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As the Presidential election of 1856 heated up, so did sectionalism, as the United States threatened to disunite over slavery. It also was the first campaign by a new political party: the Republican party, running anti-slavery candidate John C. Frémont. "Who Are the Aggressors?," by Samuel Griswold Goodrich, is a reply to critics of Frémont's party and to Southerners threatening secession.
As the author of popular works for children, Goodrich was scrutinized by those on both sides of the issue. From the 1830s through the 1850s, both abolitionists and pro-slavery critics tended to claim his works—for the other side. In 1837, the editor of the Charleston Courier [Charleston, South Carolina] took issue with "Story of a Slave Ship" in Peter Parley's Tales of the Sea (Boston: Gray & Bowen, 1831), declaring that "Should the circulation of this publication be continued, the offender will subject himself to a prosecution, which will certainly be instituted." [35 (17 August 1837); p. 2, col 2] In 1839, an abolitionist was dismayed to find that an anti-slavery paragraph had been removed from one of Goodrich's geographies. [G. D. "Another Peter Fallen." Philanthropist 2 (2 July 1839); p. 2] In 1852, the New Orleans Courier complained that "many of the school books used in the South are of an extremely objectionable tendency," with many displaying "a covert hostility to Southern institutions"; Goodrich's Parley books "are full of this insidious poison, even in the pictorial illustrations." ["President Wayland an Incendiary." In The Liberator 22 (26 March 1852); p. 50, col 1] Though Goodrich was no longer editing Robert Merry's Museum, in 1857, abolitionist Henry C. Wright ranted against the magazine, calling it "the handmaid of slavery". ["Letter From Henry C. Wright: 'Merry's Museum' the Handmaid of Slavery." The Liberator, 27 (March 20, 1857): 48, col 3-4.]
In Goodrich's works for children, slavery is evil, and "every good man is bound to exert himself ardently, to relieve the country from the crime of holding thousands and thousands of our fellow beings in slavery." [Tales of the Sea; p. 122] But, as a member of the newly formed political party, Goodrich took a moderate view toward slavery and abolition. His description of slavery seems naive or simply obsequious: "I have … seen slavery, and I believe … that in no country, anywhere, in any age, has it ever been so mildly administered, so much softened by a general feeling of kindness and humanity. The very fire-eaters, those who make war on abolitionists and shake their fists in the faces of Republicans, are, I doubt not, many of them kind and gentle masters to their slaves." From the 21st century, the insistence that slavery could be allowed to exist at all is infuriating. Because slavery was constitutional, the argument ran, it should be contained to the current slave states: "We accept it as sheltered by the compromise of the constitution. Within this boundary it is sacred." The Republicans believed that "that all political action on the part of the government of the United States, intended to affect slavery adversely, in the southern states, is wrong. … We war not against slaveholders, but slave extensionists. Within its legitimate limits it is safe, but when it passes these boundaries and, by violence, seeks to extend and establish itself to the free soil of the Union, we confront it and oppose it."
Of course, Frémont didn't win the election; and it's difficult to imagine that this tepid abolitionism would have kept a rickety Union glued together. It certainly didn't work for James Buchanan. But by the time secession began, Goodrich wasn't alive to witness it.
Notes: The "friend in Kentucky" may have been one of the partners in Morton & Griswold, who published a number of Goodrich's works from 1839 to 1857. "Aggressors" was printed as an 8-page pamphlet; the transcription here is from the New York Evening Post.
http://www.merrycoz.org/sgg/WhoAreAggressors.xhtml
"Who Are the Aggressors?," by Samuel G. Goodrich (from the New York Evening Post, October 15, 1856; p. 1, column 1-3)
WHO ARE THE AGGRESSORS?
A Letter from S. G. Goodrich to a Friend in Kentucky.
New York, October 7, 1856.
Dear Sir: I duly received your letter of the 11th September, and after some reflection, have concluded to make a reply to your main propositions, viz: That we of the North, who support Mr. Fremont for the Presidency, are engaged in a direct hostile aggression upon the rights, interests and safety of the South; and that if we are successful, a speedy dissolution of the Union is inevitable.
That such ideas prevail extensively in the southern and southwestern states, I am perfectly aware; and that they are entertained even by some good people there, is evident from the fact that such are your own opinions. However unfounded and unreasonable these may appear from our point of view, they are still entitled to respect. You are a northern man by birth and education, brought up at the feet of a New England apostle, and inherit, I believe, his equanimity of temper, his calm judgment, his sincere piety. No other than amicable discussion can therefore take place between you and me. The frothy declamations of mountebank politicians I may despise; your serious and earnest views are not only entitled to consideration, but they induce in me a conscientious desire to review my opinions, and make sure that they are founded in truth and reason. It is with these feelings I now address you, and therefore I trust you will receive what I have to say in a neighborly spirit, even though your convictions may remain unchanged.
What I propose is to bring to the test your two propositions, as above stated:
1st. That the supporters of Fremont, in other words, the Republican party, are engaged in a direct hostile aggression upon the rights, interests and safety of the South.
Now it is manifest that this refers to the institution of slavery, and to nothing else. It is the conduct of the North, in respect to this, that is deemed unjust, hostile and aggressive. Let us go back a little, and trace the history of this question.
At the time of the formation and adoption of the present Constitution—1787 and 1788—slavery existed in all the thirteen states, save Massachusetts; nevertheless, it is matter of record that it was regarded as a transient institution, to be tolerated as an unhappy necessity, but destined ere long to pass away. The Declaration of Independence, the Magna Charta [sic] of our revolutionary period, had proclaimed that "all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
It was that declaration, at least in part, that won us the favor of generous hearts throughout the civilized world: it was that which brought to our aid Lafayette, Kosciusco, and others of similar spirit. It was that which nerved the heart of the country in the revolutionary struggle. It was that, I believe, which secured to us the favor of Providence.
When, therefore, the great men whose hearts were full of this noble sentiment had assembled for the formation of the present constitution—designed to establish and perpetuate the liberty and independence we had achieved—it was with shame and humiliation that slavery was recognised and tolerated, even locally, by that instrument. Such was the feeling, that it was not even named in that document, but was wrapped up in the disguised phrase, of "persons held to service," so as in some degree to mitigate the bitter necessity of recognising its existence. It was in fact only tolerated, under the idea that the foreign slave trade was to be abolished, as provided for in 1805 and deprived of this supply; and being furthermore regarded as alien to our political institutions, to our civilization and our national spirit, it must gradually, if not speedily, pass away. It was with these views that the constitution was framed by the convention, and with these views it was accepted and adopted by the country. The history of the time tell us this, and it tells us that these opinions were as distinctly entertained at the South as at the North.
Such, then, was slavery as recognised by the constitution; slavery under the shadow of general reprobation; slavery circumscribed and limited; slavery to pass away. It was regarded as an evil thing, evil politically, morally. All classes of men, even politicians, spoke of it thus. Madison said, in the first session of the First Congress—here in New York—in a discussion respecting a tax upon imported slaves:
"By expressing a national disapprobation of that trade, it is to be hoped we may destroy it, and to save ourselves from reproaches and our posterity from the imbecility ever attendant upon a country filled with slaves. This was as much the interest of South Carolina and Georgia, as any other states. Every addition they received to their number of slaves, tended to weakness, and rendered them less capable of self defence. In case of hostility with foreign nations, their slave population would be a means, not of repelling invasion, but of inviting attack. It was the duty of the general government to protect every part of the Union against danger and evil, external and internal. Everything, therefore, which tended to incur this danger, though it might be a local affair, yet if it involved national expense or safety, became of concern to every part of the Union, and a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government."
Page, an eminent member of the House from Virginia, in the same debate, spoke of the slaves as a wretched people, remarking that "he lived in a state which had the misfortune to have in her bosom a great number of slaves." Scott, of Pennsylvania, said: "I look upon the slave trade to be one of the most abominable things on earth, and if there was neither God nor Devil, I should oppose it on principles of humanity and the law of nature. For my part, I cannot conceive how any person can be said to acquire property into another." Ames, of Massachusetts, said "he hated slavery with all his heart," and Gerry expressed similar sentiments.
This, sir, was the language of politicians, some of them from the slave states, and themselves slaveholders, in the first session of the first Congress—that is, in 1789. Dr. Franklin, about the same period, signed a memorial to Congress, declaring "that equal liberty was originally the portion and still the birthright of all men;" and hence entreating that body "to give serious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amid the general joy of surrounded free men, are groaning in servile subjection."
Jefferson said in a similar strain, and at an earlier period, in his famous notes on Virginia:
"The whole connection between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. Our children see this and learn to imitate it. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the wildest passions, and thus nursed, educated and exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped with its odious features. With what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one-half the citizens to trample on the rights of the other, transforms them into despots and then into enemies, and thus destroys the morals of one and the amor patriæ of the other.
"And can the liberties of the nation be thought more secure when we have refused the only firm basis—a conviction in the minds of the people that their liberties are the gift of God; that they are not to be violated but with His wrath? Indeed, I tremble for my country when I recollect that God is just; that His justice cannot sleep forever; that, considering numbers, natural and mental means, a revolution in the wheel of fortune, a change of situation is among the possible events; that it may become probable by a supernatural interference. The Almighty has no attribute which can take part with us in such a contest."
Monroe said, though at a later date:
"We have found that this evil (slavery) has preyed upon the very vitals of the Union. It has been prejudicial to all the states in which it has existed."
Now, my dear sir, keeping these things in mind, remembering that the slavery of the compromise which we at the north agreed should exist as a local institution, and which should have a vote of three fifths of its number—was thus limited, condemned, branded, designed to be extirpated—I ask you to look at that institution as it now exists.
In 1788, the whole number of slaves in the United States was but little over 500,000; their number now is nearly four millions. Slavery not only remains in six of the old states, but it has become established in nine new ones. We have spread it over a territory of more than a million of square miles. It now claims to be a good and benign institution, sanctioned by the Bible, compatible with morals, genial to our republican institutions, and, as such, it haughtily demands extension and perpetuation, by and through the constitution. It assumes to stand side by side with liberty; it claims protection under the flag of the Union on the high seas, and denies to Congress the power to check it—even to legislate upon it, except to protect and foster it. It claims to be higher than the constitution, and mocks the Declaration of Independence. It has seized upon the general government, and by its means, has swept away solemn compromises, which set limits to its extension, and now it treads the free soil of Kansas as its master! It holds the language of dictation and menace, and tells the people of this Union, that if they dare to stay its march, it will overturn the government!
These, sir, are plain, notorious truths; they can neither be denied nor shaded away. We of the North, in accepting the constitution, agreed to bear our share of the shame and curse of slavery; but we agreed to this, as a burden to be diminished and finally to be extinguished—not as a load to be perpetuated, and to increase and expand, and at last to control and master and defy us. This was not the compact. And now that things have come to this pass, feeling that the time has arrived when we should say to the tide, "Hither to hast thou come, but thou shalt go no further"—be bold, even you tell us that we are engaged in a direct, hostile aggression upon the rights, interests and safety of the South, and if we persevere, the Union shall be dissolved. You, a good, sincere man, say this to me. I know of no argument against slavery so strong as its blinding and perverting influence upon the human mind, destroying the truth, violating logic, and teaching the aggressor to charge his own crimes upon his victim. It is owing to the emotions excited by your letter, inevitably suggesting this train of reflections, that I now break the silence I had imposed upon myself during this canvass, and that I address you through a public channel.
I have sketched in outline the history of slavery from the beginning; but to do justice to my views, it is necessary to exhibit some points more in detail. What I have thus to add, has reference to the subject, as it is presented in the pending canvass for the Presidency.
Passing over events which occurred prior to 1850,—a continuous detail of pro-slavery aggression—I come to the celebrated compromise of that date—signed and sealed by the great names of Webster, Clay and Calhoun—Cass, Douglas, and others of that high class. That act was designed to allay agitation, and set the irritating question of slavery at rest. There were some points in this arrangement which were exceedingly distasteful to the North, and especially that portion of it called the "Fugitive Slave law." We here believe in the old-fashion doctrines of the Declaration of Independence; of Madison, Jefferson, Patrick Henry, Adams and Franklin. We believe that a man, even though he be a negro, is entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness in his own way. We believe in that solemn legislation for all men and all time, which says, "thou shalt not steal"—thou shalt not take from thy fellow man the fruit of his hands, the right to himself, to his body and his wife and his children. This is our belief—scoff at it as you may—and when, therefore, the fugitive slave law demanded of us to become a nation
of slave-catchers, it was a hard thing to swallow. Nevertheless, our love of the Union, our respect for the Constitution, our desire for peace with our brethren of the South, induced us to make a great effort, and we gulped it down! With slight exceptions, the fugitive slave law became our law, the law of our courts and our legislatures. The militia of our states have even been called out to enforce it.
Such was the compromise of 1850. In less than two years from this date, a bill was introduced into Congress, and speedily passed, sweeping away the very foundations of this agreement, viz.: the Missouri Compromise, a compact of thirty years' standing, and sanctioned by the whole government and the whole people, for that period. Time was not allowed for discussion; the people were not consulted, but the measure, insidiously introduced, was crushed through by a union of the national administration, northern doughfaces and southern slave extensionists.
This act fell like a thunderbolt upon the North. It was regarded as a violation of faith, a betrayal of confidence, an outrage upon justice and truth and policy. In the excitement which followed, the only practical remedy of the great wrong which had been inflicted, seemed to be to occupy the new territory of Kansas—opened by the act alluded to—with northern settlers, so as to ensure to it the exclusion of slavery, to which, in violation of the compromise, it was now rendered accessible. For this purpose, emigration societies were formed, and numerous settlers from the North poured into the territory.
This lawful and laudable conduct stirred up a spirit of violent opposition in the slave states, and especially in the border state of Missouri. As the time for an election and organization of the new territory approached, armed bands crossed the border into Kansas, and, alike by numbers, menace and violence, usurped the ballot-box, chose the officers, organized a government, and, assembling a legislature, proceeded to enact a system of laws establishing slavery in the territory. This code, in the tyranny and terror of its provisions, is without an existing parallel in Christendom; it has been compared to that of Draco, written in blood. If we consider the difference of time, that sanguinary legislator was comparatively mild and merciful.
Thus an Act of Congress, originating in a breach of faith, was consummated by border-ruffianism in Kansas, and civil war was the immediate and i[n]evitable consequence. The settlers who had come hither, lawfully, and only in the peaceable desire to found their homes, were not only despoiled of their political rights, but they were denounced as traitors, their houses given up to conflagration, their property to pillage, their lives to assassination. The government of the United States took part with the invaders, and the whole south cried "Amen!"
Now, be so kind as to mark, that it is at this point, precisely, that the Republican party had its birth. It originated in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the border-ruffianism which followed. Its mission is very simple, clear and positive. It proposes to restore, if not in form, at least in effect, this violated Compromise, and at the same time, to rebuke that spirit of menace, violence and aggression, to which its repeal has given birth. It neither proposes, nor will it tolerate, any invasion of southern rights, as secured by the Constitution; it makes no war on slavery where it is established. It signs the pledge, and inculcates total abstinence in respect to this. It is, in its principles, no new party, and has no new aims. It aims at nothing which the Constitution does not sanction, as interpreted by the fathers—Madison, Jefferson, Washington and Franklin. Its designs are not aggressive, but conservative; it uses no weapons but reason, discussion and the ballot-box, and it uses these only as the means, and the best means, by which harmony may be restored to this distracted country.
This is our position, these our purposes. We have a right—it is the right of every man, to state his views, and he who denies it, is himself in that very act an aggressor upon good manners, fair argument and just logic. I deny your right to call me aggressor, upon the premises you assume; you thereby convict yourself, and not me, of wrong. I pray you reflect upon this.
I am perfectly aware that, in regard to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the South—or at least the better portion of it, perhaps the larger portion of it—says: "We admit the repeal of the Missouri Compromise to have been wrong, or at least impolitic, but it was offered to us by the North, and we accepted it." Now, sir, as to the historical fact, you know very well that it was not offered by the North. Whatever its origin, the North—that is the people of the North—were never consulted in the matter. It was proposed, discussed and hurried to completion in a manner purposely to avoid the action of the people on the subject. It was a deeply and artfully contrived plot, sprung upon us by surprise, and nearly every southern member of Congress, whether of the Senate or the House, gave it his sanction. It was a poor excuse in Paradise, "The Devil tempted me and I did eat." It is much worse at Washington, where the temptation was invited, and the Tempter approved and compensated.
I am also aware that an excuse is offered for the outrages that have taken place in Kansas, by charging the whole difficulty upon the emigration societies of Massachusetts. We are told that, but for them, all would have gone on smoothly, and that Kansas would have been a free state. Does any man in his senses believe that? Not one. The Kansas-Nebraska act was part of a settled purpose to break down every barrier to the extension of slavery. And, besides, who has a right to resist or condemn emigration societies? Is it because they were designed to establish liberty and exclude slavery, that these parties are thus arraigned? I have heard some persons, even at the North, take this ground. Shame upon them! New England, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, were settled by emigration societies; to emigration societies America is indebted for the light of Christianity and civilization. By what right, or what logic, then, are those of Massachusetts to be condemned? It is only by that haughty right of aggression which slavery assumes, to denounce and trample down every thing which dares to oppose it.
But ruffianism is not confined to Kansas. It has spread over the South; it has entered the Capitol at Washington, and manifests itself in the press. It is not confined to the vulgar and the few. It pervades society; it sweeps over whole states, and speaks from the lips of governors, senators, judges. Fair dames have caught its spirit, and wave their lily hands in honor of its heroes. Ruffianism, of the most brutal and dastardly character, has recently received honors in South Carolina such as were once only awarded to the successful champions of the tournament. Is it because the modern chivalry of that state is synonymous with ruffianism?
Sir, the attack of Mr. Brooks upon Mr. Sumner, in all its aspects and consequences, is a phenomenon which may well arrest the attention of the reflecting North. A member of the House of Representatives, a gentleman bred, of good social position and high connections, arms himself with a bludgeon, and taking a second, goes into the Senate chamber, and seizing an opportunity when his victim is pinioned by his desk, so as to be incapable of defence, rushes upon him by surprise, and strikes him down as if he were an ox.
This act, at once brutal and dastardly, according to the code of honor among men, even that of the pot-house and the ring, of itself would involve no one but its infamous perpetrator; but in this instance—strange to say—it has been applauded by the larger portion of the southern press. All, or nearly all, the southern members of the House of Representatives, so far sanctioned it as to vote against the expulsion of the offender. He was expelled, but has been almost unanimously returned by his constituents. Presents of gold and silver have been lavished upon him without stint or measure. There has recently been a grand jubilee in his native state, where he has been wreathed with laurels, such as never were bestowed in this country, even upon the victor returned from patriotic and glorious battle. Governors of states, senators of the United States, members of Congress—the flush and the fair—have vied with each other in thus crowning their hero. Drunk with idolatry, he has accepted the apotheosis, and moves and nods and speaks with the conscious authority of a divinity.
How, sir, are we to interpret all this? The man upon whom this brutal outrage was committed was at least equal to his assailant in every gentlemanly quality; in scholarship, in personal dignity of character, in refinement of taste and sentiment, he was his superior. Why, then, is this outrage committed and applauded? It is because Mr. Sumner had spoken the truth—severely, I admit, but still within parliamentary rule—against slavery. That was his offence. It is for this he has been struck down; it is for this his assassin is deified, as was Theseus for slaying the Monitaur [sic], and Hercules for cutting off the heads of the Lernean Hydra. I see it is proposed that the South shall have a literature and school books suited to its tastes and its "peculiar institution;" in these, no doubt, the achievements of Preston S. Brooks will be handed down to admiring posterity, his performance in the Senate Chamber being duly illustrated with wood-cuts!
It has then come to this—that a man who speaks the truth of slavery is not a man, but a monster; he without the pale of gentlemanly courtesy; as the constitution has been violated, as compromises have been set aside, as charity and christianity have been repudiated by the aggressive spirit of slavery, so it would repeal those finer enactments of society which temper, and soften and regulate the fiery passions of men. Such is the attitude of the chivalrous South, and yet you call us the aggressors!
Sir, the whole political atmosphere in the South is in harmony with the border-ruffians of Kansas and the club law of the Capitol. Murder, violence, expulsion, stare every man in the face who dares to utter opinions contrary to this general tide of feeling and sentiment. A Virginian is exiled because he attends a Republican Convention in Philadelphia. A learned jud[g]e in the same state—Thompson by name—no vulgar person, but a Thompson with a p, as Burton would say—has arisen up and told us that to advocate the cause of Fremont, is treason in the Old Dominion. Governor Wise says all this and much more in the same vein, and the Virginia press tells us that he speaks the sentiments of the state. Not only the press, but the lips are muzzled there, and the provisions of the constitution which hold the right of free speech and free print as sacred, are scoffed at and set at nought. The Declaration of Independence—our great National Bill of Rights—is crucified, and the ribald multitude pass by, wagging their heads.
Nor is even this all: it is not the half of the story. Not in Naples, not in Austria, not in the Popedom, not in Russia, is there a more dark and deadly suppression of the liberty of speech, than in portions of the South. In Italy, a man who reads the Protestant Bible, and prays in the Protestant faith and form, and especially if he communicates his views to his family and friends, is simply imprisoned; at Mobile, a bookseller who happens to have in his hands two copies of the life of a southern man, one Frederick Douglass, is exiled on pain of tar and feathers!
This, Sir, is a dark picture, but it is nevertheless true. I do not mean, certainly, to involve the whole southern people in this description. If this were the proper time and occasion, no one would be more ready than myself to render homage to the refinement, dignity and virtue, which are found in the South. I know many there, who are ornaments to human nature. I believe a large majority of the southern people are reasonable, and just, and true. I have been among them and seen slavery, and I believe, notwithstanding all I have said and truly said of the institution, that in no country, anywhere, in any age, has it ever been so mildly administered, so much softened by a general feeling of kindness and humanity. The very fire-eaters, those who make war on abolitionists and shake their fists in the faces of Republicans, are, I doubt not, many of them kind and gentle masters to their slaves. I know that even in South Carolina, however a gentleman may knock down a freesoiler, public opinion is against him—he even loses caste with the chivalry—if he is brutal to those poor creatures whom God has placed in his keeping.
But the difficulty is this: these, the good portion of the people of the South, are silent, or are silenced. They give up public affairs, and submit to be guided and interpreted by ruffians. In the political arena, we do not meet the reasonable, the just, the patriotic; but it is such as Atchison, and Brooks, and Keitt, and Wise, and Slidell, who control the South and wield its power in the national councils. These, effectively, are the South. These repealed the Missouri Compromise, and carried civil war into Kansas; these wield the southern press; these repeal the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, and the laws of courtesy and neighborly kindness. It is these we meet, and against these we are forced to contend.
Sir, the simple truth is this, so far as I am able to judge, that the South is in the hands of mere politicians. These have been accustomed to govern the country and they intend still to do so. They have found slavery to be a mighty engine to serve their purposes. In its very nature it is sensitive, and tends to concentration and unity, for the purposes of defence. He who cries out that there is danger to this cherished but still timid and shrinking interest, obtains sympathy, and speedily makes himself its champion. Slavery is, in fact, the universal hobby of southern political mountebanks. It is an animal easy to be caught, and easy to ride. And it is through the management of this class of persons that slavery has been extended, year by year, until it has attained its present enormous and portentious dimensions. These men, by practice, become skilful jockies; they ride dextrously, and have hitherto won the race. Bullying, threats, defiance, have too often served their purpose with the quiet people of the North. These are their weapons now. Goliah of Gath, six cubits and a span, stands in front of the embattled hosts, and challenging to the contest, says: "Ho, ye abolitionists—ye Fremonters—ye republicans—ye revilers of the "peculiar institution"—take warning: if you prevail, behold we will secede, and send you all to destruction!" We shall answer Goliah with the quiet sling of the ballot-box.
This is my reply sir, to your first proposition, which
is, that we are aggressors upon the rights, interests and safety of the South; and it naturally brings me to your second proposition, which is:
"That if Fremont is elected, the South will dissolve the Union."
Sir, I do not believe it, I do not fear it. We have heard this bravado till we contemn it. And besides, there are difficulties in the way: difficulties political, social, economical and geographical. You cannot change your latitude or your longitude; you cannot sever the continent, or cut asunder the rivers which unite, and bind us together. You can no more rend the bonds of brotherhood, the associations of history and consanguinity and interest, and fraternal affinity, which, beneath all the froth and foam of an agitated surface of political conflict, are anchored deep in the great heart of the people, North and South.
Sir, I know that the Hotspurs of the South propose, immediately upon the election of Fremont—which they now seem to consider almost certain—to rush to Washington and seize upon the Capitol, the public archives and the public treasure. I believe Governor Wise is organizing the militia of Virginia for some such purpose. I observe that a tender-hearted Catholic of South Carolina has asked Bishop Hughes, as a question of conscience—inasmuch as in all things he is bound to be guided by his priest—whether he shall have the sanction of the Church, if he engages in the filibustering? I do not, therefore, at all doubt that some light-headed politicians in Virginia and South Carolina really entertain this light fingered project. But, sir, before secession can actually take place, there will be time for reflection. Before the people of the South take the fatal leap, they will look over the precipice, and contemplate the unfathomable gulf below. And they will take counsel—not of mad-cap Wise, or Brooks, or Keitt, or Thompson with a P—, but with such men as John Ball, Wm. C. Rives, your own Crittenden, Bradford of Louisiana, and others, in the South, calm, wise, just, and patriotic.
And then the truth will be set before them. I can see that you, my friend, even you, are laboring under the grossest illusions and misapprehensions as to the principles and purposes of the Republican party. We are not abolitionists, in that offensive sense which you assign to the word. We make no war on slavery where it is established. Believing, as we do, that it has grown and increased by unconstitutional aggression, we still submit to it as it is. We accept it as sheltered by the compromise of the constitution. Within this boundary it is sacred. We desire to leave it, with all its good and evil, to those who are interested in it and responsible for it. Even if we hope for its gradual extinction, we hold that the best way is to commit it to the conscience, the wisdom and experience of those who are alone qualified to deal with it.
Our views on this point are conservative; we hold that all unmerited harshness of language, all reckless discussion toward the South, in relation to this matter as alike unneighborly and unwise. We believe that all political action on the part of the government of the United States, intended to affect slavery adversely, in the southern states, is wrong. We suppose all this now and forever, alike because it is against the compact between us, and because it will only strengthen, harden and perpetuate the institution which we disapprove.
Sir, we make a broad distinction between constitutional and unconstitutional slavery—local slavery, as the constitution makes it, and national slavery, as the fire-eaters would render it. We war not against slaveholders, but slave extensionists. Within its legitimate limits it is safe, but when it passes these boundaries and, by violence, seeks to extend and establish itself to the free soil of the Union, we confront it and oppose it. These are our principles: no more, no less. And I ask you, sir, not merely as a matter of justice, but of wisdom, to take our own words and our own declarations, and not these of our adversaries, who have an interest to misrepresent and malign us.
Our position is that of opposition to slavery extension; if we succeed, we hope to have the free soil of Kansas and the contiguous territory remain free. We hope to see the ruffianism that has characterized slave-extensionists and perpetualists, rebuked. We desire to see the Doughface of the North, through whom, as much as to the fire-eaters of the South, the present evil has come upon us, branded for all future time, according to his true character—a self-emasculated political eunuch, seeking the unclean embraces of slavery, not from the poor excuse of affection, but the hungry lust of lucre, spoils, office, position. We desire to furnish a lasting example to ambition, that hereafter the path to the Presidency is not to be found in exclusive subserviency to slave extension. We hope, by legitimate and laudable means—the spread of truth and light and the verdict of the ballot-box—to settle this vexed question, and to bring about a return of peace and amicable relations between all parts of the country.
These are our views, and before secession can be accomplished, there will be time to see them, to consider and to appreciate them. When it is discovered that they are thus fair, moderate, constitutional, I feel assured that they will be accepted as the basis of a firm and lasting compromise between the North and the South.
There are other things, which I think will operate upon the sober second thought of the southern people, in view of a dissolution of the Union. Where will they draw the dividing line? Who shall have the Mississippi? Will the northern states, spreading ever its head-waters—Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin and others, consent to have its lower course, within the dominion and control of the states of Mississippi and Louisiana? How are you to divide the public property, ships, arms, am[m]unition, dockyards? Who is to have the immense public domain?
Suppose these difficulties to be got over, to set at defiance, what is to be the form of government for the new confederacy? One third of the population being slaves, a republic is impossible; a concentrated military despositism is that only which can possess sufficient energy even to suppress internal insurrection, much less to repel invasion, and I understand from secessionists themselves, that this is their design.
And what reason for your conduct, what declaration of independence, are you to set forth to the world? That you have separated yourselves from the Union, because they would not permit you to perpetuate and extend slavery! The establishment, the extension and the propagation of slavery must be your motto. Wherever your flag floats, it must carry these ideas. Will this win for you the favor of the civilized world? Will it strengthen and animate your own hearts? Will it propitiate that God before whom Jefferson trembled, when he looked on slavery and reflected that He was just?
Can a government, thus established on a wrong denounced by the enlightened nations of the earth, stand? Will capital—always doubtful and timid, remain in a country resting on such foundations? Can you establish public credit on the bosom of a volcano, palpitating beneath with the fiery elements of destruction? Where will you get the millions and hundreds of millions, to raise and keep a standing army, to equip fleets, erect fortifications, build arsenals and barracks and dock yards?
What will be the state of your plantations, when the whole North, now the great conservator of slavery, is relieved from its obligations, and is of necessity, abolitionized, and when, of course, every slave knows—as know he will—that freedom, deliverance is near, and he has but to hew his way, by fire and blood, through his oppressors, to obtain it? What will be the value of life and property then and there?
Sir, the picture is too horrible; to suppose that the people of the South will rush on such inevitable destruction, and that, too, without excuse, is to suppose them given up to madness. This, sir, I neither believe nor fear. Nay, we are told by persons in the South, of the very highest character, that this whole talk of secession is only the game of those who seek to frighten the North into subjection.
I have thus far made no allusion to the candidates for the Presidency; a few words on this topic are proper and necessary.
Mr. Buchanan, who leads the South, is personally respectable; he has high abilities, large experience, and condescending manners. My objections are not to him, but to his cause. He is the representative of slave extension, slave perpetuation, slave breeding, and the arrogance, murder and ruffianism connected with these things. He is the advocate of the Ostend doctrine of seizing Cuba by violence, if we want it and cannot otherwise get it. He is the bad example of a northern man seeking the Presidency by the surrender of the North and every northern principle. His election would carry slavery into Kansas and Nebraska, and the boundless West; it would expose us to war with the leading nations of Europe. It will sanction and sanctify the outrages in Kansas and the Capitol. It will cast a long and dark shadow upon business; it will keep commerce, trade, finance in their continual agitation which must flow from a president committed to national aggression and robbery. For these and other similar reasons, I am opposed to the election of Mr. Buchanan.
Of Mr. Fillmore, as a man, I could say nothing, truly, but good. He has indeed such high respectability, that he binds together and gives a certain consistency to the most motley, inconsistent and contradictory set of materials ever united in a single party—the fragments of the shipwrecked Know-Nothings, and the floating ruins of the dismembered whigs.
I cannot give him my vote for several reasons. His position is either equivocal upon the great question at issue, or it is synonomous [sic] with that of Buchanan. He is not the representative of that spirit which is determined to obtain a substantial restoration of the Missouri Compromise: on the contrary, he would submit to that outrage, and to the ruffianism which has pe[r]petrated it, sanctioned it and glorified in it. I do not charge this upon him as belonging to his character, his disposition—but this is his attitude; if elected, there would be the certain consequences.
There is, with me, another great objection; Mr. Fillmore has no chance of an election. He may carry a few states, and so, defeating Fremont, the choice may go to the House of Representatives. But there he will be the lowest and weakest of the three candidates. Every man who has studied our institutions knows that in that stern arena the lowest and weakest cannot prevail. The inevitable issue, therefore, as I view it, will be this: He will be sold out to Buchanan by his pretended friends. For this purpose he was no doubt brought into the field, and for this purpose those who prefer Buchanan to Fremont, support him.
As to Fremont, he too, despite the ribald slanders of the press and the stump, is respectable. He has at an early age achieved a reputation, even extending to Europe, for extraordinary enterprise, science and discovery. He is far superior to both his competitors in scientific education and attainments. He is better acquainted than either, by his course of life, with the different portions of the country—born and bred in the South, now an inhabitant of the North, familiar with the West by his surveys, and gloriously associated with the region of the Pacific by discoveries, conquest and development. He has become disciplined and strengthened by hardy enterprise and the stern trials of the soldier and the pathfinder. He has had some experience in legislation, and has enlarged his mind by foreign travel. And more than all, he has, from the beginning, alike by his manly nature and clear intelligence, sees and pursued the title policy in respect to this great question of slavery. His principles, on this subject, are those of his heart, his head and his life. He is the true representative of the great and noble sentiment, now bounding in the pulse of the North: Free soil, free speech, free labor, so far as these are under the guardianship of the constitution.
If he is elected, he will be charged with a high mission before the country and the world. I feel entire confidence, that he has the mind to comprehend it, the heart to appreciate it, the firmness to fulfil it. I shall vote for him, as being, according to my profound convictions, certain to secure the rights of the South and satisfy the North, and thus lead us safely out of the wildness [sic] of agitation and threatened disunion.
In looking over what I have written, I feel that you may possibly think I have spoken only of the wrongs and errors committed by the South, as if we of the North were without reproach. I by no means say this. Many things have been done and said, among us, in the heat of controversy, which are to be condemned. There is ultraism here as well as with you. But as an answer to all you might say on this subject, I present you with this fact: while the whole South is closed against us, we freely admit your orators among us. You would tar and feather us, or Judge Lynch and Judge Thompson would seize upon us if we were to appear among you: but we hear you, and listen to you respectfully. Let the world judge between us; between those who use menace, club law, tar and feathers, threats of imprisonment: and those who preach and practice freedom of the press and of speech, and abide by the calm supremacy of the ballot-box. I will only add, that we read your newspapers and your speeches and these have done more for Fremont than all other influences and instrumentalities whatsoever.
I am yours, truly,
S. G. Goodrich.


This time the Wayfarer is in Pereslavl-Zalessky — one of the oldest Russian towns in the Yaroslavl region. Besides its antiquity it's the perfect place for water sports like kiting and wind-surfing. The town also gives Mark Ames a chance to quench an intellectual hunger in the Peter the Great museum, in the old Kremlin or in the irons museum. He also gets an opportunity to go to school for the second time and to check the effect that the sacred stone of pagans can make.


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text:
Q: Tabla de amortizacion con postgresql quiero realizar una consulta en donde se contiene las siguientes columnas :
id_Amortizacion,
numero_pago,
monto_inicial,
capital,
interes,
iva,
comision,
iva_comision,
pago_capital,
pago,
saldo,
pagado,
fecha_inicio,
fecha_pago,
fecha_limite_pago,
dias
donde el detalle de esta consulta es una tabla de amortizacion de un credito , el credito es de 26 pagos, y que en la fila 2 me devuelva en la columna ' monto_inicial ' la resta de la siguiente operacion 'monto_inicial - pago_capital' me de como resultado ' 19231.53
adjunto imagen del return de la consulta y el sql.
'
select
id_Amortizacion,
numero_pago,
monto_inicial,
capital,
interes,
iva,
comision,
iva_comision,
((capital) + (interes) + (iva)) as pago,
((monto_inicial) - ((capital) + (interes) + (iva))) as saldo,
pagado,
fecha_inicio,
fecha_pago,
fecha_limite_pago,
((fecha_pago) - (fecha_inicio)) as dias
from
(
select
ROW_NUMBER () OVER (ORDER BY fsc.nocollection) as id_Amortizacion,
fsc.nocollection as numero_pago,
fss.amount as monto_inicial,
(
    select fsc1.amount from fs_collectionplan fsc1 where fsc1.fs_financialservice_id = fss.fs_financialservice_id and fsc1.tipocobro = 'C' and fsc1.nocollection = fsc.nocollection
) as capital,
(
    select fsc1.amount from fs_collectionplan fsc1 where fsc1.fs_financialservice_id = fss.fs_financialservice_id and fsc1.tipocobro = 'I' and fsc1.nocollection = fsc.nocollection
) as interes,
(
    select ((fsc1.amount) * (.16)) from fs_collectionplan fsc1 where fsc1.fs_financialservice_id = fss.fs_financialservice_id and fsc1.tipocobro = 'I' and fsc1.nocollection = fsc.nocollection
) as iva,
fsc.collectiondate::date as fecha_inicio,
((fsc.collectiondate::date) + 7) as fecha_pago,
((fsc.collectiondate::date) + 7) as fecha_limite_pago,
    0 as comision,
    0 as iva_comision,
    1 as pagado,
fss.documentno as no_cliente
from
    fs_financialservice fss
    LEFT JOIN
    fs_collectionplan fsc on fsc.fs_financialservice_id = fss.fs_financialservice_id
WHERE
fsc.fs_financialservice_id in ('FFE22E43118944D4A249F1B4ECA7BFC2')
group by fsc.nocollection, fss.fs_financialservice_id,fss.documentno,fsc.collectiondate
order by  fsc.nocollection asc
)tbl_amortizacion

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Do not burn your bridges behind you because we are leading to one world.
Does Ramos regret convincing Duterte to run?
Finally, don't burn your bridges If, in spite of your best efforts, you haven't been able to successfully negotiate the pay rise you wanted, you may decide you feel undervalued by your employer.
Maybe, you don't want to burn your bridges," was his response to that prospect.
You can't burn your bridges like that," he told The Journal.
The first rule of business is don't burn your bridges.
You never know what the future holds, so don't burn your bridges.
Here are some top tips on how not to burn your bridges after you have taken the decision to leave your job.
But don't burn your bridges and always remember that a guy who can cheat on one woman won't find it too hard to cheat on another.
To move forward, burn your bridges behind you so you can't go backward," suggests Mercer.
Don't burn your bridges by extracting the last little bit of price during your IPO.
Free yourself from the system and burn your bridges behind you," says Baader's girlfriend Gudrun (Johanna Wokalek) with revolutionary zeal.


Promoting the conditions for the mission of those working in the service of the Church worldwide within the framework of the Dioceses of local Churches and Institutes.
4 options to meet local and international needs.
Sections in Europe, Africa and Latin America.
Reflections on creating Sections in Asia.
Contributions and assistance adapted according to needs and place.
Membership of a universal kind.
The IMS is constructed and operates on a mutual and solidarity system. It redistributes the funds that it receives through the contributions in the form of assistance.
The association founded for Missionaries now serves Churches in the emerging countries.
In the service of the Institutes and of their members, the IMS shares its experience in providing cover for health care costs. It can offer assistance to all the poorer Institutes lacking adequate financial resources, exploring with them how their health care risks can be covered.


text:
IfM wins prizes for sustainability posters
The poster, entitled Fibre from Stinging Nettles presents the idea that Stinging Nettles can be used to produce a fine fibre that could be used as a substitute for cotton.
A poster designed by Master's student Daniel Neal together with IfM's Dr Claire Barlow has won the £500 first prize in a competition aimed at showcasing new research ideas in sustainability. The poster, entitled Fibre from Stinging Nettles presents the idea that Stinging Nettles can be used to produce a fine fibre that could be used as a substitute for cotton. The project looks into the benefits of using Nettles in terms of the reduced resources they require, and other ways in which the whole plant can be used in order to fit in with the zero waste principles of integrated farming.
A £250 runner-up prize also went to Dr Barlow and students Daniel Neal and Wesley Zheng for their poster Buildings from Waste Paper. In collaboration with Hertfordshire based company Econovate, they are developing a building system based on Papercrete for pre-fabricated houses. Papercrete is a low-carbon version of concrete that uses low-grade waste paper that would otherwise go to landfill. Pre-fabricated housing built using Papercrete would be more affordable and its thermal insulation properties means that they would also be more eco-efficient.
The exhibition was aimed at enabling the wider public to discover what kind of sustainability research is going on in and around Cambridge, and to offer a chance for staff and students from Cambridge University and ARU to see each others' work. It was one of a series of events in the Cambridge Consultations 'A World to Believe In' programme, which is part of the Cambridge University 800th Anniversary celebrations. The competition was held in conjunction with Cambridge Environmental Initiatives.
Download a pdf file of the winning poster (PDF document).
The other posters can be seen and downloaded from the 'A World to Believe In' website; go to the page for Events, then locate 17th-21st November, Great St Mary's - Research for a Sustainable Future Poster Day.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


SAN CLEMENTE – When California State Parks seasonal lifeguards witnessed a boat off the shore of Calafia State Beach on the morning of September 10, 2017, something didn't seem quite right to them. They immediately notified State Parks peace officer-lifeguards who confirmed further investigation was needed.
Two peace officer-lifeguards responded with their surf watch boat and Orange County sheriff's deputies were called in. Together the law enforcement officers approached the boat and discovered two people and nearly 1,500 pounds of marijuana on board. The men were taken into custody and the marijuana seized. An investigation is underway to determine where the boat was coming from and where it was headed.


The Philadelphia Warriors of the National Basketball Association ended the 1947-48 season with a record of 27 wins and 21 losses, finishing first in the NBA's Eastern Division, and compiled a postseason mark of 6-7. Eddie Gottlieb coached the team. The 1947-48 Philadelphia Warriors lost in the finals.


Knossos was the capital of the Minoan civilization, and is considered Europe's oldest city. one of the first European civilizations.It is the most popular tourist site in Crete and the second in Greece. Discover the roots of the European civilization, their amazing technology and stunning culture and art.
In Heraklion Archaeological Museum you can find the most important findings from Knossos, Festos and the rest of the Minoan civilization sites. It is one of the greatest museums in Greece, and it has some of the most ancient and most elegant jewelry, pottery and sculptures on display.
Heraklion is the capital of Crete and a city where you can find pieces of the thousands of years of the island's history. Admire the imposing walls of Heraklion which are mostly intact, the striking Byzantine churches and the elegant Venetian fountains and buildings.


SonicWall Content Filtering Service (CFS) is a subscription-based add-on service for SonicWall firewall products. This web filtering service blocks inappropriate, unproductive and even illegal and malicious web content for SonicWall customers around the globe.
SonicWall CFS has categorized over 20 million URLs, IP addresses and domains in a continuously updated, dynamically rated database, with thousands more added daily.
The policy-based system allows the administrator to block pre-defined categories in any combination, and to apply these policies on a granular level.
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Discussion in 'Knife Reviews & Testing' started by Eytan (Ethan) K, Sep 11, 2018.
Mate this tabletop review on the Dustar Arad (Israeli made fixed blade).
Year and a half after the hard use video I made on that company.
Decent knife if you ask me, need but of improvement but the basis is good.
Looks like a nice knife. Thanks for sharing.


text:
The Untold Truth of Arnold Schwarzenegger's Maid Mildred Baena and Their Illicit Affair
By Ngozika Agu
Editors PicksFamily and Relationship
Mildred Baena is the former housekeeper of Arnold Schwarzenegger and his ex-wife, Maria Shriver. She came into the spotlight as a result of her extramarital affair with Arnold, which resulted in "a love child' named Joseph Baena.
It seems like such a cliché talking about people that have had affairs with their housekeepers. Still, in reality, several personalities have been caught in such a scandalous position, and one of them is legendary Hollywood actor Arnold Schwarzenegger.
The Terminator star-cum-politician had just concluded an eight-year stint as the governor of California in 2011 when it emerged that he had fathered a child out of wedlock. It further turned out that the illicit affair had happened several years back, and the woman who had his love child was his family's longtime housekeeper, Mildred Patricia Baena.
As one may expect, the revelation devastated Schwarzenegger's family, and his wife, Maria Shriver, had no choice but to file for a divorce. The divorce proceedings lasted for six years before it was eventually concluded in 2017. All the parties caught up in the drama have moved on with their lives as the actor resolutely continues to make amends for the past.
Mildred Baena Hails From Guatemala and Worked as a Housekeeper for Schwarzenegger For Two Decades
Prior to coming to work for the Schwarzenegger household, Mildred Patricia Baena originally hailed from the South American country of Guatemala. She eventually made her way into the United States and went to work in the service industry.
It was during her time there that she was hired as a housekeeper for Schwarzenegger and his family. This was around 1991 and at that time, the actor and his wife, Maria, had just welcomed their second child named Christina.
Baena thus helped in looking after Christina and her elder sister, Katherine. She was also with the family and proved to be of great help when they went on to welcome two more children; Patrick and Christopher.
Baena would work for the Schwarzenegger family for nearly two decades, a time during which she was part and parcel of them. She became a very close part of the family and as such, if she was overtly friendly with Arnold, there was nothing untoward about it. Some people have since come out to say that the former housekeeper had a mini obsession with her boss but this remains unsubstantiated.
She Was Married At The Time Of The Affair In 1996
Arnold Schwarzenegger wasn't the only one who was married when his affair with Mildred Baena happened. The Guatemalan-born lady was also married herself; she tied the knot with the Colombian-born Rogelio Baena on the 14th of November 1987. They would later get a divorce a decade later, but it meant that when Baena had an affair with Schwarzenegger, she was married to her husband.
According to some sources, the affair happened right under the nose of Schwarzenegger's wife, Maria. It is however generally believed that this was not the case and that Baena and Schwarzenegger got together during a family vacation which saw Maria leave with the kids while Schwarzenegger stayed back in L.A. for filming. Of course, Baena being the housekeeper, stayed back also and she and her boss inadvertently had an affair.
Beana's Son Was Born Five Days Apart From Schwarzenegger's Son With His Wife Maria
The romance between Arnold Schwarzenegger and Mildred Baena was short-lived and they both moved on with their respective lives. Baena later got pregnant but she thought nothing of it as she believed that it was her husband that fathered the child. Schwarzenegger, on his own part, was busy juggling his political career and did not give much thought to the whole thing. Baena continued working as domestic help for the household and eventually gave birth to a son, Joseph, on the 2nd of October 1997.
Ironically, Schwarzenegger's wife, Maria, had also welcomed a son named Christopher five days earlier on the 27th of September 1997. Both boys would thus grow up, sometimes alongside each other, without knowing that they were related. Baena, on her own part, also did not know that Schwarzenegger was the father of her child. She only began to suspect that possibility as the boy grew up and resembled him more and more with each passing day.
The Affair Truncated Schwarzenegger's 25-Year-Old Marriage with Maria Shriver
Mildred Baena wasn't the only one that noticed that her son was looking more and more like Schwarzenegger with each passing day. Shriver also noticed it and when she could no longer stand the suspense, she asked her housekeeper point-blank if her husband was the father of her child. This was in 2011 and Baena immediately confessed the whole truth. Thankfully, Shriver was quite empathetic and cried with her.
She then told her to get up from her knees. With the cat out of the bag, Mildred began making plans to immediately exit the Schwarzenegger household. Shriver however told her not to do so but wait and proceed on her retirement as planned. She also ensured that she (Baena) got her full retirement benefits.
The former journalist was however not this understanding with her husband. She confronted him with the fact during therapy and he owned up. She subsequently filed for divorce that same year and it took six years for their divorce to be concluded.
The whole thing was really sordid and would have wreaked havoc on Schwarzenegger's political career but thankfully for him, it only unfolded after he had left office. The actor was remorseful though and apologized to his family. He accepted that they were no excuses and took full responsibility for the hurt he had caused.
A post shared by Joseph Baena (@projoe2)
Mildred Baena is Now a Professional Chef
In the immediate aftermath of the revelation of the affair, news outlets predictably descended down on Baena and she had no choice but to seek private refuge for a significant period. She remained in "hiding" for some months before emerging to give her first and only public interview till date to Hello Magazine in June 2011.
In that interview, she described Schwarzenegger as a good man who was suffering too and expressed her hopes that he and his wife would reconcile and get back together. That reconciliation did not materialize but Baena is at peace knowing that she tried her best.
The former housekeeper continues to enjoy her retirement and avoids the spotlight as much as possible. Her son, however, shares pictures of both of them on social media. In one of those posts in 2020, he revealed that his mom had graduated from culinary school and stated that he was "dang proud" of her. The post further made it known that it was a longtime dream of Mildred's to go in that direction.
Schwarzenegger and Baena's Child Joseph is a Realtor and An Aspiring Actor
It has been exactly a decade since the revelation of the Schwarzenegger and Baena affair and one good thing that has come out of it is that the love child that resulted from it can carry on a relationship with his father openly. Asides from their resemblance, Joseph shares his father's passion for bodybuilding and has a penchant for sharing shirtless photos as well as videos of his gym workouts on Instagram.
He and his father have also been spotted in the gym together on many occasions. Father and son have also been spotted out and about in California and Schwarzenegger has been there to celebrate several important occasions with his son, including birthdays and school graduations.
On a personal note, Joseph is a budding realtor who works with Aria Properties in California. He is also dipping his toes into acting and has featured in a movie titled Bully High, as well as the TV pilot, Scam Squad. Beyond his career achievements, Joseph is also working on good relations with his half-siblings. He and his girlfriend Nicky were spotted working out with his half-brother, Patrick, in May 2021.
Ngozika Agu


text:
Everton seek 'full disclosure' after late postponement of Manchester City game
Everton's home match with Manchester City was postponed after further positive Covid-19 tests within Pep Guardiola's side (Peter Byrne/PA)
Everton are to request "full disclosure" of the information Manchester City provided to the Premier League which led to the late postponement of Monday evening's Premier League fixture at Goodison Park.
The club were left frustrated and disappointed after the match was called off just fours hours before its scheduled 8pm kick-off after City reported more Covid-19 positive cases, understood to involve three further first-team players.
The PA news agency understands Everton were not made aware of any further issues surrounding the change in coronavirus status at City, who already had Kyle Walker and Gabriel Jesus isolating after testing positive, until Monday afternoon.
🔵 | Club Statement: Manchester City fixture postponement.#EVEMCI https://t.co/Q5ddxKYpyy
— Everton (@Everton) December 28, 2020
By then the Premier League had convened a hastily-arranged board meeting, at which it was agreed that the match would be postponed.
Goodison Park is one of only two Premier League grounds – the other being Anfield – able to admit supporters and the Toffees had all the necessary preparations in place, including stewarding and policing, to welcome 2,000 fans on Monday.
"Everton Football Club regret the postponement of tonight's match against Manchester City – not only for the 2,000 fans who would have been attending, but for supporters on Merseyside and across the world," said a statement.
"Our players were prepared for the game, as were both the team staff and everyone at Goodison.
"Matchday is the most important date in our calendar. And this was a big one.
"Whilst Everton will always have public safety uppermost, we will be requesting full disclosure of all the information that Manchester City provided to the Premier League so the club can be clear on why this decision was taken."
Three days after Walker and Jesus were among four individuals to return positive tests, City announced another round of testing had "returned a number of positive cases".
By then the club had already lodged – and been granted – a request to postpone the match.
"With the security of the bubble compromised, there posed a risk that the virus could spread further amongst the squad, the staff and potentially beyond," said a City statement.
"Based on strong medical advice the Premier League, in consultation with both clubs, has decided to postpone the fixture."
The Premier League, in agreeing to the postponement, insisted the health of players and staff was paramount.
"The board agreed to rearrange the game as a precaution, and further testing will now take place tomorrow," said a statement.
"The decision has been taken with the health of players and staff the priority."
Second-placed Everton, who could have gone level on points with neighbours Liverpool at the top of the table with a victory, had no say in the decision to postpone the match.
It is the second Premier League game this season to be postponed because of a spike in coronavirus cases, with Aston Villa against Newcastle, due to be played on December 4, called off due to cases within the Newcastle camp.
Man City's fixture at Everton, due to be played at 20:00 GMT this evening, has been postponed following a Premier League Board meeting
Full statement: https://t.co/1acm2JUr69#EVEMCI pic.twitter.com/IoFWEPdkC2
The Premier League statement added: "The Premier League continues to have full confidence in its protocols and rules, and the way in which all clubs are implementing them.
"The League wishes those with Covid-19 a safe and speedy recovery and will rearrange the postponed fixture against Everton in due course."
City's training ground has been closed for the foreseeable future, with the rest of the squad having to undergo extensive further testing before any potential return can be considered.
"All positive cases involving players and staff will observe a period of self-isolation in accordance with Premier League and UK Government protocol on quarantine," continued City's statement.
As you guys can see it's clearly not over yet.. please remember to follow the rules and keep you and your family safe ❤🙏🏻❤🙏🏻 https://t.co/6FfBolvD7I
— Aymeric Laporte (@Laporte) December 28, 2020
"The first team training ground at City Football Academy will close for an indeterminate period, with the squad and associated bubble undergoing testing before any decision is made for training to resume."
City's next match is due to be at Chelsea on Sunday, which is then followed by their Carabao Cup semi-final against derby rivals Manchester United at Old Trafford on Wednesday January 6.
Competition rules allow for the semi-final to be rearranged and, as the final has been pushed back to April, there is more room for manoeuvre if the last-four clash has to be rescheduled.
Dean Smith opens up on the extent of Aston Villa's coronavirus shutdown
Pep Guardiola rules out new signings for Man City in January transfer window
EFL reports 32 positive coronavirus tests among players and staff last week
Mario Lemina and Aleksandar Mitrovic in contention for Fulham


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Maturing Information Security - When Compliance doesn't cut it. - Joey Smith (ShowMeCon 2015) (Hacking Illustrated Series InfoSec Tutorial Videos) Maturing Information Security - When Compliance doesn't cut it.
Joey Smith
ShowMeCon 2015
http://www.showmecon.com
Joey Smith (CISSP, EnCE) joined Schnuck Markets as the Director of Information Security in January 2014 and was tasked with enhancing the Information Security program for the company. In this session he will discuss the steps companies can take to mature their information security programs beyond a typical security compliance model to one that enables the business to be successful. In this discussion, Smith will highlight how an information security team can be organized to focus on operations, threat and vulnerability management, as well as governance, risk, and compliance and how to manage these various objectives and focuses of these groups. Smith will suggest a reasonable timeline he has used to help as a guide to teams as they work together to build a business aligned Information Security program. Additionally, Smith will highlight his defense in depth strategy and other lessons he has learned while working in information security field.
Bio: Joey Smith is a Certified Information Systems Security Professional (CISSP) and EnCase? Certified Examiner (EnCE) whose career started at a data recovery company where he recovered data from failed hard drives. He became interested in the computer forensics side of the business, and after receiving his computer forensics certification, he started managing the company?s computer forensics department. As his career progressed, he began working for MasterCard Worldwide running the technology company?s Incident Response program. From 2008 to early 2012, he was the primary investigator and incident manager for MasterCard?s Global Computer Security Incident Response Team. In 2012, he joined the MasterCard Account Data Compromise team. In this role he was responsible for account data compromise (ADC) fraud investigations and worked closely with merchants, issuers, acquirers and other card brands to issue fraud alerts and respond to global ADC events. He was part of the Payment Card Industry Security Standards Council (PCI SSC) responsible for reviewing the work of various PCI forensic investigation companies to ensure the work being performed met the quality standards of the PCI Data Security Standard. He joined Schnuck Markets in January 2014 as the Director of Information Security and is responsible for enhancing and maintaining a successful security program for the company. Additionally, his experience in information security, investigations and payment card fraud has afforded him the opportunity to be a speaker at various security conferences and industry meetings, including the Guidance Software Computer and Enterprise Investigations Conference (CEIC), SecureWorld Conference, Gateway Electronic Crimes Task Force (ECTF) meetings, and InfraGard meetings. Additionally, in 2014 Smith was an honored recipient of the Southeast Missouri State University Young Alumni Merit Award. His goals are to continue to develop his career as a security leader and be an influencer of change and awareness across the security industry.
Back to ShowMeCon 2015 video list


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Stacey Boggs suffers setback on eve on crash anniversary
Shelby woman undergoes 8th surgery this year
Mark Caudill
SHELBY - Stacey Boggs hasn't been home in a year.
The 35-year-old Shelby woman and her husband Josh, 43, lost two daughters and an unborn baby when the driver of a Ford F-350 failed to stop at a stop sign and slammed into the family's van as they were on their way home from church.
The May 5 crash at Ganges Five Points Road and Ohio 96, which also injured 11, happened a year ago Tuesday.
While Stacey was prepping Tuesday for her eighth surgery this year, Josh and his 15-year-old son Bruce were visiting the crash site at the exact time it happened, 1:26 p.m.
Nine-month-old Katherine Boggs died at the scene. Faith Boggs, 12, died of her injuries on May 12 at Columbus Nationwide Hospital.
Underwent brain surgery
Stacey Boggs was in an induced coma and underwent brain surgery, during which part of her frontal lobe was removed. She spent two months in intensive care and didn't learn of the deaths of the children until Aug. 6.
While recuperating at Twilight Gardens Nursing & Rehabilitation in Norwalk, Stacey suffered a setback Monday and had to be transported to OhioHealth Mansfield Hospital for surgery.
"It's something with one of her shunts," Josh said almost matter-of-factly.
More:Driver involved in fatal crash in May indicted on 27 counts
More:Top stories, No. 9: Mom recovering after crash claims lives of two children, unborn child
It's been a long year for the family. Josh took Tuesday for a vacation day from his job at MTD in Willard.
"I was out to see the girls (Faith and Katherine) at like 5 in the morning," he said. "I've been up since 2:30."
Before he came to the crash site, Josh spent time with Stacey, posting a video from her hospital room. Stacey was unconscious.
"Because she was having surgery, I could see her one time," Josh said.
He had recently been limited to looking at Stacey through a window at Twilight Gardens.
In good spirits
Josh, sporting a black hoodie with the words Ultimate Fighter for Jesus Christ, seemed in surprisingly good spirits Tuesday considering the situation.
"What a crazy day," he said.
The sun hid behind the clouds on a windswept afternoon. Josh noted it was much warmer the day of the crash.
Josh suffered cracked vertebrae, rib injuries and a concussion on that day. The couple's two remaining children, Bruce, and Raina, 13, also were injured, along with family friend Brandy Bond.
"The last thing I remember is getting in the van and seeing Katherine roll her eyes at me," Josh said. "I woke up two days later in the hospital. Once we got hit, I don't remember anything.
"Eventually, I want to meet some people who were here and understand it better."
From a small crest at the crash site, which has turned into a shrine, Josh could tell what happened. Heading north, the driver of the pickup smashed into the family's westbound van, which Stacey was driving.
"The baby died at impact," Josh said. "They were just too little. We (Stacey and I) were bigger."
Tire marks are still in the ground a year later. Matthew McBride, 25, was indicted on 27 charges, including 10 counts of aggravated vehicular homicide, in connection with the crash. His April 27 trial date was continued.
People express sympathies
A few people stopped Tuesday to express their sympathies to Josh and Bruce, a long and lean sophomore at Shelby High School.
The well-wishers included Richland County Commissioner Tony Vero, who met Josh during his efforts to get rumble strips put in where the crash happened.
"I just want to come out and pay my respects, Josh," Vero said. "Be well."
An older couple, friends of the family from church, stopped their car.
"A year ago today, huh?" the man asked.
Josh said the support has been "amazing." He posts daily updates on Facebook, sometimes searingly personal ones. Each is read by hundreds of people who have followed the story from the beginning.
"It's been a roller coaster because I never know what's going to happen or what we'll have to deal with," Josh said.
Late last year, Stacey was conscious and even speaking. Josh and Stacey met through a karate class. Josh, a fourth-degree black belt, was the instructor. Both work at MTD, which manufactures outdoor power equipment.
Her left side was left mostly paralyzed by the crash, and her right elbow had to be reconstructed.
Josh said he noticed a difference in Stacey's personality.
"She has no filter. She was so excited about that," he said. "She just said what was on her mind. I think that was a freedom for her."
Told not to get mad at God
Stacey mourned for her girls. She also encouraged Josh, telling him if Jesus took her, Josh was not allowed to be mad at him.
In late January, Stacey began to struggle with headaches and vomiting. Josh said air somehow got to her brain, leading to seven surgeries in February and March and a return trip to intensive care.
Josh said Stacey also suffered a stroke in February.
When she was doing better, she was taken to a facility in Newark and then to Norwalk, where she remained until Monday's setback.
"I said if anything happens, she has to go to (OhioHealth) Mansfield," Josh said. "Mansfield knows her, and her neurologist is there."
Stacey returned for her third stint in intensive care.
"We got used to her being there," Josh said.
He added he hopes Stacey has been healing during all this down time.
Josh visits the shrine on the fifth of every month. The area, now overgrown with grass, features three crosses, including a large wooden one with the family name on it. Josh suspects church members put it there, cementing it in the ground.
Several stuffed animals show the wear and tear of being out in the elements.
"I just have to be prepared for anything, but I keep waking up every day," Josh said, kicking a dandelion.
He is determined to keep sharing Stacey's story.
"There's so many elements that many people can identify with," Josh said. "This is bigger than us. It just happened to us."
Rumble strips installed
At Josh's urging to improve safety at the intersection, rumble strips have been placed on Ganges Five Points Road at Ohio 96.
"There hasn't been an accident at this intersection, to my knowledge, in the last year, which is good," he said.
He has no idea how the story will end, but he is not giving up.
"I don't know what's going to happen," Josh said. "Stacey's done the impossible just living through it.
"As long as she's alive, there's hope."
mcaudill@gannett.com
Twitter: @MNJCaudill


Do people who use service even design app?
The new interface looks simplistic but not very customer friendly. And why hasn't any found a way to delete video files easier? How about a check all option per page then delete ?


A man has died after he was arrested over a 'domestic incident' at 1am.
Police were called to an address on West Street, Dukinfield, in the early hours of Friday following reports of fighting.
A man and woman, both on their 30s, were arrested on suspicion of assault and taken to Ashton-under-Lyne police station.
The man was booked into a cell, but officers became concerned for his health at 4am and an ambulance was summoned, police watchdogs said.
A post mortem examination was due to take place on Friday to establish the cause of death.
The Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) has started an investigation and it will examine contact police had with the suspect following his arrest.
The case is being treated as a death in police custody.
IOPC Regional Director Amanda Rowe said: "Firstly, our sympathies are with the family and friends of the man who has sadly died.
"We have investigators at the custody suite collecting evidence to ensure we have as much information as possible at this early stage.


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Nadal, Djokovic slam Wimbledon ban on Russian players
MADRID – Rafael Nadal and Novak Djokovic criticized Wimbledon's decision to exclude Russian and Belarus players from this year's tournament following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
The two tennis greats said that Wimbledon had acted unfairly.
"I think it's very unfair of (on) my Russian tennis mates, my colleagues … it's not their fault what's happening in this moment with the war," Nadal, a 21-time Grand Slam winner, said in Spain where both he and Djokovic are preparing to play in the Madrid Open.
"I'm sorry for them," Nadal said. "Wimbledon just took their decision … the government didn't force them to do it."
Nadal added: "Let's see what happens in the next weeks, if the players will take some kind of decision in that regard."
The ATP and WTA tennis tours have both publicly criticized the All England Club's decision which was announced April 20.
Wimbledon starts on June 27.
The prominent players affected by the ban include reigning U.S. Open champion Daniil Medvedev, Andrey Rublev, and French Open runner-up Anastasia Pavlyuchenkova, who are all from Russia. Victoria Azarenka of Belarus, which has aided Russian forces, would also be unable to play.
Djokovic compared the situation of the excluded players to what he went through in January when he was unable to play the Australian Open. He was deported from Australia for not being vaccinated against COVID-19.
"It's not the same thing, but going through something similar earlier this year for myself, it's frustrating knowing that you're not able to play," Djokovic said. "I still stand by my position that I don't support the (Wimbledon) decision. I think it's just not fair, it's not right, but it is what it is."
The All England Club had justified its action in a statement first posted on Twitter.
"In the circumstances of such unjustified and unprecedented military aggression, it would be unacceptable for the Russian regime to derive any benefits from the involvement of Russian or Belarusian players with The Championships," the statement said.


Accommodation in Moscow may become more accessible. Since 2020, analysts predict a fall in property prices by almost 40%. Now the price of apartments in Moscow is higher than the forks in Europe.
Therefore, the demand for metropolitan real estate over the past few years has fallen significantly. And despite the strengthening of the ruble, people are in no hurry to buy apartments. Already, in the capital real estate market, demand exceeds supply by almost six times.
In this regard, many developers reduce prices for apartments, as well as offer various promotions and discounts. Already, the discount amount has reached 30%, while a couple of years ago it was no more than 10%.
Therefore, the prices of new buildings today are almost equal to the prices of secondary housing, and in some cases, primary housing is even cheaper.
Owners of "secondary housing" are reluctant to make concessions to customers and are in no hurry to lower prices, so they can not sell their apartments for several years. Many apartment sellers hope that the crisis will pass, and the demand for metropolitan real estate will begin to grow again with prices.
Real estate professionals do not share such sentiments and believe that housing prices will only fall. The reason for this, many believe the financial instability of the Russians.
Therefore, developers began to lower prices for new buildings in order to somehow revive the market. Today, the price of new buildings has dropped to its lowest levels. Last year, the minimum apartment price was 190 thousand rubles per square meter.
Some new buildings sell without repair, so the price is minimal. However, to make an apartment renovation in a new building is not a problem today, special companies are engaged in this.
Some developers offer new buildings already finished and ready for renovation. So the apartment will cost a bit more expensive, but buyers will save time and effort. No need to hire people, procure materials, etc. In addition, developers buy building materials in bulk, so repair from them will be cheaper than if you do it yourself.
However, even despite all these tricks, buyers no longer become. This has also influenced the quality of construction. Some buyers began to complain about new buildings.
Many prefer to buy property abroad than in Moscow. In addition, prices are about the same, often foreign real estate even cheaper than Moscow. It is no coincidence that Moscow is considered one of the most expensive cities in the world.


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FocusBand Q&A with Top 100 Golf Magazine Teacher Brad Brewer
Did you use any mental training methods in your playing days? How did you help your students with the mental side of golf BEFORE you started using FocusBand?
When I was competing, transcendental meditation and deep breathing exercises were key. It helped me have a zone like experience. I wasn't automatically going into the zone but I was getting closer to what that was all about. It took me about three shots of hitting it really well and then boom you just drop right in and there you are, you're feeling it - you're in that zone experience. Shortly after doing that I had a couple tournament records. I shot 64 at an event. I started playing mindless golf. I didn't know what the term Mushin was at the time but now I do after using FocusBand. The mental side of the game has always been one of three parts of my training and focus with players: technical, tactical and emotional.
Before FocusBand, I could teach heart coherence to calm the left brain, and, we used HeartMath's technology training tools to provide proof they were in this zone, but FocusBand, has been a game changer because students see on the monitor if they are in the green, right brain zone when they are supposed to be, versus in the red, left brain mode.
What FocusBand techniques do you recommend for your students?
I found a graphic showing the brain and the attributes of each side. When I share this with my students, it provides huge awareness and they immediately respond, "Oh! No wonder I'm having trouble on the golf course. I'm totally getting myself into left brain." So I tell them to take a look at the attributes of being in right brain, and to tell me what that means in terms of golf. They go on to say that it's all about being calm, rhythmic, peaceful and focused in the moment. It gives them a big picture of what's going on upstairs and why they would play their best golf while in the right brain zone.
Then from there some of the exercises I do with FocusBand is a basic one that involves putting two golf balls on the ground about a yard apart. I'll have them focus on the ball to the right and put both their intent and focus there. Then I'll tell them that I want them to move their intent to the ball on the left, but to stay focused on the ball on the right. They've moved their intent to the left ball and now they have to shift their focus to the left ball. So now both focus and intent are on the left ball.
We'll do this exercise going back and forth – "intent ahead of focus, intent ahead of focus, intent ahead of focus". We'll do that for a number of reps until they start to get a feel for it and then we'll do it with a golf ball placed in their stance and with a chosen target. The beauty of it is that when you have your intent on the target and you're staring down at the golf ball, you are now locked in and connected. You're connected to where you are beginning and where you want the ball to go to. Once students understand how to do that, the monitor lights up pure green! Focus on the ball, intent to the target, that's where the energy and focus needs to be, and then let it rip!
Have you had any proven results with students?
Yes! Tim Clack, who has been playing on the Golf Channel Amateur Tour for about 4 or 5 years now, has progressed nicely. His scores were continuously dropping to mid to high 70s. Then he hit a wall shooting 86, 85. He went all left brain, thinking way too technical trying to figure things out.
He was back in town for an event and we did his first FocusBand session. The next day he shot 77! He was so grateful for FocusBand and how it improved his numbers. He loved the direction that we went and he started to understand how to get himself into that right brain mentality. He realized the mistake that he was making but it took this tool to be able to show him how to do it, and then he immediately went out and started applying it. We only that one session so far, so it can happen quickly.
Another student that has had great success with FocusBand is Kailey Kleinatland. She's 10. FOX 35 Sports interviewed her about using FlightScope and Focusband, they asked her what kind of success she experienced since using it. She said, "Well I'm more focused now." You know, typical 10-year-old answer. But then she turns and had one of the greatest quotes, "And since I've used it, I've won every tournament I've played in." And she has! At the time of the interview, she won every tournament and doing so playing up in the girls 11 – 13 division
What advice do you have for other instructors interested in using FocusBand but do not know where to start?
As a golf instructor you need to be able to teach people how to use their mental faculties to play their best golf. Good technique without mental faculties doesn't result in good scores. One must go beyond the disciplines of a routine. While a routine is certainly important, routine will be interrupted if the student doesn't know how to stay in their right brain because they are too analytical about what's happening, judging their performance.
Teaching students how to stop being so technical and analytical can begin by simply having them close their eyes. This quiets the brain. The next step is visualizing a shot and then making the swing with eyes still closed. What just occurred is, 100% focus shifted to the right brain by using visual creativity.
When students get a hang of that, have them do the same routine but with their eyes open. This is how students train themselves to get into the zone.
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So my birthday passed with a gentle visit down the Thames River in London to visit Strawberry Hill House, the incredible gothic fantasy house disguised as a castle, built for Horace Walpole in 1749, offering up some wild inspiration for my anticipated move very soon.
May began with the premiere of Narnia: The Lion, the Witch and The Wardrobe in Amsterdam, which was astonishingly successful. With five sold out nights at Het Muziektheater, the show was an epic production, in a collaboration between Dutch National Ballet and ISH. Imagine contemporary ballet of the highest magnitude mixed with more urban dance moves, so a dance on point, balancing on their toes, would be accompanied by another spinning backwards, forwards, over, under, around them. This video captures the character and energy perfectly.
The show will tour later this year around The Netherlands and plans for international shows are also planned so stay tuned for more information. The score is now available from both iTunes and also Bandcamp, all 112 minutes of it!. The Bandcamp version offers a few more special treats, unavailable elsewhere, such as digital photos and posters of the production.
My recent production with London Sinfonietta is now available online for free download. Ripples and Roots: Rushmoor Stories, was a collaboration to create an original piece of new music inspired by the stories and musical memories of Rushmoor residents in the UK.
Originally released as a very limited edition CD with a series of live performances, now it's here for everyone to enjoy and download.
The sessions were conducted with musicians from the London Sinfonietta in response to the local communities with whom we met, drawing influence from all manner of stories, memories, Nepalese dancing and singing and even easy listening music. Using these resources I've composed a new work that reimagines these very varied connections into a work that attempts to join the dots in a playful but emotive manner.
Sprinter, the new album by the American artist MacKenzie Scott aka Torres has just been released and I'm very proud to have collaborated with her on this release. Produced by my long term musical pal Rob Ellis, of PJ Harvey fame, the record is a gorgeous, unsettling, transformative recording, one that chronicles an older wiser mind in a young body. Adrian Utley of Portishead and PJ Harvey veteran Ian Olliver also feature so it's a joy to be part of such a strong team. I thoroughly recommend this release.
I'm writing this over in Umeå, Sweden for Music Tech Fest right now, in a gathering of creative minds, nimble fingers and inventive characters over one long weekend. I was honoured to have had the chance to perform a live set with Graham Massey of 808 State and British artist Jason Singh. Watch a clip of the show here.
Then it's off to IRCAM in Paris, the legendary Institute for Research and Coordination in Acoustics/Music to begin my role directing and mentoring four young French composers in their work towards a show at Centre Pompidou on 1st July 2015. I will be there for two weeks working in the airless basement developing the ideas and production alongside Christian Rizzo and lighting designer Caty Olive. Let's see what magic follows at ManiFeste.
My production with seminal English industrial group Test Dept continues with another free show lined up at Rough Trade East in London on 16th July. The band will be in conversation, presenting their new book and selling vinyl reissues, after which I shall be performing my interpretations of their music live. You can listen and download all the mixes here.
So, as always, thanks for your support and until next month, take care.


CHESS PUZZLES! We have added exciting chess puzzles sorted by difficulty from the easiest to the hardest. Challenge yourself! ADVANCED HANDICAP. Chess For BlackBerry! Chess is a classic strategy that is concerned with evaluation of chess positions and with setting up goals and long-term plans for the. 8 Jan Here's a fun addition for those of you that like having games on your BlackBerry. Free Chess v by Solverlabs was recently released in the.
There are a plethora of chess games in BlackBerry World and at times it is a daunting task to find one that stands out from the rest. By no means am I an expert. 19 Jan Unfortunately we don't support blackberry anymore. We have also now withdrawn the app from AppWorld. You can install our regular mobile app though . Free Chess is an application running on Blackberry smartphones which comes with more than chess puzzles sorted according to difficulty level which is.
Lemon Chess Pie with Blackberry Compote / Romulo Yanes "We are especially fond of the lemon chess pie. Do you Accompaniment: blackberry compote. Multiplayer Championship Chess for BlackBerry, free and safe download. Multiplayer Championship Chess latest version: Top-notch chess action on your . Important! Before you purchase: 1. Make sure your phone's WAP/GPRS/EDGE connectivity is enabled and configured properly. Chess can only be downloaded . Play Chess #33 If you're still in the middle of a single-player game and you'd like to leave the table and join an online game, you'll be asked if you want to leave. 16 Feb Free is always good, and everyone enjoys a game to play with downtime on BlackBerry. There's nothing crazy to it as it's a simple chess game.
For leachbroshockey.com - Play Chess Online on the BlackBerry, GameFAQs has game information and a community message board for game discussion. Also is there any chess game that could be downloaded on a. Blackberry? Basically, I'm looking for a (relatively inexpensive) alternative. There are several chess programs for BlackBerry. Play chess on your BlackBerry with apps like Chess Online, ChessAnywhere, and leachbroshockey.com app. 14 Nov A tart Lemon Blackberry Chess Pie with a bright lemon flavor, a layer of blackberries on the bottom and dollops of blackberries swirled on top.