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Taylor Swift has once again come into the news because of her generous donation towards an LGBTQ advocacy group. The singer is quite popular for her songs and she enjoys a top place among her piers. The singer recently said that the efforts being made by the LGBTQ advocacy group in order to oppose a handful of contentious bills which are being moved inside the state's Republican-controlled General Assemly forced her to make a donation. She thought that this was the right platform which had to be supported with her money.
The Tennessee Equality Project announced that Swift had donated $113,000 for their organization's cause. The group had shared a handwritten message from the Taylor Swift, which she had posted for sake of explaining the reason behind the donation. The letter had praised the efforts of the faith leaders who opposed a series of bills being presented opposing LGBTQ community. Swift had praised these individuals which included the religious leaders because they stood up for a noble cause of equal rights for everyone.
The proposed bills include different measures which oppose the rights of the LGBTQ people. Taylor Swift wanted to support the group so that they may win the battle of getting equal rights. Therefore, Taylor Swift found no other way better than donating a huge amount of money to the group which was trying to oppose the proposed bills. According to Taylor Swift, these bills violated different rights like allowing adoption agencies to discriminate against LGBTQ groups.
After making this donation, the famous singer has cleared her stance that she wants equal rights for every individual irrespective of the personal beliefs which they hold. Those who don't support LGBTQ claim that this is against the law of nature. The law of nature they state is the human capacity to grow and increase population or carrying down their own race through the institution of marriage.


A woman's headless "butchered" corpse was found floating off Brooklyn Tuesday morning, according to witnesses who say it looked like she'd been deliberately dismembered.
The man and his wife spotted the naked, decomposing body in Red Hook channel while out walking their dog around 11:20 a.m.
The legs were also missing parts, and that there was a tattoo on the left thigh, he added.
A NYPD spokesman confirmed cops responded to a call about the body at that time, but couldn't confirm the man's claims that the body was brutalized. The Medical Examiner will determine the cause of death.
The woman's identity was not immediately known, police said.


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If you're on a luxury break, then you'll want to sample some of Croatia's luxury local produce. Enjoy an excursion to taste some authentic Croatian cuisine. In Orasac, a 20-minute drive from Dubrovnik, you'll be able to taste locally-pressed olive oil at a family-run olive grove. You'll also be treated to an Istrian-inspired meal. Wash this all down with some of Croatia's famous reds including Dingac and Postup from the Peljesac peninsula.
Treat yourself to a luxury break to Croatia.


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Home » AlwynAsh , Brookside , Film2000 , FilmReview , HorrorThriller , LinzeyCocker , NeveMcIntosh , ShaunDooley » Salvage (2009) - Filmreview
Salvage (2009) - Filmreview
Tuesday, January 12, 2016 AlwynAsh, Brookside, Film2000, FilmReview, HorrorThriller, LinzeyCocker, NeveMcIntosh, ShaunDooley
Neve McIntosh faces a new horror in Brit flick Salvage. "Fear cannot be contained"
It would be easy to believe that Salvage was a final episode of popular British soap opera Brookside, set in Liverpool. Not only do the interior sets look untouched like something out of the Mary Celeste but the exterior location, too, was used in filming this low budget horror movie.
Honestly, Brookside itself became so gritty and far fetched by the end of its 21-year run that you could almost imagine anything was possible plot-wise, including a series of horrifying killings at the hands of a mutant. Big spoiler aside, Salvage does have some things going for it besides the famous setting. Starring Neve McIntosh (The Hound of the Baskervilles, Doctor Who) as Beth and Shaun Dooley as Kieran, we arrive at the cul-de-sac as a newspaper boy overhears an argument between an Indian couple. The man, Mr Sharma, sees the boy peering through their window and chases him. The boy flees into the wood behind the close, where he is murdered by an unknown figure. We are then introduced to teenager Jodie (Linzey Cocker) who is expected to spend Christmas with her estranged mother Beth (McIntosh). Brought to the Close by her father, Jodie takes a Key from a flower pot and lets herself in. Who needs a Grinch when you have a terrible mother? The young girl, disgusted to find Beth having sex with a stranger upstairs, leaves the house to seek comfort with a friend across the way. Beth follows but is refused entry by the friend's own mother (played by Coronation Street actress Debbie Rush).
And then all hell breaks loose...
We are now firmly in Phil Redmond (Brookside creator) territory for those who remember the 20th Anniversary of Brookside and its over-the-top siege storylines featuring Terry 'Psycho' Gibson and his antics.
Except... drug dealers are replaced by an unseen killer who terrorises residents and eliminates special force team members sent in to contain the situation. The majority of the film now focuses on Beth and her one-night stand Kieran as they attempt to make sense of sudden developments. Residents are ordered by soldiers to stay in their homes. Beth, however, is more concerned for her daughter, who remains at the friend's house. If there is one positive about Salvage then it has to be Neve McIntosh's strong performance, whose character refuses to give in and wait it all out - instead she remains at the center of this tense thriller directed by Lawrence Gough.
Kieren is convinced they are victims of an al-Qaeda terrorist threat, a suspicion seemingly confirmed by an injured special ops soldier who they bring into the safety of Beth's home. Beth, though, discovers the truth after overhearing the soldier, Akede (Kevin Harvey), on his radio to a colleague. This is where the movie has the potential to deliver further but ultimately fails. The true "threat" is boasted to be the perfect killer, an "uncontrollable" monster. Could this explain why Akede's unit is failing? So, perhaps we're in Alien or Predator territory? No, not really. As the plot reaches its conclusion, so does the thrill. Beth is reunited with her daughter but is attacked by the mutant; the victim of a military experiment, it turns out. Fleeing in terror, daughter Jodie reaches the front garden of the house when the monster goes in for the kill, having followed...
Salvage marked Lawrence Gough's film début in the director's chair, he has since gone on to work on shows like Cold Blood, Hollyoaks, and Atlantis. The feature was also one of three projects chosen for the Digital Departures filmmaking initiative launched in 2007 to celebrate Liverpool's Capital of Culture status in 2008; the other two being documentary Of Time and the City (writer/director: Terence Davies) and film Kicks (director: Lindy Heymann - written by Leigh Campbell - original title: Starstruck). All three projects each secured a £250,000 budget.
McIntosh won two awards for her performance, at the International Fantasy Film Award and Fantastic Fest. It is easy to see why she accepted the part, "I was attracted to the script because Beth is the main protagonist – I'm covered in bruises from all the chasing and clambering. My last job was a film with Joe Fiennes about a Jewish family hiding from the Holocaust, so it's very different" - Liverpool Echo.
On a personal note, I do wish there had been more screen time between Beth and Jodie, and that more of their relationship had been established. I'm sure McIntosh and Cocker would have given the piece just that extra bit of emotion in an otherwise emotionally charged drama. Thoroughly enjoyable, for fans of horror or Brookside.
Purchase Salvage via amazon.co.uk.
Article author: Alwyn Ash
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Q: Slow updating of UI with WPF and Oxyplot What I'm trying to accomplish here is I want grab some data from a CSV file that I copy from one folder and put into a temp folder (so I don't tamper with the original).
Then I want to read in all the data from the CSV file and plot the last 2000 data points on a graph using a Scatter Series in Oxyplot (I want this to check for new data every 200 ms so I used a Dispatcher Timer). The issue I'm having is that the first few updates to the plot look great and it plots exactly how I want it to... however, after maybe 12 updates the graph does not update, or updates extremely slowly causing the UI to become unresponsive.
Below is my code for this part of the project...
    public MainWindow()
    {
        viewModel = new View_Model.MainWindowModel();
        DataContext = viewModel;

        CompositionTarget.Rendering += CompositionTargetRendering;

        InitializeComponent();
    }

    private void AutoUpdateGraph()  //begins when a check box IsChecked = true
    {
        sw.Start();
        System.Windows.Threading.DispatcherTimer dispatcherTimer = new System.Windows.Threading.DispatcherTimer();
        dispatcherTimer.Tick += new EventHandler(dispatcherTimer_Tick);
        dispatcherTimer.Interval = new TimeSpan(0, 0, 0, 0, 200);
        dispatcherTimer.Start();
    }

    private void dispatcherTimer_Tick(object sender, EventArgs e)
    {
        SleeveData sd = new SleeveData();          //class to deal with the data
        FileManagement fm = new FileManagement();  //class to manage the files

        string date = fm.GetDate();                //get the current date to use in finding the
                                                   //most recent CSV file

        _newPath = fm.InitialFileSetup(date);      //create a new path for the temp file

        fm.RewriteFile(_newPath);                  //write the temp file to the temp path

        if (fm.IsFileLocked(_newPath) == false)   //checking if the file is being written to
        {
            IEnumerable<SleeveData> newSD = sd.GetMostRecentCSVData(_newPath); //getting the latest data from the temp file

            viewModel.LoadData(newSD); //updating the data on the graph
        }
    }

And here is the LoadData method in the MainWindowModel...
    public void LoadData(IEnumerable<SleeveData> newData)
    {
        var scatterSeries1 = new OxyPlot.Series.ScatterSeries
        {
            MarkerSize = 3,
            Title = string.Format("Sleeve Data"),
        };

        int j = 0;

        var zeroBuffer = new List<float>(new float[2000]);
        var fDiaDataBuffer = zeroBuffer.Concat((newData.Select(x => x.fDiameter).ToList())).ToList();
        var iDiaDataBuffer = zeroBuffer.Concat((newData.Select(x => x.IDiaMax).ToList())).ToList();

        for (int i = fDiaDataBuffer.Count - 2000; i <= fDiaDataBuffer.Count - 1; i++)
        {
            scatterSeries1.Points.Add(new ScatterPoint(j, fDiaDataBuffer[i]));
            j++;
        }

        PlotModel.Series.Clear();
        PlotModel.Series.Add(scatterSeries1);
    }

I'm doing some funky stuff to get the latest 2000 points and add them to the graph.
Maybe I need to consider a background worker?
I might be going about this all wrong, and if I am I would love to know in which direction I should go! I'm fairly new to coding projects this large and ones that must run real time. Please go easy on me :) and thanks in advance.

A: Some suggestions:
Use a Stopwatch in your LoadData() method to see how long it's taking. You don't say how much data is in these files, but some of the Linq stuff looks like it could benefit from some optimisation - there are lots of ToLists() and repeated Selects on the same set of data. Something like this:
var sw = new Stopwatch();
sw.Start();

... do your stuff

Debug.WriteLine(sw.ElapsedMilliseconds);

You could also try a stopwatch in the timer delegate, to see how long an entire "cycle" takes, just in case it's taking longer than 200ms. I don't know if the DispatcherTimer can suffer from re-entrancy, where the timer fires again before the previous "tick" has completed, which would degrade performance.
The problem might lie with your charting component. I've had similar issues when working with large WPF DataGrids - creating the data isn't particularly taxing - it's the rendering that takes the time. At the end of LoadData() I see you clear down the chart series then repopulate it. I've found that doing this with the data source for a large DataGrid creates a "double-whammy", as it renders after the Clear(), then renders again after repopulating the data. I'm not familiar with OxyPlot but see if you can find an alternative approach, if feasible, e.g. re-using the series rather than clearing down and adding again.
If the poor performance does turn out to be OxyPlot, is purchasing a different chart component an option? I can thoroughly recommend SciChart, which we've been using for various high performance/high volume scientific charting applications (I'm not affiliated to them btw!).

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DSU was founded in 1881 as a school for teacher education in the Dakota Territory. Today, we're one of the most technologically-advanced campuses in the Midwest. A public university, we are governed by the South Dakota System Board of Regents.
They specialize in computer management, computer information systems, and other related undergraduate and graduate programs. They offer associate's, bachelor's, and graduate degrees, as well as certificates and minors that allow students to customize their plan of study.


Midfielder Ben Pringle was happy to notch his first goal for the club but admitted yesterday's game was far from a footballing spectacle.
The Preston North End loanee equalised on 77 minutes with a well-taken finish, but admitted the conditions played a huge part in the game.
He said: "Everyone is pleased to get the draw but we know we can do better.
"We are happy to get the draw but we know we need to improve on the first half.
"I'm pleased to get my first goal, especially in a game that we needed to do well in so I'm pleased to get it.
"We felt we controlled the game in the second half. We feel we have the footballers in the game to play football but on pitches and in environments such as this one it's not always easy.
"The pitches aren't great but we need to play to the conditions. We have got the players to play football but it's not about that at this time of year.
The goal was Pringle's first for the club since he joined in January and he wants to add to that now.
"I think I need to get further up the pitch," he commented.
And to score in front of 2,707 supporters was special: "They were at both ends which was the first time I've seen that," he said.


On Tuesday, Donald J. Trump was elected the 45th President of the United States, along with Senate and House majorities, and absolute blowout numbers at the state level all across America.
He defeated the most corrupt candidate in American history, a woman whom the FBI now tells us allowed classified information to fall into the hands of at least five foreign enemies, and a woman who would have used the Supreme Court to annihilate the First Amendment as well as the Second.
Many of us have been more than a bit uneasy with Donald Trump. But as it began to dawn that all of us, our nation, our businesses, our churches, our families, had avoided the abyss, it was hard not to let out a deep sigh of relief. Trump at his worst will not be our enemy. There is still time for America.
What's more, a six to seven seat Supreme Court majority composed of virtually any of the names on Trump's lists might well do more to turn back the clock on the left's annihilation of Constitutional boundaries than all the Republicans we'll ever elect in our lifetimes.
We've survived an existential threat. We may well spend the next four years in partial frustration: we have before. But we won't spend it in chains. And we might well see the dawn of a better – a greater – America none of us have dared imagine.
Just before press time, my buddy Jack Wheeler sent me this note. Jack is considered the architect of the Reagan Doctrine, among many other things.
On Wednesday November 9 at about 10am Nepal time (11:15pm Tuesday east coast time), I was on the shore of Lake Tilicho in the Himalayas, the highest lake in the world at 16,257 feet, when the satphone rang.
A friend called to tell us that Trump had won Ohio, North Carolina, and Florida. My heart leaped. A few minutes later, our friend called back to say he'd won Iowa. My knees almost buckled and I started to cry. I had hoped against hope this was possible and now it really was – Trump could actually win.
Our helicopters took us to the Hidden Kingdom of Lo near the border of Chinese Tibet. We got word that the electoral count was 244 to 203, that Pennsylvania was up for grabs. We drove to the remote Chhosar Sky Caves, where people lived in caves carved out of vertical cliffs 3,000 years ago.
Yes, November 9th is my birthday and I couldn't have asked for a better present. America is saved, I thought. November 9th is World Freedom Day, as it's the day in 1989 that the Berlin Wall fell. Now it's also the day the Clinton Corruption Machine fell along with the entire Democrat-Enemedia Complex and the Global Elite.
Now we have a chance to make America America again. Providence is smiling upon our country once more.
Yes, Donald Trump did exactly what he said he'd do from the beginning: he won legions of Rust Belt working class Democrats.
It's hard to imagine any of our other Republican candidates managing that. Republicans last won Wisconsin in 1984. We last won Pennsylvania and Michigan in 1988. That's 28 years, more than a generation.
But the bigger point is, Donald Trump just made Republicans the party of the working class. And Democrats are doing everything in their power to cement that.
It took no time whatsoever for the media to spin this. One popular line was that the voters Trump took from Clinton are old and will die soon, another was they were all ignorant, uneducated racists.
To this one must ask: were they all ignorant, uneducated, irredeemable deplorables in the last six or seven elections too? And does screaming at them in this fashion help or hurt Democrats' chances in 2018 and 2020?
You tell me. But I know this. All our lives we've been told that Democrats were the party of the working class, the very same people they are now demonizing as idiots, haters and fools.
There's an enormous opportunity in that which no one on Earth is better suited to seize than Donald J. Trump.
As with Brexit, learned opinion told us that were Trump elected, markets would crash. Leftist New York Times columnist and Nobel Prize-winning "economist" (kind of like Obama is a Nobel Peace Prize winner) Paul Krugman warned that markets would "never recover".
So of course the Dow surged to an all-time high.
The extent of Trump's victory – and the downballot races that went with it – is so great that NeverTrumper Jonah Goldberg actually said the Republican Party hasn't been so strong since the 1920s.
Even more amusing: the Columbus Dispatch reported on Wednesday that John Kasich had planned a major D.C. speech for the day after the election, to "recraft the Republican Party." He "abruptly canceled" his speech Wednesday morning.
Why didn't any of these polls skew toward our side, ever? In multiple countries?
And suddenly, the light goes on.
Not to pat myself on the back too much, but as you probably realize, even though I personally supported only Southern Baptist candidates in the primary, my batting average as a prognosticator has been virtually 1.000 throughout the entire cycle.
Part of the reason for that has been my belief that a Republican realignment is and has been genuinely possible. Trump believed this too, and made the first crucial step toward that happen. There's more for him to win, if he'll just listen to Kellyanne.
But another part has been my appreciation of just what "Make America Great Again" really meant. It's not a mere slogan: potentially, at least, it's an entire new metanarrative for the conservative movement, something Republicans have utterly lacked since the end of the Cold War.
I wrote at some length on the need for this, all the way back in 2010. I also formulated it much as Trump later did, although my "Keep America Number One" is nowhere near as good as his phrasing. I encourage you to read it. There is vastly more to this, and vastly more potential, than just the words themselves. They could change everything for us.
Yes, despite everyone on both left and right assuring us it wasn't true, the Trump movement was indeed Brexit redux, complete with a silent, angry majority that was utterly fed-up with being called racist homophobic morons simply for living their lives, while their "enlightened" leadership focused on every niche leftist cause except their jobs and their futures. People who – once again – have been the working class backbone of the Democrat Party for a century.
Again, do you think an unending barrage of insults will help the Democrats recapture these people?
And what do you think might happen if Trump actually gets organized over the next four years?
What the Dems are doing certainly hasn't been helping them at the state level.
Republicans already held 31 governors' offices. Even after narrowly losing Pat McCrory in North Carolina (but not a veto-proof majority in his state legislature), Republicans now have 33, including a pickup in Bernie Sanders's Vermont. 34 is the GOP's all-time high. They also now have 29 state attorneys general, an all-time high, which is remarkable considering George Soros' and Tom Steyer's longtime effort to dominate these seats.
Republicans won the Kentucky House for the first time in nearly a century and reclaimed the Iowa Senate from Democrats, giving the GOP control of both legislative chambers and the governor's offices in those states. Republicans now control 66 of the nation's state legislative chambers, to Democrats' 30.
It hasn't been helping them in Congress either. Republicans retained overwhelming control of the House: with 3 seats still undecided, the balance stands at 239-193. The Dems picked up just 6 seats out of 435 in a year they believed they might win control. And in the Senate, the Pubs easily kept their majority, losing just 2 seats for a 52-48 balance in a year nearly everyone believed the Dems would take control.
It was not a good election for the pundits.
But it gets worse (or better, as the case may be): Republicans dominated their Senate races…except for the Republicans who ran against Donald Trump.
Now didn't the NeverTrumpers promise us that Trump would kill the downballot? Oops.
What's remarkable about this is that 2016 was the first re-elect for the Senate Class of 2010. Pubs had to defend a lot more seats than Dems. It would have been perfectly reasonable to lose the Senate no matter who was running at the top of the ticket.
Ah, but 2018 is a whole other matter.
Oh, and just for funnies: there's talk that Joe Manchin, seeing the handwriting on his extremely red state wall, may switch parties. Probably won't happen, but then, Jim Jeffords swore he wouldn't switch either.
Back to rigging. Limbaugh says the pollsters didn't actually miss anything, that the polling data has been weaponized. And that's pretty clearly true (though it's also true that its gotten extremely difficult – or extremely expensive, depending – to get an accurate poll by traditional methods. That's just no excuse for all of them being wrong in exactly the same way).
But it's not just polls. It's that much more pernicious, newer phenomenon: betting sites.
This became extremely obvious with Brexit. The betting sites claimed that Leave had a 16% chance of victory even after the polls closed.
I watched Brexit returns at John Mauldin's house along with Neil Howe. If you know anything about these guys at all, you know they're wicked smart. As the returns increasingly piled up a strong lead for the Leave campaign, Neil opined in some detail that such thin "markets" could be – and must have been – manipulated by a few very large bets that skewed the result; and of course, that this was almost certainly intentional.
Well guess what: my very smart friend was spot-on.
Ladbrokes' head of political betting, Matthew Shaddick admitted as much on CNBC. And he explained why: improved odds for Remain were driving financial markets higher. Translation: a lot of people were making a heck of a lot more money on the market moves than they were having to bet to cause that.
It gets worse. It turns out that only a few large bettors were dramatically skewing the odds in favor of Remain. The vast majority of bets were placed on Leave: they just weren't big enough bets to overcome the people skewing the odds.
The betting sites were all giving something like a 10,000% chance of a Clinton victory, exactly as you'd expect.
But what if you could make odds without bothering to have a market?
That's what Nate Silver did all year. In 2015 he gave Trump a roughly 0% chance of making it past August. He didn't even bother to consider the polling. He continued in that vein until Trump won the nomination. He let up a bit around Convention time, and then shot Clinton's odds back to around 90%. At the end, he gave Trump a 1-in-3 chance, to the great outrage of liberal punditry (and NeverTrumpers, of course).
So how did Silver come up with his odds? How did the Puffington Host come up with a 2% chance of Trump's election?
Who knows? Who cares? It was all bunk: not only in the sense that it was wrong, but in the sense that it was completely pulled out of thin air. Silver at least pretends to have a "scientific methodology". But come on.
The real point is this. If Trump and Clinton were only a few points apart – which is not only actually true, but is almost always true – then any number of things could swing the election toward the end. That's just how it works. And a two-point race, or a five-point race, is close, and everyone knows it's close.
But when betting sites and other "experts" say it's not a two-point race, or a five-point race, but rather a "70% chance" or whatever, that's equivalent to saying it's a done-deal. And that has a dramatic impact on how everyone acts thereafter.
Which is why the alleged odds makers have proliferated in politics this last year as we've never before seen. Someone at the DNC figured out how psychologically useful that difference is. And also, how easy it is to make these "odds" up with absolute impunity.
It's a scam as big as snake oil and Florida swampland.
As to actual ballot fraud, it might not be insignificant that both Ohio and Wisconsin had new laws requiring a photo ID. Crazy what happens when there's even a little bit of ballot security.
This doesn't exactly count as rigging, but it's close.
Newsbusters has a piece called "Scandal: Hollywood Spends Decades Scripting Hillary's Presidency". It goes through the dozens of TV series, movies and even children's books that have been programming you for President Hillary for a quarter century. There's stuff there even I'd forgotten. But you'll remember when you see it.
Indeed, the media's over-the-top bias and condescension got a lot of attention this week, and not just from Fox News. CBS actually ran a piece entitled "The Unbearable Smugness of the Press".
The New York Times, which announced earlier this year that journalists have a duty to be biased against Trump, and whose coverage was so pathetic that even Mark Halperin called it "The Onion", faced more concrete consequences than that: a 95.7% drop in its quarterly profit.
Yesterday, the Gray Lady felt the need to apologize to subscribers. Sort of.
There are about two billion examples. But it's hard to top 2016's "Dewey Defeats Truman" debacle.
Wednesday morning, Newsweek found itself scrambling to recall 125,000 copies of its "Hillary Wins" issue. They're currently going for as much as $500 a copy on eBay.
The inevitable leftist meltdown has been nothing if not entertaining.
It started with Hillary's refusal to thank her assembled supporters, people who'd worked for years for her, at a packed Javits Center Tuesday night.
Instead, she hid behind a man – as she is wont to do – sending John "Spirit Cooking" Podesta out to tell everyone to go home, as the campaign hadn't decided whether they'd won or lost as yet and would know more the next day. Why that should have affected any decent person's desire to thank the weeping crowd for their sacrifices one can only wonder.
Just five minutes later Hillary was on the phone conceding.
The tacky selfish leader was not to be outdone by her entitled snowflake followers.
A little more realistic, DNC staffers screamed at disgraced Chairman Donna Brazile in a staff meeting for "helping elect Trump".
Meanwhile, the Daily Beast (correctly) says Hillary destroyed her own campaign. They're not happy.
But don't worry: they haven't learned anything. News reports today state that the leading contender to replace Brazile is Minnesota's far-left Muslim Congressman Keith Ellison.
The much-vaunted Republican civil war, "that's coming no matter who wins"? That isn't going to happen (although there will likely be a bit of a purge). But the Democrats? They're about to eat each other.
Less amusing are the riots.
The irony of rioting by people who just told us Donald Trump was "threatening democracy" by not pre-accepting the results is pretty rich, of course.
Yes, it's because senior DNC and Clinton campaign operatives, caught on tape here discussing their acts, pay thugs to incite that violence.
They aren't the only reason. But if you think this high-level Brown-Shirtery isn't driving it, I have some more of that swampland to sell you.
Dilbert cartoonist Scott Adams, a liberal atheist, described this in alarming detail when he endorsed Donald Trump in a column called "The Bully Party". You very much need to read it.
This is the America we'd be living under had Hillary won. It's the America Donald Trump now has to sort out.
Case in point. Last night the media was full of a North Carolina KKK parade supposedly honoring Trump.
Let's help the slow kids.
1. How many Klan parades have you heard of in your entire lifetime?
2. How many Klan members even exist anymore? Seriously?
3. How many Klan parades have there been for other candidates in the last, say, 40 years?
4. How many Klan parades were there for Donald Trump before the election, when supposedly it would have helped him turn out all these alleged racist voters?
5. How many snowflake SJWs just spent this week telling us they were afraid of the Klan?
6. How many Klansmen (or fake Klansmen) have to actually identify themselves while they parade around in their head-and-face-covering hoods?
7. How many of you watched the video of top Hillary aides talking about how they paid operatives to incite violence at Trump rallies to make him look bad?
Yeah, this fake Klan parade is (obvious, heavy-handed) Dem agitprop, designed to fuel the post-election narrative that Trump is a scary racist we need to riot over.
It will get a lot worse.
By the way, even Michael Moore – who correctly predicted Trump's victory – is calling BS on the idea that Trump voters are racist. Worth a read.
Speaking of fake and meaningless protests, Colin Kaepernick didn't even bother to vote.
Meanwhile, NFL ratings just keep plummeting. There's a reason why.
One of the snowflakes on my Facebook wall argued that "both sides riot", which aside from being ludicrous also evokes images of a bunch of Alex P. Keatons setting fire to a pile of Izod shirts.
Terrible, huh? And more to the point, so very "morally equivalent".
As I keep telling you, personnel is policy. What Trump – or any politician – says is a lot less important than who he hires.
The early reports are great. You already know my thoughts on the brilliant conservative dynamo Kellyanne Conway. But this week, Trump named a who's who of Reagan conservatives that reads like the leadership of the "ultra-right" Council for National Policy, a group of which I have been a member for many years.
Chris Christie is out as head of the transition team; Mike Pence is in. Jeff Sessions' people are everywhere. My buddy Ken Blackwell is heading the domestic transition. The Heritage Foundation is staffing everything in sight.
The most amusing, of course, is Myron Ebell, whose appointment provoked Scientific American to print this: "Trump Picks Top Climate Skeptic to Lead EPA Transition".
Lindsey Graham suddenly thinks "there is no stronger Constitutional conservative than Ted Cruz", which is true, and wants Trump to name Cruz to the Supreme Court, which is probably Lindsey hoping to get Ted out of the Senate.
There are no cabinet picks yet, but early talk centers on Sessions, Newt, Ben Carson, Larry Kudlow, Steve Forbes, and Rick Perry.
It's a dream team, if true.
Actual policies haven't gotten lost either. You can look for yourself at GreatAgain.gov, which Trump wasted no time launching. Top priorities so far: building the wall, rebuilding the military, dismantling Dodd-Frank, tax cuts and tax reform, renegotiating NAFTA (which both Mexico and Canada say they're on board to do), and yes, repealing Obamacare.
The devil will be in the details. But imagine what the foregoing paragraph would have read like in a Hillary Administration.
It's time to wrap this up. But in quitting now, we quit after the victory, not before. And that's precisely what virtually everyone told us not to do. We spent an entire election being told to quit, being told it was over, being told there was no point in going forward at all. This was the principle rationale for NeverTrump, in fact: that Donald Trump must necessarily lose in such a blowout that he would take down the entire Republican Party with him.
It was in this way also like Brexit. Leave was certain to lose, they said. The betting sites gave it a 16% chance even after the polls closed. It won.
And Trump won. And we won. Overwhelmingly and historically.
It ain't over till it's over. No matter how many Erick Ericksons and Steve Deaces, no matter how many Bill Kristols and John Kasichs, no matter how many ABC and CBS polls tell us to stop.
The ideas which are America are greater than them. They're great enough to animate the world. And we are their custodians. They are in our care. It wouldn't have mattered if the outcome had been 99-1 against us. We owed it to everyone to fight on.
That is perhaps Donald Trump's greatest virtue. He fights, when all those around him tell him not to fight, when the whole Republican Party would rather cry in its beer and hand the country to its enemies than seem "mean" or "offensive" or fight.
Churchill said never quit, never never never quit. And we did not quit. And we won.
Yesterday was Veterans Day. It is the day we honor the sacrifice unto death of our heroes lo these two and a half centuries, and the willingness of millions more to give their lives as well.
Can we not, in a civic realm which, even now with leftist rioters, carries virtually no comparable risk, do the same?
Now, seeing just how great the potential truly is before us, perhaps far more of us will.
God bless America. Let us thank Him for His great deliverance.
And now, let's go forward and earn it.
P.S. Vote Now: Should Hillary be prosecuted? We have over 3,000 Facebook shares on our poll so far, and we want to hear from you too!


The Affordable Care Act and health insurance haven't had it easy in the media lately, but the Affordable Care Act should make shopping for health insurance easier for small businesses. While businesses have another year to make sure they're compliant with the Affordable Care Act, it doesn't mean small business owners should wait until the last minute to choose employee health care options.
That was the message heard by a group of small to mid-sized business owners who recently participated in the Obamacare Essentials seminar, sponsored by WGN Radio and COUNTRY Financial. The event, held at the Hyatt Lodge in Oakbrook, and hosted by Ilyce Glink, focused on what small businesses need to know about the upcoming health care changes under the new Affordable Care Act and what impact it will have on their employees and their business's bottom line.
Attendees heard from health care journalists Bruce Japsen and Alison Szot who helped explain the ins and outs of shopping for health insurance with the Affordable Care Act. They were joined by a panel of insurance and tax experts, including Matt Johnston of COUNTRY Life, Kevin Cassidy of Blue Cross Blue Shield of Illinois, Rich Fahn of Excell Benefit Group and Mark Luscombe of the CCH. Together they answered questions and cleared up a lot of the confusion business owners had surrounding tax credits, the SHOP exchange, penalties and more.
Making health care more understandable is a challenge, acknowledged Cassidy. But he does think the Affordable Care Act will make shopping for health insurance easier and more straightforward for small business owners and individuals. With high deductible health plans continuing to grow in popularity, employees want to be able to make the best decision possible. Cassidy hopes that the adoption of the essential benefits will allow shoppers to easily compare plans while getting a better grasp of what they'll actually be receiving.
Brokers are one way businesses can improve their grasp on the law and have an easier time shopping for insurance under the Affordable Care Act. Fahn repeatedly stressed the importance of using a broker when looking for new health insurance plans. "You're experts in your business, but you're not experts in health insurance," he said. Insurance premiums are the same whether a business or individual purchases a plan directly or through a broker, so Fahn recommends finding someone who knows all of the details surrounding the health care exchange.
Japsen explained some of the important benefits of the Affordable Care Act, stating that small businesses will have fewer surprises now that every insurance company has to offer a standard set of "10 essential benefits." These basic benefits will help level the playing field among buyers and allow for a more evenhanded shopping experience, he said.
Johnston agreed with Japsen's account of a level playing field. Under the Affordable Care Act, insurance companies will only be able to use three characteristics when underwriting health plans: age, smoker status and location. All previous medical issues and history will be taken out of the equation when shopping for a new health plan, Johnston affirmed.
The Affordable Care Act is a complex and evolving piece of legislation. By thinking about it now, small businesses will have plenty of time to plan ahead and determine whether they're making the best financial decision when it comes to providing health care for their employees.
If you want to learn more about what the Affordable Care Act means for small business owners, check out the Kaiser Family Foundation for Small Employers and their Employees at www.kff.org.


text:
Q: How to get rid of the error "_ms sql" not found There is a script with import pymssql.
I'm trying to compile this file with this command
As a result, I get an error:
45873 WARNING: Hidden import "_mssql" not found!
Maybe someone has encountered a similar one? Tell me what can be done?
enter image description here

A: If you are using pymssql > 2.1.5, you can add these arguments:
--hidden-import decimal --hidden-import pymssql._mssql --hidden-import uuid

when running PyInstaller.
I have updated the hook for this.


text:
Keywords: September 11 (150 Results)
Keywords: September 11 x
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Compensation for the Victims of September 11
Samuel Issacharoff and Anna Morawiec Mansfield
in The Handbook of Reparations
The September 11th Victims Compensation Fund can only hesitatingly find its place within a comprehensive study of reparation programs. While the origin of the Fund lies in the political exigencies ... More
The September 11th Victims Compensation Fund can only hesitatingly find its place within a comprehensive study of reparation programs. While the origin of the Fund lies in the political exigencies surrounding a perceived threat to the security of the United States, it more accurately reflects the desire by the U.S. Congress to ensure the viability of its nation's air carriers. Unlike traditional reparations which are closely related to a process of social reintegration of the victim, fostering civic trust and social solidarity, the Fund was not established to bring justice to the victims of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Also, unlike traditional reparations, the Fund did not seek to serve as a mechanism of corrective or distributive justice as a result of an authoritarian domestic regime or internal conflict. It was initially created out of fear that recourse to the U.S. courts would threaten the precarious financial health of the airline industry. Implicitly, however, such pragmatism reflected a desire by lawmakers that the government be seen as doing all it could to ease the pain of those who suffered so greatly on September 11, 2001. Initial motivations for the program aside, there is no question that the compensation scheme has since taken on a life of its own. Ultimately, the Fund's contribution to any reparations case-study lies in its cautionary tale about the creation of elaborate administrative schemes that try to individualize recoveries as the mechanisms through which to compensate victims.Less
Samuel IssacharoffAnna Morawiec Mansfield
The September 11th Victims Compensation Fund can only hesitatingly find its place within a comprehensive study of reparation programs. While the origin of the Fund lies in the political exigencies surrounding a perceived threat to the security of the United States, it more accurately reflects the desire by the U.S. Congress to ensure the viability of its nation's air carriers. Unlike traditional reparations which are closely related to a process of social reintegration of the victim, fostering civic trust and social solidarity, the Fund was not established to bring justice to the victims of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Also, unlike traditional reparations, the Fund did not seek to serve as a mechanism of corrective or distributive justice as a result of an authoritarian domestic regime or internal conflict. It was initially created out of fear that recourse to the U.S. courts would threaten the precarious financial health of the airline industry. Implicitly, however, such pragmatism reflected a desire by lawmakers that the government be seen as doing all it could to ease the pain of those who suffered so greatly on September 11, 2001. Initial motivations for the program aside, there is no question that the compensation scheme has since taken on a life of its own. Ultimately, the Fund's contribution to any reparations case-study lies in its cautionary tale about the creation of elaborate administrative schemes that try to individualize recoveries as the mechanisms through which to compensate victims.
Keywords: September 11, September 11th Victims Compensation Fund, United States, Congress, terrorist attacks, reparations program
Al‐Qaeda, September 11, 2001
Stephen Holmes
in Making Sense of Suicide Missions
Many of the key actors in the 9/11 drama articulated their grievances using archaic religious language. But the very fact that the code involved is ancient while the behaviour that needs to be ... More
Many of the key actors in the 9/11 drama articulated their grievances using archaic religious language. But the very fact that the code involved is ancient while the behaviour that needs to be explained is recent suggests the inadequacy of causal theories that overemphasize the religious element. This chapter examines whether non-religious motives may well have been predominant in the 9/11 mission. To pursue this suggestion, the inquiry is divided into two parts, discussing first the perpetrators and then the instigators and supervisors of the plot.Less
Many of the key actors in the 9/11 drama articulated their grievances using archaic religious language. But the very fact that the code involved is ancient while the behaviour that needs to be explained is recent suggests the inadequacy of causal theories that overemphasize the religious element. This chapter examines whether non-religious motives may well have been predominant in the 9/11 mission. To pursue this suggestion, the inquiry is divided into two parts, discussing first the perpetrators and then the instigators and supervisors of the plot.
Keywords: 9/11, al-Qaeda, terrorist attack, September 11, United States, religion
The Press as Patriot
Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Paul Waldman
in The Press Effect: Politicians, Journalists, and the Stories that Shape the Political World
In times of crisis, the press acts in a patriotic role, fostering national unity and defending American institutions. After George W. Bush was inaugurated, the press ignored evidence that Al Gore had ... More
In times of crisis, the press acts in a patriotic role, fostering national unity and defending American institutions. After George W. Bush was inaugurated, the press ignored evidence that Al Gore had as much of a claim to be the victor in Florida as Bush, shaping stories about postelection analyses of the Florida vote to make only a Bush victory seem legitimate. On September 11, journalists filled in rhetorical gaps in Bush's performance, then changed the criteria by which the president was judged.Less
Kathleen Hall JamiesonPaul Waldman
In times of crisis, the press acts in a patriotic role, fostering national unity and defending American institutions. After George W. Bush was inaugurated, the press ignored evidence that Al Gore had as much of a claim to be the victor in Florida as Bush, shaping stories about postelection analyses of the Florida vote to make only a Bush victory seem legitimate. On September 11, journalists filled in rhetorical gaps in Bush's performance, then changed the criteria by which the president was judged.
Keywords: 2000 election, George W. Bush, framing, Al Gore, journalism, legitimation, patriotism, rhetoric, September 11
The Missing Martyrs: Why There Are So Few Muslim Terrorists
Charles Kurzman
Religion, Islam
Why are there so few Muslim terrorists? With more than a billion Muslims in the world—many of whom supposedly hate the West and ardently desire martyrdom—why don't we see terrorist attacks every day? ... More
Why are there so few Muslim terrorists? With more than a billion Muslims in the world—many of whom supposedly hate the West and ardently desire martyrdom—why don't we see terrorist attacks every day? Where are the missing martyrs? This counterintuitive book demonstrates that terrorist groups are thoroughly marginal in the Muslim world. Drawing on government sources, public opinion surveys, election results, and in-depth interviews with Muslims in the Middle East and around the world, the book finds that young Muslims are indeed angry with what they see as imperialism—and especially at Western support for local dictatorships. But revolutionary Islamists such as al-Qaida and the Taliban have failed to reach them, as can be seen from the terrorists' own websites and publications, which constantly bemoan the dearth of willing recruits. It takes only a small cadre of committed killers to wreak unspeakable havoc. But as easy as terrorism is to commit, few Muslims turn to violence. With each bombing, the terrorists lose support among Muslims. The threat of Islamist terrorism is real, but its dimensions are, so far, tightly confined.Less
The Missing Martyrs : Why There Are So Few Muslim Terrorists
Why are there so few Muslim terrorists? With more than a billion Muslims in the world—many of whom supposedly hate the West and ardently desire martyrdom—why don't we see terrorist attacks every day? Where are the missing martyrs? This counterintuitive book demonstrates that terrorist groups are thoroughly marginal in the Muslim world. Drawing on government sources, public opinion surveys, election results, and in-depth interviews with Muslims in the Middle East and around the world, the book finds that young Muslims are indeed angry with what they see as imperialism—and especially at Western support for local dictatorships. But revolutionary Islamists such as al-Qaida and the Taliban have failed to reach them, as can be seen from the terrorists' own websites and publications, which constantly bemoan the dearth of willing recruits. It takes only a small cadre of committed killers to wreak unspeakable havoc. But as easy as terrorism is to commit, few Muslims turn to violence. With each bombing, the terrorists lose support among Muslims. The threat of Islamist terrorism is real, but its dimensions are, so far, tightly confined.
Keywords: Islam, Islamic, Islamist, Muslim, terror, terrorism, terrorist, al-Qaida, Taliban, September 11
The September 11th Attacks and the Rise of Anti-Muslim Fringe Organizations
Christopher Bail
in Terrified: How Anti-Muslim Fringe Organizations Became Mainstream
Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter charts the contours of the cultural environment inhabited by civil society organizations in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks. While the majority of these organizations ... More
This chapter charts the contours of the cultural environment inhabited by civil society organizations in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks. While the majority of these organizations continued to produce positive or neutral messages about Islam, journalists were heavily influenced by the emotional appeals of a small group of anti-Muslim organizations—despite their meager social and financial resources. More than a decade after the September 11 attacks, anti-Muslim organizations enjoy considerable influence upon media, government, and public opinion. Meanwhile, the influence of mainstream Muslim organizations has substantially decreased. How did mainstream Muslim organizations lose so much of their influence within the American public sphere? How did anti-Muslim fringe organizations captivate the American media, government, and broader public?Less
This chapter charts the contours of the cultural environment inhabited by civil society organizations in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks. While the majority of these organizations continued to produce positive or neutral messages about Islam, journalists were heavily influenced by the emotional appeals of a small group of anti-Muslim organizations—despite their meager social and financial resources. More than a decade after the September 11 attacks, anti-Muslim organizations enjoy considerable influence upon media, government, and public opinion. Meanwhile, the influence of mainstream Muslim organizations has substantially decreased. How did mainstream Muslim organizations lose so much of their influence within the American public sphere? How did anti-Muslim fringe organizations captivate the American media, government, and broader public?
Keywords: cultural environment, civil society organizations, September 11, Islam, anti-Muslim organizations
The Cultural Environment of Collective Behavior
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to answer the question of how a small group of anti-Muslim organizations commandeered the collective identity of Islam across so much of the ... More
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to answer the question of how a small group of anti-Muslim organizations commandeered the collective identity of Islam across so much of the American public sphere. It examines how collective actors compete to shape shared understandings of Islam within the American media, the policy process, and everyday life. In so doing, the book provides a new theory of how collective actors create cultural change after major historical ruptures such as the September 11 attacks. The chapter then discusses the study of cultural change with Big Data, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.Less
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to answer the question of how a small group of anti-Muslim organizations commandeered the collective identity of Islam across so much of the American public sphere. It examines how collective actors compete to shape shared understandings of Islam within the American media, the policy process, and everyday life. In so doing, the book provides a new theory of how collective actors create cultural change after major historical ruptures such as the September 11 attacks. The chapter then discusses the study of cultural change with Big Data, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.
Keywords: cultural change, anti-Muslim organizations, collective identity, Islam, September 11
The Rip Tide: Mainstream Muslim Organizations Respond
This chapter explains why the impassioned warnings of anti-Muslim fringe organizations overshadowed the dispassionate condemnations of terrorism produced by mainstream organizations with superior ... More
This chapter explains why the impassioned warnings of anti-Muslim fringe organizations overshadowed the dispassionate condemnations of terrorism produced by mainstream organizations with superior financial and social resources after the September 11 attacks. Moreover, it explains how the rise of anti-Muslim fringe organizations within the mass media provoked angry responses from mainstream organizations that only called further attention to these once-obscure actors within the American public sphere. Finally, the chapter explains how consternation about whether and how to respond to the continued rise of the fringe created tension and splintering within the mainstream, and thus further opportunity for fringe organizations to advance their peripheral cultural messages within the media.Less
The Rip Tide : Mainstream Muslim Organizations Respond
This chapter explains why the impassioned warnings of anti-Muslim fringe organizations overshadowed the dispassionate condemnations of terrorism produced by mainstream organizations with superior financial and social resources after the September 11 attacks. Moreover, it explains how the rise of anti-Muslim fringe organizations within the mass media provoked angry responses from mainstream organizations that only called further attention to these once-obscure actors within the American public sphere. Finally, the chapter explains how consternation about whether and how to respond to the continued rise of the fringe created tension and splintering within the mainstream, and thus further opportunity for fringe organizations to advance their peripheral cultural messages within the media.
Keywords: anti-Muslim, fringe organizations, civil society organizations, Islam, September 11, terrorism
On Stating the Problem and Thesis
John Paul Lederach
in The Moral Imagination: The Art and Soul of Building Peace
This chapter begins with presenting some background on the painting September 11 used on the cover of this book, which is by Russian artist Akmal Mizshakarol. It then presents the question posed by ... More
This chapter begins with presenting some background on the painting September 11 used on the cover of this book, which is by Russian artist Akmal Mizshakarol. It then presents the question posed by the book: how do we transcend the cycles of violence that bewitch our human community while still living in them? The chapter suggests that transcending violence is forged by the capacity to generate, mobilize, and build the moral imagination.Less
This chapter begins with presenting some background on the painting September 11 used on the cover of this book, which is by Russian artist Akmal Mizshakarol. It then presents the question posed by the book: how do we transcend the cycles of violence that bewitch our human community while still living in them? The chapter suggests that transcending violence is forged by the capacity to generate, mobilize, and build the moral imagination.
Keywords: September 11, violence, moral imagination, human community
Conclusion: Humanitarian Intervention after 11 September
Jennifer M. Welsh
in Humanitarian Intervention and International Relations
This concluding chapter assesses the debate over humanitarian intervention in the light of the events of September 11, 2001. On the one hand, it can be argued that 9/11 has reversed the momentum ... More
This concluding chapter assesses the debate over humanitarian intervention in the light of the events of September 11, 2001. On the one hand, it can be argued that 9/11 has reversed the momentum behind the norm of 'sovereignty as responsibility'. In the course of waging the war on terrorism, the powers of sovereign states have been increased and the willingness of Western states to criticize the treatment of civilians within other sovereign jurisdictions appears to have weakened. On the other, there are three reasons why humanitarian intervention – and the issues associated with it – will continue to preoccupy scholars and statesmen in a post-September 11th world. First, the terrorist attacks of 2001 have reinforced the view that instability within or collapse of a state anywhere in the world can have implications that reach far wider than that particular region. Second, the debate about what constraints should be placed on the use of force – particularly those related to proper authority – are as relevant for the 'war on terror' as they are for humanitarian intervention. Finally, as the missions in Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003 have shown, humanitarian rationale are all-important in justifying the use of force in international society, even when other motives are at work.Less
This concluding chapter assesses the debate over humanitarian intervention in the light of the events of September 11, 2001. On the one hand, it can be argued that 9/11 has reversed the momentum behind the norm of 'sovereignty as responsibility'. In the course of waging the war on terrorism, the powers of sovereign states have been increased and the willingness of Western states to criticize the treatment of civilians within other sovereign jurisdictions appears to have weakened. On the other, there are three reasons why humanitarian intervention – and the issues associated with it – will continue to preoccupy scholars and statesmen in a post-September 11th world. First, the terrorist attacks of 2001 have reinforced the view that instability within or collapse of a state anywhere in the world can have implications that reach far wider than that particular region. Second, the debate about what constraints should be placed on the use of force – particularly those related to proper authority – are as relevant for the 'war on terror' as they are for humanitarian intervention. Finally, as the missions in Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003 have shown, humanitarian rationale are all-important in justifying the use of force in international society, even when other motives are at work.
Keywords: Afghanistan, Al–Qaeda, Bush Doctrine, Chechnya, counter-terrorism, criteria, extreme emergency, International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, just cause, Patriot Act, proper authority, proportionality, Saddam Hussein, September 11th, Taliban
From the Slave Trade to the September 11th Attacks
This chapter begins with a brief history of the dozens of civil society organizations that worked to shape the representation of Muslims within the American public sphere before the September 11 ... More
This chapter begins with a brief history of the dozens of civil society organizations that worked to shape the representation of Muslims within the American public sphere before the September 11 attacks. These include a diverse array of African American and immigrant Muslim organizations, as well as Jewish, Christian, and nonreligious civil society organizations that became involved in public discussions about Islam during the Arab–Israeli War, the Iranian hostage crisis, and other high-profile events involving Muslims. This broad historical perspective highlights the emergence of mainstream civil society organizations that produced positive or neutral messages about Muslims in the decade before the September 11th attacks, alongside a small group of fringe organizations with predominantly anti-Muslim messages.Less
This chapter begins with a brief history of the dozens of civil society organizations that worked to shape the representation of Muslims within the American public sphere before the September 11 attacks. These include a diverse array of African American and immigrant Muslim organizations, as well as Jewish, Christian, and nonreligious civil society organizations that became involved in public discussions about Islam during the Arab–Israeli War, the Iranian hostage crisis, and other high-profile events involving Muslims. This broad historical perspective highlights the emergence of mainstream civil society organizations that produced positive or neutral messages about Muslims in the decade before the September 11th attacks, alongside a small group of fringe organizations with predominantly anti-Muslim messages.
Keywords: civil society organizations, September 11, Middle East conflict, Islam, Muslims, fringe organizations
Transatlantic Drift: The Present and the Future
in The United States and Western Europe Since 1945: From "Empire" by Invitation to Transatlantic Drift
Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New ... More
Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.Less
Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.
Keywords: Afghanistan War, American–Western European relations, Cold War, cultural disputes, demographic change, Eastern Europe, economic disputes, EU, EU expansion, EU strength, George W. Bush, George W. Bush administration, Iraq war, NATO, North Korean crisis, out‐of‐area disputes, redefinition of relationship, September 11 2001, transatlantic drift, transatlantic split, unilateralism, World Trade Centre
Glenn Yago and Susanne Trimbath
in Beyond Junk Bonds: Expanding High Yield Markets
Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
This short introductory chapter provides a brief analysis of the high‐yield (junk bond) market in the USA in 2001 and 2002, discussing the multitude of influences upon it, including the September 11, ... More
This short introductory chapter provides a brief analysis of the high‐yield (junk bond) market in the USA in 2001 and 2002, discussing the multitude of influences upon it, including the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It notes that any attempt to compare the impact of these attacks with previous historical events will be flawed because the combination of an act of war committed in the USA at the time of a recession has never before occurred. A table is presented that attempts to sort out the positive and negative effects of individual events and circumstances on the market for high‐yield securities, and a summary is given of the immediate damage to the credit markets in September 2001. It is suggested that there is at least anecdotal evidence of large cash positions sitting on the sidelines globally, so that any recovery could be significant.Less
Glenn YagoSusanne Trimbath
This short introductory chapter provides a brief analysis of the high‐yield (junk bond) market in the USA in 2001 and 2002, discussing the multitude of influences upon it, including the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It notes that any attempt to compare the impact of these attacks with previous historical events will be flawed because the combination of an act of war committed in the USA at the time of a recession has never before occurred. A table is presented that attempts to sort out the positive and negative effects of individual events and circumstances on the market for high‐yield securities, and a summary is given of the immediate damage to the credit markets in September 2001. It is suggested that there is at least anecdotal evidence of large cash positions sitting on the sidelines globally, so that any recovery could be significant.
Keywords: credit markets, high‐yield markets, junk bonds, recession, September 11 (2001), terrorist attacks, USA
U.S. Foreign Policy and Global Religious Pluralism
Elizabeth H. Prodromou
in Religious Pluralism, Globalization, and World Politics
Religion, Sikhism
Under the presidency of George W. Bush, this chapter argues, religious identities and ethical commitments had a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy—and an even greater impact on perceptions of ... More
Under the presidency of George W. Bush, this chapter argues, religious identities and ethical commitments had a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy—and an even greater impact on perceptions of that policy abroad. The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 and the attacks of September 11, 2001, were critical junctures. The end of the cold war and religious mobilization in U.S. politics coincided with heightened awareness of religious persecution across many countries, culminating in the 1998 legislation. And in the wake of the terrorist attacks on the U.S., the struggle against Islamic radicalism became both a foreign policy priority and a rallying cry in U.S. domestic politics. The worldwide perception of a religious impetus in U.S. foreign policy has had a negative impact on America's standing in the world.Less
Under the presidency of George W. Bush, this chapter argues, religious identities and ethical commitments had a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy—and an even greater impact on perceptions of that policy abroad. The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 and the attacks of September 11, 2001, were critical junctures. The end of the cold war and religious mobilization in U.S. politics coincided with heightened awareness of religious persecution across many countries, culminating in the 1998 legislation. And in the wake of the terrorist attacks on the U.S., the struggle against Islamic radicalism became both a foreign policy priority and a rallying cry in U.S. domestic politics. The worldwide perception of a religious impetus in U.S. foreign policy has had a negative impact on America's standing in the world.
Keywords: United States, religious freedom, George W. Bush, September 11, International Religious Freedom Act, Iraq, Afghanistan
The Constructivist Challenge after September 11
Christian Reus-Smit
in International Society and its Critics
The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this ... More
The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this chapter, the author investigates the emerging dialogue between English School and constructivist approaches in order to explore how they help to understand the post‐September 11 world, arguing, in particular, that, taken together, both English School and constructivist scholarship can add much to the understanding of contemporary international society. The chapter undertakes two tasks, first, it revisits an argument made elsewhere by the author: that although constructivism and the English School share much in common, and there is considerable scope for productive engagement, scholars on both sides are currently mired in an unproductive dialogue of stereotypes. In this dialogue, constructivists draw little more from the English School than the well‐rehearsed proposition that states can form international societies not just systems, and English School scholars focus too heavily on the statist, positivistic form of constructivism associated with the writings of Alexander Wendt – although it is likely to be far more fruitful to see both perspectives as bounded realms of debate, each characterized by significant internal debates over ontology, methods, and ethics. The chapter's second task is to suggest how an enriched dialogue between constructivism and the English School could be productively deployed to grapple with some of the central research questions of the post‐September 11 world: namely, the relationship between power and institutions, international society and world society, and order and justice.Less
The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this chapter, the author investigates the emerging dialogue between English School and constructivist approaches in order to explore how they help to understand the post‐September 11 world, arguing, in particular, that, taken together, both English School and constructivist scholarship can add much to the understanding of contemporary international society. The chapter undertakes two tasks, first, it revisits an argument made elsewhere by the author: that although constructivism and the English School share much in common, and there is considerable scope for productive engagement, scholars on both sides are currently mired in an unproductive dialogue of stereotypes. In this dialogue, constructivists draw little more from the English School than the well‐rehearsed proposition that states can form international societies not just systems, and English School scholars focus too heavily on the statist, positivistic form of constructivism associated with the writings of Alexander Wendt – although it is likely to be far more fruitful to see both perspectives as bounded realms of debate, each characterized by significant internal debates over ontology, methods, and ethics. The chapter's second task is to suggest how an enriched dialogue between constructivism and the English School could be productively deployed to grapple with some of the central research questions of the post‐September 11 world: namely, the relationship between power and institutions, international society and world society, and order and justice.
Keywords: constructivism, dialogue, English School of International Relations, institutions, international relations, international society, international systems, justice, order and justice, order, post‐September 11 world, power and institutions, power, research agenda, world society
The Evolution of Cultural Environments
This chapter summarizes the evolutionary theory of how civil society organizations shape the evolution of cultural environments in the wake of major crises such as the September 11 attacks. It ... More
This chapter summarizes the evolutionary theory of how civil society organizations shape the evolution of cultural environments in the wake of major crises such as the September 11 attacks. It discusses the international implications of the rise of anti-Muslim messages within the American public sphere. It argues that the evolution of shared understandings of Islam in the American public sphere cannot be explained via cultural, structural, or social-psychological factors alone. Rather than independent causal factors competing for influence, culture, structure, and social psychology are best described as interdependent forces that combine to produce a new status quo as societies transition out of crises. The interpenetration of culture, structure, and social psychology creates a particularly powerful form of cultural change because it is largely invisible.Less
This chapter summarizes the evolutionary theory of how civil society organizations shape the evolution of cultural environments in the wake of major crises such as the September 11 attacks. It discusses the international implications of the rise of anti-Muslim messages within the American public sphere. It argues that the evolution of shared understandings of Islam in the American public sphere cannot be explained via cultural, structural, or social-psychological factors alone. Rather than independent causal factors competing for influence, culture, structure, and social psychology are best described as interdependent forces that combine to produce a new status quo as societies transition out of crises. The interpenetration of culture, structure, and social psychology creates a particularly powerful form of cultural change because it is largely invisible.
Keywords: civil society organizations, September 11, anti-Muslim organizations, cultural environment, culture, structure, social psychology
The Psychology of Terrorism Fears
Samuel Justin Sinclair and Daniel Antonius
Psychology, Social Psychology
The psychology of terrorism, in its most basic form, is about fear. While academics continue to debate the meaning of terrorism, the end result for many people affected is fear and terror. However, ... More
The psychology of terrorism, in its most basic form, is about fear. While academics continue to debate the meaning of terrorism, the end result for many people affected is fear and terror. However, many studying the effects of terrorism have focused more exclusively on discrete psychopathological constructs, most of which are clinically based. Ironically, these paradigms fail to acknowledge the primacy of basic fear in the context of terrorism, as well as how fear affects people in both positive and negative ways—above and beyond whether one meets criteria for a clinical disorder. The purpose of this book is to unpack the complexity of terrorism fears, and to present a new paradigm for understanding the psychology of terrorism. As such, this book will present empirical and theoretical frameworks for understanding fear as a dynamic process that motivates and affects people on a myriad of levels, from the individual to society at large. The book will also highlight the paradox of how fear can negatively affect people and societies and can also be a central force underlying resilience and post-traumatic growth in the context of terrorism and political violence. Finally, this volume will discuss how society has changed as a function of terrorism, and specifically how our own systems for managing terrorism may in fact contribute to fear.Less
Samuel Justin SinclairDaniel Antonius
The psychology of terrorism, in its most basic form, is about fear. While academics continue to debate the meaning of terrorism, the end result for many people affected is fear and terror. However, many studying the effects of terrorism have focused more exclusively on discrete psychopathological constructs, most of which are clinically based. Ironically, these paradigms fail to acknowledge the primacy of basic fear in the context of terrorism, as well as how fear affects people in both positive and negative ways—above and beyond whether one meets criteria for a clinical disorder. The purpose of this book is to unpack the complexity of terrorism fears, and to present a new paradigm for understanding the psychology of terrorism. As such, this book will present empirical and theoretical frameworks for understanding fear as a dynamic process that motivates and affects people on a myriad of levels, from the individual to society at large. The book will also highlight the paradox of how fear can negatively affect people and societies and can also be a central force underlying resilience and post-traumatic growth in the context of terrorism and political violence. Finally, this volume will discuss how society has changed as a function of terrorism, and specifically how our own systems for managing terrorism may in fact contribute to fear.
Keywords: terrorism, terrorism fears, pre-traumatic stress, anticipatory fear, terrorism trauma, Terrorism Catastrophizing Scale, psychological resilience, post-traumatic growth, September 11, 2001
Rumor and September 11: Understanding the Unthinkable
Gary Alan Fine and Bill Ellis
in The Global Grapevine: Why Rumors of Terrorism, Immigration, and Trade Matter
Using beliefs and rumors that emerged during the first days after September 11, this chapter discusses how a culture in crisis uses these tools to make sense out of a disorienting event such as this. ... More
Using beliefs and rumors that emerged during the first days after September 11, this chapter discusses how a culture in crisis uses these tools to make sense out of a disorienting event such as this. Rumor is a truth claim not backed by authoritative information. Whether true or false, it is an expression of a community's collective beliefs. These are especially illustrated in rumors about religious miracles and signs that occurred in the attacks, about groups of Arab Americans who publicly celebrated the event, and about a terrorist who warned his girlfriend about the attack in advance. The chapter analyzes these in terms of the politics of plausibility (the sort of thing Americans are predisposed to believe) and of credibility (the sources that Americans normally trust for reliable information). To flourish in public discourse, a rumor should be both credible and plausible.Less
Rumor and September 11 : Understanding the Unthinkable
Gary Alan FineBill Ellis
Using beliefs and rumors that emerged during the first days after September 11, this chapter discusses how a culture in crisis uses these tools to make sense out of a disorienting event such as this. Rumor is a truth claim not backed by authoritative information. Whether true or false, it is an expression of a community's collective beliefs. These are especially illustrated in rumors about religious miracles and signs that occurred in the attacks, about groups of Arab Americans who publicly celebrated the event, and about a terrorist who warned his girlfriend about the attack in advance. The chapter analyzes these in terms of the politics of plausibility (the sort of thing Americans are predisposed to believe) and of credibility (the sources that Americans normally trust for reliable information). To flourish in public discourse, a rumor should be both credible and plausible.
Keywords: September 11, terrorist, rumor, truth claim, collective beliefs, miracles, Arab Americans, plausibility, credibility
(Re)Imagining the Governance of Globalization
Part Three of the book turns to the question of international society and international relations after September 11, starting with a chapter by Richard Falk, who argues that international society ... More
Part Three of the book turns to the question of international society and international relations after September 11, starting with a chapter by Richard Falk, who argues that international society remains a useful starting point for studying today's globalized world because it is predicated on the dual assertions of international anarchy and a (potentially) global normative order – a duality that provides a fertile breeding ground for different accounts of what the world should look like. The author discusses the changing geopolitical context of globalization and global governance, suggesting that if globalization is to be retained as a label for the current phase of international relations, its net must be cast far more broadly than it has been – since the events of 2001 it needs to be interpreted far less economistically, and more comprehensively. The last part of the chapter considers approaches to global governance, international society, and world society given this altered understanding of 'globalization'. The author identifies five overlapping accounts of globalization that provide alternative and competing pictures of the future of global governance and international society: corporate globalization, which refers to the growth of transnational business and the forging of common interests and values based on neoliberal economics; civic globalization, which in many ways is a civil society response to the corporate variety and has manifested itself in a number of transnational anti‐globalization movements, but has now moved beyond straightforward opposition towards the articulation of new global political agendas; imperial globalization, which is a US‐led form of globalization that seeks not the creation of a genuinely multinational neoliberal global economy but rather the extension of American power and the satisfaction of US interests narrowly conceived; apocalyptic globalization, the variant promoted by Osama Bin Laden and his followers and aims to overthrow the society of states and replace it with an Islamic world state; and regional globalization, in which a number of regions around the world are developing their own subsystems as a way of moderating pressures created by the global flow of capital. The author argues that none of these forms of globalization is likely to predominate completely, but that the relationship between them is likely to shape the nature of global governance for the foreseeable future.Less
Part Three of the book turns to the question of international society and international relations after September 11, starting with a chapter by Richard Falk, who argues that international society remains a useful starting point for studying today's globalized world because it is predicated on the dual assertions of international anarchy and a (potentially) global normative order – a duality that provides a fertile breeding ground for different accounts of what the world should look like. The author discusses the changing geopolitical context of globalization and global governance, suggesting that if globalization is to be retained as a label for the current phase of international relations, its net must be cast far more broadly than it has been – since the events of 2001 it needs to be interpreted far less economistically, and more comprehensively. The last part of the chapter considers approaches to global governance, international society, and world society given this altered understanding of 'globalization'. The author identifies five overlapping accounts of globalization that provide alternative and competing pictures of the future of global governance and international society: corporate globalization, which refers to the growth of transnational business and the forging of common interests and values based on neoliberal economics; civic globalization, which in many ways is a civil society response to the corporate variety and has manifested itself in a number of transnational anti‐globalization movements, but has now moved beyond straightforward opposition towards the articulation of new global political agendas; imperial globalization, which is a US‐led form of globalization that seeks not the creation of a genuinely multinational neoliberal global economy but rather the extension of American power and the satisfaction of US interests narrowly conceived; apocalyptic globalization, the variant promoted by Osama Bin Laden and his followers and aims to overthrow the society of states and replace it with an Islamic world state; and regional globalization, in which a number of regions around the world are developing their own subsystems as a way of moderating pressures created by the global flow of capital. The author argues that none of these forms of globalization is likely to predominate completely, but that the relationship between them is likely to shape the nature of global governance for the foreseeable future.
Keywords: American power, anti‐globalization movements, apocalyptic globalization, Osama Bin Laden, civic globalization, civil society, corporate globalization, global governance, global political agendas, globalization, imperial globalization, international relations, international society, neoliberalism, regional globalization, September 11, USA, US interests, world society
The Press Effect: Politicians, Journalists, and the Stories that Shape the Political World
What Americans know, understand, and believe about the world of politics is the product of a negotiation between journalists and political actors. The news is primarily shaped not by a liberal or ... More
What Americans know, understand, and believe about the world of politics is the product of a negotiation between journalists and political actors. The news is primarily shaped not by a liberal or conservative bias, but by the need for news to be dramatic and easily packaged. Consequently, the frames into which events are fit – more than any objective idea of truth – determine what information passes through the news filter. The Press Effect surveys events in a critical period of American history, from the election of 2000 through the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. In each of the events that took place, journalists inhabited a different role that shaped the news. During the election between Bush and Gore, they acted as amateur psychologists, delving into the minds of the candidates in an attempt to reveal their true character. On election night, they acted as soothsayers, while in the postelection events in Florida, the press actively shaped events. On September 11 and after, journalists functioned as patriots, seeking to unify the country. In each case, the role inhabited by the press left critical questions unanswered and allowed distortions of the facts to pass into news. The book closes with a discussion of the means by which the press can enhance its most critical role, that of custodian of fact.Less
The Press Effect : Politicians, Journalists, and the Stories that Shape the Political World
What Americans know, understand, and believe about the world of politics is the product of a negotiation between journalists and political actors. The news is primarily shaped not by a liberal or conservative bias, but by the need for news to be dramatic and easily packaged. Consequently, the frames into which events are fit – more than any objective idea of truth – determine what information passes through the news filter.
The Press Effect surveys events in a critical period of American history, from the election of 2000 through the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. In each of the events that took place, journalists inhabited a different role that shaped the news. During the election between Bush and Gore, they acted as amateur psychologists, delving into the minds of the candidates in an attempt to reveal their true character. On election night, they acted as soothsayers, while in the postelection events in Florida, the press actively shaped events. On September 11 and after, journalists functioned as patriots, seeking to unify the country. In each case, the role inhabited by the press left critical questions unanswered and allowed distortions of the facts to pass into news. The book closes with a discussion of the means by which the press can enhance its most critical role, that of custodian of fact.
Keywords: 2000 election, framing, journalism, news bias, patriotism, politics, press, public opinion, September 11


Original contributions of leading scholars in their field give an insight in the current state of research on textile art in the Middle Ages and early modern times.
Precious textiles, fabrics, embroideries, and tapestries played an important role in medieval and early modern cultures of representation. The high esteem in which the textile arts were held was not only due to the enormous material value of gold and silk, which had to be imported from distant regions, but also to the extremely complex and time-consuming production conditions which required a level of technical expertise that was present only in a few highly specialized centers.
In stark contrast to their medieval and early-modern reception, it has been only in recent years that the traditional view of the textile arts in art-historical discourse as an 'applied' art, and therefore a 'low' one, has undergone a fundamental shift. The aim of this volume is to provide insight into the current state of research on the topic. Ranging from the twelfth to the seventeenth centuries, this collection of essays of leading scholars in the field offers an invaluable window into the complexity of the textile arts and their medium, from the overpowering splendour of liturgical and princely garments and the luxurious fabrics used for them in the Middle Ages and early modern period, to the visual world of monumental room decorations in the form of tapestries.


text:
FEATURES | PRESS
OUR HERSTORY
In May 2014, the idea of PowerWomen232 was just that, an idea. Several PowerWomen members had been invited to a meeting with Evelyn Oputu, the former Managing Director of Bank of Industry in Nigeria by the then Gender Adviser to the President, Madam Naasu Fofanah in February 2014. The meeting with Ms. Oputu was extremely powerful. She challenged us, called us out and told us about her 'Circle of Women' who meet regularly to socialize, do good and do business. She challenged us to set up a network for professional women, to make our first million and to work better together as women. This is something that was truly missing in Sierra Leone. We all felt there was a need. We were thrilled! Fired up! We agreed upon and then cancelled numerous meetings in the months that followed. We were going down the path of most dreams and ideas...nowhere.
Following a symposium organized by the 50/50 Group and FIFA president Isha Johansen on empowering women, Manja Kargbo and Yeniva Sisay-Sogbeh decided to take the lead and start. In July 2014, the first PW232 meeting was held. During the meeting, we agreed on a name, we agreed on how to chart our way forward and we agreed that every year, we must have a community service component. PowerWomen, 232 for the area code of Sierra Leone, on a mission to inspire, engage, lead.
We agreed to meet at the end of September 2014 when most members would have returned from holidays however we never imagined that Ebola would destroy families, communities and the nation. When the Ebola virus became out of control, our current President Yeniva created a whatsapp group, at first it was to share information, a week into starting the group, suggestions were made that something must be done, PW232 members, did not want to sit on the sidelines, we decided to take action. A proposal was written to support Health Care Workers with Care Packages. The intent was to submit the proposal to donors for funding. But PowerWomen members decided that wasn't the route we wanted to take. We felt that we should collaborate with Sierra Leoneans across the country to show appreciation to the health care workers who were putting their lives on the line to save our country.
We partnered with Radio Democracy 98.1 through Asmaa James, the Radio Station Manager and the Vice-President of PowerWomen232. The partnership called for Sierra Leoneans to donate non-perishable items that we could include in care packages. The initial call for donations of food items wasn't successful. Members then decided that we needed to show commitment, each member made a donation, some went further and asked family and friends to contribute. This morphed into the supermarket drive where we saw hundreds of ordinary citizens come out and make contributions and show their support. All hands on Deck meant that although we all can't be on the frontlines we care. It was powerful to see the outpouring of support. Our first donation of care packages to Health Care Workers was a labor of love from PW232 members, our friends and our families. The rest they say is herstory.
Following the first donation, the response from the public both locally and globally was enormous. We received in-kind and monetary donations from individuals, groups and organizations. Half of the funds raised was done through our CrowdRise account which was shut down at the end of December 2014.
With the success of the care package drive we had a stronger will and drive to focus on our core mandate to:
INSPIRE . ENGAGE . LEAD
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