Immigration, increasing ethnic diversity, and managing the integration of foreigners into host societies are among the most pressing issues of contemporary societal and political debates. Consequently, academic interest in these topics is not only increasing but also spreading across social science disciplines, which hitherto rather neglected these subjects. Numerous studies focus on how receiving countries address and react to immigration, for instance, by studying migration policies such as immigration, integration policies, or natives' attitudes towards immigrants. Much less is known about immigrants'1 attitudes towards the host country or society and how these attitudes are affected by the political and societal receiving context to which immigrants are exposed. Existing research suggests that national identity, in the sense of a feeling of attachment to a country, can assume the role of an overarching identity that reduces social distances between distinct groups in a society, diminishing social conflicts and contributing to social cohesion (Transue 2007; Verkuyten and Martinovic 2012).
Given the potential role of national identity as a "social lubricant" (Miller 1995; Reeskens and Wright 2014), the purpose of this study is thus to examine the factors that enhance immigrants' feelings towards their new country of residence in terms of national identification. More specifically, we are interested in how cantonal norms of inclusion or exclusion affect immigrants' national identity in terms of their feelings of attachment to Switzerland. Our main focus will be on the crystallization of these norms in cantonal integration policies. Alternative measures to capture the degree of cantonal exclusivity or inclusivity towards immigrants include, first, popular attitudes towards immigrants aggregated at the cantonal level and, second, cantonal vote shares of conservative right parties.
Research on integration, immigration and citizenship policy is abundant. Whether qualitative or quantitative in orientation, the predominant approach of these studies is based on cross-country comparisons of national policies (e.g., Brubaker 1992; Bjerre et al. 2015; Favell 2001; Goodman 2010; Koopmans et al. 2012). This narrow, nation-state focus is increasingly criticized (Castles 2010) by scholars emphasizing striking policy differences (e.g., between Italian regions or Swiss cantons) and by bustling integration policymaking activities (e.g., in the US states) at the subnational level (Condon et al. 2016; Manatschal 2012; Wisthaler 2016). Subnational policy heterogeneity creates different living conditions for immigrants and, therefore, a non-negligible heterogeneity in integration possibilities (Cattacin and Kaya 2001). A large number of studies focus further on determinants of integration policies such as immigration history, meaning path-dependency (Favell 2001), or the influence of far-right parties (Koopmans et al. 2012). However, few studies analyse integration policy outcomes. For instance, Cebolla-Boado and Finotelli (2011) evaluate the effect of integration policies on labour market integration, and Manatschal and Stadelmann-Steffen (2013) scrutinize policy outcomes on immigrant educational inequality across cantons. Our study addresses the two gaps identified above: First, we try to understand the effect of integration policies on immigrants from a thus far neglected perspective, their feelings of national attachment. Second, by focussing on cantonal integration policy, the study complements the emerging body of research emphasizing the relevance of subnational integration policy heterogeneity.
In addition to cantonal integration policy, we also account for the potential effects of societal norms on immigrants' national identification in terms of majority attitudes towards immigrants. Several scholars scrutinize the different determinants of public attitudes towards immigrants (e.g., xenophobia), investigating, for instance, the effect of the type of the welfare state (Koopmans 2010) or the effect of news media (Boomgaarden and Vliegenthart 2009). Similarly to the research on integration policy, outcome studies focussing on how inclusionary or exclusionary popular attitudes affect immigrants' attitudes or behaviour in turn remain scarce. Only a handful of studies aim at analysing the outcomes of natives' attitudes on non-citizens' location choices (Slotwinski and Stutzer 2015), return migration (de Coulon et al. 2016) or labour market discrimination (Waisman and Larsen 2007). Our study adds to this research because we are interested in the more immediate effect of welcoming or hostile attitudes towards immigrants on non-citizens' sense of national identity.
Beyond these specific contributions to the literature, this chapter also speaks directly to the Migration-Mobility Nexus standing at the core of this edited volume (see Chap. 1). First, the study follows the sedentary premises of classical migration research when focussing on how societal norms affect immigrants' integration outcomes (Castles 2010; Dahinden 2016). Second, mobility scholars argue that governance of migration and mobility occurs at subnational, national or supra-national levels. By focussing on the subnational policy level, this study circumvents the narrow focus on the nation-state, which is predominant in classical migration studies (Wimmer and Glick-Schiller 2006). Third, this chapter also contributes to this nexus by questioning what makes immigrants feel attached to their host country. This emotional connection is likely to be related to higher intentions to remain in Switzerland rather than to leave again. In this sense, the findings of this study can also help to better understand potential drivers of individual (im-)mobility trajectories. This study builds on different data sources. The main data source is the Migration-Mobility Survey conducted in 2016, from which we draw our dependent variable, immigrants' feelings of attachment to Switzerland. This survey clearly surpasses other population surveys in Switzerland because it is the only comprehensive and nationally representative survey focussing explicitly on immigrants. The survey is conducted in six different languages, which also guarantees the inclusion of non-language-assimilated immigrants. Even more importantly for the present study, the large sample of 5973 immigrant respondents facilitates individual analyses at the level of the Swiss cantons, which is hardly feasible with general population surveys. To measure cantonal integration policies, we draw on data collected by Manatschal (2011). Public attitudes towards immigrants at the cantonal level, in turn, will be captured by direct democratic vote results (e.g., the national vote on "mass immigration" from 2014), which are less distorted by social desirability than are survey data on xenophobia, and cantonal statistics on conservative-right voting rates. To empirically test the relationship between societal norms at the cantonal level and immigrants' individual national identities, we apply multilevel regressions suitable for cross-sectional analyses of this type, accounting for the pertinent individual and cantonal control variables discussed in the literature.
This chapter is organized as follows. Section 8.2 discusses the current state of the research and develops theoretical hypotheses concerning the assumed relationship between inclusionary/exclusionary societal norms and the national identification of immigrants in Switzerland. Section 8.3 presents the data sources and explains the research design and methods used in this study. The results of our multilevel regression analyses are presented in Sect. 8.4. Section 8.5 concludes.
National identity can be understood as an "awareness of affiliation with the nation" (Hjerm 1998, p. 337) that increases the possibility to "feel at home" (Keane 1994). "National identity" relates to a broader lexical field in the literature, with scholars using different terms such as "host-country identity" or "majority identity" to refer to the same concept. Although we use the term "national identity" in this chapter, it can be understood as a synonym for the abovementioned terms. In surveys, national identification is typically measured with questions such as "how close do you feel to country XY?" This understanding of national identification as closeness or affiliation with a country can be demarcated from two other forms of positive perceptions of the nation. First, patriotism implies pride in the nation, e.g., in national democratic institutions. Second, nationalism reflects an uncritical and blind attachment to the nation, which is often combined with a sense of national superiority with respect to other countries (Coenders et al. 2004; Green et al. 2011).
National identity, in turn, can decrease social distance between distinct subgroups sharing the same overarching identity and, thus, diminish intergroup conflicts because individuals with distinct religious, ethnic, or home country-related identities can continue to reunite under the same overarching identity (Transue 2007). Identification with the country one lives in, meaning national identification, can take over the role of such an overarching identity. Given its role as a social lubricant (Miller 1995; Reeskens and Wright 2014), national identification by immigrants can be a remedy for social problems resulting from ethnic diversity. Indeed, immigrants' attachment to the host-country identity helps to reduce intergroup conflict via two main mechanisms. First, national identification among immigrants decreases social distance from the majority group by embracing, partly or entirely, the overarching identity (Gaertner et al. 1989). Second, negative feelings across minority groups can also shrink due to host-country identification because that identification unites a plethora of subgroup identities under an encompassing identity (Transue 2007; Verkuyten and Martinovic 2012). More generally, trust and solidarity develop more easily between individuals sharing common values related to the same identity (Doosje et al. 1999). In summary, this type of a shared overarching identity, which can be approximated by national identification, can be a solution to tensions arising from ethnically diverse societies because national identification creates a common sense of belonging (Moran 2011; Transue 2007), reduces social distance between states' residents and helps to develop national solidarity (Kymlicka 2015). Because of its beneficial effects on social cohesion, scrutinizing more closely the feeling of attachment to the host country appears highly relevant for contemporary states facing growing ethnic diversity. The first contribution of our chapter to the existing research is thus that we try to understand the effect of welcoming or hostile reception contexts on immigrants from a thus far neglected perspective, their feelings of national attachment.
A broad range of research examines the interplay between host and origin country identities. Traditionally, and in contrast to the idea of the overarching identity delineated above, scholars have depicted dual identity as impossible, meaning that identification with a specific ethnic identity is inversely related to identification with other subgroups (Verkuyten and Martinovic 2012; Gecas and Burke 1995; Hall and du Gay 1996; Simon 1997). More-recent research contradicts these earlier findings, claiming that, in reality, identities are not exclusive but rather overlapping and overarching (Bauböck 2002). For instance, support for this argument is provided by the increasing acceptance of dual citizenship attribution in many European countries (Blatter 2011; Vink and Bauböck 2013). Phalet and Swyngedouw (2002) examine the long-distance affiliation sustained by Turk and Moroccan communities in Belgium with their homelands through transnational identities. Based on this empirical evidence, the authors develop a composite understanding of identities in the context of a contemporary European state. Nandi and Platt (2015) study minorities in the UK, showing how three different identity levels (ethnic, regional and national) interact with one another. They emphasize that groups are not homogeneous in terms of identities, which can be composed of different affiliations. Based on the interaction of different identities, Verkuyten and Martinovic (2012) delineate a four-field typology of possible identity configurations: First, assimilation occurs when immigrants favour the host-country identity over the ethnic identity of the country of origin. Immigrants maintaining both identities as salient represent cases of integration or dual-identity, whereas a major support for the ethnic identity implies separation. Marginalization describes individuals without any specific attachment to either of the countries. These studies show that identities are not fixed and unique but rather are fluid and hyphenated.
A variety of individual factors determines the national identification process. Being able to speak the local language and being citizen of a country (Maxwell 2010) are all factors that are positively associated with the national identification of immigrant minorities with the host land. Concerning duration of stay in the host country, assimilation theory (Alba and Nee 2009) stipulates that, with time, immigrants' identities converge towards national identification with the destination country. Some studies confirm this theory, finding that the length of time since immigrants' arrival is positively correlated with national identity (Manning and Roy 2010; Nandi and Platt 2015; Platt 2014). However, other scholars find that the correlation between length of stay and host-country identity is U-shaped (Reeskens and Wright 2014), implying that recently arrived and long-time resident immigrants are the most attached to their host country. In addition, Reeskens and Wright (2014) find that a higher level of education coincides with less national group identification because highly educated individuals tend to have more cosmopolitan and transnational identities. However, this finding is partly weakened by studies considering the interplay between education and national identification (e.g., Verkuyten and Martinovic 2012). On the one hand, highly educated individuals tend to have more contacts with nationals, which increases overarching group identification; on the other hand, highly educated individuals are also more likely to notice discrimination towards themselves or, more generally, their subgroup.
According to the literature, the receiving context matters for immigrants' national identification in three respects: immigrants' perceived discrimination, natives' anti-immigrant attitudes and an ethnic conception of the nation. There is a negative relationship between perceived discrimination and minorities' national identity (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al. 2009; Maxwell 2010; Verkuyten and Martinovic 2012). Indeed, "perceived discrimination prevents minority members from developing a sense of belonging to an overarching national in-group" (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al. 2009, p. 109). As Maxwell (2010) summarizes, discrimination appears to be more justified in a context in which anti-immigrant feelings are widespread (Fetzer 2000; Joppke 2005; Paskeviciute, A., & Anderson. C. (2008). Friendly Territory: Opinion Climate, Discontent, and Immigrant Political Action in Europe. Paper presented at the American Political Science Association conference, Boston MA, August 28–31). In addition, natives' xenophobic attitudes undermine the inclusion of immigrants as a legitimate part of the society (Koopmans et al. 2005; Banting and Kymlicka 2006; Maxwell 2010), which can directly hamper immigrants' attachment to the host country. Moreover, Hjerm (1998) suggests that there is a positive association between xenophobic attitudes and an ethnic conception of national identity among the majority group. Not surprisingly, such a national identity based on ethnic principles leads to a greater gap in national group identification between majorities and minorities, with natives identifying more strongly with the nation than, for instance, immigrant minorities (Staerklé et al. 2010). Ultimately, natives' anti-immigrant feelings are more likely to develop when an ethnic conception of national identity prevails, which in turn paves the way for justifying discrimination. This interplay of factors suggests that the reception environment of immigrants in the host country in terms of hostile/welcoming native attitudes is relevant to immigrants' feelings of national identity.
Few studies scrutinize the role of institutional settings, such as multiculturalist, integration and citizenship policies, with respect to the host-country identification of immigrants. Outcomes of these different manifestations of migration policy can be studied through two theoretical lenses. First, an instrumental-legalistic perspective, based on the economic rational-choice model, stipulates that individuals react to institutional rules defined by migration policies based on a purely rational cost-benefit calculation (Van Hook et al. 2006). For instance, according to this logic, a non-citizen would move from the canton of Nidwald to Zurich because access to naturalization is comparatively easier in Zurich. Because our study does not relate to material benefits but rather to the receiving political context in terms of atmosphere, we follow a second theoretical approach instead, which highlights policies' "symbolic boundaries" (Lamont and Molnár 2002). The national self-understanding of a state defines who belongs to a community, who does not (meaning the boundaries of nation states), and consequently the reception environment of a given territory (Koopmans et al. 2005). Van Hook et al. (2006) describe the importance of feeling welcomed at arrival to understand, for instance, naturalization intentions. Therefore, by giving a "warm handshake" or a "cold shoulder" (Reeskens and Wright 2014) to immigrants, the country's discursive opportunity structure (Koopmans et al. 2005) leads immigrants to construct an "emotive understanding of membership" (Bloemraad 2013, p. 201) generated by governments. The literature discusses different political institutions as important drivers of national identification, such as multiculturalist policies (Wright and Bloemraad 2012), access to citizenship (Ersanilli and Koopmans 2010) and integration policies (Dinesen and Hooghe 2010), without however reaching unanimous conclusions, as we further elaborate upon below.
Drawing on the notion that national self-understanding and reception environments crystallize in territories' integration policies (Koopmans et al. 2005, p. 6), the chapter transfers this approach to the subnational level. This chapter addresses the puzzle of how the subnational reception environment, measured amongst others through cantonal integration policies, affects the feeling of attachment to the host country. As mentioned above, the literature finds consensus on the negative correlation between hostile natives' attitudes towards immigration and immigrants' identification with an overarching identity. However, mixed findings emerge when scholars address the effects of inclusive or exclusive integration policies. Some studies find no effect of inclusionary policies on national identification (Hjerm 1998; Dinesen and Hooghe 2010; Wright and Bloemraad 2012). Contradicting these results, more-accessible citizenship policies yield positive effects on minorities' identification with the host country according to Ersanilli and Koopmans (2010). Multiculturalism and citizenship policies have attracted great attention from scholars. At the same time, little is known about the precise role of more-comprehensive integration policies. Only two papers address this specific type of policy (Dinesen and Hooghe 2010; Reeskens and Wright 2014), and these studies do not find any effect of integration policies on the feeling of attachment to the host country.
One major limitation of these studies is that they focus unanimously on national policies, which might not be the most adequate analytical level when investigating interpersonal relationships or personal attitudes (Gundelach and Manatschal 2017; Kesler and Bloemraad 2010). National identification is an individual attitude that develops when exposed to local, regional, and national discourses and policies. Given that individuals' everyday lives are more or less closely tied to the specific locality and canton in which they live, we can assume that the regional reception and integration policy environment is decisive in shaping an individual's national identification. The second contribution of this chapter, therefore, concerns the political unit under study. Complementing the abovementioned studies addressing receiving contexts and national identification exclusively at the national level, this paper scrutinizes the pronounced but often neglected subnational integration policy heterogeneity and how that heterogeneity affects the national identification of noncitizens in Switzerland. Thus, this paper adds to the recently emerging literature on subnational integration policy outcomes (e.g., Condon et al. 2016; Gundelach and Manatschal 2017; Manatschal and Stadelmann-Steffen 2013).
Based on the theoretical reflections delineated above, our first hypothesis stipulates that national attachment of immigrants increases in regions with more-inclusive cantonal reception contexts in terms of integration policy and popular attitudes. With the exception of integration policy, this hypothesis is in line with the results reported in other policy fields (e.g., naturalization and multiculturalism) on how such reception contexts affect national identification. Drawing on the "assimilation theory" argument, according to which identification with an overarching identity emerges only after a certain period of time (Alba and Nee 2009; Manning and Roy 2010; Nandi and Platt 2015; Platt 2014), we deem it necessary to further refine the positive relationship stipulated in hypothesis one. Reception contexts might not have an immediate effect on national identification but rather act as a catalyst. Our second hypothesis, therefore, postulates that inclusive cantonal reception contexts in terms of integration policy and popular attitudes amplify the positive effect of duration of stay on immigrants' national identification.
We refrain from formulating explicit hypotheses concerning the homeland identification of immigrants. As the literature suggests, all possible combinations of home- and host-land identification occur in reality (Verkuyten and Martinovic 2012). In other words, an increase in host-land identification does not necessarily imply a decrease in homeland identification. We will nevertheless complement our main analyses on national identification and test, in an exploratory manner, how cantonal reception contexts in terms of cantonal integration policies or popular attitudes affect immigrants' homeland identification.
To empirically test our theoretical expectations, our research builds on three data sources. The dependent variable, immigrants' feelings of attachment to Switzerland, is drawn from the Migration-Mobility Survey conducted in 2016. This survey clearly surpasses other population surveys in Switzerland because it is the only comprehensive and nationally representative survey focussing explicitly on immigrants that is conducted in six different languages, which also guarantees the inclusion of non-language-assimilated immigrants. Even more importantly for the present study, the large sample of 5855 non-citizen respondents available for our particular analyses guarantees sufficient respondents at the level of the individual cantons. Consequently, the survey allows for individual analyses at the cantonal level, which is hardly feasible with general population surveys. To measure cantonal integration policies, we draw on data collected by Manatschal (2011). Public attitudes towards immigrants at the cantonal level, in turn, are preferably captured by cantonal statistics on right-wing voting rates or direct democratic vote results (more specifically, the vote against "mass immigration"2 from 2014), which are less distorted by social desirability than are survey data on xenophobia.
To measure our main dependent variable, immigrants' feelings of attachment to Switzerland, we use an item from the Migration-Mobility Survey in which respondents had to answer the following statement: "On a scale from 0 (no feeling of attachment) to 7 (strong feeling of attachment), to what extent do you have a feeling of attachment to Switzerland?" This eight-point scale item can be used as a fine-grained continuous factor. Promisingly, only a very low number of missing answers (23) is listed, leaving us with a sample of 5855 respondents for our analyses. As the left-skewed distribution in Fig. 8.1 shows, the sample under scrutiny tends to feel rather attached to Switzerland. Fewer than 3% of all respondents indicated that they do not feel attached to Switzerland at all (0), whereas approximately 20% expressed a strong feeling of attachment (7). More than 60% of the questioned individuals ranged their attachment between 4 and 6, whereas only 17.4% indicated a relatively low attachment to Switzerland, ranging from 1 to 3.
Cantonal integration policies serve as the main independent variable in this study. We measure cantonal integration policy using an index built by Manatschal (2011). Conceptually, this index captures subnational integration policies along different policy dimensions that measure the ease or difficulty of accessing civic, political, socio-structural, as well as cultural and religious rights and obligations based on 24 indicators overall. The overall additive Integration Policy Index (IPI) is a continuous variable ranking from −0.54 (most restrictive policy pole) to 0.76 (most inclusive policy pole; for a detailed discussion see Manatschal 2011; Manatschal and Stadelmann-Steffen 2013). The index reveals a clear divide along Switzerland's language regions, as shown in Fig. 8.2.
French-speaking cantons have in general more-inclusive integration policies than do German-speaking cantons, with the canton of Ticino lying in between. This linguistic policy pattern reflects a cultural-historical coinage, with French-speaking cantons being influenced by France's more inclusive jus soli citizenship conception and German-speaking cantons (and Ticino) reflecting Germany's (and Italy's) traditionally more-restrictive jus sanguinis citizenship tradition (Manatschal 2012). In line with the literature documenting the path dependency of national integration regimes (Brubaker 1992; Favell 2001), cantonal integration policies reflect path dependent, meaning fairly stable, policy frameworks over time (Manatschal 2012; similar findings are reported in Sager and Thomann 2017 for the related policy field of cantonal asylum policy). We also, however, consider testing more recent cantonal policy data. Currently, there is no more-recent comprehensive cantonal integration policy measure available, but there is an index for the single policy field of naturalization policy (Arrighi and Piccoli 2018), which we will use as an alternative cantonal policy measure in this study.
In addition to cantonal integration policy, we use alternative measures that capture the degree of cantonal exclusivity or inclusivity towards immigrants. First, popular attitudes towards immigrants aggregated at the cantonal level (measured in terms of cantonal yes-shares to the national vote against "mass immigration" from 2014) capture the cantonal reception environment. Second, the most recent federal elections in 2015 are used to extract cantonal vote shares of conservative right parties based on the following parties: Swiss People's Party (SVP), the League of Ticino, the Citizens Movement of Geneva, the Swiss Democrats and the Federal Democratic Union (Strijbis 2014). We gathered additional contextual variables at the cantonal level to control for other influencing factors. The unemployment rate for foreigners and the GDP per capita grasp the economic realities of the cantons. The geographic context is approximated by the cantonal degree of urbanity. The foreign-born share reflects the ethnic diversity in each canton. To account for the cultural-linguistic heterogeneity in Switzerland, a dummy variable is included to control for the majority language in a canton (1 = German-speaking, 0 = otherwise).
In addition to these contextual factors, we control for the following variables at the individual level. We gather socio-demographic factors such as age, gender and duration of stay in Switzerland (in years). The question of education has been recoded to obtain a grading from the primary to the tertiary level. Another aspect that is relevant to the feeling of attachment is the ability to speak the local language. Therefore, a six-point scale question assessing individual language skills is included in the analysis. The type of residence permit also matters for this study because it creates different living conditions for non-citizens. The remaining variables address daily life experiences in Switzerland, which likely affect respondents' feelings of attachment to the country. An eleven-point scale question describes respondents' general satisfaction with their decision to move to Switzerland. In addition, a dummy variable is used to measure whether the respondent felt discriminated against in the last 2 years due to his/her origin. Having a social network primarily in Switzerland or in the home country can have divergent effects on the feeling of attachment. Consequently, a five-point scale question is included in our analysis identifying the geographical location of a respondent's social network from "all good friends live in Switzerland" (1) to "all good friends live abroad" (5). More details on all of the variables, data sources, operationalization of the single variables and descriptive statistics can be found in Table 8.2 in the Appendix.
Given the hierarchical structure of the data, we apply a multilevel analysis3 (random intercept models for the baseline model and random slopes and intercepts for the interaction model), implying that individual behaviour can vary between cantons. Cantons represent level-2 units, and individual observations nested within the 26 cantons are the level-1 units. Such multilevel models are moreover very useful if the number of respondents per canton is low because the level-1 estimators are not only rooted in the observations of a particular contextual unit but also 'borrow strength' from the other level-2 units (Steenbergen and Jones 2002). Additionally, these models allow for the modelling of macro-level characteristics (in the present case, the cantonal integration policy and the additional cantonal control variables).
Table 8.1 shows the results of the baseline model. Model 1 confirms that the correlations at the individual level are in line with some of our expectations. Age is positively correlated with the dependent variable. Surprisingly, duration of stay is negatively correlated with the feelings of attachment to Switzerland without being statistically significant. Educational attainment is also not significantly correlated with the outcome. Concerning residence permit, compared with the reference category of Permit C (also called "settlement permit"), Permit B (a residence permit valid for one [non-EU/EFTA] or 5 years [EU/EFTA]) appears to increase feelings of attachment. Interestingly, even non-citizens with the L Permit, a shorter residence permit allowing a year of stay maximum, feel more strongly attached to Switzerland than do members of the reference category. Diplomats, civil servants and their family members (the latter holding a Ci permit) express no greater feelings of attachment to Switzerland than do those with the regular C permit. However, the residence permit estimates are not statistically significant. As expected, individuals who are satisfied with their life in Switzerland and who speak the language fluently tend to feel more strongly attached to the host country. Similarly, if a person has experienced discrimination in the last 2 years, her/his feeling of attachment is significantly reduced. Social networks also matter because immigrants who have all their good friends abroad exhibit significantly lower levels of national identification compared with those with important social ties in Switzerland.
Source: Migration-Mobility Survey 2016. Weighted results. The contextual variables "Urbanity", "GDP p.c.", "German-speaking canton", "Yes share of "mass immigration" vote", "Conservative right" have been made available by the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (SFSO) and "Foreigners' unemployment rate" by the SECO.
Concerning the cantonal variables, interestingly, none of them significantly affects non-citizens' attachment to Switzerland. With respect to the cantonal reception environment, the direct democratic vote variable (i.e., the yes-share to the "mass immigration initiative", with higher shares representing more-immigrant-hostile attitudes) and the conservative right share do not appear to have any direct effect on immigrants' feelings of attachment. Cantonal integration policy points in the expected positive direction; however, this result is not statistically significant. Thus, we find no support for our first hypothesis.
Given that there is no direct effect of cantonal reception contexts on immigrants' national identity, we turn to our second hypothesis and test whether cantonal reception contexts instead have a catalytic function. For instance, Model 1 in Table 8.1 does not account for effective reception context exposure. Thus, this model might not adequately capture the potential policy or public attitude effects. The Migration-Mobility Survey does not include any direct item capturing individuals' perceptions of the cantonal reception context as inclusive or exclusive. Instead, Model 2 in Table 8.1 does indirectly model context exposure for the cantonal integration policy factor by introducing a cross-level interaction term between immigrants' duration of stay and the cantonal Integration Policy Index. As expected, the interaction term is significantly positive. In other words, the positive effect of length of stay on immigrants' feelings of attachment is significantly stronger in cantons with more-inclusive integration policies, which corroborates our more nuanced second hypothesis. This finding suggests that effective exposure to cantonal policies is required for the expected positive effect of inclusive cantonal integration policy on attachment to unfold. Models 3 and 4 in Table 8.1 display the interaction terms between duration of stay and our two additional measures of cantonal reception contexts capturing natives' attitudes towards immigrants. The results are generally consistent with those shown in Models 1 and 2. Concerning the interaction terms with natives' attitudes, only Model 4 displays a slightly negative and statistically significant result. In line with our second hypothesis, the positive effect of duration of stay on attachment to Switzerland is amplified in inclusive cantons, meaning those with lower yes shares of the "mass immigration" vote.
Figure 8.3 illustrates the policy interaction effect with a marginal effect plot that helps to better determine how the two independent variables jointly alter non-citizens' feelings of attachment to Switzerland (Berry et al. 2012; Brambor et al. 2006). The marginal effect of time spent in Switzerland on immigrants' feelings of attachment is insignificant when the IPI is at its lowest value. The increasing slope illustrates how the marginal effect on attachment to Switzerland turns significantly positive in more-inclusive cantonal integration policy contexts. In other words, Fig. 8.3 shows that the positive effect of length of stay on attachment to Switzerland observed in Table 8.1 increases even further in cantons with increasingly liberal integration policies. The same pattern appears in Figs. 8.4 and 8.5, which are based on Models 3 and 4 in Table 8.1. Despite the insignificance of the interaction term per se, Fig. 8.4 shows that up to a conservative right share of 37.1%, which represents a substantial share of 75% of all of the cantons, the interaction term is statistically significant and slightly negative. Concerning integration policies, more-welcoming native attitudes towards immigration (in terms of a lower vote share for the conservative right) appear to amplify the positive effect of length of stay on attachment to Switzerland. The catalyst role of the cantonal reception context is also observable in Fig. 8.5, which follows the same trend as Fig. 8.4. Overall, these results confirm our second hypothesis that more-inclusive/welcoming political contexts act as catalysts by amplifying the positive effect of time spent in Switzerland on immigrants' national attachment.
We conducted several robustness checks that support the main results of our analyses. Because the strongest results emerge from the interaction between period of residence and IPI, these checks will focus on the reception context in terms of integration policy.
First, we tested the models with another dependent variable, feelings of attachment to the country of origin (Table 8.3 in the Appendix). In line with the theoretical expectations, respondents with all of their good friends abroad accordingly feel closer to their country of origin than do immigrants who have strong social ties in Switzerland. Non-citizens with no local language knowledge feel more strongly bound to their homeland than do individuals who have better language abilities. Lower satisfaction with the decision to move to Switzerland is further correlated with a stronger feeling of attachment to the country of origin. These last three variables follow a trend opposite to that observed in our main models, indicating clear individual differences between host- and homeland attachments among non-citizens in Switzerland. In contrast to the dependent variable, feelings of attachment to Switzerland, one could expect that inclusive cantonal integration policies coincide with a lower feeling of attachment to the homeland. However, cantonal integration policy is never statistically significant even when interacted with duration of stay in Switzerland. Thus, more-inclusive integration policies do not appear to sway immigrants' feelings away from their country of origin.
The second robustness check used the Citizenship Index (CI) (Arrighi and Piccoli 2018) instead of the Integration Policy Index to measure cantonal policy contexts (Table 8.4 in the Appendix). Before its inclusion in the models, the CI was z-transformed to make it as comparable as possible to the IPI. The two indices are weakly but significantly correlated at 0.40 (Pearson's correlation, p < .05). The CI ranks the Swiss cantons according to the ease or difficulty with which non-citizens can access ordinary naturalization. Model 1 in Table 8.4 shows a statistically significant negative correlation between CI and feelings of attachment. The interaction term in Model 2 in Table 8.4 does not reveal the same positive trend observed in Model 2 in Table 8.1. Indeed, the CI does not act as a positive catalyst by amplifying the positive effect of duration of stay on immigrants' feelings of attachment to Switzerland. Third, to test the catalyst-function of inclusive integration policy with other determinants of national identification, we checked additional interaction terms between the IPI and both educational attainment and satisfaction with the decision to move to Switzerland (Table 8.5 in the Appendix). Only individuals with a secondary education display a statistically significant and positive estimate when interacted with integration policies. Fourth, to account for individual integration into the labour market, a dummy variable (1 = employed, 0 = unemployed) was created (Table 8.6 in the Appendix). Model 1 in Table 8.5 contrasts with our main results because of the negative effect of integration policies on feelings of attachment to Switzerland. However and in line with our main results, the IPI is positively correlated with the outcome variable when interacted with duration of stay in Model 2 in Table 8.6. Interestingly, the R2 of this model is greater than the one drawn from our main analyses, although the inclusion of this new variable leads to approximately 2000 missing observations.
This chapter set out to answer the question of how the reception context in Swiss cantons affects immigrants' national identity in terms of feelings of attachment to their destination country. To understand the reception context in Swiss cantons, we considered different manifestations of societal norms of inclusion or exclusion in the Swiss cantons as reflected in cantonal integration policies, public attitudes towards immigrants, and conservative-right vote shares. As the research discussed in this chapter clearly shows, the identity question is complex. Identities are not fixed and unique but fluid and overlapping. This complexity is most likely best captured by the notion that identity equals the sum of all the different attributes and affiliations that make a person unique and that help identify this particular person and no one else out of all possible people (Maalouf 1998, p. 16).
Despite this complexity with respect to the identity question, the chapter shows that it can be very revealing to isolate and scrutinize a single aspect of identity among specific individuals, such as immigrants' national identification with their country of residence. This aspect can play an important role as an overarching identity by uniting groups that can have very different ethnic, religious, or cultural identities, as is often true in immigration societies. Despite its integrative force as a "social lubricant" (Miller 1995; Reeskens and Wright 2014) that can bring different people together, diminish social distances, and contribute to social cohesion and mutual trust, we know surprisingly little about whether the reception context can nurture national identification among immigrants. This chapter offers important contributions to the existing research by addressing the neglected question of how reception contexts at the level of Swiss cantons, which represent the immediate everyday life context individuals are exposed to and within which feelings of attachment to the country of residence evolve, affect immigrants' national identity.
From a merely descriptive perspective, non-citizens indicate an overall high attachment to Switzerland. Corroborating assimilation theory (Alba and Nee 2009), the results of our multilevel analyses show that with time in terms of older age immigrants' national identification with Switzerland increases. Further in line with the theoretical expectations, immigrants' national identification increases with higher levels of satisfaction with their decision to move to Switzerland, language ability, and their close social networks being primarily located in Switzerland. Finally, immigrants who have experienced discrimination based on their country of origin over the past 2 years expressed significantly lower levels of national identification.
This last individual finding is particularly relevant for our study; it relates individual experiences to the larger reception context, which is the focus of our chapter, showing that an exclusive social reception context does indeed impair individual attitudes towards the destination country. However, at the contextual level of Swiss cantons, we observe no direct effect of the reception context on immigrants' national identity. Neither cantonal integration policy nor immigrant-sceptic attitudes as expressed in vote results or conservative-right vote shares are per se significantly related to non-citizens' attitudes towards Switzerland. As we argue in this chapter, the reception context might not yield a direct effect on individuals but rather might affect immigrants' national identification in an indirect (i.e., catalytic) way. As the results of our cross-level interaction models suggest, an inclusive reception context in terms of liberal cantonal integration policies and, although to a weaker extent, less xenophobic attitudes and a low share of conservative-right parties amplify the positive effect of time spent in a canton on national identification. In other words, non-citizens' national identification flourishes best over time in those cantons with a receptive integration policy context. Conversely, this process of becoming closer over time to the nation that the immigrants live in appears to completely halt in those cantons with the most exclusive reception contexts.
Relating our findings to the literature, we can say that "feeling welcome at arrival" (Van Hook et al. 2006) is certainly important, but it appears insufficient for immigrants to develop a feeling of attachment to Switzerland. Our findings appear to imply that the "warm handshake" and "cold shoulder" (Reeskens and Wright 2014) need time to be perceived by non-citizens. The same holds for integration policies, which matter only when they are actually perceived, which requires effective exposure to these policies over time. Future studies using more-direct measures for policy exposure and based on more-subtle research designs involving quasi-experiments or panel data are needed to substantiate or refute the causal claims developed in this chapter. Nevertheless, a recent study supports the argument that time and effective exposure to societal norms is needed for exclusive or inclusive reception contexts to be effective. This research shows that inclusive cantonal integration policies can prevent immigrants from emigrating again once they have been exposed to these policies, but they cannot attract them because immigrants are not more likely to migrate to inclusive cantons (Bennour, S. (2017). Do integration policies matter? An exploratory study on foreigners' mobility and cantonal attractiveness in Switzerland. Presented at the IMISCOE Conference, Rotterdam, 27 June). In other words, integration policies in particular, and reception contexts more broadly, appear to be neither very effective prior to nor on arrival, but they affect immigrants' attitudes after a certain period of exposure.
Apart from future studies based on more-subtle research designs to prove or refute our preliminary findings, it would also be important to validate these findings using, for instance, more-recent data on integration policy and considering even-more-nuanced subnational units, such as municipalities. As we argued in this chapter, and in line with the literature documenting the path dependency of national integration regimes (Brubaker 1992; Favell 2001), cantonal integration and migration policies reflect path dependency, meaning fairly stable policy frameworks over time (Manatschal 2012; Sager and Thomann 2017). Consequently, we do not expect these policies to be completely different in 2014 when compared with 2008, which was the reference year of the index used in this chapter. Our robustness check using the narrower but more recent cantonal citizenship law index by Arrighi and Piccoli (2018) appears to confirm this expectation. Nevertheless, it would be interesting to replicate the analysis with more-recent cantonal integration policy data as soon as they are available. The second concern about the level of analysis appears more pertinent. As shown in this contribution, reception contexts vary strongly across Swiss cantons. However, the immediate surroundings people are exposed to on a daily basis are ultimately the local contexts. Given that local reception contexts can vary considerably within the same canton (e.g., rural versus urban municipalities), future research should scrutinize questions about immigrants' national identification from a local perspective, considering the reception context of municipalities.
Concerning the identity question, it would be interesting to further disentangle the general trend emerging from this study. Does the reception context affect the identity of female and male, refugees and highly skilled immigrants, children and adult non-citizens similarly, or are certain groups, for instance, particularly vulnerable groups, more "receptive" to the regional reception context? In a future study, it would also be revealing to connect this research more strongly to the complexity of the identity question. Although the focus of this study was on national identification with the country of destination, the additional robustness checks concerning homeland orientation revealed an interesting pattern. We observed contrasting individual profiles of people who identify with Switzerland (with typically close networks in Switzerland and high levels of satisfaction with the decision to move to Switzerland) and with their country of origin (with rather close social networks abroad and low levels of satisfaction with the decision to move to Switzerland). The cantonal reception context, in turn, did not yield a contrasting effect on homeland identification because it did not significantly alter the homeland identification either directly or over time. Further research is needed to understand whether inclusive cantonal reception contexts and integration policies are conducive to the development of dual-identities ("integration" according to Verkuyten and Martinovic 2012). Although the findings of our study are only a starting point, they clearly highlight the symbolic and catalytic nature and potential for inclusive reception contexts to foster national attachment and eventually social cohesion in contemporary immigration societies.
Throughout this chapter, we use the terms immigrants and non-citizens interchangeably. Note that only one of the 5855 respondents included in our analysis is not a non-citizen (meaning the respondent indicated Swiss nationality), implying that de facto our results apply to non-citizen immigrants living in Switzerland.
This popular initiative that aimed at limiting immigration by means of quotas was accepted by 50.33% of Swiss people and 17 cantons out of 26 in a national vote held on February 9, 2014.
We consider the dependent variable – feelings of attachment to Switzerland – an integer variable because it is scaled on eight points, which we evaluate as sufficiently fine-grained to conduct such an analysis. We run alternative multilevel models using an ordinal response, which did not alter our results (models not reported but displayed in Appendix).
Note: Unstandardized beta coefficients (standard error in parentheses); *p < 0.1; **p < 0.05; ***p < 0.01. Glarus and Appenzell Innerrhoden do not appear in the models because neither had any office runners from a conservative right party. Model 1 uses only random intercepts, whereas Model 2 uses random intercepts and slopes. Variables "GDP p.c.", "Foreigners' unemployment rate" and "Urbanity" were z-transformed prior to modelling. IPI = cantonal Integration Policy Index.
Source: Migration-Mobility Survey 2016 (weighted results). The contextual variables "Urbanity", "GDP p.c.", "German-speaking canton", "Yes share of "mass immigration" vote", "Conservative right" have been made available by the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (SFSO) and "Foreigners' unemployment rate" by the SECO.
Arrighi, J.-T., & Piccoli, L. (2018). SWISSCIT: index on citizenship law in Swiss cantons. Neuchâtel: nccr – On the move. https://indicators.nccr-onthemove.ch/dans-quels-cantons-les-lois-sur-la-citoyennete-sont-elles-plus-inclusives/?lang=fr. Accessed 1 June 2018.
Waisman, G., & Larsen, B. (2007) Do attitudes toward immigrants matter? Copenhagen Business School, Department of Economics Working Paper No. 11–2007. http://openarchive.cbs.dk/cbsweb/handle/10398/7587. Accessed 29 June 2018.


A co-worker once told me about a trip she took with a girlfriend. I don't remember where they went or when or even if there was a specific reason for the journey. What I remember about the story is that they didn't have a camera (this was before the age of iphones). As they stopped at noteworthy places or scenic views, they'd take a moment, pose, and say 'Click! Took a Mental Picture!' This story has stuck with me for several years, maybe because when I travel, I make it a point to put down the camera and soak in the place and moment as much as I can. Of course then I pick up the camera again and take 150 pictures of really-cool-old-stuff (not even a slight exaggeration), but I make sure I see things outside of a viewfinder and imprint the memory to my brain and not just my SD card, I take a mental picture.
Surprisingly, as much as I strive to put down my beloved lenses while traveling, I'm becoming a total shutterbug at home. The ease of having a camera on my cell phone means I can snap a shot at the grocery store or in my backyard. I can document a particularly awesome hair day or my current shade of nail polish. My shoes are regularly photographed as one of my favorite subjects. All show up on my instagram account. At first I thought it might be silly, I'm not a photo-journalist or an artist. I'm not taking pictures of Big-Important-Things; just snaps of my everyday life. But now I realize that's the great thing. These quick snaps are a celebration of the everyday.
Every day is fantastic. Every day there is something beautiful or interesting to see. Every day is a new journey and a new discovery. And that should be celebrated. The collection of ice cream scoops that caught my eye thanks to the bright colors----the sunset over the cornfield---my current favorite pair of shoes---These things make up who I am. Like little happy puzzle pieces, these square snapshots build a bigger picture.
The great thing about instagram is my everyday isn't the only one I get to experience. I follow friends and relatives, and even a couple of folks I've never met in real life (like some of the wonderful contributors to Equals Record!). I get to catch glimpses of other everydays without stepping outside of my own. Roxanne's views of Boston remind me that fall is on the way, I can't wait to see the leaves change and snap some of my own autumnal photos. My cousin Andy's photos almost always come with a thought provoking caption or interesting story and encourage me to think about the world outside of myself.


Welcome to our J Contest page. YOU HAVE ONLY THREE DAYS TO COMPLETE THIS CHALLENGE!
Here is the winner of our J contest. Very nice job everyone!
First place goes to RPC-940-J by geckovstheworld with 14 votes. Congratulations!
Check out the runner up RPC-404-J by google_chrome with 12 votes!
Thank you to everyone who gave this honorable and challenging contest a shot.
J SHITPOST - You have only THREE DAYS to make a joke article! You must receive criticism, make sure to give each other crit! All articles are to be posted on the 1st of April.
Contact Croal if you have any questions about the contest. More regular contests are coming very soon!
These must be new works, you are NOT allowed to post and articles or works that you have had in progress. Pre-existing drafts are not allowed.
You do not have to get criticism on the forums for this contest, but it is advised that you do get some form of crit.
To enter add the tag "JContest" to your entry so it shows up on this page.
You should receive feedback before posting. Post your entry to the site with the url "Contest:JContest<yourusername>" with your site user name in place of <yourusername.> For example, if a user named Chad were to post an entry it would have the URL http://www.rpc-wiki.net/Contest:JContestChad. This page must be posted by you (or, if it is a collaboration, one of the partners).
The submission with the most upvotes will win. The winners of each contest will win bragging rights and a featured spot on the front page. Those who do not win are encouraged to upload their submissions once they have received forum crit.


There are a lot of coins that you may want to set aside and keep because of their value. It is interesting to know that most of the US quarters 1964 and earlier are mostly silver, and their value for the metal weight is a few dollars for each one. And, interestingly enough, pennies before 1982 are also worth more than their face value for their weight in copper. Now, do you have a pocket full of change right now? Take the coins out and separate pre-1964 quarters. These coins are all 90% silver and each one of them as a value of more than $3.50 just for their weight in silver. That is not it though; also look at the condition of the coins. Some of these that are in near mint condition or almost circulated can have a much higher value and can sell in auction from 10 to 20 dollars apiece (sometimes a little less but usually more than their value in silver weight). The mint marks (P, D, S, O, etc.) also have an effect on value to, which this we will get to later on with other coins. Even newer coins can also be very valuable, such as the 2004-D Wisconsin quarter with an error, which is worth 130 dollars or more. In mint condition, these coins can get absurd amounts of money. Proof quarters and special series like Liberty quarters can also be very valuable.
Nickels and dimes that are also well worth looking through your pocket change. There are many of these that are worth much more than their weight in gold. One of the most valuable nickels is the 1913 V nickel, which has a value of 5,000,000, is somewhere in circulation or hidden in an attic. There are only a handful of them, which are the same year that the buffalo nickels were minted. Some kids have probably spent these nickels in vending machines and they are probably in a coin roll somewhere or in someone's stash of change. Maybe yours? Since there are only a handful, you will probably be more likely to when the lottery than find a V nickel. But, if you see a strange 1913 nickel, keep a hold of it.
There are other nickels that can be very valuable too. Nickels produced during WWII are also high in silver content, which are worth about two bucks a piece. Several years of the Buffalo nickels are worth a few grand a piece; nickles from 1918, 1920, 1925 and 1928 with the D mint mark have a value of $3,000 or more in collector's books. Selling these at auction can sometimes fetch even more depending on their condition but even the ugliest ones can score you an easy 3 grand. Those with an S mint mark can be worth substantially more; as much as $14,000 for the 1924 S buffalo nickel. Even a 1938 common Jefferson nickel is worth about $1,500. Those are the most valuable and most are older, but there are also some modern nickels that are worth taking a second look at. Even pre-1964 for nickels are worth 10-to-20 dollars apiece. If you notice coins that have errors, usually caused by double die, then they are also worth saving. This happens when the coin is stuck twice when it is being made and can significantly increase its value.
Dimes worth keeping include mercury dimes that are worth $1,500 to $14,000 a piece. These are some of the most valuable dimes that are worth saving. In fact, dimes that predate WWII are usually worth saving. Many of these are worth at least a few bucks. Other dimes that are of interest can include the common mercury dimes that are worth at least a few bucks a piece and other dimes from the 19th century and early 1900s. There are also more modern Eisenhower dimes minted from 1946 to 1964 that are worth a few bucks a piece because of the silver they contain. As with other coins, rarer errors and special collections are worth more.
Those cents in your pocket may be worth a pretty penny, as well. The penny is one of the most widely collected coins. And, there is also more of a chance that you can find one that is worth a few bucks in your pocket change. There are many different mints of pennies that are worth saving. Wheat head pennies are becoming less common in circulation, but you can still find them. Even the most common wheat head penny is worth 75 cents. Many of these are worth 2 dollars or more. Some rarer wheat head pennies are even worth a hundred to a couple thousand dollars. Some of the rarest, like the bronze wheat head penny is worth more than $100,000. Sometimes, rare 3 cent coins can be found mixed with pennies, dimes, or nickels, which have a value of anywhere from 12 to 400 dollars.
If you have found coins that are worth a pretty penny and you need the money, take them to a pawn shop, such as Pawn World, and have them appraised. At least, you will be able to get the money for any scrap silver you find while coin hunting.


Is the WebUI login taking into account authorization policies?
So far, I have a WebUI policy with login_mode set to privacyIDEA and no IP associated to it. This means that anyone (but the admin) needs to provide an OTP to login in the web interface of PI. Perfect.
Now, as a first test, I created an authorization policy with tokentype set to sms and placed as Client the IP of my computer. Still I could log in the WebUI of PI with a paper-based token.
Thus I am wondering if the WebUI access is honouring authorization policies (and authentication policies as well).
Could anyone provide me with some information about it?
authentication token has a validity, that is usually 1 hour.
which for reasons not decorated with the policy decorater.
This function is used to authenticate the user at the web ui.
It checks against the userstore or against OTP/privacyidea (check_otp).
So to answer your questions, no these policies are not checked.
Would it require a significant amount of work to make it possible and do you think that other users would be interested in such a feature?
significant is an interesting word. The answer to your second question is probably "yes".
Thanks for having opened an issue about it with a milestone associated to it!
And my apologies for this late answer.


In a lawsuit, Las Vegas-based Righthaven LLC says Nevada Republican Senate nominee Sharron Angle has violated copyright laws by posting two newspapers stories in their entirety on her campaign website. Righthaven is asking a federal district judge for statutory damages for willful infringement of the two articles, attorneys' fees and control of Angle's domain name, sharronangle.com.
Older PostApple Reaches Trademark Agreement for "Ping"


We understand the importance of providing a great start to a child's education, igniting their passion for learning as they grow.
Hartland offers an academic but fun, stimulating and caring environment, ensuring your child's safety, as they develop the confidence needed to take on new challenges. We recognise that each child is uniquely talented. Our goal is to encourage them to achieve their full potential across a wide range of activities, developing new talents as well as stretching the things that they are already good at.
In our Foundation Stage, dedicated teachers encourage and promote 'active' learning throughout all the areas of the Early Years Foundation Stage Curriculum (EYFS), celebrating each child's achievements and preparing them for a smooth and happy transition into the Primary School.
Our experienced teachers encourage and extend each child's natural curiosity and enthusiasm as they build their range of skills. Over the course of the day, your child will learn in groups, pairs and individually across an array of different activities as we discover their learning styles and preferences. Digital Technology is woven seamlessly into the lessons, ensuring that all children are confident interacting with technology as a learning tool.
Language development is a core skill at this stage. Your child will be encouraged to communicate their ideas using an increasing range of words and structures across a diverse range of themes.
The delivery of Arabic Language is a new and core part of our Foundation Stage curriculum this academic year, as we introduce our children to the rich tapestry of this most important of languages. Touching upon the key elements of the Moral Education and Social Studies curriculum frameworks, we promote an understanding of the Arab world and our UAE community.


The Miracle Farm Blueprint download in PDF format. Find below a free preview for Michael's Selfreplenishingfoodfarm website powered by Scribd. The system you're just minutes away from discovering enables every household in the world to have an automated supply of the freshest, high-quality organic foods and the cleanest water you've ever tasted for pennies on the dollar. In fact this miracle system has been developed as part of a Global Initiative to feed the most severe disaster hit zones on the planet where hunger and poverty is at an all time high. No matter what happens, you'll be able to keep your family well-fed with the best, delicious, protein-rich, vitamin-packed food every day 24/7/365. Never again having to rely on a job to make sure you can afford your grocery bill. Never again having to rely on food producers who are becoming more and more corrupt in the way they grow and manufacture what we eat in pursuit of the almighty dollar. This system gives you 6 times the amount of food compared to conventional farming and uses 90% less water. This system is currently being tested and pushed to provide the freshest highest-quality food to the masses all over the world. I have amazing results with The Miracle Farm Blueprint. Highly recommended! Download now!


Located at the intersection of I-95 and 92,  you can count on this flea market for all things NASCAR! (Its right across the street from the track.
Held under cover as well as outside its a traditonal flea market mixed with all things new.


Harrow Estates, which has assumed responsibility for housebuilder Redrow's strategic land holdings, has appointed Alex Sciarretta as its Land Director and Steve Neal as its Head of Planning.
Alex and Steve joined Harrow Estates from housebuilder Taylor Wimpey, where they both worked for four years. Alex was most recently their Land and Planning Director for their Southern region, while Steve's role was to lead the planning team at the housebuilder's Oxfordshire business unit as Senior Planning Manager. There they both developed strong relationships with landowners and local authority officers, as well as their regional land and planning knowledge.
Alex's role at Harrow Estates will see him focus on acquiring both strategic sites for future development and more immediate sites for Redrow to grow its presence in the South of England. Steve will lead the planning function of current and forthcoming sites in both the South of England and South Wales and he will oversee all strategic land opportunities. Alex and Steve will be working closely with Redrow's regional planning teams and local authorities to drive forward these new land opportunities.


I'm Kash, a Canadian expat currently based out of Shanghai working in digital marketing for one of the biggest online eye-wear retailers in the world. So my job keeps me online all the time Over the last five years I've had the chance to live,work and study in Hong Kong, Taiwan & China. I've kept records of my travels online an offline on different platforms since as far back as I can remember I guess I've always been obsessed with archiving and logging my experiences.
So one of my favorite things to do is trying out new restaurants, I'll go far and wide to find the most interesting foods and try out suggestions by friends and acquaintances alike. I'll be suggesting a lot of places to you guys and would love it if anyone has any recommendation of eateries for me to try out.
Read/comment on my formal introduction here.


The South Bay's most fun business networking group, Business & Beer, returned to the Strand Brewing Company tasting room Thursday and I think it is safe to say that everyone had a good time. We had close to 15 people come by with several of them being second time attendees. In addition, Rich Marcello, one of the co-owners of Strand Brewing Co, is always good about directing his customers that might benefit from our networking group over to us. We definitely appreciate it.
For those that are familiar with Strand Brewing Company but have not visited in the last couple of weeks, I encourage you to stop by and try their new Russian Imperial Stout. It may be the best beer I have tasted from Strand in the year I have been coming. I think we will have to try it in a beer float soon.
Last night we had another Business & Beer, this time returning to my favorite brewpub, The Brewery at Abigaile in Hermosa Beach. This was our first meetup in two weeks, and the first since Lent started, so I am not sure how much this combination contributed to our smaller than normal turnout. That is okay, those of us that came out had a good time and it gave us time to get to know each other more.


Dow Jones Webinar: Forex Regulation – What's in Store?
Mr. Felix Shipkevich was a panelist speaker during a webinar titled "Forex Regulation – What's in Store?" hosted by Dow Jones.
FX Street Webinar: Starting & Operating a Successful FX Dealer.
Mr. Felix Shipkevich presented an FX Street webinar titled "Starting and Operating a Successful FX Dealer." Mr. Shipkevich offered guidance and answered viewer questions.


text:
Mongkok Omega Plaza (Flagship shop)
Shop 2A - 2B, Omega Plaza, 32-34A Dundas Street,
Mongkok, Kowloon, Hong Kong
Mon-Sun & Public Holiday : 12:00nn - 10:00pm
Google Map 百度地图
Shop B, G/F., Tern Commercial Building,
39 Granville Road, Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon
Mon-Sun & Public Holiday : 12:00noon - 10:00pm
Olympian City One
2/F, Olympian City One, 11 Hoi Fai Road,
Kowloon (Olympic MTR A Exit)
Sun/Public Holiday: 11:00am - 8:00pm
Kowloon Bay (MegaBox)
Unit 22, Level 12, MegaBox, 38 Wang Chiu Road, Kowloon Bay, Kowloon
Mon-Sat: 12:00noon - 9:00 pm
Kowloon Bay (Amoy Plaza)
Licensed Area A, 1/F, Phase 3, Amoy Plaza,
Kowloon Bay, Kowloon
Mon-Fri: 12:30pm - 9:30 pm
Sat, Sun & Public Holiday: 12:00noon - 9:00pm
Wanchai
Shop B2, G/F, Sam Yuen Mansion, 29 Fleming Road
(Near Lockhart Road), Wanchai, Hong Kong
Mon-Fri: 11:30am - 8:30 pm
Sat, Sun & Public Holiday: 11:00am - 8:00pm
North Point (Olympia Plaza)
Shop 212, 2/F, Olympia Plaza, 255 King's Road,
North Point, H.K. (Fortress Hill MTR B Exit)
Mon-Sat: 12:30pm - 9:30 pm
Sun/Public Holiday: 12:00noon - 9:00pm
Shop 201A, Queen's Road Central,
Sheung Wan, Hong Kong
Tung Yiu Commercial Building, No. 31A,
Wyndham Street, Central, Hong Kong
Mon-Sun & Public Holiday : 11:00am - 8:00pm
Shop 24M, Level 3, Shatin Centre
+852- 23677988
Mon-Sun & Public Holiday : 12:00noon - 9:00pm
Unit A093, 1/F, Nan Fung Centre,
264-298 Castle Peak Road, Tsuen Wan
Mon-Sun & Public Holiday : 12:00noon-9:00pm
Shop No.57, 2/F, Kolour Yuen Long, 1 Kau Yuk Road, Yuen Long
Mon-Sun : 12:00 noon - 9:00 pm

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Any chance to see one of the best Rock-n-Roll bands on the planet ina concert setting is a good thing.
Pat Benatar and Neil Giraldo are co-headlining a tour with Melissa Etheridge. That show will be at Bethel Woods on August 25th. Here's how to win tickets.
Ringo Starr and his All Starr Band along with The Edgar Winter Band, and Arlo Guthrie on August 16th, Part of the 50 Anniversary Weekend at Bethel Woods.
More acts were revealed for the 50th Anniversary of Woodstock Festival at Watkins Glen. So far, 5 of the 80 bands have been announced.
You could win tickets to see Satana with the Doobie Brothers, or Alice Cooper. Both shows will be at Bethel Woods this summer and here's how to win your way in.
Peter Frampton has announced that due to health reasons, this will be his farewell tour. You can win tickets to see him at Bethel Woods. Here's how.
Jackson Browne will be playing at Bethel Woods for the Arts on Saturday, July 6th. You can win tickets all this week. Here's how.


BAGHOUZ, Syria (Reuters) – The U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said on Sunday more than 60,000 people, mostly civilians, had flooded out of Islamic State's last enclave in eastern Syria since a final assault to capture it began over two months ago.
SDF spokesman Kino Gabriel told reporters that 29,600 people, the majority of them families of Islamic State fighters, had surrendered since the U.S.-backed forces led by the Kurdish YPG laid siege to Baghouz and its hinterland on the Euphrates River.
Among them were 5,000 militants, the SDF said.
Another 34,000 civilians were evacuated from Baghouz, the last shred of territory held by the jihadists who have been driven from roughly one third of Iraq and Syria over the past four years, Gabriel said.
Former residents from the region say many of the civilians who left the Baghouz area in recent weeks were Iraqi Sunnis with close tribal ties on the other side of the border in Deir al-Zor, a Sunni heartland.
They sought sanctuary in Syria for fear of revenge attacks by the Iraqi Hashd al Shaabi, the Iranian-backed Shi'ite militias in Iraq who drove the militants from their areas, the former residents said.
Another SDF spokesman Mustafa Bali told Reuters only around a hundred militants and their families had surrendered overnight in the spot where hardline insurgents have been mounting a desperate last-stand defense.
Artillery bombardment of Baghouz, along with airstrikes, resumed on Sunday afternoon after a lull in fighting, a Reuters journalist there said, with smoke billowing over the enclave.
The SDF said that 1,306 "terrorists" had been killed alongside many who were injured in the military campaign that began on Jan. 9, while 82 SDF fighters had been killed and 61 injured.
The SDF said another 520 militants were captured in special operations in the last Islamic State bastion – a few villages surrounded by farmland where jihadists and their followers had retreated as their "caliphate" was driven from once vast territories.
The United Nations says the camp now holds around 67,000 people, 90 percent of them women and children – well beyond its capacity. Camp workers say they do not have enough tents, food or medicine.


text:
Real Change hard to come by in Singapore Parliament
Singapore's new parliament kicks off its first sitting since last November's elections on Monday with many political watchers sceptical of real debates emerging even as the long ruling party eases its grip on members.
The People's Action Party (PAP) — which has held a hammerlock on power and debate since independence in 1965 — won 82 of 84 seats in parliament in the walkover election.
Weak, splintered opposition parties have held no more than four parliament seats at any one time since independence.
The assembly has been criticised for passing bills with consummate speed and scant debate, but the government has recently indicated it will be more tolerant of critical comment.
"If there is more opposition, there will be more arguments for and against. They are trying to level it by having the PAP MPs themselves do that job," said Chandra Mohan, president of The Roundtable, a non-partisan political discussion group.
PAP MPs have to toe the party line or abstain from voting when the party whip is enforced, but the PAP said last week it will lift the whip on matters of conscience and also allow MPs to vote against bills on a case-by-case basis if they have prior approval.
The whip, which has been lifted just three times in the last four decades, will remain unchallenged on constitutional and budget bills. Associate Professor Lee Chun Wah from the Nanyang Technological University School of Communication and Information, called the recent easing a "perception game."
"We're still living in a very authoritarian political entity and until that is gradually managed, I don't really see the ruling party softening its approach," Lee told Reuters.
"For us to graduate to the kind of debate that we see in the American Congress, I think that's a long, long way to go."
MORE OPENNESS
Schemes to add alternative viewpoints over the years have included Non-Constituency members of parliament (NCMP) — "best losers" roped in from the most recent general election.
There are three NCMP's allowed in each parliament but the number is reduced for each Opposition candidate elected.
There are also nominated MPs (NMPs), first introduced in 1989, who are picked from the community and serve two year terms. The Constitution allows for up to nine NMPs.
Government Parliamentary Committees, led by MPs, are meant to raise the standard of debate by having MPs specialise in an area.
"More than the procedural changes announced… the real change will have to be a cultural one," Straits Times newspaper associate news editor Bertha Henson wrote.
"The dilemma for the party is how to retain control while, at the same time, allowing free rein to MPs, but without party fissures appearing in the public eye."
Singapore, struggling with its worse recession in four decades, has been chanting a mantra of change and picking apart its economy as it retools for the future.
The city-state's gross domestic product shrank two percent in 2001, after a heady 10 percent expansion in 2000 , but the government expects growth of one to three percent this year.
Prime Minister Goh Cok Tong, in his final five-year term, pledged to pull the country out of recession, restructure the economy and renew its political leadership by 2007.
His cabinet remains dominated by experienced politicians, although several neophytes were introduced after the election.
Economic review committees have been examining all aspects of Singapore for possible restructuring. A report is expected later in the year.
But Nanyang's Lee says Singapore needs more openness as a whole and not just in parliament.
"What is lacking is that the government should tell us really honestly what are its programmes since it has been re-elected," he said. "So far it has not been very clear as to what the government intends to do."


text:
ChristLife
Catholic Ministry for Evangelization
About ChristLife
ChristLife History
ChristLife Series
ChristLife Worship Central
Discovering Christ
Theology and Methodology
Sharing Christ
Resources for Spiritual Growth Beyond the ChristLife Courses
ChristLife en Español
Descubriendo a Cristo
Siguiendo a Cristo
National Training Conference
Let Down Your Nets!
Parish Training Days
Team Training Resources
ChristLife Newsletter
Reach More
Reflect on God's Word
Running Courses Online
Word Among Us Partnership
ChristLife equips Catholics for the essential work of evangelization.
ChristLife is recommended by Archbishop William E. Lori, Ralph Martin, and more.
ChristLife has been featured in the National Catholic Register, EWTN, and more.
A seven-week experience that invites guests to hear the Good News and personally encounter Jesus Christ.
A seven-week journey that explores and encourages Catholic discipleship.
A seven-week mission that trains Catholics to share Jesus Christ with others and invite them to be part of the Church.
The ChristLife National Conference will be September 28-30, 2022 at St. Louis Parish in Clarksville, MD
Experience our brand new training conference!
Team Training Resources can help you equip your team at home!
Connect with parish and ministry leaders who are using the ChristLife series.
Contact us with any questions or comments.
Her Journey to Catholicism Was Holy Spirit's Work
The Archdiocese of New York hosted a county-wide Discovering Christ in Fall 2018. Angela Valles attended that course and experienced the presence of the Holy Spirit in a powerful way. She shares her story below.
By: John Woods
Angela Valles' journey to the Catholic Church was a long time coming, and she attributes her decision to the Holy Spirit, who worked quickly and powerfully in her life.
She grew up as the daughter of two United Methodist Church ministers and even attended seminary herself for a time. Then she was married and had a son, who is 22.
When we spoke earlier this week, Ms. Valles, 54, said she sampled other mainline Protestant branches, including Episcopalian, Presbyterian and even joined a Baptist congregation, but said she never personally experienced the presence of the Holy Spirit.
Last year, she met a woman who suggested she visit a priest at Mount Alvernia, the Franciscan retreat center in Wappingers Falls, for spiritual direction. He told her God loved her the way she was, and if she wanted to learn about the Catholic Church she should inquire about the Rite of Christian Initiation of Adults (RCIA) program at her local parish. So she went to St. Joachim-St. John the Evangelist Church in Beacon.
About that time, she saw a blurb in the parish bulletin about Discovering Christ, a seven-week program that helps Catholics learn about their faith through expert teaching, personal witness talks, music and small-group fellowship over dinner with other Catholics. Ms. Valles was one of several hundred to attend last fall's sessions at Our Lady of Lourdes High School in Poughkeepsie.
From the first gathering, Ms. Valles said she knew it was the start of a different faith experience. She paused for a moment to collect herself, as she said she often did while attending Discovering Christ. "It was an all-consuming and overwhelming feeling that I was home. I knew I was in the right place," she said.
She formed quick connections. One woman from Beacon named Kitty, who was part of her small group, made a powerful impression after only a couple weekly meetings. "She said, 'Angela, I prayed for you all week, because I thought about you all week.' I was so taken by that. I thought, 'She doesn't even know me.'"
About the same time, she met with Sister Kathleen Maire, O.S.F., a pastoral associate at St. Joachim-St. John the Evangelist, to learn more about the RCIA program. "She looks like the total embodiment of love," Ms. Valles said of Sister Kathleen.
She also was full of praise for Father Richard Smith, the parish's pastor. "Both of them together. He's so compassionate. He has such a loving spirit. They nurtured me and made me feel at home."
She completed the RCIA in time to enter full communion with the Church at the Easter Vigil when she received the sacraments of Eucharist and confirmation. Her aunt, Gloria Garcia of Corpus Christi, Texas, was her confirmation sponsor.
Ms. Valles, who is divorced, said participating in Discovering Christ, before she was even a Catholic, was integral to her decision to become one.
"If it wasn't for Discovering Christ, I probably wouldn't have become Catholic," she said. "It healed me. It gave me hope and unconditional love. It brought me to Jesus through Mary…It transformed my life."
The talks she heard about finding Christ and forming a relationship with Him had a lasting effect on her. During her confirmation, she said she promised Jesus that He could do "whatever He wants to do with my life."
"I went 30 years without feeling the Holy Spirit in my life," she said. "I want to share it with as many people as I can."
Last week, she had a call from Cardinal Dolan, who welcomed her to the Church. "He said I was an example to him and to the diocese, and that the Church needed me."
This weekend, Ms. Valles will finish Following Christ, the second component of the ChristLife evangelization process, at Holy Trinity Church in Poughkeepsie. In our conversation, she said some fellow participants have said they want to be deeply touched by the Spirit as she is. Ms. Valles noted everyone's faith journey is unique, and while no one's experience is exactly the same, all grow in their faith and become "like a family" by session's end.
This article was original posted in the Catholic New York.
Transformed Parishes
Missionary Discipleship
ChristLife Young Adults
Subscribe to eUpdates
600 Cooks Lane
©2023 ChristLife. All rights reserved. Site by Piccirilli Dorsey, Inc.


Non-members tickets will go on sale from Monday, 19 June. Why not become a member of The London Society, members receive preferential bookings on all tours.
Join Cadogan's Chief Executive, Hugh Seaborn, along with Haydn Cooper (Property Director), Jane Henshaw (Head of Building Surveying) and Nadia Loza (Manager of Duke of York Square) to discover how the Cadogan Estate in Chelsea has evolved over the last 300 years. Learn about the estate's origins as home for Sir Hans Sloane's magnificent collection of curiosities, the original purpose of the King's Road as the private route for the monarch between palaces – and how this extraordinary heritage has shaped its character today.
Cadogan own and manage 93 acres of this desirable neighbourhood. This walk will highlight their important stewardship role, from preserving distinctive architectural styles to creating exceptional new public realm, attracting some of the world's best shopping and dining – while helping to enhance the area's strong sense of community.


XSM Heavy Industry(shanghai) is the best Hammer Crusher in Egypt manufacturers and suppliers, professional sales Hammer Crusher in Egypt. We have professional R & D team in the mining industry, make the crusher is more practical, faster efficiency, lower cost. Buy now our Hammer Crusher in Egypt, it will make your work easier. XSM Heavy Industry(shanghai) main products includes mobile crusher,jaw crusher, impact crusher, cone crusher, sand making machine,ball mill,raymond mill, high pressure mill, vertical mill, ultrafine mill, vibrating screen and feeder, sand washing machine and belt conveyor etc.Suitable for copper, quartz, feldspar, calcite, talcum, barite, fluorite,etc.
Professional ideal hammer crusher for sale in Colombia,Shanghai XSM is a professional ore crusher equipment,Professional ideal hammer crusher for sale in Colombia, mechanical beneficiation equipment, ore milling equipment manufacturers.Ore mining process, the first , , conveyor equipment ore sent to the , , is a crushing raw ore, and the second by a , ore secondary crushing third screening by meet the standard specifications of the ore is transported to the , ore tertiary treatment by , elect a variety of needs.Of course, this is just a general ore processing, Shanghai XSM based on your type of ore you mine equipment that best suits you, If you have any questions, we are welcome to contact us or click on the right side of the line icon, our technical staff willgive you a detailed answer.
Heavy Hammer Crusher for sale Hammer crusher main working parts of the rotor with a hammer (also known as the hammer) is. Rotor from the spindle, disk, pin and hammer.Heavy Hammer Crusher for sale, The motor drives the rotor rotates at high speed in the crushing cavity. Material from the upper mouth to feed into the machine,Heavy Hammer Crusher for sale, high-speed movement of the hammer blo … New type Hydraulic Cone Crusher for sale Hydraulic Cone Crusher is our use of foreign advanced technology, according to the domestic market demand, by my company engineers developed from a number of experts .New type Hydraulic Cone Crusher for sale, Hydraulic cone crusher series products with advanced design , excellent crushing capacity.
Advanced Professional Hammer Crusher for sale in Ethiopia, Shanghai XSM is a professional ore crusher equipment,Advanced Professional Hammer Crusher for sale in Ethiopia, mechanical beneficiation equipment, ore milling equipment manufacturers.Ore mining process, the first , , conveyor equipment ore sent to the , , is a crushing raw ore, and the second by a , ore secondary crushing third screening by meet the standard specifications of the ore is transported to the , ore tertiary treatment by , elect a variety of needs.Of course, this is just a general ore processing, Shanghai XSM based on your type of ore you mine equipment that best suits you.


text:
Thursdays 8:00 PM on ABC
Grey's Anatomy News
Grey's Anatomy Reviews
Grey's Anatomy Spoilers
Grey's Anatomy Watch Online
Grey's Anatomy Music
Grey's Anatomy Episode Guide
Grey's Anatomy Quotes
Grey's Anatomy Cast
Grey's Anatomy Pictures
Grey's Anatomy Videos
Grey's Anatomy Caption Contests
Grey's Anatomy Round Tables
Follow Grey's Anatomy
Grey's Anatomy Facebook Grey's Anatomy Twitter
Jackie, Date
Sure looks like that's what's going on here.
Grey's Anatomy Season 8 Episode 17: "One Step Too Far"
Grey's Anatomy Photos, Grey's Anatomy Season 8 Episode 17 Photos
Grey's Anatomy Photo Preview: "One Step Too Far"
Five Grey's Anatomy Clips From "One Step Too Far"
Steve Marsi
Grey's Anatomy Season 8 Episode 17 Quotes
Alex: I felt bad that I had to sit with you all night so you didn't cry yourself to sleep over your sad premie.
Morgan: He has a brain bleed!
Permalink: I felt bad that I had to sit with you all night so you didn't cr...
We're trained to be vigilant, to chase down the problem, to ask all the right questions, to find the root cause until we know exactly what it is and we confront it. It takes an extreme amount of caution or we can't overstep ourselves. We can create problems that don't exist.
Permalink: We're trained to be vigilant, to chase down the problem, to ask ...
Grey's Anatomy Season 8 Episode 17 Music
Stone In My Heart Graffiti6 iTunes
Shuffle A Dream" Little Dragon iTunes
No Way The Naked and Famous iTunes
Grey's Anatomy Season 8 Episode 17
Grey's Anatomy Round Table: "One Step Too Far"
Grey's Anatomy Caption Contest 305
Grey's Anatomy Review: Crossing The Line
Grey's Anatomy Season 8 Episode 17 Photos
Watch Grey's Anatomy Season 8 Episode 17 Online


We are not a test and tag franchise operation, employing and training our own staff who are both electricians and test and tag technicians giving our customers consistency across their business.
We are fully licensed in Queensland where electrical contractors licence is law.
We want to ensure our customers are supported at the highest possible standards with their legislative compliance management regarding the electrical testing and tagging processes in the workplace.
Contact us on (07) 49 53 15 75 to begin your testing and tagging legislative compliance management program.
Ensuring there is little disruption to your workplace.
On-going training of our testing and tagging staff.
World Best Practices in measurement in testing and tagging as well as compliance management reporting.
High quality, reliable testing and tagging equipment that is regularly calibrated.
Police checks carried out on all staff.DRD TEST AND TAG is Australian owned and not franchised. It is important to remember that your electrical testing and tagging program is different from a one-time inspection. DRD test and tag programs consist of dedicated, highly trained qualified staff, and professional follow up programs. We design each test and tag program to provide long-term value and serve as a valuable resource to your company in regards to your workplace electrical safety and compliance management programs.