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CCPA Compliance with Privacy Ledger
New consumer data privacy regulations seem to be emerging monthly, at a time when most companies are struggling to keep up with existing legal requirements and growing demands from consumers. Embracing customer privacy is increasingly an indication of a healthy brand, providing consumers the confidence needed to share their personal data. This generates consumer trust and builds brand loyalty, allowing brands to be more competitive through an increased level of service and greater customer lifetime value. A user's experience around their privacy preferences (dubbed Privacy UX by Gartner) is therefore critical to your bottom line. Gaining consent, in an easy and user-focused manner, is obtainable through a dynamic customer journey complete with adaptive authentication and authorization.
Currently most companies are addressing the privacy requirements in a very binary manner: prompt the customer/partner/employee with a blanket privacy policy and ask for consent to all or nothing. The trouble is, this does little to build customer confidence and trust in your brand. Consumers, by accepting these policies, grant access to massive amounts of PII data collection, used which is then processed and often shared with 3rd parties and/or monetized. Less ethical corporations have used technology blockades to sweep this abuse under the rug leveraging the lack of education in the marketplace as well as the limited legal guidelines around privacy laws enforcement. However, that situation is changing and the push toward progressive consent, complete with granular options and intent-based grants is becoming the class standard.
Privacy laws such as CCPA require brands to inform users of any data collection taking place, categorize data collection by the PII data type, and communicate the intended use of the data. Consumers can then choose to "opt-out" of data sharing or request additional information in the form of access requests. Given the intent behind the laws to educate and inform the users of their data collection and rights, it's no surprise that legal experts and regulators have expressed concerns with the "all or nothing" blanket approach to privacy policies.
Setting aside legal precedence and guidelines, consumers have also grown weary of unfettered data collection and misuse. There has been a seismic realization within society that one's identity and personal data belongs to them, not to a data processor or a marketing company. This creates new expectations on a brand to only ask for necessary data AND prompt the consumer for consent to process that data in a privacy-conscious manner. Progressive consent becomes the new progressive profiling, but instead of focusing on marketing data aggregation, it focuses on consumer's privacy needs.
Progressive brands like Apple are adopting progressive consent solutions and differentiating based on consumer placing privacy preferences at the forefront of the user experience. When third-party applications require use of personal or sensitive data, Apple prompts the end-user in a "just-in-time" manner informing them of the request and providing additional context so that the user can make an informed decision.
In the identity space, delegated authorization and identity federation standards like OAuth and OIDC are now more widely adopted and provide consent workflows that allow for more granular and progressive-style disclosure. Companies are leveraging these standards for more than just third-party federation agreements, adding them to all web and mobile apps that they own. OAuth already has a consent model built into its core design that gives consumers the means to explicitly grant consent to specific data or capability.
How then can we utilize this standard to process/store/manage progressive user consent in a way that is compliant with current and proposed privacy regulations, making your applications future-proof?
Cloudentity's Approach
Cloudentity Authorization Control Plane (ACP) securely enables company's API-driven initiatives by adding continuous authorization throughout the application ecosystem. This contextual authorization includes the capability to store and query all user consent grants and revocation as a secure ledger that is cryptographically signed, which we call the "Privacy Ledger".
Every time a consumer grants a consent, regardless of whether it's a part of an OAuth consent screen or a privacy preferences screen, we capture the digital fingerprint of the consumer, the action that was consented to, and all contextual metadata required by regulations. All of these data points are securely stored in the Privacy Ledger in an immutable log for compliance with the auditing requirements set by laws like CCPA and GDPR. The Privacy Ledger can then be accessed directly and displayed to consumers to visualize exactly what they consented to, when they consented to it, and why it was collected, empowering the consumer to take control of their data privacy and building trust and loyalty with the brand.
Additionally, the Privacy Ledger can be accessed by the Data Protection Officer (DPO) or designated individual in charge of privacy in case of an audit or litigation where immutable proof of the consumer consent is required.
The Privacy Ledger provides a rich set of APIs to fetch consent events in an open standards compliant format. Built to comply with Kantara's Consent Receipt, the consent preferences are made available in a self-serve UI that can be embedded into the company's consumer portal. Additionally, we include admin level APIs and dashboards that generate compliance reports for DPOs and CISOs.
The use cases for Privacy Ledger in conjunction with a progressive consent approach are varied and include:
Consent Records Collection
As a Data Protection Officer of a company that values privacy, I need the ability to record in a secure and immutable way each action or operation that relates to any consumer consent grants across our applications. These actions may include:
Any OAuth scope grant or revocation performed by the consumer
Any consent grant/revocation performed by the end-user
Expiration of time-based scope/consent grant
Compliance Reports
As a Data Protection Officer that values consumer trust, I must be able to generate privacy compliance reports in the event of litigation, audit or internal risk review. I must be able to quickly filter consent data and generate reports based on:
specific data type,
data classification,
privacy jurisdiction,
action that required explicit approval,
subset of consumers or specific consumer
To meet the current and emerging regulatory standards the report must include :
Who Consented: the name of the individual, or other identifiers (e.g. online username, session-ID, Authentication context, etc.)
When They Consented: online records that include a timestamp
What They Were Told at the Time: a master copy of the document or data capture form containing the consent statement in use at that time, along with any separate privacy policy or other privacy information, including version numbers and dates matching the date consent was given.
How They Consented: Records should include the data submitted as well as a timestamp to link it to the relevant version of the data capture form.
Environmental Context: IP address, Device fingerprint, Location etc…
What They Consented to: context of the consent grant (which scope, which consent etc..), context of the data (data classification PII/Sensitive etc..)
Cryptographic Signature: Signature of the audit record to ensure immutability at least at the record level.
Adhering to privacy standards can be challenging, especially as your applications become more complex with the addition of distributed services, APIs, and serverless resources like AWS Lambda all collecting and passing user data across environments. Ensuring that you're capturing every consent action alongside contextual information to establish some form of identity is necessary to prove compliance with legislation. Cloudentity's Privacy Ledger, part of our Authorization Control Plane, can help in capturing all of the necessary information and make it accessible to end-users to comply with disclosure and preference management requirements of the laws.
Interested in learning more? Sign up for a demo today.


TODAY will be a lunch meeting in Ms. Loop's room for the NEW Spanish Club. Please come if you are interested.
TODAY the Jostens rep will be here for Freshman class ring orders during lunch.
Also TODAY, Boys' Basketball will be having a mandatory meeting regarding team shoes in the NEW GYM.
The first library social will be Thursday during lunch. Kickoff the "Read for a Lifetime" & Abraham Lincoln Teen Choice Reading Programs with Breakout EDU, LEGOs, Puzzles, and Coloring Pages. Fun and reading encouraged, Rice Krispies and M&Ms provided.
Congrats to the Varsity Volleyball team on their 25-12, 25-13 win at Villa Grove last night to improve their overall record to 20-3. Leading the Varsity Knights was Hannah Brackenhoff with 9 digs, Polly Reynolds with 7 kills and 2 blocks, Avery Fisher 20 assists and Carly Ester with 2 aces. Congrats to the JV volleyball team for also winning in straight sets last night improving their overall record to 13-3. Come out and support the Lady Knights as they host LeRoy TONIGHT with the JV match starting at 5:30 pm. Go Knights!
The Soccer Team plays TONIGHT at Cornerstone Christian Academy beginning at 4:30. Teachers please dismiss the Soccer players TODAY at 2:50 with the bus leaving at 3:00.
After school detentions this week are with: Ms. Loop in the Spanish room 208. Lunch detentions TODAY are with Mr. Sparks in his room.


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Breaking the encryption impasse
By Denis McDonough and Susan Landau, opinion contributors — 01/16/20 12:00 PM EST
The debate about encryption is stuck in a long battle between one camp arguing that access to encrypted data is essential for law enforcement and another camp arguing that encryption is necessary to protect against cyber espionage and to enable individuals to safeguard their information. The debate also does not seem to move forward. Just like in the 2016 San Bernardino case, the Justice Department is pressing Apple to provide the data from the two iPhones belonging to the Saudi lieutenant who acted as the gunman during the shooting at the Pensacola naval base last month.
The debate has received attention over the plans by Facebook to expand encryption of user messages, a policy that the FBI director referred to as a "dream come true" for child pornographers. But the new Pensacola case again raises the issues from the San Bernardino mass shooting. The law enforcement argument is best understood through the positions of the Justice Department and the FBI, which have been fighting a losing battle against the use of end to end encryption, security that ensures only the sender and receiver can read the message. The Justice Department and the FBI want such encryption banned, replaced by "exceptional access" systems allowing law enforcement with a warrant to read the messages.
On the other side of the argument in the encryption debate are primarily civil libertarians and cybersecurity experts. The problem they see is that "exceptional access" would decrease broader cybersecurity. Computer security experts argue that if you make it easy for law enforcement to get around encryption, this makes it easy for the bad guys, such as malicious hackers, foreign nations, criminals, and spies, to also do the same thing.
While we have started on different sides of the argument, we have both long recognized the need to find a critical path forward. Earlier this year, we convened a working group of former law enforcement and national security officials, civil society organizations, business representatives, and academics to work together on finding practical and useful solutions that acknowledge the importance of the two dimensions of national security.
What we found, through months of meeting with experts on both sides of the argument, is that we have been thinking about the debate the wrong way. We started our initial working group meeting by throwing out two strawmen. First, we should stop seeking approaches to enable access to encrypted information. Second, law enforcement officials will not be able to protect the public unless they can obtain access to all encrypted data. Once we changed the nature of the debate, we found a lot of agreement.
We agreed that proposals should address a legitimate and demonstrated law enforcement problem, that solutions should not make disparities in law enforcement worse, and that it should not be possible to repurpose "exceptional access" solutions into mass surveillance tools. We agreed that these tools should not appreciably decrease public cybersecurity, and that use of the capability should be documented and reported in a way that enables public oversight. By far the most promising path for the current debate was focusing on law enforcement access to data at rest.
By putting aside the more controversial debate about data in motion, or information being passed between two devices on an encrypted platform, and focusing on a conversation about data at rest, or information stored on a particular device, allowed us to find a more pragmatic way to address the concerns of both privacy advocates and law enforcement. This was an important starting point, and while we did not conclude with an agreed upon proposal, we were able to make progress. Embracing this approach could help move this entrenched debate in a more constructive direction.
One thing we did manage to all agree on is that no single approach will solve every problem when it comes to the encryption debate. It is now well past time to rethink the belief that solutions are impossible and that encryption means law enforcement officials cannot do their jobs. So by breaking the debate down into its component parts and looking at points of agreement, there is a path toward a more fruitful and more civil debate.
Denis McDonough is a visiting senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a former White House chief of staff. Susan Landau is the Bridge Professor in Cyber Security and Policy with Tufts University.
Tags cybersecurity Technology Government Encryption Internet Privacy Apple

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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N.Y.U. Journal of Legislation & Public Policy
A nonpartisan periodical specializing in the analysis of local, state, and federal legislation and policy
Previous Mastheads
2019-2020 Masthead
2011-12 Masthead
Spring 1997 Masthead
LawsFlaws Podcast
Episode 1: An Introduction to Deepfakes
Episode 2: Black Lives Matter and the Fights for Racial Justice
Symposia & Intellectual Life Events
#MeToo on Campus: Title IX, Sexual Assault, and the Trump Administration
Advice & Consent: The Senate's (Changing) Role in Judicial Confirmations
Legislation Competition
The Posse Comitatus Act: Enduring Policy Against Direct Military Law Enforcement
By: Robert Klein
Posse comitatus ("the power of the country") refers to a group of citizens summoned by law enforcement to assist in peacekeeping or rescue operations.1Posse comitatus, Black's Law Dictionary (11th ed. 2019). It is effectively a civilian draft power for local sheriffs to conscript temporary personnel to aid in an emergency. The sheriff's authority to call upon the citizenry was traditional at common law.
Enacted in 1878 and updated in 1956 to include the Air Force, the Posse Comitatus Act makes it a federal crime to use the military for posse comitatus or domestic law enforcement:
Whoever, except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress, willfully uses any part of the Army or the Air Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than two years, or both.218 U.S.C. § 1385. Under the authority of 10 U.S.C. § 275, Department of Defense regulations apply the Posse Comitatus Act to the Navy and the Marine Corps. 32 C.F.R. §§ 182.4, 182.6.
Even though there is vigorous debate over interpreting the Act, no one has ever been prosecuted for a violation.3Gary Felicetti & John Luce, The Posse Comitatus Act: Setting the Record Straight on 124 Years of Mischief and Misunderstanding Before Any More Damage Is Done, 175 Mil. L. Rev. 86, 163 (2003) (citing H.R. Rep. No. 97-71, pt. I (1981) ("According to a spokesman for the Department of Justice, no one has been charged or prosecuted under the Posse Comitatus Act since its enactment. Testimony of Edward S.G. Dennis Jr. on behalf of the Department of Justice") (internal citation omitted)). Yet it remains an enduring limitation on the military in domestic life. Recent increases in military support of local policing call for a reexamination of the boundary between civilian policing and military operations. While the military's increasing support for law enforcement operations could threaten the separation between the military and local police, the military has yet to clearly cross the boundaries of the Posse Comitatus Act.
II. History of the Posse Comitatus Act
To make sense of American attitudes about military law enforcement and the impetus behind the Posse Comitatus Act, it is necessary to understand the ancient roots of resistance to expansions of posse comitatus. The concept of posse comitatus derives from the Roman practice of civilians accompanying proconsuls (provincial governors) as they traveled to their places of duty.4Nathan Canestaro, Homeland Defense: Another Nail in the Coffin for Posse Comitatus, 12 Wash. U. J.L. & Pol'y 99, 102 (2003) (citing Major H.W.C. Furman, Restrictions Upon Use of the Army Imposed By the Posse Comitatus Act, 7 Mil. L. Rev. 85, 87 (1960)). In the Anglo-American legal tradition, posse comitatus dates back to the thirteenth century, when antimilitary sentiment led to reliance on able-bodied civilian men over the age of fifteen to assist law enforcement.5Id. (citing William O. Douglas, The Right of the People 112 (1972)). In 1628, Parliament outlawed the quartering of soldiers in civilian homes, as well as martial law military commissions for routine law enforcement and judicial punishment.6Cong. Research Serv., The Posse Comitatus Act and Related Matters, at 2 (updated Nov. 6, 2018), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R42659.pdf. Parliament perceived these practices, ordered in peacetime by King Charles I, as violations of due process protections guaranteed by the Magna Carta, which prohibited deprivation of one's liberty or property "except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land."7Id. (citing Magna Carta, ch. 39 (1225), reprinted in William F. Swindler, Magna Carta: Legend and Legacy 315-16 (1965)). By granting the King's agents summary legal authority, military policing visited monarchical power on local affairs and contravened the guarantee of due process.
Continued use of martial law contributed to the English Civil War in 1642, and the bloody Cromwell dictatorship between 1653 to 1658 sparked more resistance to domestic use of the military in peacetime.8Canestaro, supra note 4, at 103 (citing William O. Douglas, The Right of the People 113 (1972)). Thus, Parliament's 1689 Bill of Rights declared "that the raising or keeping [of] a standing army within the Kingdome in time[s] of peace, unless it be with the consent of Parliament, is against law."9Id. (citing William O. Douglas, The Right of the People 112 (1972)). The Riot Act of 1714 restricted sheriffs to calling upon the posse comitatus only after ordering an unruly crowd to disperse, but "strictly forbade employing the army in this same role, as the military force was solely reserved for suppressing open rebellion."10Id. (citing David E. Engdahl, Foundations for Military Intervention in the United States, 7 U. Puget Sound L. Rev. 1 (1983) (internal citation omitted)). The long history of law and custom against military presence in civilian life engendered civilian expectations of due process and freedom from arbitrary judgments.
This traditional mistrust of the military crossed the Atlantic to American shores as the British colonized North America, and it was a principal grievance motivating colonial unrest and the American Revolution.11Id. at 105. Tensions boiled over at the Boston Massacre, when British troops killed five colonists in a crowd who had taunted the British soldiers with rocks and snowballs; the use of professional troops without parliamentary authorization infuriated the colonists.12Canestaro, supra note 4, at 106-07. Thus, the Declaration of Independence complained that the British king "had 'kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the consent of our legislatures,' had '[rendered] the Military independent of and superior to the civil power,' and had 'quarter[ed] large bodies of armed troops among us…protecting them…from punishment for any murders which they should commit…'"13Cong. Research Serv., supra note 6, at 4. The Bill of Rights accordingly limits quartering troops in private homes and guarantees the right to keep and bear arms as part of "a well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State."14U.S. Const. amends. II & III. The "militia" refers to state-level forces that would ensure public safety and provide a check on a national military—a check that James Madison argued would prevent tyranny.15The Federalist No. 46 (James Madison). These amendments vindicated the colonists' anger at the colonial government's overreach, dispersing armed power to the states. Nevertheless, the Constitution grants Congress the power "to provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions,"16U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 15. entrusting Congress with discretion to employ the military in domestic law enforcement. In contrast, the President wields the Commander in Chief power over the armed forces but cannot use the troops for law enforcement except pursuant to a Posse Comitatus Act exception or other express authorization by Congress.17U.S. Const. art. II, § 2, cl. 1.
This was not always the case. In the early American republic, Congress passed authorizing statutes allowing the President to call forth the military to put down rebellions against taxes and duties, deploy troops upon request of a state, fight lawlessness in the expanding West, and enforce civil rights in the postbellum South—to name just a few examples.18Cong. Research Serv., supra note 6, at 7-17. Notably, the Judiciary Act of 1789 authorized the President to deploy federal marshals to "effectuate [the federal government's] constitutional powers and provide a means to enforce the process of federal courts."19Id. at 5-6. Nineteenth-century presidents viewed the Judiciary Act as including military forces within the posse comitatus, historically not available to sheriffs, even though the Act did not expressly include the military.20Id. at 6. See also Major H. W. C. Furman, Restrictions Upon Use of the Army Imposed by the Posse Comitatus Act, 7 Mil. L. Rev. 85, 87 (1960) (citing the opinion of President Pierce's Attorney General, Caleb Cushing). An 1854 opinion by President Pierce's Attorney General, Caleb Cushing, formalized this policy.21Felicetti & Luce, supra note 3, at 99 (citing 6 Op. Att'y Gen. 466, 473 (1854)). The Cushing Doctrine facilitated enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act, which entitled the owners of fugitive slaves to an arrest warrant by federal marshals, who in turn could enlist the citizenry and troops as posse comitatus.22See Cong. Research Serv., supra note 6, at 18. This was "undoubtedly popular" with Southern slaveholders, until federal troops became symbols of Northern interference following the Civil War and abolition of slavery.23Felicetti & Luce, supra note 3, at 99-100.
Unsurprisingly, white Southern attitudes towards federal military law enforcement soured in the immediate postbellum period. In the early years of Reconstruction, Black and white federal troops occupied the former Confederacy, and the initiative of Black troops associated the Army with "the rise of black political power and organization," enraging Southern whites who saw the Army as a symbol of the South's destruction.24Id. at 100-02. This prompted southern state legislatures to pass laws discriminating against free Black citizens, and state governments effectively condoned widespread racial terrorism.25Id. at 102-05. As Reconstruction faded, there was only sporadic federal military law enforcement against racist laws and violence, paving the way for nearly another century of de jure discrimination.26Id. at 106-09.
Federal military supervision of the 1876 election was the final straw. President Grant dispatched troops to supervise polling places in Southern states to prevent intimidation and violence against Black voters, as well as fraud by would-be ballot stuffers.27Id. at 108-09. When neither presidential candidate secured a majority of the electoral college, the parties made a deal to certify Republican Rutherford B. Hayes as the victor in exchange for the withdrawal of most federal troops from the South, ending Reconstruction without securing the rights of free Black Americans.28Id. at 109. Hayes defeated Samuel Tilden, former professor at NYU Law. A plaque honoring his memory sits at the top of the spiral staircase in Vanderbilt Hall.
In 1877, members of the Democratic-controlled House railed against the use of troops to keep the peace at the polls in 1876.29Id. at 110. Congressman John Atkins, Democrat of Tennessee and former member of the Confederate Congress, submitted an appropriations rider effectuating a reduction of Army forces and restrictions on their use in domestic affairs.30Id. Atkins argued against maintaining a standing army,315 Cong. Rec. 2112 (1877) (remarks of Rep. Atkins). characterizing it as an extension of the tyranny of the European powers. He believed that standing armies waste public resources, embolden a landed aristocracy, and generate needless wars.32Id. Couched in the language of freedom and human rights, Atkins's arguments concealed the true motivation for weakening the federal military: allowing Southern states the freedom to enforce racial segregation and permit anti-Black terrorism with impunity, contravening the Reconstruction amendments. Military lawyers Gary Felicetti and John Luce remarked in their article on posse comitatus that Atkins's bill "might be more accurately described as the Ku Klux Klan Protection Act."33Felicetti & Luce, supra note 3, at 111 n.115. The Senate stripped Atkins's amendment from the appropriations bill, and the issue of the military as posse comitatus laid dormant until the next session of Congress.
In 1878, Congressman William Kimmel, Democrat of Maryland, sponsored the language that became the core of the Posse Comitatus Act. Kimmel portrayed President Hayes as an imperious monarch, railed against the dangers of a standing army, and painted the ordinary soldier as a bloodthirsty and brutal threat to civil peace.34Id. at 111 (citing 7 Cong. Rec. at 3584 (1874) (" He lives by blood! His is a business apart from the people …. [H]is habits unfit him for the relations of civil life …. He sacks, desecrates, indulges when and where he dares. He serves, obeys, destroys, kills, suffers [,] and dies for pay. He is a mercenary whom sloth, luxury[,] and cowardice hires to protect its ease, enjoyment, and life.")). Felicetti and Luce observe that the context of the debate and overt references to Reconstruction "tyrants" and racial harmony make it "difficult to dispute the bill's reflection of lingering Reconstruction bitterness or the sponsor's agenda."35Felicetti & Luce, supra note 3, at 112. After a few revisions in the House and Senate, including the exclusion of the Navy from the bill, the Posse Comitatus Act became law on June 18, 1878.
III. Expanding Mission: The Military's Supporting Role for Civil Law Enforcement
The Posse Comitatus Act generated little controversy for more than a century, but the rise of transnational law enforcement concerns convinced Congress to begin pruning it back in the late twentieth century. Notably, in the 1980s, Congress expanded the military's law enforcement role as part of the War on Drugs, allowing military support of counterdrug operations through aerial surveillance, personnel transport, and loans of equipment and personnel.36Sean J. Kealy, Reexamining the Posse Comitatus Act: Toward A Right to Civil Law Enforcement, 21 Yale L. & Pol'y Rev. 383, 409; 412 (2003) ("The [1981 Military Cooperation with Law Enforcement Officials] Act clarified and 'mildly' expanded the powers of the military to cooperate with law enforcement by providing equipment, research facilities, and information; by training and advising police on the use of loaned equipment; and by assisting law enforcement personnel in keeping drugs from entering the country") (internal citation omitted). These actions stop short of the type of direct law enforcement involving military-citizen encounters that the Posse Comitatus Act proscribes.
It is reasonable to question whether the distinctions separating the military's support role from direct law enforcement are strong enough to prevent spillover. Colonel Charles Dunlap observes, "[M]ore than anything else the drug problem has pushed the armed forces into institutionalized participation in law enforcement matters."37Charles J. Dunlap, Jr., The Police-ization of the Military, 27 J. Pol. & Mil. Soc. 217, 220 (1999). Indeed, the statutory authorities underlying counterdrug support confer a high degree of discretion to the military to contribute to domestic law enforcement. The Secretary of Defense has discretionary authority to share with federal, state, or local law enforcement "any information collected during the normal course of military training or operations that may be relevant" to violations within those agencies' jurisdiction.3810 U.S.C. § 271(a) (2016). The same statute provides that the needs of civil law enforcement "shall, to the maximum extent practicable, be taken into account in the planning and execution of military training or operations," and that the Department of Defense shall "promptly" furnish intelligence information relevant to law enforcement.39Id. §§ 271(b), (c). The Secretary of Defense also may make military equipment and facilities available to law enforcement officials for law enforcement purposes.40Id. § 272. Thus, a broad scope of military resources and military-collected information may factor into law enforcement operations. This effectively maintains the Posse Comitatus Act's legal boundaries by redirecting federal military resources towards civilian law enforcement without the use of military troops as agents. But as a practical matter, the military's role in these operations undoubtedly expands and routinizes its presence in domestic law enforcement.
While the Posse Comitatus Act prohibits direct law enforcement by the military, the military can play a supporting role to local police operations. After the September 11 terrorist attacks, the military greatly expanded North American operations in support of local law enforcement. In October 2002, the Department of Defense activated the U.S. Northern Command, "the first time a single military commander has been charged with protecting the U.S. homeland since the days of George Washington."41USNORTHCOM Command Historian, A Short History of U.S. Northern Command (Sept. 26, 2019), https://www.northcom.mil/Newsroom/Fact-Sheets/Article-View/Article/1972077/a-short-history-of-us-northern-command/. The command has provided defense support to civil authorities upon request, usually in response to natural disasters.42Id. The chain of command runs from the President to the Secretary of Defense to the commander of USNORTHCOM unless the President otherwise orders, so the establishment of USNORTHCOM has the potential to expand the President's influence over domestic law enforcement.4310 U.S.C. § 162(b) (2019). Military leaders had long hesitated to the proposal for this command because the military's approach to operations is much different than that of law enforcement, reflecting incompatible forms of training: "Where the military sees enemies of the United States, a police agency – properly oriented – sees citizens suspected of crimes but innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. These are two different views of the world."44Dunlap, supra note 37, at 223. As USNORTHCOM's operations have developed, these concerns have not yet proven true, although merely having such a structure in place may create a risk of hasty expansion during the next emergency.
During its first month of operation, USNORTHCOM provided aerial surveillance equipment to the FBI in the hunt for the D.C. sniper, who killed fourteen people and critically injured three others.45Lisa L. Turner, Jeanne Meyer & Harvey Rishikof, Understanding the Role of Northern Command in Defense of the Homeland: The Emerging Legal Framework–Authorities and Challenges, in Homeland Security: Legal and Policy Issues 43, 54-55 (Joe D. Whitley & Lynne K. Zusman, eds., 2009). While military personnel flew the plane and operated the surveillance equipment, "the FBI directed the surveillance, flight plan, and follow-on law enforcement."46Id. Thus, as in the counterdrug context, "the military was simply operating equipment rather than engaging in or actively supporting law enforcement activities."47Id. at 55. The distinction between training, equipment loans, and operational support – as opposed to searches, seizures, and arrests – is the borderline drawn by the Posse Comitatus Act. Accordingly, the military has strict limitations on the use of force in these domestic support missions: "If any level of force is required, normally for self-defense, the lowest level of force is usually required, and only to the point of allowing civilian law enforcement to engage and address the threat."48Id. Further, "[u]nlike other geographic commands, few forces are permanently assigned to USNORTHCOM . . . [r]ecognizing the sensitivity to a standing military force in the homeland."49Id. at 46. Thus, while the President's power to direct USNORTHCOM could lead to abuses, the command by structural design is careful to avoid treading too close to direct law enforcement, instead facilitating a supporting role short of direct interaction with civilians.
IV. Application to the COVID-19 Pandemic
As the COVID-19 pandemic has upended life in the United States and across the world, there has been renewed focus on presidential emergency authorities applicable to such an extraordinary situation. In March 2020, the White House activated the National Guards of California, New York, and Washington under Title 32, which federally funds operations while leaving control to governors.50Lindsay Cohn & Jim Golby, The U.S. Military's Role in the Coronavirus Response is Likely to Grow, Wash. Post (Mar. 30, 2020), https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/03/30/us-militarys-role-coronavirus-response-is-likely-grow/. This generated conspiracy theories that the military would enforce widespread quarantines and curfews, including email hoaxes that the military was preparing for martial law.51Id. The Department of Defense responded with a "Rumor Control" website discussing "Myth" and "Fact" on its COVID-19 operations.52U.S. Dep't of Defense, Coronavirus: Rumor Control, https://www.defense.gov/Explore/Spotlight/Coronavirus/Rumor-Control/ (last updated June 30, 2020). Given the infrequency of this kind of national emergency, it is understandable that there would be misinformation and public confusion, but the Posse Comitatus Act makes clear that the military cannot engage in law enforcement outside a constitutional or statutory exception. The interaction of the Posse Comitatus Act with emergency presidential authorities generally mirrors the military's ability to support law enforcement in the counterdrug context. In other words, the President cannot use the military for direct law enforcement, barring a Posse Comitatus Act exception.
Federal quarantine authorities, exercised on a mass scale, could expand the role of the military in domestic life. While state authority under the general police power is the "primary basis" for declaring and enforcing quarantines, the federal government also derives quarantine and isolation power from the Commerce Clause of the Constitution.53Jesse T. Greene, Federal Enforcement of Mass Involuntary Quarantines: Toward A Specialized Standing Rules for the Use of Force, 6 Harv. Nat'l Sec. J. 58, 68–69 (2015). Under the Public Health Service Act of 1944, Congress granted the Executive Branch authorities for quarantining individuals whose communicable diseases may cause infections across state lines. Unlike the states, the federal government can only designate individuals for quarantine and cannot order regional or national policies. The Secretary of Health and Human Services may authorize the Surgeon General to promulgate and enforce regulations that, in the Surgeon General's judgment, "are necessary to prevent the introduction, transmission, or spread of communicable diseases from foreign countries into the States or possessions, or from one State or possession into any other State or possession."5442 U.S.C. § 264(a). Regulations may also be developed that, on executive order of the President in consultation with the Secretary and the Surgeon General, permit the federal government to apprehend, examine, and detain individuals who are "reasonably believed" to be infected with a communicable disease and may spread it among states.5542 U.S.C. §§ 264(b)-(d).
The regulations promulgated pursuant to these provisions give the Director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (or another representative authorized by the HHS Secretary) power to issue and oversee federal quarantine orders of individuals.5642 C.F.R. § 70 (2019). The Director may order medical examinations of a quarantined individual, a power that touches upon the fundamental constitutional right of bodily autonomy, reflecting a substantial grant of executive power.57Id. Congress provided that an individual who violates a federal quarantine order may be fined up to $1,000 and imprisoned for up to one year.5842 U.S.C. § 271(a). In the COVID-19 context, these quarantine authorities are powerful because the federal government could easily determine that an individual with a communicable disease will move between states or infect other people moving between states, permitting invocation of the power. However, barring a collapse of civil order in an affected state, the military is unlikely to conduct apprehensions and detentions because other federal law enforcement is available for that purpose, avoiding Posse Comitatus Act problems. But the military may provide civil support functions, like treating patients and conducting medical examinations, so it could be a component of federal quarantine policies without executing the law.59Cong. Research Serv., The Role of the Department of Defense During A Flu Pandemic 7 (2009), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R40619.pdf. In the current pandemic, the military has extensively served these functions outside of the federal quarantine context, deploying over 61,000 personnel in March and April to build care facilities, conduct medical research, and aid hospitals in treating patients.60Bradley Bowman & Maj. Liane Zivitski, America's Military Goes to War Against the Coronavirus, Mil. Times (Apr. 26, 2020), https://www.militarytimes.com/opinion/commentary/2020/04/26/americas-military-goes-to-war-against-the-coronavirus/.
The military's role in quarantine enforcement is likely to be more active in supporting state enforcement of public health orders. As discussed earlier, the Department of Defense has broad authority to provide support to civil law enforcement, so the military may be a major factor in executing a state's stay-at-home policy. As in the counterdrug context, military support of law enforcement in a pandemic could approach execution of the law. Defense support may include "providing base and installation support to federal, state, local, and tribal agencies; controlling movement into and out of areas, or across borders, with affected populations; supporting law enforcement; supporting quarantine enforcement."61Cong. Research Serv., supra note 59, at 7. Echoing the arguments of drug crime defendants, military lawyer Jesse T. Greene notes that "[t]he line between support to an activity and execution of the activity is not always clear."62Greene, supra note 53, at 70 (emphasis in original). Because it is difficult to show a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act sufficient to suppress evidence at a criminal trial,63See United States v. Hartley, 796 F.2d 112, 114 (5th Cir. 1986) (denying a motion to suppress where the military's did not have a "pervasive" role in a counterdrug operation and did not directly interdict the suspects); Hayes v. Hawes, 921 F.2d 100, 104 (7th Cir. 1990) (denying a motion to suppress where there was not "pervasive" military activity or "widespread and repeated" violations). the blurred lunes between military support and direct law enforcement are unlikely to generate a case leading to judicial enforcement of the Act relating to the military's COVID-19 operations. As noted earlier, the Act does not apply to National Guard forces under the authority of their respective states, so governors could augment regular law enforcement with personnel that appear as regular military to civilians.
General disaster relief authorities under federal law provide a significant role for military support. The President has authority under the Stafford Act to deploy the military for disaster relief purposes, limited by the Posse Comitatus Act's ban on using the military for domestic law enforcement.64Brennan Center for Justice, A Guide to Emergency Powers and their Use 1-2, https://www.brennancenter.org/sites/default/files/2019-10/2019_10_15_EmergencyPowersFULL.pdf (last updated Sept. 4, 2019). Upon a request by the governor of the affected state, the Stafford Act authorizes the President to declare a state of emergency where federal assistance is necessary because the "severity and magnitude" of the crisis overwhelm state and local capabilities.6542 U.S.C. § 5191(a) (2013). Analogous provisions permit emergency declarations upon the request of the Chief Executive of an affected Indian tribal government.66Id. § 5191(c). The emergency declaration allows the President to mobilize the resources and personnel of federal agencies to execute numerous relief functions, including debris removal, distribution of supplies, and aiding evacuations.67Id. § 5192. While governors of many states have requested federal assistance, a March 2020 op-ed by New York Governor Andrew Cuomo illustrates how states can seek military aid to increase COVID-19 testing and hospital infrastructure.68Andrew M. Cuomo, Andrew Cuomo to President Trump: Mobilize the Military to Help Fight Coronavirus, N.Y. Times (Mar. 15, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/15/opinion/andrew-cuomo-coronavirus-trump.html.
On March 13, 2020, Donald Trump declared a nationwide emergency69Letter from President Donald J. Trump on Emergency Determination Under the Stafford Act (Mar. 13, 2020), https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/letter-president-donald-j-trump-emergency-determination-stafford-act/. under a rarely invoked provision that permits the President to unilaterally determine than an emergency "involves a subject area for which . . . the United States exercises exclusive or preeminent responsibility and authority."7042 U.S.C. § 5191(b) (2013). This was a fairly extraordinary act because, as of 2014, "there have been only three unilateral emergency declarations in the history of the Stafford Act."71Michael Bahar, The Presidential Intervention Principle: The Domestic Use of the Military and the Power of the Several States, 5 Harv. Nat'l Sec. J. 537, 628 (2014). Bill Clinton invoked this power in the wake of the Oklahoma City bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, and George W. Bush issued two such declarations, respectively for the Space Shuttle Columbia Disaster and to ensure security at Barack Obama's inauguration.72Id. Like COVID-19, these examples involve events with a strong federal interest and scope of responsibility. The White House's COVID-19 announcement stated, "It is the preeminent responsibility of the Federal Government to take action to stem a nationwide pandemic that has its origins abroad, which implicates its authority to regulate matters related to interstate matters and foreign commerce and to conduct the foreign relations of the United States."73Letter from President Donald J. Trump on Emergency Determination Under the Stafford Act, supra note 67. This assertion of emergency power, declared without consent of the affected states, envisions a strong federal role in combatting the coronavirus pandemic. It also evinces a belief that COVID-19 requires a wholly national response, whereas state by state emergency requests are more appropriate for local natural disasters.
Trump later announced the deployment of 1,000 federal troops to New York City to aid understaffed hospitals and serve in the Javits Center convention hall, which was temporarily converted to hospital space.74Emma Newburger, Trump Says 1,000 Military Personnel Deploying to New York City, Warns Coming Week Toughest Yet in Coronavirus Fight, CNBC (Apr. 4, 2020), https://www.cnbc.com/2020/04/04/trump-says-1000-military-personnel-are-deploying-to-new-york-city-to-fight-coronavirus.html. Trump said, "They're going into war . . . . They're going into a battle they've never really trained for."75Id. Despite the perhaps non-literal sentiment of this statement, the legal basis for the deployment permits aiding states and localities–not fighting a war or battle–which must be declared by Congress.76U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 11. In a recent update, the Department of Defense took care to distinguish the armed services' function as a "warfighting force" from its COVID-19 support activities, such as deploying field hospitals, treating patients, and distributing medical-grade masks from the national stockpile.77Jim Garamone, DOD Continually Examines, Modifies COVID-19 Response, DoD News (Apr. 6, 2020), https://www.northcom.mil/Newsroom/Article/2139862/dod-continually-examines-modifies-covid-19-response/. These functions cleanly fit within support activities, as distinct from law enforcement prohibited by the Posse Comitatus Act.
Recent armed protests against state stay-at-home orders and business closures could authorize a military response should the demonstrations turn violent. Some of these protesters don combat-style gear and weaponry, and there have been confrontations between the protesters and law enforcement.78See, e.g., Manny Fernandez & David Montgomery, Businesses Chafing Under Covid-19 Lockdowns Turn to Armed Defiance, N.Y. Times (May 13, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/13/us/coronavirus-businesses-lockdown-guns.html. Under the Insurrection Act, Congress provided an exception to the Posse Comitatus Act that allows the President to order military law enforcement in cases of rebellion that makes ordinary judicial enforcement of federal law impracticable.7910 U.S.C. § 252. The President may also issue such an order to repel insurrection against a state government at the state's request.80Id. § 251. In either situation, the President must first issue a proclamation to disperse peaceably, leaving a military response as a last resort.81Id. § 254. The Insurrection Act was last activated by George H.W. Bush, who, at the request of the Governor of California, issued a proclamation to disperse during the 1992 Los Angeles riots, and authorized the military to suppress violence.82Proclamation No. 6427, 57 Fed. Reg. 19359 (May 1, 1992); Exec. Order. No. 12804, 57 Fed. Reg. 19361 (May 1, 1992). If the COVID-19 armed protests spin out of control into riots challenging the abilities of local police, an Insurrection Act exception to the Posse Comitatus Act may be available.
While military support for civil law enforcement has increased since the 1980s counterdrug laws, the Posse Comitatus Act remains an enduring and meaningful restriction on military execution of the laws. The ancient Anglo-American resistance to military involvement in daily life has proved durable. Yet increased military support contributions to law enforcement complicate the traditional separation between police and the military. The COVID-19 pandemic appears unlikely to upend the current balance; so far, the military has not broached the boundary of the Posse Comitatus Act. Over the coming months and years, the potential for civil unrest and extended emergency response will test the longstanding separation of the military from domestic life. Congress may wish to study how developments in the 21st century impact this balance and consider legislation that would ensure a wider separation between routine policing and military operations.
Robert Klein, J.D. Class of 2021, N.Y.U. School of Law
Suggested Citation: Robert Klein, The Posse Comitatus Act: Enduring Policy Against Direct Military Law Enforcement, N.Y.U. J. Legis. & Pub. Pol'y Quorum (2020).
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Rowena Duncum speaks to GEA's Head of Farm Equipment Sales, Jason Quertier at Fieldays.
Work-life balance is incredibly important for dairy farmers and GEA is hoping to help reduce their workload with some innovative farm equipment.
The Country's Rowena Duncum spoke to GEA's Head of Farm Equipment Sales, Jason Quertier at Fieldays to find out a bit more about their products.
Fewer seconds spent on each cow can result in fewer hours in the working day and GEA utilises some "very clever technology," to enable farmers to shave off a bit of time from their busy schedules says Quertier.
"A couple of seconds a cow, times the number of cows, times the number of milkings, it's hours per day less in the dairy."


text:
UK Authorities Launches £500,000 Fund For Male Sexual Violence Victims
Star BagshawSB
by Star Bagshaw on October 24, 2021
Kagan when she was confirmed by the Senate sixty one-39 permitting her to become the nations first female solicitor directories General she did must endure her share of criticism over her lack of courtroom experience. It also means paying the price of the home and the money as a result of parties concerned in the sale. Though a more passable consequence came to Ms. However they would not finish with the UK involvement within the struggle in Iraq. The ideas that contracts should be honoured, property rights revered and all are equal before the law are customary - the deep fabric of our tradition. Learn the way a lot your mortgage funds could be. It isn't completed to guard the kid's identity which is the excuse nonetheless given as a result of, if household courts care a lot just to guard a baby's identification, then they'd care even more to protect the child from something more harmful akin to Parental Alienation and digital marketing for barristers Parental Kidnap which in our view is the reason for why Parental Kidnap in the UK has risen by over eighty% over the past 10 years. There was no legislation forcing this.. When you bend your legal guidelines to accommodate other peoples legal guidelines quickly they will bend you to their legislation. Prisons are much less the closed establishments they once had been and the NPS has fashioned constructive relationships with civil society and international bodies interested by their work. I pity these ladies and children… For now they say only family issues are dealt by those courts" and that they are voluntary." Yea, right! Since Justice and Prisons first visited prisons in Nigeria in 1999, the Nigeria Prisons Service (NPS) has made some real progress in lowering the merciless and inhumane therapy of prisoners. In our felony courts barristers, judges, legal Advertising agency clerks and ushers all must be current - indeed have to be bodily convened collectively - for a preliminary listening to - maybe typically delayed - and then a plea and case administration hearing - maybe additionally additional delayed - earlier than the case itself has any likelihood to be heard. Obama introduced that the Jail Rape Elimination Act would apply to all federal confinement services, and all different businesses with confinement facilities have been required to have protocol to fight prison rape within a year. Compromise is the mechanism we use to muddle through in a free society. Obviously patrons need to go through the contract completely with their solicitor. If you have any issues relating to wherever and how to use marketing agency for legal services, you can contact us at our own web-page. And woven into that cloth have been the occasions in our history when the principles of the rule of law have been asserted by the heroes and heroines who're the makers of our nation. So both as a matter of enlightened economic self-curiosity, and as a matter of deep democratic principle, it is important that the institutions which sustain and uphold the rule of regulation are defended and strengthened. Make sure that you keep away from filings by your self, which can result in drawback the place you break the regulation. Selections of the Interior Home may be appealed to the Supreme Court docket. We are lucky in England and Wales that the world, again and again, chooses our courts to resolve its disputes. Mr Gove will probably be in charge of scrapping the Human Rights Act as well as working Britain's prisons. It's the rule of regulation which protects the weak from the assault of the sturdy; which safeguards the private property on which all prosperity depends; which makes certain that when those that hold power abuse it, they can be checked; which protects family life and private relations from coercion and aggression; which underpins the free speech on which all progress - scientific and cultural - depends; and which guarantees the important liberty that permits us all as people to flourish. Channel four Information has been talking to Muslim women who're unhappy at their remedy at the hands of one of the UK's sharia councils. The rule of regulation is so precious, and so powerful, in our eyes because of our historical past. States that do not fall in line face a lack of 5 % of their Justice Department jail cash except their governor certifies that the identical amount of cash is getting used to carry the state into compliance. no one drew up a list! Others, often known as WECLs, concern well-established case legislation and could be dispatched by small committees of judges. Justices would give the thumbs-up or thumbs-down depending on whether they felt a regulation had gone too far in regulating business exercise. After which everyone else, who has to place up with a creaking, outdated system to see justice finished in their own lives. That begins with a top quality solicitor. Try our suite of helpful mortgage calculators now. We now have a Kangaroo court in each County here within the Land of the Free and the home of the Brave. Many others resemble each other and lift comparable points of regulation: they're thought-about collectively, or tackled by pilot circumstances. Once admitted, cases are prioritised, with those involving individuals at fast danger or identifying potential systemic issues at the high of the pile. Solicitors have discovered every thing there is to know to help you in your state of affairs.
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I'm hosting an Open House at 120 SEAGREEN LN in Chestermere.
Beautiful package in this fully dev 2 st home. It's rare to find over 3,700 sq ft of living space (incl walkout bsmt) with the amount of upgrades backing onto a waterfall, but this home has that WOW factor that will put this on your MUST SEE NOW list. This home offers 4 good sized bdrms incl master bdrm with a 6 piece master bath that you would expect to see in million dollar homes. It has a large glass & tile shower with 2 heads, a soaker tub, his & her sinks. The living room features a dramatic 18' ceiling w/ Juliette balcony, hardwood floors, and a cozy F/P. Huge windows expand the already large open space & make you feel great as they provide tremendous natural light, amazing views of the blue sky, pond, rippling waterfall, & walking paths that you back onto. The w/out bsmnt is professionally developed with a full bar, recreation areas, bdrm & another 4pc bath. Very well maintained outside, with lots of beautiful flower beds and underground sprinkler system, including water lines for your flower bed!


Hours: 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. Admission $3, under 16 free. Free level parking, fully accessible. Legendary lunch counter, free draw for gold coin. Coins, banknotes, tokens, Canadian Tire money, medals, books and supplies at more than 35 dealer tables. Featuring some of Canada's top numismatic dealers. Club-sponsored Kid's Table for under 14; buy, sell, trade or evaluate.
Sponsor/Affiliate: South Wellington Coin Society.


text:
'Convict Pistorius of murder'
News World 'Convict Pistorius of murder'
6:40am, Aug 18, 2015 Updated: 6:42am, Aug 18
Prosecutors have maintained Oscar Pistorius' six-year sentence was too lenient. Photo: Getty
South African prosecutors have filed an appeal calling for Paralympian Oscar Pistorius to be convicted of murder for killing his girlfriend Reeva Steenkamp.
Pistorius was jailed last year after being convicted on the lesser charge of manslaughter over the 2013 killing, and is due to be released from prison on Friday.
"What I can assure you is that today the papers were filed in the Supreme Court of Appeal," said National Prosecuting Authority spokesman Luvuyo Mfaku on Monday.
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Pistorius's defence team has until September 17 to file its response.
The appeal is expected to be heard in November.
Pistorius, who became a global hero after competing in both the Paralympics and Olympics, claimed he mistook Steenkamp for an intruder when he fired four shots through a locked bathroom door on Valentine's Day in 2013.
The 28-year-old athlete was acquitted on a charge of murder but found guilty of culpable homicide, a charge equivalent to manslaughter, and sentenced to five years in prison.
The state is appealing the judgment, arguing that Pistorius deliberately killed the 29-year-old model and law graduate after an argument.
Pistorius will leave prison this Friday after less than a year behind bars after the parole board agreed to place him under correctional supervision – a form of house arrest.
If the appeal court finds him guilty of murder, the athlete known as the "Blade Runner" for the prosthetic legs he wears on the track could face at least 15 years in jail.
Toddler's Minion 'fart gun' seized at Dublin Airport


Shane Ferguson and Conor McLaughlin have taken significant steps towards qualifying for the 2018 World Cup with Northern Ireland after claiming six points from six over the latest round of international fixtures.
Northern Ireland followed up a comfortable 3-0 victory in San Marino with a 2-0 win over the Czech Republic at Windsor Park, guaranteeing a top-two finish in Group C.
Conor McLaughlin played the full 90-minutes on Monday night and helped break the deadlock for the hosts in the 28th-minute. McLaughlin, who signed for The Lions in the summer, played in Jonny Evans who beat Czech goalkeeper Tomas Baclik with a backward header.
Millwall winger Shane Ferguson stood firm after coming off the bench to help his side record their seventh clean sheet of the campaign.
The result has likely secured Northern Ireland a World Cup play-off place, which will be filled by the eight best runners-up in the nine qualifying groups.
Meanwhile, Jordan Archer's Scotland kept their qualifying hopes alive with a straightforward win over Malta on Monday night. The Millwall goalkeeper was an unused substitute over the international break after receiving his first call-up to the senior squad a fortnight ago.
The Scots will finish second in Group F should they follow back-to-back wins over Lithuania and Malta with two more.
Scotland host Slovakia next month before travelling to Slovenia with a coveted play-off place at stake.


The law for reflection is the same as that of light, ie., the angle of incidence of a sound wave equals the angle of reflection, just as if it were produced by a 'mirror image' of …... law of reflection noun the principle that when a ray of light, radar pulse, or the like, is reflected from a smooth surface the angle of reflection is equal to the angle of incidence, and the incident ray, the reflected ray, and the normal to the surface at the point of incidence all lie in the same plane.
Describe an experiment to illustrate the laws of reflection.
You can start from Fermat's principle of least time which implies that to get from a point A to a point B whilst also reflecting off a mirror, the shortest path is such that angle of incidence equals angle of reflection.


text:
Sweeter Than You'd Think
Sweeter Than You'd Than Think is a story about the power of having a positive attitude amid difficult circumstances. Terry Roberts is a recovering cancer survivor living in Chicago, IL. His condition makes his prospects of getting employment almost impossible. So, everyday Terry goes out on the streets to ask people for money. Terry has the benefit of a social security check, something that many people who must ask for money don't have, but that alone is not enough to meet his needs.
While on the street, Terry saw how many people were in a similar situation as him. He saw how many people were asking for the generosity of others, and Terry wanted to be able to give back something to the people who showed him any form of kindness, even if it was something small. Terry decided to give candy. He started gathering as much candy as he could find, some suggestions of people he met and some were personal favorites of his from childhood. With every piece of candy, the connection between Terry and the people he met on the street grew.
Much of life is about mindset. It is very easy to become discouraged when faced with difficulty. Terry went through this. He was angry, and didn't understand why these things happened to him. But instead of making his life about sorrow, it made it a life about learning and giving positivity to those he met. It's a conscious decision that he lives with every day. He has seen that despite individual circumstances we all want the same things from life: love, acceptance, and respect. And when we give those things to one another we have greater compassion and understanding of people who are different than we are. Terry lives in a way that can be an example to people everywhere.
Submitted by Julius Burchett
Julius Burchett began working professionally in college. He started at an independent media company working as a treatment writer and editor for music videos. He later directed several videos and served as the executive producer from 2011-14.
In 2011, he interned with the City of Houston's media department under Mayor Annise Parker. He reported about city events ranging from the Houston 4th of July celebration to weekly city council meetings, writing, voicing, and editing news packages.
In 2012, he co-founded a non-profit organization, Legendary. Aside from his co-founder role, he also served as website coordinator. He created content for the website ranging from interviews, the monthly newsletter, and promotional video.
He has been independently contracted to shoot video for AllHipHop.com, the NBA, and BET.
He is currently receiving his Master's Degree in Digital Media and Storytelling at the Loyola University Chicago School of Communication. He received his Bachelor's Degree in Communication from Prairie View A&M University.


On booking, a payment equal to the first nights' accommodation will be taken as a deposit, the final balance will be collected on the date of departure.
For one nights' accommodation booked on the same day of arrival, then full payment is required prior to arrival.
There are no additional charges for payments made by debit cards.
For Visa and MasterCard, the Linden charges a 2% fee.
The Linden recommends that Guests obtain travel insurance for the duration of their stay.
The Guest will be charged the deposit equal to the first nights stay should the guest cancel.
If a cancellation is made less than seven days prior to arrival, or if the Guest curtails their stay while at the Linden, the Guest shall be liable for the full amount of the booked duration at the Linden.
Note: any Guests booking through "Booking.Com" on cancelation must notify Booking.Com immediately of the cancellation, as charges may be incurred.
Check In is from 14:00 to 19:00 local time, we would ask the Guest to e-mail 24 hours before arrival if possible with an estimated time of arrival.
For check in after 19:00 Linden is able to accommodate subject to late arrival notification.
If Guests arrive after 19:00 without contacting the Linden then there will be no access to the building.
If you wish to arrive earlier than the 14:00 check in time then please contact us and we will endeavour to have your room prioritised for cleaning.


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text:
using UnityEngine;
using System.Collections;

public static class Extension
{
    public static Vector2 Rotate(this Vector2 v, float degrees)
    {
        float sin = Mathf.Sin(degrees * Mathf.Deg2Rad);
        float cos = Mathf.Cos(degrees * Mathf.Deg2Rad);

        float tx = v.x;
        float ty = v.y;

        v.x = (cos * tx) - (sin * ty);
        v.y = (sin * tx) + (cos * ty);

        return v;
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
City of Kupreanof plans to pursue state dock
Posted by Joe Viechnicki | Nov 29, 2017
The state dock on Kupreanof was built in 1961. (Photo courtesy of Cindi Lagoudakis)
Voters in October overwhelmingly approved the first change to Petersburg's borough charter. It could pave the way for the city of Kupreanof to take over the state dock there.
https://www.kfsk.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/29KUPDOCKweb.mp3
Just under 83 percent of people voting in October supported the charter change allowing Kupreanof to own and operate a harbor in the borough. Before that it was a power that was reserved only for the borough government.
The Alaska Department of Transportation owns the dock, which was built in 1961. The DOT offered it to the borough 2016, along with two other remote dock. DOT spokeswoman Aurah Landau explained it's up to one of the municipalities to take the next step.
"Either Kupreanof or Petersburg can send some expression of interest about those three facilities," Landau said. "DOT doesn't want to force anything."
A year ago the DOT rejected Petersburg's counter offer. The borough only wanted docks at Kupreanof and at Papke's Landing on Mitkof Island, but not a third on the mainland at Entrance Island. Petersburg also wanted more money than the state was offering to repair or replace the aging floats and walkways. Landau said there's no offer remaining on the table but the dialogue could restart.
"You know either entity could make the offer or start the conversation with DOT," she said. "It might make sense for Petersburg to do it because they encompass all three harbors. I mean certainly the state would like to transfer at least two of them, the Papke's Landing and the Kupreanof dock."
Following last year's decision by the state, the Petersburg assembly encouraged the state to work directly with the city of Kupreanof on the transfer. That city government changed its code to allow for the transfer. And the charter change makes it clear that the city is allowed to own and operate a dock.
Borough clerk Debbie Thompson said the charter change took effect with the certification of the election. The change hasn't yet made it into the online version of the borough charter yet but should soon.
Kupreanof mayor Tom Reinarts explained that Kupreanof plans to take the next step. "So once the charter change is approved then we will go forward to the state and request that we enter into negotiations with the city of Kupreanof to own the dock."
Reinarts doesn't expect a transfer to happen overnight. "If the state Department of Transportation enters into an agreement with us, it still needs to be approved by the legislature. So it's gonna take a while," he said.
In 2010 the state had offered a transfer to Kupreanof along with one million dollars but the legislature never did approve that deal. A consultant for the borough estimated overall replacement of the pilings, float, ramp and trestle walkway, would cost almost one point four million.
Kupreanof has secured a 40,000 dollar federal grant and is working to purchase a new float for the outside of the t-shaped dock. Reinarts said there are challenges to getting that replacement ordered.
"You know we are in the queue someplace but with all of the hurricanes and whatever through Texas and Louisiana and Florida and the rest of it, there is a tremendous demand for docking facilities," Reinarts said. "So we're not sure exactly where we are within the pecking order to receive it. So once we receive that then we will get it installed."
That work will be done outside of the visitor season, when that dock sees use by cruise ship passengers and others using the trails on the island. The second class city's 21 full time residents also use that dock to access their homes and the community building.
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Q: Grails Spring Security Plugin Migrate User Passwords from 1.2.7.3 to 2.0 I am using Grails 2.3.2 and am trying to upgrade my Spring Security Core Plugin from 1.2.7.3 to 2.0.
I made all the import changes and got my app to start, but I was unable to login.  One of the changes in 2.0 is that it uses the bcrypt algorithm for passwords, making all my old passwords useless.  So, I went through the password reset process in my app and sure enough after that I could log in just fine.
But, I want to keep my old passwords for all my users, so I went and found the documentation for the 1.2.7.3 version of the plugin and looked up what algorithm it used: http://grails-plugins.github.io/grails-spring-security-core/docs/manual.1273/guide/12%20Password%20and%20Account%20Protection.html
According to these docs its default is SHA-256.  So, I added that config change, yet I still cannot log in.
So, how can I migrate all my user's passwords to the 2.0 version of the plugin?  As of right now it doesn't seem possible...

A: There's another change - the number of hash iterations. In 1.2.x the password was hashed once but in 2.0 it's hashed 10,000 times for password stretching - see http://grails-plugins.github.io/grails-spring-security-core/2.0.x/guide/passwords.html#hashing
Add this to revert to the old behavior:
grails.plugin.springsecurity.password.algorithm = 'SHA-256'
grails.plugin.springsecurity.password.hash.iterations = 1

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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You are here: Home / ARTICLES / Subwoofers and Amplifiers – Let's Talk About Ohms and Loads
Subwoofers and Amplifiers – Let's Talk About Ohms and Loads
July 31, 2022 By BestCarAudio.com Leave a Comment
A few weeks ago, we were browsing a few car audio related Facebook groups and Reddit subreddits. We saw the same question come up time after time: "I have two dual 2-ohm voice coil subs; how do I show the amp a 1-ohm load to make max power?" It wasn't just once or twice that this question was asked – we saw it and versions of it at least a dozen times in less than an hour of browsing. Clearly, this is a topic that consumers struggle to understand. Subwoofer wiring configuration is crucial information if you're shopping for an amplifier to mate to an existing set of subwoofers, or vice-versa.
Subwoofer Voice Coil Impedances
We've talked about single- and dual-voice coil designs in the past. In essence, they exist to provide the Product Specialist designing your car audio system with different wiring options so that they can maximize the performance of your subwoofer amplifier.
We'll be clear: A single voice coil subwoofer isn't "better" than a dual voice coil sub, or vice versa. The only benefit of a DVC sub is that the coils can be wired in series, in parallel, or each can be fed directly to an amplifier channel. There are benefits in terms of installation flexibility, but the number of connections to the voice coil doesn't improve the driver's performance or sound quality.
In subwoofers available from professional mobile enhancement retailers, you'll typically see either single 2-ohm or single 4-ohm drivers and dual 2-ohm or dual 4-ohm offerings. There are some unique offerings as well. The JL Audio W7AE drivers have a single 3-ohm coil, so three drivers can be wired together to present a 1-ohm load to an amp. Audiotec-Fischer has some quad 3-ohm-coil woofers designed to extract maximum power from its line of non-bridgeable amplifiers.
When you get into some competition-level subwoofer products, you may see some dual 1-ohm coil configurations. If we think long and hard, we seem to recall hearing about a quad 0.7-ohm coil competition-level subwoofer. Nevertheless, there are a lot of options available.
Picking the Final Load Impedance
When it comes to wiring subwoofers to an amplifier, your installer has a few wiring options: parallel, series and series-parallel. The voice coils of a single dual-voice-coil woofer can also be wired in series or parallel. The goal of the options is to present the amplifier with a net impedance that allows it to make the best use of the available power.
You see, most subwoofer amplifiers produce more power as the load impedance drops. If we look at an amp like the ARC Audio X2-1100.1, it's rated to produce 350 watts into a 4-ohm load, 600 watts when connected to a 2-ohm load and 1,100 watts when the subwoofers are wired to present a 1-ohm load. If you've purchased this amp, it only makes sense to present it with a 1-ohm load so that you get the most power available for your investment.
Here's a small aside about amplifiers: Many subwoofer amps don't make more power into lower impedances yet are still designed and listed as capable of running these loads. For example, the Rockford Fosgate T1500-1bdCP is rated to produce 1,000 watts when connected to a 4-ohm load, then 1,500 watts when wired to a 2- or 1-ohm load. The same goes for the Hertz Mille Power 1. It produces 600 watts into a 4-ohm load and 1,000 watts when connected to a 2-or 1-ohm configuration.
We highly recommend wiring these amplifiers to 2 ohms. The higher impedance will improve the amplifier's efficiency, allowing you to deliver more power to your subwoofers with less draw on your electrical system.
Subwoofer Wiring Options
Let's start by looking at wiring pairs of subwoofers to an amplifier. The simplest would be two 4-ohm single-voice-coil subwoofers wired in parallel. Two identical loads wired in parallel present a single load that is half of the single-load impedance. In this case, two 4-ohm subwoofers present the amplifier with a net 2-ohm load.
One of the most popular subwoofer wiring configurations: two SVC woofers wired in parallel.
If you have an amplifier like the Rockford Fosgate T1500-1bdCP that we've used in the drawings that include a pair of terminals, you can wire one sub to each terminal. The two positive terminals are wired together inside the amp, so are the negative terminals. Having two sets of terminals can help keep the wiring neat and tidy in installations like this.
Just as with the image above, this shows two SVC subwoofers wired in parallel to an amplifier with dual output terminals.
In both of the above scenarios, the load the amp "sees" is half of the impedance of one woofer. The chart below shows you the net load for common subwoofer options.
A less common configuration is to use low-impedance drivers and wire the subwoofers in series. Series wiring results in the sum of each voice coil impedance being added. For a pair of 4-ohm woofers wired in parallel, the amp would "see" an 8-ohm load.
A very uncommon subwoofer configuration: two SVC woofers wired in series.
A quick note about wiring subwoofer voice coils in series: Sometimes it's necessary when multiple drivers are involved. With that said, there is a small drawback. The inductance of the individual voice coils adds and can result in a very reactive load for the amplifier. This configuration can cause instability in lower-quality amplifiers and reduce mid-bass performance from the system. The latter can result in difficulty getting the sound from the subwoofers to blend with the midbass woofers so that the bass appears to be coming from the front of the vehicle. It's more important to present the amplifier with the correct load, but keep this in mind.
Dual Voice Coil Subwoofer Wiring
Let's start by looking at the options to wire a single DVC subwoofer to an amplifier. We have the choice of wiring the individual coils in series or in parallel.
A single DVC subwoofer with both coils wired in parallel.
A single DVC subwoofer with both coils wired in series.
Wiring multiple dual voice coil subwoofers to a single amplifier presents a whole gamut of options. For example, we can wire all the coils in series, all in parallel, or mix them in a combination of series and parallel. It's crucial to note that each DVC subwoofer in the system needs to be wired the same way. If one has its coils wired in series, all of them need to be wired in series. The same goes for wiring them in parallel. We'll explain with a few examples.
Let's start with an example of two dual-voice coil subwoofers with all four coils wired in parallel. This is a common configuration for dual 4-ohm subs wired to an amplifier optimized to make power into a 1-ohm load.
Two dual-voice-coil subwoofers with all coils wired in parallel.
In this example, the load seen by the amplifier is one-quarter the value of each coil. So, for 4-ohm voice coils, the amp will see a 1-ohm load.
It is also possible to wire all four voice coils in series. This might be an option for drivers with very low impedance coils, like a dual 1-ohm design. Just as with our single voice coil subwoofers, wiring in series adds the impedance of each coil. This is a very unlikely configuration in a car audio system.
Two dual-voice-coil subwoofers with all coils wired in series.
Now that you've had a taste of how subwoofers and their voice coils can be wired in series or parallel, let's combine both to create what is easily the most common configuration: two dual-voice-coil subwoofers with their coils wired in series, and both drivers wired in parallel with each other. In this configuration, the amplifier "sees" a load that's equivalent to the impedance of a single coil.
Series-parallel wiring is the most common configuration for multiple subwoofers.
You can wire more than just two subwoofers together in series, parallel and series-parallel wiring. Four, eight or even 16 subwoofers can be driven from a single monoblock amplifier, so long as the net impedance is correct.
Series-parallel wiring with a quartet of subwoofers can produce some serious bass output.
Two Amplifiers on a Single Subwoofer
If you have a dual voice coil subwoofer and would like your installer to use two amplifiers or all four channels of a four-channel amplifier, the electrical connections are quite easy. In either scenario, your installer will need to use a digital scope with a voltage readout or a high-quality digital multimeter to ensure that each coil is receiving exactly the same voltage. In addition, the subwoofer will need to be chosen such that each coil's impedance maximizes the power available from the amplifier.
A single DVC subwoofer powered by two separate amplifiers.
If you want to use a four-channel amp, then the connections to the subwoofer are the same. One coil will be wired to channels one and two in a bridged configuration and the other coil to channels three and four when bridged. In almost all cases, a four-channel amp will want each pair of bridged channels to see a 4-ohm load, so a subwoofer with dual 4-ohm voice coils is the only choice.
A single subwoofer driven with all channels of a four-channel amplifier.
A Few Rules To Keep in Mind
There are a few guidelines to keep in mind as you and the Product Specialist you're working with discuss your system design. First, all subwoofers connected to an amplifier should have the same impedance. For example, you can't use a dual 2-ohm and a dual 4-ohm sub on the same amplifier.
The second rule is that all the voice coils of a DVC or quad-coil subwoofer must be used. If you need a 2-ohm load but have a dual 2-ohm subwoofer, you need to change the amp or the sub in the system design. Using one voice coil changes all the parameters of the woofer and doesn't promise good sound or reliability.
Last, all the subwoofers should be installed in enclosures with the same air volume. We once heard a "story" where a vehicle owner told us one 12-inch sub was in a small enclosure for fast bass, and the other was in a large enclosure so it would produce deep bass. No. Just No. Please don't do this. They all need to have the same amount of air behind them in the enclosure to deliver predictable results.
Oh, I suppose we should mention that mixing different size woofers or different models of woofers in one system is also less than ideal. That whole "fast" and "deep" stuff is silly. If you want to use some smaller woofers for midbass, that makes complete sense. This is popular in system applications where high-efficiency PA-style speakers are being used. With that said, very few car audio subwoofers are designed to play up to 250 or 300 Hz without some significant amounts of cone resonance distortion.
Anyway, please don't mix and match different size subwoofers in a single system. We recommend saving your money and having the subwoofer system designed and installed properly. Your local specialty mobile enhancement retailer can help you choose the best amplifier and subwoofer combination, then design an enclosure that will make the best use of the space in your vehicle, so your stereo system sounds amazing.
This article is written and produced by the team at www.BestCarAudio.com. Reproduction or use of any kind is prohibited without the express written permission of 1sixty8 media.
Filed Under: ARTICLES, Car Audio, RESOURCE LIBRARY
About BestCarAudio.com
BestCarAudio.com is a showcase for the very best mobile electronics retailers in the world and a place to educate and inform interested consumers about existing and emerging technologies.


Follow in the footsteps of Joanna Lumley on her Silk Road Adventure and discover Georgia's snow-capped mountains, rolling hills and ancient history with included transfers and all-inclusive meals throughout.
This tailor-made, luxury trip will see you explore the pastel-hued villages, rugged cliffs, charming yacht-lined harbours of historic Cinque Terre, staying in five-star hotels throughout.
Simply put, this is one of the greatest experiences in world travel. Whether it's fine dining in the restaurant car or personalised service in your private cabin, you'll be pampered throughout the journey over the Alps and back to London. It all starts with a luxurious palace stay in Verona.
Each year, the Venice Simplon-Orient-Express takes an exclusive few on its original route, sweeping though France, Hungary and Romania to end in Istanbul. You'll travel in the utmost opulence throughout, enjoying fine dining, champagne-bar delights and curated stops for expert-led tours.


Rural students who are eligible for transportation to Fr. Leonard Van Tighem School, Ecole St. Mary, St. Francis Jr. High School, and Catholic Central High School in Lethbridge are transported by Southland Transportation Ltd. Busing services will be provided to school at the beginning of the school day and from school at the end of the school day to the student's primary residence.
Please note that Southland Transportation rural bus routes are subject to changes each school year.
Contact your child's school to find out if your child is eligible for transportation with Southland Transportation.
Southland Transportation Ltd.'s toll free number is 1-844-804-1525. The after hours phone numbers are: 403-502-3827 or 403-878-6789.
Southland bus drivers will contact parents during the week prior to the first day of school.
Parents of rural students eligible for transportation to Lethbridge schools will receive a phone call from their Southland bus driver during the week before school starts. The bus driver will give parents the location of the bus stop and the pick up/drop off times.
For transportation information regarding our rural schools, please contact the school directly.
Students eligible for busing to St. Catherine School are transported by Palliser Regional Schools.
Students eligible for busing to St. Michael's School (Pincher Creek) are transported by Livingstone Range School Division No.68.
Students eligible for busing to St. Mary School are transported by Horizon School Division No.67.
Students eligible for busing to St. Patrick School are transported by Horizon School Division No.67.
Students eligible for busing for St. Joseph School are transported by Palliser Regional Schools.
Students eligible for busing to St. Michael's School (Bow Island) are transported by Prairie Rose School Division No.8.


If you are arrested for DWI in Plano, Texas a judge will set initial bond conditions prior to your release from jail. Once your case is filed, the judge in the court you are assigned my add to or amend your Plano, Texas DWI bond conditions.
If you meet certain conditions, Pre-Trial monitoring may be ordered.


As data-driven applications become ubiquitous, the services that provide the data are proliferating. As teams become responsible for more and more of these services, it becomes critical that they be designed and implemented in a way that is as lightweight as possible.
Would you like to take a look inside the newly open-sourced reference application that powers the spring.io site? Then join Spring Guru Brian Clozel who will survey some of the features behind the harmonized platform.
In the opening Keynote of the Spring eXchange 2014, Dave Syer recounts the recent developments in the Spring ecosystem, going back about 12 months or so.


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Seoul summit to help solidify G-20 as regular gathering
via Yonhap NA, Seoul, Korea
The Seoul summit of the Group of 20 major economies is expected to establish the G-20 as a regular gathering of leaders to handle key global economic issues and set rules for sustainable growth, government sources said Thursday.
The local summit preparation committee and the finance ministry said there is a good chance that G-20 leaders will announce a move to hold a summit meeting on a regular basis like the G-7 meeting of advanced industrialized economic, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the Asia-Europe Meeting.
"The G-20 has already established itself as a 'premier forum' for economic issues, and since host countries for the 2011 and 2012 summits have been set, there is wide support for the meeting to be held regularly in the future," a government official said.
Originally, the G-20 was a gathering of finance ministers but gained prominence when leaders met in Washington in November 2008 to tackle the global financial crisis triggered by the collapse of U.S. investment giant Lehman Brothers earlier in the year.
Leaders from the Group of 20 advanced and emerging economies and international organizations such as the United Nations have since met in London, Pittsburgh and Toronto, during which the G-20 has proven its worth by handling both crisis situations and helping to lay the foundation for how the global economy should grow in the future.
"The summit has shown it can solve critical problems not only in times of crisis, but in a post-crisis environment as shown by the agreement reached during the Gyeongju finance ministers meeting last month when members moved to prevent the currency issue from getting out of hand," he said.
To turn the G-20 summit into a regular gathering, efforts are underway to create a permanent secretariat. At present, the G-20 does not have a permanent secretariat, and host countries take turns coordinating the summit and various agenda items.
Initially, there were calls to operate an "online secretariat" that may be built up into a more permanent body in the future.
In addition to the G-20 summit, officials here said that efforts are underway to institutionalize the G-20 Business Summit so that it can be held alongside the meeting of global leaders.
France has already said it wants to hold a gathering of entrepreneurs similar to meetings held in Seoul. Businessmen can coordinate their agendas with government officials to tackle issues facing the global economy, they said.
yonngong@yna.co.kr
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A RARE CAUSE OF SMALL INTESTINAL OBSTRUCTION DUE TO INTUSSUSCEPTION.
Bilal Ahmed Services Hospital, Lahore.
There are several pathologies causing intussusception. Benign diseases are the typical causes for childhood bowel obstruction. However, malignant or adhesive diseases are for common in adults. Although cases of illeal intussusception in adults due to inflammatory fibroid polyp is quite rare but few cases has been reported in literature. A 35 year old presented with a history of multiple episodes of abdominal pain, distention, relative constipation and vomiting over a period of 3 month. He also had a history of appendectomy 2 months back. Exploratory laparotomy was done and inflammatory fibroid polyp found to be the cause of obstruction.
Bilal Ahmed, Services Hospital, Lahore.


Princeton C.H.A.O.S. Laboratory | Research team led by Prof Forrest Meggers, faculty jointly appointed in the School of Architecture and the Andlinger Center for Energy and the Environment.
The acronym 'C.H.A.O.S.' stands for Cooling and Heating for Architecturally Optimized Systems as well as our interest in the flow not only of energy in heating and cooling, but also the associated entropy (chaos) generation and how the quantification through exergy analysis can help optimize building systems. By leveraging the architectural design of surfaces and mass in building we can uncover opportunities for system integration that provide additional flexibility in the spaces and volumes created in the architecture, while also minimizing the chaos generated by the heat transfer processes of building systems.
Click & Check out our interactive data plot of temperature stratification in Architectural laboratory here in Princeton!