and is strong in the air for his height.
You have to say he hasn't quite replicated his impressive pre-season display against West Ham. So often he looked isolated when leading the line on his own. Indeed, he was probably more threatening when used as a makeshift left-winger at Sheffield Wednesday.
Kayden Jackson shields the ball at Sheffield Wednesday. Photo: Pagepix
Faces serious competition now Walters has arrived.
Luke Chambers
Tom Lawrence
Jordan Spence
Paul Hurst