text:
Brock University logo The Brock News Logo
Sunday, January 29, 2023 | Subscribe to The Brock News
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Articles by author: Kaitlyn Daw
Deadline nearing for alumni award nominations
Thursday, January 26, 2023 | by Kaitlyn Daw
Members of the Brock community are encouraged to nominate Brock graduates for distinguished honours before the deadline on Tuesday, Jan. 31. ... Full story
Alumni receive distinguished honours at Homecoming celebration
Monday, September 26, 2022 | by Kaitlyn Daw
Brock University welcomed hundreds of alumni back to campus this past weekend to not only reminisce and reconnect, but also ... Full story
Brock's Homecoming celebration primed for big return
Wednesday, September 14, 2022 | by Kaitlyn Daw
With a mix of past favourites and engaging new offerings, Brock University's Homecoming celebration is making a big return ... Full story
Brock grads, business partners recognized as co-op champions
Thursday, March 31, 2022 | by Kaitlyn Daw
Brock graduates and co-founders of Moyers & Stark Consulting, Darryl Moyers (BBA '11) and Tyler Stark (BBA '11), are being honoured for ... Full story
Time is running out to nominate Brock graduates for this year's distinguished alumni awards. Each year, the Brock University ... Full story
Children's Movement Program celebrates 25 years of impact
When six-year-old Aidan Prentice swung from the ropes like a young Tarzan in pajamas, he likely wasn't thinking about the ... Full story
Hundreds of alumni reconnect at sold-out Homecoming
Tuesday, September 24, 2019 | by Kaitlyn Daw
Brock University welcomed hundreds of alumni and friends to network, reconnect and soak up the last bit of summer for ... Full story
Wine fest and alumni make perfect pairing
Is there any better way to spend the Grape and Wine Festival than with fellow Brock alumni while enjoying exceptional ... Full story
Registration open for Homecoming Weekend
Wednesday, July 17, 2019 | by Kaitlyn Daw
Brock University's Homecoming celebrations are headed back to downtown St. Catharines. The annual Homecoming celebration will take place Saturday, Sept. 21 ... Full story
Homecoming honour awaits alumnus who has soared in career with CTC
Monday, June 24, 2019 | by Kaitlyn Daw
Along the challenging road to success, Gregory Craig (BBA '91) relied on dogged determination to help him find his footing. Each ... Full story
Brock artists to draw inspiration from new bursary
Experience Expo to connect students with dozens of employers
Grads sharing business insight with Brock entrepreneurs
Limited space available in employee mental health training
Thesis defences — Jan. 30 to Feb. 3
Brock grad named President of Canadian Energy Geoscience Association
Input sought on reappointment of Vice-Provost and Associate Vice-President, Academic
A year of resurgence for student clubs
Cybersecurity tips for working and learning remotely
Brock researcher giving international talk on climate change, tech and tree rings
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text:
package Graficos;

import java.awt.*;
import java.awt.event.KeyEvent;
import java.awt.event.KeyListener;

import javax.swing.*;

import Jogo.Jogador;

/**
 * Batalha Naval (Projeto GeracaoTec) v1.0 -  Versao 2.2 de Interface Grafica
 * Classe: telaPlayer
 * Essa classe eh responsavel pela Tela do Jogador, apresenta todos
 * os dados do jogador como imgem, nome, barra de vida, quantidade de barcos,
 * quantidade de medalhas, numero de vitorias, derrotas e total de jogos
 * Autor: Henrique W.
 */

public class TelaJogador {
	// Declara tela Principal
	private JPanel panelPlayer;
	// Declara Sub-Telas
	private JPanel telaImg;
	private JPanel telaMenu;
	private JPanel telaVida;
	private JPanel telaNavios;
	private JPanel telaMedalhas;
	private JPanel telaOutros;
	// Declara Sub-sub-Telas
	private JPanel caixaVida;
	private JPanel caixaNavios;
	private JPanel caixaMedalhas;
	// Declara Componentes
	private JLabel vidaText;
	private JLabel naviosText;
	private JLabel medalhasText;
	private JLabel vitoriasText;
	private JLabel derrotasText;
	private JLabel totalText;
	// Declara Componentes
	private JLabel img;
	private JLabel nome;
	private JLabel vida[];
	private JLabel navios[];
	private JLabel medalhas[];
	private JLabel derrotas;
	private JLabel total;
	private Jogador jogador;
	boolean status;
	// Construtor, recebe Jogador
	public TelaJogador(Jogador jogador) {
		this.jogador = jogador;
		// Instancia Tela
		this.panelPlayer = new JPanel(new BorderLayout());
		// Instancia Sub-telas
		this.telaImg = new JPanel();
		this.telaMenu = new JPanel(new GridLayout(2,4));
		this.telaImg.setLayout(new BoxLayout(telaImg,BoxLayout.Y_AXIS));
		this.telaVida = new JPanel(new FlowLayout());
		this.telaNavios = new JPanel(new BorderLayout());
		this.telaMedalhas = new JPanel(new BorderLayout());
		this.telaOutros = new JPanel(new BorderLayout());
		// Instancia Sub-sub-Telas
		this.caixaVida = new JPanel(new GridLayout(1,15));
		this.caixaNavios = new JPanel(new GridLayout(1,5));
		this.caixaMedalhas = new JPanel(new GridLayout(1,jogador.getVitorias()));
		// Instancia Componentes (Labels)
		this.img = new JLabel();
		this.nome = new JLabel("nome");
		this.nome.setFont(new Font("Verdana", Font.BOLD, 14));
		this.nome.setForeground(Color.RED);
		this.vidaText = new JLabel("Vida");
		this.vidaText.setFont(new Font("Verdana", Font.BOLD, 22));
		this.naviosText = new JLabel("Navios");
		this.naviosText.setFont(new Font("Verdana", Font.BOLD, 22));
		this.medalhasText = new JLabel("Medalhas");
		this.medalhasText.setFont(new Font("Verdana", Font.BOLD, 22));
		this.vitoriasText = new JLabel("Vitorias");
		this.vitoriasText.setFont(new Font("Verdana", Font.BOLD, 12));
		this.derrotasText = new JLabel("Derrotas");
		this.derrotasText.setFont(new Font("Verdana", Font.BOLD, 12));
		this.totalText = new JLabel("Total");
		this.totalText.setFont(new Font("Verdana", Font.BOLD, 12));
		// Cria e Instancia Sub-Telas
		this.vida = new JLabel[15];
		for (int i =0; i<vida.length; i++){
			this.vida[i] = new JLabel(new ImageIcon("img/vida/vida1.jpg"));
			this.caixaVida.add(this.vida[i]);
		}
		this.navios = new JLabel[5];
		for (int i =0; i<navios.length; i++){
			this.navios[i] = new JLabel();
			this.caixaNavios.add(this.navios[i]);
		}
		this.medalhas = new JLabel[jogador.getMedalhas()];
		for (int i =0; i<medalhas.length; i++){
			String dirMedalha = "img/medalhas/medalha" + Integer.toString((i+1)) + ".jpg";
			this.medalhas[i] = new JLabel(new ImageIcon(dirMedalha));
			this.caixaMedalhas.add(this.medalhas[i]);
		}
	    // Adicionando Componentes as Sub-Telas
		this.telaVida.add(this.vidaText);
		this.telaVida.add(this.caixaVida);
		// Adicionando Sub-sub-telas a sub-Telas
		this.telaMedalhas.add(this.medalhasText, BorderLayout.WEST);
		this.telaMedalhas.add(this.caixaMedalhas, BorderLayout.CENTER);
		this.telaNavios.add(this.naviosText, BorderLayout.WEST);
		this.telaNavios.add(this.caixaNavios, BorderLayout.CENTER);
		this.telaOutros.add(this.vitoriasText, BorderLayout.NORTH);
		this.telaOutros.add(this.derrotasText, BorderLayout.CENTER);
		this.telaOutros.add(this.totalText, BorderLayout.SOUTH);
		// Adicionando Sub-telas a Telas
		this.telaMenu.add(this.telaVida);
		this.telaMenu.add(this.telaMedalhas);
		this.telaMenu.add(this.telaNavios);
		this.telaMenu.add(this.telaOutros);
		this.telaImg.add(this.img);
		this.telaImg.add(this.nome);
		// Adicionando Telas a Tela Principal
		this.panelPlayer.add(telaMenu, BorderLayout.CENTER);
		this.panelPlayer.add(telaImg, BorderLayout.WEST);
	}

	// Getters and Setters
	public JPanel getPanelPlayer() {
		return panelPlayer;
	}
	public void setPanelPlayer(JPanel panelPlayer) {
		this.panelPlayer = panelPlayer;
	}
	public JPanel getTelaImg() {
		return telaImg;
	}
	public void setTelaImg(JPanel telaImg) {
		this.telaImg = telaImg;
	}
	public JPanel getTelaMenu() {
		return telaMenu;
	}
	public void setTelaMenu(JPanel telaMenu) {
		this.telaMenu = telaMenu;
	}
	public JPanel getTelaVida() {
		return telaVida;
	}
	public void setTelaVida(JPanel telaVida) {
		this.telaVida = telaVida;
	}
	public JPanel getTelaNavios() {
		return telaNavios;
	}
	public void setTelaNavios(JPanel telaNavios) {
		this.telaNavios = telaNavios;
	}
	public JPanel getTelaVitorias() {
		return telaMedalhas;
	}
	public void setTelaVitorias(JPanel telaVitorias) {
		this.telaMedalhas = telaVitorias;
	}
	public JPanel getTelaOutros() {
		return telaOutros;
	}
	public void setTelaOutros(JPanel telaOutros) {
		this.telaOutros = telaOutros;
	}
	public JPanel getCaixaVida() {
		return caixaVida;
	}
	public void setCaixaVida(JPanel caixaVida) {
		this.caixaVida = caixaVida;
	}
	public JPanel getCaixaNavios() {
		return caixaNavios;
	}
	public void setCaixaNavios(JPanel caixaNavios) {
		this.caixaNavios = caixaNavios;
	}
	public JPanel getCaixaMedalhas() {
		return caixaMedalhas;
	}
	public void setCaixaMedalhas(JPanel caixaVitorias) {
		this.caixaMedalhas = caixaVitorias;
	}
	public JLabel getVidaText() {
		return vidaText;
	}
	public void setVidaText(JLabel vidaText) {
		this.vidaText = vidaText;
	}
	public JLabel getNaviosText() {
		return naviosText;
	}
	public void setNaviosText(JLabel naviosText) {
		this.naviosText = naviosText;
	}
	public JLabel getVitoriasText() {
		return vitoriasText;
	}
	public void setVitoriasText(JLabel vitoriasText) {
		this.vitoriasText = vitoriasText;
	}
	public JLabel getDerrotasText() {
		return derrotasText;
	}
	public void setDerrotasText(JLabel derrotasText) {
		this.derrotasText = derrotasText;
	}
	public JLabel getTotalText() {
		return totalText;
	}
	public void setTotalText(JLabel totalText) {
		this.totalText = totalText;
	}
	public JLabel getImg() {
		return img;
	}
	public void setImg(JLabel img) {
		this.img = img;
	}
	public JLabel getNome() {
		return nome;
	}
	public void setNome(JLabel nome) {
		this.nome = nome;
	}
	public JLabel[] getVida() {
		return vida;
	}
	public void setVida(JLabel[] vida) {
		this.vida = vida;
	}
	public JLabel[] getNavios() {
		return navios;
	}
	public void setNavios(JLabel[] navios) {
		this.navios = navios;
	}
	public JLabel[] getMedalhas() {
		return medalhas;
	}
	public void setMedalhas(JLabel[] medalhas) {
		this.medalhas = medalhas;
	}
	public JLabel getDerrotas() {
		return derrotas;
	}
	public void setDerrotas(JLabel derrotas) {
		this.derrotas = derrotas;
	}
	public JLabel getTotal() {
		return total;
	}
	public void setTotal(JLabel total) {
		this.total = total;
	}
	public boolean isStatus() {
		return status;
	}
	public void setStatus(boolean status) {
		this.status = status;
	}
	public Jogador getJogador() {
		return jogador;
	}
	public void setJogador(Jogador jogador) {
		this.jogador = jogador;
	}

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Redirected from: TR
Definition: Token Ring
An earlier local area network (LAN) access method developed by IBM. Conforming to the IEEE 802.5 standard, the Token Ring access method connects up to 255 nodes in a star topology at 4, 16 or 100 Mbps. All stations connect to a central wiring hub called the "Multistation Access Unit" (MAU) using twisted wire cable. Today, most Token Ring business networks have migrated to Ethernet.
Different than Ethernet
The Token Ring MAU may be a central hub, but it does not function like a shared Ethernet hub. Token Ring is more deterministic, which ensures that all users get regular turns at transmitting. With Ethernet, all users compete to get onto the network.
Type 1 and Type 3
Type 1 Token Rings allow up to 255 stations per network and use shielded twisted pair wires with IBM style Type 1 connectors. Type 3 allows up to 72 devices per network and uses unshielded twisted pair (Cat 3, 4 or 5) with RJ-45 connectors. Like Ethernet, Token Ring is a data link protocol and functions at layers 1 and 2 of the OSI model. See token passing, data link protocol and OSI model.
Token Ring Topology
Token Ring uses a logical ring topology, which provides more equal opportunity for each station to gain access to the network than the broadcast method used by Ethernet. All nodes connect to the MAU.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


It was time for a new business card.
Gosh, you could spend days looking at advice for how to create the most effective business card.
Instead of worrying about what everyone else might want in my business card, I decided to make a card I liked.
I like business cards that are visually stimulating. Color and images are the fist ones I go for.
I also love wit and humor. If you get me to think, ponder or laugh, then its a keeper.
I think I nailed it on the head. I said it above "For me it's seeing a card…" Seeing a card. That is what I do. I'm a visual person. I bypass black and white standard press cards and I gravitate towards ANYTHING VISUALLY STIMULATING!!!
The quote however, the quote is there 100% for me. I cannot for the life of me figure out what the rest of the world wants in an artist. What can I write on a business card that will seduce you into x, y or z? …. beats me. I make art because I can't not. How's that for a catchy slogan?
I put the quote " I make art to show my soul I am listening" because the second I was done creating the template for this card I wanted my card up on my bulletin board so I could read the quote over and over again. That's a good enough reason for me. Maybe someone else will want it on their bulletin board and it will constantly remind them to wake up every day and do the thing that fills their soul with purpose and with happiness.
The back of the card of course needed to have the vital contact info, but that doesn't take up too much space. I figure if you are at the point of wanting to contact me, you'll squint and get the info. Might as well go for the amusing factor instead. The painting I added to my card is titled "the art consumer" which is poking fun of art show personas. My mother has a gallery and we always find the most eccentric art aficionados. It's also a little nod to a self-portrait because those are my eye-glasses and let's just say I have a penchant for visually stimulating attire.
This was funny, I just got my new cards in time for the art festival so I dropped a stack on the table in our booth. There were people coming and going and I was making idle chit-chat with the passers-by when this woman read the quote "What you think, you become. What you feel, you attract. What you imaging, you create" I stopped and looked at her and said "boy that was beautiful, where did you get that?" The woman looks down grabs my card and hands it to me. Yep. In the weeks since I'd designed it, I had forgotten I had added that quote to the bottom… I'm such a knucklehead! I think I need to add that side of the card to my bulletin board too. If only to remind me what I wrote!
All said, people snatched up the cards. I'm pretty sure it wasn't to contact me and yet they will in a sense still get a little piece of me. Maybe, someone will be having one of those crucial moments in their lives, where big questions are getting asked and answers can only be found within. Maybe out will pop the card from their coat pocket and they will read some words of wisdom and it will be just what they needed to listen to their soul or to imagine or create. Or better yet, maybe just laugh.
That them there, would fit my definition of a great business card!
I LOVE this card! It is interesting and dare say-creative?!


Cow's Milk is a white, agricultural product extracted from cows in dairy farms. It contains many nutrients, including protein and lactose, and is drinkable and available in a variety of dairy products.
Cow's Milk - Home remedy for Dysentery: Boil equal parts of cow's milk and water on low flame until reduced to half in amount. Drink a glass of this milk while still warm. Drink three glasses per day for a couple of days.
Cow's Milk - Home remedy for Sleepwalking: Elimination of cow's milk from the diet for some time and then reintroducing it helps to cure sleeping disorders like insomnia in small children.


Fenwick and Ravi (FAR) is a leading machine tool company established in the year 1990 at Bangalore, the capital of Karnataka state in India. Situated on a 1 acre facility with about 22,000 sq.ft. of built up area.
FAR Products have application in different kind of industries like auto mobile sector, defence railways aerospace machine tool industry etc. FAR Products are competent with machines like. Hass, Deawoo, Takisawa, Morieseieki, Mazak, KIA, Hundai, Landis, Schaudt, Toss along wit other Indian machines.


Is Avoiding Injury Reason Enough to Compel Riders to Wear Bike Helmets?
The town of Milton, Wash., has dropped its law requiring that bicyclists wear helmets, according to the New York Times. The town's mayor supports their use but budget cuts and increased local unrest have reduced police ability to officially warn bareheaded cyclists. And that poses a liability risk if someone is injured and had not gotten a police warning, according to the town's insurance consultant. The Mayor hopes personal safety will prompt town citizens to ride with their heads protected.
While more than twenty states have helmet laws, the debate about enforcing helmet use continues, in part because cycling advocates fear forcing bikers to wear a helmet could keep many from riding—and getting the benefits of exercise and reduced car use.
Weigh in: What arguments in favor of bike helmets have been effective in your community?


text:
By Jeremy McCarthy on June 23, 2017 in Non-Digital Humans
This week, Mark Zuckerberg announced a new mission for Facebook: to "bring the world closer together." Facebook has been under a lot of criticism recently for being the world's largest distributor of fake news and for being a powerful driver of the political discord and polarization we are seeing around the world. The new mission statement seems to acknowledge that Facebook's current alogrithms have not been as positive a force in the world as Zuckerberg had been hoping for.
"I used to think that if we just gave people a voice and helped people connect, that would make the world a better place by itself," Zuckerberg said on Thursday. "Now I believe we have a responsibility to do even more." Zuckerberg announced that going forward, Facebook would be dedicated to building "meaningful communities," groups of people who would come together around important topics. Through collaboration, these communities will make the world a better place.
I applaud Zucks for trying to take the high road with Facebook. It is hard to imagine another company that has greater potential influence on human wellbeing. And despite the criticisms, much of Facebook's influence has been positive.
But there is a problem here. Facebook's real mission is not just to "bring the world closer together." It's to bring the world closer together on Facebook. Facebook's main purpose is to keep people on Facebook—forever engaged; forever scrolling. Sure, they do this by providing good things: meaningful connections, education, entertainment, news, etc. But when Facebook gets better and better at its job of capturing our attention, how do we measure the opportunity costs in our lives? The loss of productivity, the loss of physical movement, the loss of close personal relationships (just to name a few.)
In Zuckerberg's comments, he proudly announced a new project he had launched, "to see if we could get better at suggesting groups that will be meaningful to you. We started building artificial intelligence to do this. And it works!"
Yeah. No shit it works. Considering the massive amount of data that Facebook is gathering on human preferences, attention and engagement, we should expect nothing less than the world's most powerful artificial intelligence, dedicated to learning how to keep us staring at our screens. "In the first 6 months," said Zuckerberg, "we helped 50% more people join meaningful communities." Is this a good thing? Maybe. But I'm not convinced.
I realize this is not Zuckerberg's fault. (Hate the game, not the player, right?) His job is to deliver an engaging product, and he has done this better than anyone. He also seems sincere in wanting Facebook to be a force for good in the world. But the more successful Facebook is in its mission, the more sacrifices we make to human wellbeing in the non-digital domain. Without some checks and balances, this does not end well for our species.
Most people will have a hard time accepting doomsday prophecies about Facebook turning us all into zombies. First of all, we simply love Facebook too much. Like any addiction, denial is the first symptom. We just keep on scrolling and liking, while trying not to think too much about where all of this is taking us.
People also overlook the fact that Facebook is gathering data on all of us because it's "metadata." It's not personal. But the metadata is the data. Facebook gathering data is not a privacy issue. It's about a massive corporation learning how to manipulate our brains so that we buy more of whatever they're selling. This scares the hell out of me.
There are not too many voices (yet) that are raising the flag of concern. But it is starting. Tristan Harris, for example, has launched Time Well Spent, a new organization trying to "reclaim our minds from being hijacked by technology." Arianna Huffington's new wellness platform, Thrive Global, has a section dedicated to "unplug & recharge" offering tips for creating balance in our relationship with technology. And Tanya Goodin has just announced her new book, Off: Your Digital Detox for a Better Life.
We have reason to be concerned. When the fifth wealthiest person in the world, who also happens to own the world's largest database on human preferences ("likes"), tells us he is developing an AI that is getting better at figuring out how to keep us engaged, we should be afraid. Very afraid.
Facebook's new mission is a positive step forward, but we should demand even more. We need technologies that don't just capture our attention, but help us to live better lives. And sometimes, living a better life means turning off our devices and forming meaningful communities in the real world.
Connect with me on facebook. 😉
Digital Detox, Facebook addiction, Facebook ethics, facebook's new mission
Americans Come Together for a Healthier Future
Practical Wisdom versus Checklists and Habits
Your Brain on Meditation
The Allocation of Willpower


text:
President Barack Hussein Obama , forma securitatis, in both law and equity for RIGHTS
Label Number: 7012 3460 0003 6637 6996
Shipment Activity--------------------------- Location--------------------- Date & Time
-- ----------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------- -----------------------
Delivered---- WASHINGTON, DC 20500- July 17, 2013 3:07 am
Available for Pickup---------- WASHINGTON, DC 20500- July 16, 2013 12:29 pm
Arrival at Unit-------------------- WASHINGTON, DC 20018- July 16, 2013 12:09 pm
Depart USPS Sort Facility--- SAINT LOUIS, MO 63155--------- July 11, 2013
Processed at USPS Origin Sort Facility-- ------------------------------------
----------------------------------- SAINT LOUIS, MO 63155-- July 11, 2013 7:11 pm
Acceptance----------------------- SAINT LOUIS, MO 63155-- July 11, 2013 11:46 am
---- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ -------------------------
Expected Delivery By:
First-Class Mail®
Certified Mail™
President Barack Hussein Obama
Re:Petition for a Writ of Certiorari 13-5193, Jeep v. Obama/Government U.S.
forma securitatis,[1] in both law and equity for RIGHTS
Dear Mr. Obama,
Why would anyone commit to a contract much less a Constitution without a specified ex industria power to reciprocal forma securitatis for its enforcement? It is transparently axiomatic that any agreement among men imposes an ex industria power to enforce the forma securitatis. The chosen pacific forma securitatis under We the People's constitutional agreement is Due Process in both law and equity. The default forma securitatis is war. Absolute immunity for the forma securitatis, in both law and equity, QUASHES basic inalienable human rights.
I doubt I am the first supporter to petition/sue you while you have been in office. I would assert that I am the only supporter to suffer through 10 years of deprivation, 5 years homeless, 411 days in jail, 2 psychological competency exams and been through the United States Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals seven times (case #07-2614, 08-1823, 09-2848, 10-1947, 11-2425, 12-2435 and 13-2200), with two prior docketed and denied Petitions for Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court (07-1115 and 11-8211) while you have been in office. I further admit that even though I have, several times, written to you on this issue you may, for bureaucratic reasons, not be aware of the specifics of the issue. Nonetheless you are the executive of the government and thus have the executive duty for the Constitution's forma securitatis. Specifically I refer to the duty as specified under the Constitution for the United States of America, Article. II., Section. 3., to "take care that the Laws be faithfully executed."
If you have studied the evolution of Constitutional legal precedent, I am sure you are aware of the two seminal Supreme Court precedents regarding "absolute immunity" and their timely proximity to the ex industria statute law specifically called out in the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments.[2] They were criminal "absolute immunity," Randall v. Brigham, 74 U.S. 7 (1868) suspiciously subsequent to § 2 of the 1866 Civil Rights Act (now codified in Federal Statute laws as Criminal 18 U.S.C. § 241 & 242) and civil "absolute immunity," Bradley v. Fisher, 80 U.S. 13 (1871) suspiciously subsequent to the Civil Rights Act of 1871 (now codified in Federal Statute laws as Civil 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and 1985). As an example of the "absolute immune" confirmation bias of precedent that makes manifest evil look accepted benign and inevitable, I would site 100 plus years of Jim Crow Lynching (1864-present), Jane Crow Lynching (1974-present) and John Marshall Harlan's (1833 – 1911) Dissent in Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 26 (1883) defending the "sense and reason" of the amended Constitution and the Civil Rights Act of 1875 (now codified in Federal Statute laws as Civil Rights Act of 1964).
I supported your recent refusal to defend DOMA.[3] The defeat of DOMA at the Supreme Court was roundly applauded. That affected maybe 4% of the population. When the ex industria statute law for the forma securitatis for rights was passed by Congress and then defeated by the Supreme Court post-Civil War that affected 12.7% of the total population, nearly 50% in the more critical states of Louisiana and Mississippi. That was a bad THING. Now I ask you to NOT defend the grant of absolute immunity. This will affect 100% of the population. I doubt there ever was or even could be a more incredible,[4] fantastic or delusional scenario[5] than the malicious, corrupt, dishonest or incompetent grant of "absolute immunity."[6]
Why would anyone commit to a contract much less a Constitution without a specified ex industria power to reciprocal forma securitatis for its enforcement? Just imagine how different post-Civil War America would have been if the freed slaves could have actually gotten the ex industria power to reciprocal forma securitatis for rights. And I do not care what REVISIONIST HISTORY says We the People invested over a half million lives to rid our Constitution and our Country of slavery, "the ends the people desired to accomplish, which they attempted to accomplish, and which they supposed they had accomplished by changes in their fundamental law."[7]
The Supreme Court, a lawfully delegated authority, acting under a sworn to lawful constitutional commission has unlawfully awarded themselves and others "absolute immunity"[8] from the forma securitatis, in both law and equity for RIGHTS i.e., their "facially"[9] "reasonable"[10] reckonable[11] constitutionally commissioned raison d'être[12]. It would be an incredible,[13] fantastic or delusional scenario[14] to assert that anyone could have "absolute immunity" from forma securitatis for the Constitution. It is axiomatic as Alexander Hamilton articulated:
"There is no position which depends on clearer principles, than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative[15] act, therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm, that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid"[16] (i.e., the "deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws of the United States of America"[17]).
The judiciary has done this by unlawfully denying the constitutional forma securitatis of governmental accountability, 1st and 7th Amendment Justice, law and equity?[18]
We the People have fallen under the despotic[19] spell of the concentrated power in the Supreme Court[20] that has created ABSOLUTE POWER[21] from ABSOLUTE IMMUNITY for the "malicious or corrupt" judges,[22] the "malicious or dishonest" prosecutor, [23] the "knowingly false testimony by police officers"[24] and any malicious, corrupt, dishonest and incompetent[25] by "all persons -- governmental or otherwise -- who were integral parts of the judicial process" [26] acting under color of law to wit, ABSOLUTE CORRUPTION.[27]
The undisputed, undisputable FACTS of my case concern a fraudulent [28] NOT "a facially valid court order."[29] The issuing Judicial Officer did not facially have "probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation"[30] for the stated charge[31] and thus it was "taken in a complete absence of all jurisdiction."[32] Clearly too any facially[33] reckonable[34] reading of Due Process rights, reasonable probable cause is a prerequisite for government action/jurisdiction. There are "absolutes" in our Bill of Rights, and they were put there on purpose by "men who knew what the words meant and meant their prohibitions to be "absolutes."[35]
In the 9.58 years[36] since, there has never been any mention of "exigent circumstances" nor "good faith" mistakes. The order stands on its own, brazenly, NOT a "facially valid court order."[37] Since this is a civil domestic issue and has been ongoing for 9.58 years, "the "exclusionary rule"[38] is simply irrelevant... it is damages or nothing."[39] Since 2003 the Commissioner Jones and the original petitioner Sharon G. Jeep both contradicted their original assertions, although neither took the "Good Faith" requisite of RESPONSIBILITY!!!
Now if you could somehow get past the constitutional security of REASONABLE probable cause and thus the prohibition of a "general warrant," which you cannot. The 8th Amendment's prohibition of "cruel and unusual punishments" for an alleged, later disproven,[40] misdemeanor traffic violation precludes the imposed punishment, the ongoing deprivation of my home, my son, my paternity, my liberty… my everything.
Do we live under a reckonable facially reasonable rule of law or under the despotic dictatorial prerogative of the Black Robed Royalist Judiciary???
If there is anything further I can do for you in this regard, please let me know.
Time is of the essence"
a. "Supreme Court docketed Petition for a Writ of Certiorari 13-5193"
b. "SupremeCourt.gov search results for Jeep's petitions 07-11115, 11-8211 and 13-5193"
cc: Donald B. Verrilli Jr., (via e-mail SupremeCtBriefs@USDOL.gov)
My Blog - Friday, July 12, 2013, 9:06:00 AM
[1] "A radical solution was thus proposed in clause 61 of the charter, known as the security clause (forma securitatis)." Matthew Strickland, 'Enforcers of Magna Carta (act. 1215–1216)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press. [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/theme/93691, accessed 10 July 2013]
[2] "The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article." The grant of ex industria power by the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments
[3] The Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) (Pub.L. 104–199, 110 Stat. 2419, enacted September 21, 1996, 1 U.S.C. § 7 and 28 U.S.C. § 1738C)
[4] JUSTICE MARSHALL dissenting, Briscoe v. LaHue, 460 U.S. 363 (1983)
[5] "fantastic or delusional scenarios" Neitzke v. Williams, 490 U.S. 319 (1989) and Denton v. Hernandez - 504 U.S. 25 (1992)
[6] "absolute immunity from subsequent damages liability for all persons -- governmental or otherwise -- who were integral parts of the judicial process." Briscoe v. LaHue, 460 U.S. 325 (1983) @ Page 460 U. S. 335
[7] CIVIL RIGHTS CASES, 109 U. S. 26 (1883) MR. JUSTICE HARLAN dissenting.
[10] Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution
[11] "reckonability" is a needful characteristic of any law worthy of the name." Antonin Scalia: The Rule of Law as a Law of Rules, 56 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1175, 1175-81 (1989)
[12] "Whatever other concerns should shape a particular official's actions, certainly one of them should be the constitutional rights of individuals who will be affected by his actions. To criticize section 1983 liability because it leads decision makers to avoid the infringement of constitutional rights is to criticize one of the statute's raisons d'etre." Owen v. City of Independence, 445 U. S. 656 (1980)
[13] Justice Thurgood Marshal dissenting, Briscoe v. LaHue, 460 U.S. 363 (1983) I would assert it a fantastic or delusional scenario!!!!!
[14] "fantastic or delusional scenarios" Neitzke v. Williams, 490 U.S. 319 (1989) and Denton v. Hernandez - 504 U.S. 25 (1992)
[15] Based on the Constitution's Article I section 7&8 it was mistakenly and naively assumed that only the Legislature could enact Law. I would assert it is axiomatic that all "delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void" the legislative (Article I), executive (Article II) and judiciary (Article III).
[16] Alexander Hamilton June of 1788 at the ratification of the Constitution for the United States of America, The Federalist Papers No. 78, "The Judiciary Department"
[18] Justice without regard to equity impoverishes the victim at the expense of the evil they have suffered. I have been forced into poverty, homelessness for FOUR YEARS! The 1st Amendment secures the constitutional right to a lawfully un-abridge-able justifiable redress of grievance from the government: "Congress shall make no law abridging the right of the people to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." The 7th Amendment secures the right to settle all suits: "In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law" assures justice as regards equity.
[19] Montesquieu in his "De l'Espirit des Lois" (1748) (The Spirit of the Law) defines three main kinds of political systems: republican, monarchical, and despotic. Driving each classification of political system, according to Montesquieu, must be what he calls a "principle". This principle acts as a spring or motor to motivate behavior on the part of the citizens in ways that will tend to support that regime and make it function smoothly. For democratic republics (and to a somewhat lesser extent for aristocratic republics), this spring is the love of virtue -- the willingness to put the interests of the community ahead of private interests. For monarchies, the spring is the love of honor -- the desire to attain greater rank and privilege. Finally, for despotisms, the spring is the fear of the ruler. We the People currently have a despotic system in that we have NO enforceable rights in America TODAY!!!!!!!!!!
[20] "There is no worse heresy than that the office sanctifies the holder of it." Lord Acton, John Emerich Edward (1949), Essays on Freedom and Power, Boston: Beacon Press, p. 364
[21] "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely." Lord Acton in a letter he wrote to scholar and ecclesiastic Mandell Creighton, dated April 1887.
[25] Incompetence is the most insidious and it is covered up by the gratuitous grants of dishonesty, malice and corruption. Martin Luther King said it better, "Nothing in all the world is more dangerous than sincere ignorance and conscientious stupidity" (MLK Jr., Strength to Love, 1963).
[26] Briscoe v. LaHue, 460 U.S. 345 (1983) ABSOLUTE IMMUNITY for "all persons -- governmental or otherwise -- who were integral parts of the judicial process"
[28] The fraud exception to rei publicae, ut sit finis litium, and nemo debet bis vexari pro una et eadam causa is self evident, the "sense and reason" of a Supreme Law of The Land. You assert judicial interpretation. Here we agree as noted in United States v. Throckmorton, 98 U.S. 65 (1878) is applicable here "But there is an admitted exception to this general rule in cases where, by reason of something done by the successful party to a suit, there was in fact no adversary trial or decision of the issue in the case. Where the unsuccessful party has been prevented from exhibiting fully his case by fraud or deception practiced on him by his opponent, as by keeping him away from court."
[30] The Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution
[31] Missouri Revised Statutes Chapter 455, Abuse—Adults and Children—Shelters and Protective Orders Section 455.035, where he is tasked by statute to "for good cause shown in the petition", issued a warrant without any probable cause. A Judges' power is necessarily limited by the Constitution and statute. A Judge can not issue a warrant without probable cause. Not only did the petition for an Ex-Parte Order of protection not list any abuse, what it did list was third party description of an incident in traffic court that was being handled by another geographical JURISDICTION, 150 miles away and different subject matter jurisdiction by a judicial officer that subsequently recused himself for his bad act.
[32] Mireles v. Waco,502 U.S. 9, 11-12, 112 S.Ct. 286, 116 L.Ed.2d 9 (1991) (per curiam)
[34] "reckonability" Antonin Scalia: The Rule of Law as a Law of Rules, 56 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1175, 1175-81 (1989)
[35] Hugo Black is Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. This article was delivered as the first James Madison Lecture at the New York University School of Law on February 17, 1960. Reprinted from NEW YORK UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW, Vol. 35, April, 1960.
[36] As of Saturday June 01, 2013 12:05.68 PM
[38] In criminal case the "exclusionary rule" is an obfuscation of the Government's Article III vicarious liability for due Process rights.
[39] Bivens v. Six Unknown Fed. Narcotics Agents, 403 U.S. 410 (1971) "Finally, assuming Bivens' innocence of the crime charged, the "exclusionary rule" is simply irrelevant. For people in Bivens' shoes, it is damages or nothing."
[40] United States v. Agurs - 427 U.S. 103 (1976) "typified by Mooney v. Holohan, 294 U. S. 103, the undisclosed evidence demonstrates that the prosecution's case includes perjured testimony and that the prosecution knew, or should have known, of the perjury. [Footnote 7] In a series of subsequent cases, the Court has consistently held that a conviction obtained by the knowing use of perjured testimony is fundamentally unfair, [Footnote 8] and must be set aside if there is any reasonable likelihood that the false testimony could have affected the judgment of the jury."
To Kill a Mocking Bird, The Denial of Due Process
"agere sequitor esse"
"Time is of the essence"
http://dgjeep.blogspot.com/
E-mail is preferred Dave@DGJeep.com, DGJeep@DGJeep.com
c/o The Bridge
1610 Olive Street,
Posted by DGJeep at 9:26:00 AM
Labels: CA8 12-2435, J. Roberts, Obama, PWC 13-7030, PWC 15-8884, Supreme Court
Revisionist History And Confirmation Bias of Prece...
President Barack Hussein Obama , forma securitatis...


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Coat the basket of an air fryer with cooking spray.
Combine fish, panko, cilantro, chili sauce, mayonnaise, egg, salt and pepper in a medium bowl; stir until well combined. Shape the mixture into four 3-inch-diameter cakes.
Coat the cakes with cooking spray; place in the prepared basket. Cook at 400°F until the cakes are browned and their internal temperature reaches 140°F, 9 to 10 minutes. Serve with lime wedges.


text:
Egyptian Political Satirist Bassem Youssef On Media And The Arab Spring
Published March 19, 2017 at 6:52 AM CDT
LOURDES GARCIA-NAVARRO, HOST:
At its height, Bassem Youssef's satirical show in Egypt had a quarter of the country tuning. That some 30 to 40 million people per episode. The surgeon-turned-comedian had ratings his idol Jon Stewart would die for. Youssef's biting comedy took aim at first at Islamists and then at the military regime that took over, but his popularity was not enough to save him.
He eventually had to flee the country after death threats and a court case against him. He's living in the U.S. now, and he has a new book out. It's called "Revolution For Dummies: Laughing Through The Arab Spring." Bassem Youssef joins us on the line from our studios in New York. Welcome.
BASSEM YOUSSEF: Hi.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: You start your book warning the listener - rather, the reader - that this is not a primer on the Middle East or Middle East politics. This is for Americans who may not know much about the region. Why did you write the book at this particular time? What did you want people to know about the Arab Spring?
YOUSSEF: One part of it is when I was watching people talking with the Middle East, they always talk about the power struggle, but they don't tell you how people get to power, how people convince millions of citizens to vote against their own interests or to believe into conspiracy theories. And I think the media is a huge factor in that. And nobody really talks about how media in the Arab world is being directed or formed or used to form a narrative. And me, being a political satirist, taking my aim most of the time at the media, I thought that this is important.
Now, when I was writing the book, certain changes were happening in America - the same exact kind of conspiracy theories, alternative facts, thin-skinned presidents who cannot take a joke. I could see parallels. I could see similarities. And I could actually use that to make the topic of the Middle East, which is usually very elusive, more palatable for people to understand.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: I want to get to the elections in the United States a little bit later, but let's go back to the beginning. In the first half of the book, you talk about taking on the Islamists, the Muslim Brotherhood, who were in power at that point. And at that point, you had a lot of liberals applauding you for taking on religious demagoguery, if you will. And then what happened when President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi took power? You were critical of him, too. What did your fans think then?
YOUSSEF: Many of them didn't approve. Many of them hated me. Many of them actually believed that I was a spy or an operative, or I hated the army, or I hated the country. And many of them were actually members of my family. So it just showed me how hypocritical they were. They were fine with me as long as my jokes hit the direction that they wanted to hit. And I was basically hated by the same people who cheered for me a few days before.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: When you were at the height of your fame in Egypt, did you think it was going to protect you?
YOUSSEF: Something inside me was telling me that this was not going to last. I didn't imagine that I would have to leave the country, but it was a possibility, especially under the military regime. I was basically counting my days. I felt that I was living on borrowed time.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Why do you think authoritarians find comedy so frightening?
YOUSSEF: Because comedy takes away their fake respect. All of these dictators basically draw their legitimacy and their status from people fearing them. You cannot fear something that you laugh at. That's why they always crack down on comedians - because anything that they would say that will sound big, and they'll sound massive, and they will sound inspiring - it's being taken down by comedians. And they cannot stand that.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Comedians on the front lines.
YOUSSEF: Yes.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: (Laughter) You've come to America at an interesting time. And I'm going to play a clip of a comedy sketch you just did. You're satirizing people's fears of Muslims by using a breathalyzer. Let's listen.
(SOUNDBITE OF VIDEO, "BREATHE EASY WITH BASSEM YOUSSEF")
YOUSSEF: Sick of being nervous around everyone? Then you need the Breathe Easy. Using a simple-to-read meter, the Breathe Easy will accurately register how many of radicle enzymes or rad-enzymes (ph) are found on a scale from likes hummus to supporter of ISIS. Simply have your friend blow into the Breathe Easy. You'll be able to gauge how much unjustified fear you should actually have.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Why make a joke about that right now?
YOUSSEF: Why not?
YOUSSEF: I think joking about stuff kind of, like, takes the tension out. I think people are just, like, taking stuff too seriously. And I think we, as Middle Easterners and Arabs and Muslims, should do more of making fun of ourselves and making fun of the stuff that's happening to us. You know, I think satire comes from a great pain and suffering, and it's very important to take what you're facing and put it out in a light matter. So maybe we, as Middle Eastern who are now viewed as the biggest evil in the world - if we come up and make fun of it, some people can actually look at us as, you know, oh, they could laugh, too, other than just blowing stuff up.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: (Laughter) Were you surprised to find yourself fleeing one country - Egypt - and ending up in an America that feels so polarized and tense right now?
YOUSSEF: No. I thought of myself as a bad omen. It seems that every country I go, some crazy dictator takes over.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: You think it's you.
YOUSSEF: I think it's me, but I understand what's happening. But the thing is it's not just about Muslims. When racism arrives, it doesn't look to your ID card. It doesn't look too your history. It doesn't go into your bedroom to see how many prayers you do a day. When racism arrives, it doesn't discriminate. It really goes and spread the hate, and it will affect everybody.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: So what's next for you?
YOUSSEF: Well, it seems that everybody who's talking about the Middle East, about Muslims are people who are not from the Middle East or not Muslims. So maybe, like, I could be part of this conversation. Maybe I can offer a different perspective. Maybe not all of us are angry people who just want to bring the country down. Maybe I can just use satire to show people a different perspective, a different aspect of what's happening in my own part of the world.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Can you imagine going back to Egypt? Is there - is there a moment that you can see yourself doing that?
YOUSSEF: Honestly and sadly, I can't imagine it right now.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Bassem Youssef - his new book is called "Revolution For Dummies." Thank you so much.
YOUSSEF: Thank you very much.
(SOUNDBITE OF SHUSMO'S "LONGA NAKREZ") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


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text:
yvetterosser
Are the Taliban Coming to Town?
Published in "The Friday Times" (ed. Najam Sethi)
Lahore, Pakistan, 9 March 2001
The printed version of this article as it appeared in the newspaper The Friday Times, was several pages long with numerous photos (see captions below). 9/11 came six months after this article warned about blowback from US policies…. ushering in what some have called, the Fourth World War: Radical Islam VS the Rest of the World. I am still in touch with numerous friends in Pakistan who are spiritual but not religious… Sufistic Agnostics, nominally Muslim, but free thinkers. Needless to say, they keep their philosophical views to themselves in a country where being 'caught' thinking freely could cause a case against you for blaspheming the Prophet (PBUH) and then you are fair game for public execution by mob, or your children could be shot in the head on the school bus. Much has changed in Pakistan since 2001. Now in 2016, it may be even scarier to think freely than when I wrote this article.
Yvette Claire Rosser
The Human Rights Commission Pakistan issued a report in October 2000 that accused the military regime of committing "widespread abuses in the name of political reform". They called on General Musharraf to "immediately return the country to constitutional rule," saying the "government had detained former officials without charge, removed independent judges, banned public rallies, and rendered political parties all but powerless." The HRCP made a particularly critical point, that since the coup, "curbs on political activity" have opened up space for "religious parties, whose authorities and institutions Musharraf has thus far largely refrained from challenging." In 2001, not only is Musharraf powerless to challenge the mullahs, he knows that they could bring his government down.
The American television news programme, 60 Minutes, ran a segment about Pakistan in the autumn of 2000, titled, "America's Worst Nightmare". Samiul Haq and other clerics interviewed for the programme scoffed at the thought that the government could control their militant activities. The men behind the radical madrassas could shut Islamabad down. And Musharraf knows it. Unfortunately, this 60 Minutes news feature employed the same stereotypical use of film footage predictably fed to Western audiences, showing men at prayer, while a journalist narrates the perils of terrorism-thereby implicating all believing Muslims. In reality, most young men in Pakistan would rather marry an educated woman and work in the Info-Tech industry than fight the infidels. They would rather play cricket on the weekend in an empty lot than plot suicide missions into Kashmir. The average Pakistani is not a fundamentalist.
Most Pakistanis fear jihadis and their debilitating impact on society. Mullah jokes abound, but bitter laughter offers small reprieve. The vast majority of educated Pakistanis dream of a prosperous economy, democratic institutions, and a safe future for their children-both boys and girls. They want peace with India, peace with the world. They are secular and sophisticated. And they are sick of giving up everything-economic development, education, civic society-for Kashmir. "More than five decades is long enough. Let's get on with the business of nation-building," is the prevalent attitude. Frustrated as they may be by the lack of infrastructure, the growing political clout of the militant fundamentalists is far more frightening. The gender-biased dogmatic rhetoric that revels in a culture of fatwas, hudood and blasphemy laws, the self-appointed sectarian clerics who depreciate diplomacy, the unemployed, well armed young men pouring out of the Deeni Madaris, hunting heretics in the neighborhood… scary indeed.
Though, as of yet, the religious parties have never been supported by the electorate, they exercise a coercive psychological influence on society. For years, narratives and symbols of the nation have been pushed along this path. Textbooks in particular have been used to manufacture a siege mentality -a culture of mistrust and fear to counter the threat from Dar-al-Harb India and decadent Western values, all the while containing fissiparous provincial ethnicities. Non-Muslim and anti-national cultural influences are blamed for regional ethnic allegiances, as written in Mohammed Sarwar's 'Pakistan Studies' textbook, in wide use across Pakistan: "At present a particular segment, in the guise of modernisation and progressive activity, has taken the unholy task of damaging our cultural heritage. Certain elements aim at the promotion of cultures with the intention to enhance regionalism and provincialism and thereby damage national integration."
NGOs, HRCP, progressive social organisations, and provincial ethnic
groups are, according to this analysis, deemed anti-Pakistani and inherently anti-Islamic. "It is in the interest of national solidarity that such aspects of culture should be promoted as reflecting affinity among the people of the provinces," Sarwar writes. Instead of being valued as parts of a whole, cultural expressions of Sindhis, Pathans, and Balochis are seen as a threat. Islam is employed to erase these dangerous cultural differences.
In the official 'Pakistan Studies' version of history, General Zia "took concrete steps in the direction of Islamisation." In this eulogy, perhaps the pious General is stitching caps alongside Aurangzeb, the hero who supposedly rescued South Asian Islam from Akbar's "misguided secular" policies. Though Z. A. Bhutto is inevitably lambasted in Pak Studies textbooks, Zia escapes criticism despite the fact that he was the most cruel of the military rulers who have usurped the political process in
Pakistan-just ask the Sindhis, who suffered heavily. Nonetheless, in Pakistan Studies textbooks, Zia is a savior fostering "complete Islamisation."
Each time the constitution was aborted, placed in abeyance, or otherwise raped, textbooks describe it as a necessary response, a repercussion stimulated by un-Islamic forces. Dr. Sarwar writes, "The political leadership did not live up to expectations and lacked commitment to Islamic objectives. Moreover, the civil service had not undergone a socialisation process commensurate with Islamic teachings. The bureaucratic elite had a Western orientation with a secular approach to all national issues the result was political instability and chaos paving the way for the intervention of the military and the imposition of Martial Law."
No wonder Musharraf's October 1999 coup met with little resistance. Ideology has superseded accuracy in the restructuring of Pakistani identity since the days of partition. But it is during the days of Gen. Zia that the Curriculum Wing bowed to the religious lobby and completely lost its moorings in objective historiography. The subsequent post-martial law decades of democratic and or military dispensations never attempted to put science back into the social sciences, whereas Zia's warped version of the Ideology of Pakistan still directs the discourse. In Pak Studies textbooks, General Ayub Khan is accused of imposing un-Islamic laws, particularly family laws to protect women; his "secular outlook brought about his decline." On the other hand, "During the period under Zia's regime, social life developed a leaning towards simplicity. Due respect and reverence to religious people was accorded. The government patronised religious institutions and liberally donated funds."
Textbooks cite a "network of conspiracies and intrigues" that is threatening the "Muslim world in the guise of elimination of militancy and fundamentalism." Here Pakistan single-handedly takes credit for the fall of the Soviet Union and lays claim to creating a situation in the modern world where Islamic revolutions can flourish and "the vacuum left by the fall of the USSR will be filled by the world of Islam." Warning that "the Western world has fully perceived this phenomena, which accounts for the development of reactionary trends in that civilization." The Pak Studies curriculum prepares students for Samuel Huntington's 'Clash of Civilizations', for instance, quote/Unquote from the textbook: "The Muslim world is fully capable of facing Western challenges, provided that Muslims are equipped with self-awareness and channel their collective efforts for the well being of the Muslim Ummah.[…] All evidence substantiates Muslim optimism, indicating that the next century will glorify an Islamic revolution with Pakistan playing a pivotal role." [!]
Pakistan Studies textbooks are full of contradictions. One page brags about the modern banking system, yet the next page complains that interest (riba) is un-Islamic. Self-loathing is written into the text: politicians are inherently corrupt, industrialists inevitably pursue "personal benefit at the cost of national interest." The historical narrative bounces between poles of conspiracy theory and threats from within. Generating fear of India's perpetual Machiavellian intentions and the West's ideological hegemony, this discourse magnifies insecurities and deprecates sub-national identities. According to Pak Studies rhetoric, all these problems could be solved by implementing stricter Islamic codes and practices.
Most of the people I have met in Pakistan long for a just and democratic system. Yet the very people whose voices should be heeded are the ones harassed by the authorities or Mullahs. In the past, even democratic governments made it difficult for intellectuals with alternative viewpoints to do research, not to mention what happened to certain journalists. Surrounded by corruption and confronted by an ever-narrowing definition of the nation, yet endowed with moral conscientiousness, many Pakistani scholars, educators, and professionals lament privately, despairing the condition of their country.
After many friends and colleagues in Pakistan told me that they were despondent about the future, depressed when they assessed the potential of their nation-state, I questioned a psychiatrist about these shared expressions of depression. For Dr. Inayat, from the Civil Hospital Karachi, the nation-wide depression is tangible and quantifiable. He told me that "20 to 30 suicides occur daily, primarily among those between fifteen and thirty, mostly upper class urbanised females and newly educated rural or urbanised lower middle class males." During the summer of 1999, Dr. Inayat explained that the rise in clinical depression, even among citizens with ample economic opportunities can be partly attributed to the death of collective vision. Though democracy had been practiced for over ten years, civil society had declined and there was "a loss of enthusiasm to change the system from within, a certain resignation."
The October coup both amplified and reflected this situation. When I interviewed Dr. Inayat again in February 2000, he told horror stories about boys brought from madaris to the Psychiatric Ward in a state of shock, psychologically and physically abused. The news media tends to blame the rash of suicides on fears of economic failure. However, fear of fundamentalists and their medieval legal system, ushering in an era of social oppression-makes the horror of financial insecurity pale in comparison. Most of the people I have met in Pakistan are alarmed about the "Talibanisation of the nation." I was told time and again, "the CIA created the Taliban Frankenstein in Pakistan's backyard and then walked away, leaving the monster behind."
An American arsenal, commandeered by General Zia faced north in 1980, ten years later, with the Russian retreat, Pakistanis cautioned, now "the weapons were facing south". Then Warlords turned their weapons against one another, ultimately setting their sights in an easterly direction, on Kashmir once again. By 1993, from the madrassas of Rawalpindi, the Taliban emerged to 'save' Afghanistan and create a medieval Caliphate. Some Pakistanis, inspired by politicised sermons from the Mullah elites, vociferously call for a "Taliban-type system" and are willing to die to re-Islamize the nation. This may be especially true among the poor, whose only access to education is in a crowded madrassa where they learn that Sunni Islam is poised to take over the world of kafirs and apostates. These economically and culturally deprived young men have been taught that a Taliban-like system could overcome their poverty, their powerlessness, and their despair. Caught between conspiracies, corruption and the Qu'ran*, they see no alternatives.
Sindhis in Larkana District are afraid to go to the mosque; they may be killed, shot in the back while praying. They are concurrently afraid NOT to go to the mosque; they may be killed for not being outwardly sufficiently orthodox. In 2000, a farmer in rural Sindh told me, "ten years ago, people went to the mosque when they wanted to– Eid, Ramzan, Jumaah. No one forced you. Now, Taliban-trained Mullahs from Punjab have come to our village and built a madrassa. Three boys have gone to fight in Kashmir and Chechnya. When the boys leave the madrassa, they are quite religiously intolerant. Sindhis have never been intolerant." He lamented, "We never had this situation before, we have always been Sindhi Muslims, but now we have to fake our religiosity to protect our lives. At home, we sing Shah Latif. We are Sufis." This gentleman-farmer, who lives with his four brothers, their wives and children, said to me, "our names are Muslim, but our chromosomes are Buddhist." From a mud serai in rural Sindh to a well-furnished flat in urban Lahore, there is a fear that the Taliban and their Pakistani bosses and wannabes are coming to town.
Qazi Hussain Ahmad of Jamaat-i-Islami issued a call to his ideological base among the Zia-trained corps commanders of the Pakistan Army to stage a coup d'etat to bring about an Islamic Revolution. Musharraf, perceived as a social liberal, is an obstacle to complete Islamisation. Maulana Akram Awan of the Tanzimul Ikhwan party vowed that 300,000 of his disciples are armed and ready to march on Islamabad, demanding the "enforcement of Islam". In response to the threats, Musharraf sent General Moinuddin Haider to visit the maulanas and plead for their cooperation. In the bargain, Haider agreed to crack down on NGOs (involved in such "un-Islamic activities" as educating girls) and promised more government financial support to Deeni Madaris in exchange for their promise to hold back the army of fundamentalists and placate the crores of their angry followers.
The cruel irony of US involvement through the decades is not lost in this telling. Zia reaped the rewards of his despotism in billions of dollars channeled through him to fund freedom-fighting mujahideen while he dumped arms by the truckload in the arms of madrassah students trained to cry "Allah-o-Akbar!" as they waged Ronald Reagan's war against the Evil Empire's incursion in Afghanistan, all the while mindlessly cooking a recipe for a blow-black. General Zia, who executed his democratically elected predecessor, implemented draconian, oppressive Hudood Ordinances and Blasphemy Laws at home. He oppressed the polity and the people by enacting the Eighth Amendment and an Islamisation campaign that, among other restrictions, declared it a capital offense to "criticise the Ideology of Pakistan"-all financed by American money.
In contrast, General Musharraf, who sent his democratically elected predecessor off to live in luxury in Saudi Arabia, has to deal with the twisted militarised legacy left by the shadow of American entanglements and intrigues. But those problems are now Pakistan's. Musharraf is isolated internationally, criticised for harbouring those freedom-fighters turned terrorists, and condemned as a military usurper, and blamed for Kargil. When Musharraf suggested that blasphemy laws were often used unfairly against members of minority communities, he found that he could not undo even a fraction of the damage done by last military regime. Zia's cohorts left a cadre of well-armed murids manning the forts.
Since I first visited Pakistan in 1997, and then several more times between 1999 and 2001, I've spoken to Sindhis, Pathans, Balochis, and Punjabis and all are scared of the creeping Talibanisation of their nation, frightened by the possibility of a violent uprising of the half million strong, gun-toting, madrassa-trained, conservative Deobandi, militant jihadis. Scared to death. In the first year of the second millennium, this is a threat more frightening and imminent than an American or European can fathom. No one who really values democracy, human rights and a robust economy actually believes that the Taliban could possibly provide such a model.
However, I did meet one highly educated professional who said he would welcome a Taliban-type system, regardless of the fact that his wife runs a well-known NGO and would be one of the first targeted under a Talibanised agenda. This esteemed professor, a top-rank government servant, was hedging his bets, sporting a flowing beard, hoping that the Taliban would usher in a "truly Islamic system-Pakistan's birth right." When I challenged his claims about the benign, beneficent corruption-free Taliban, he said the negative images of militant mullahs and news reports of female doctors and teachers forced from their jobs in Kabul were BBC and CNN propaganda designed to blacken the face of fundamentalists. His was definitely not the prevailing opinion. But is this strange displacement of confused identities and convoluted politics an indication of things to come?
Without a doubt, Professor Sahib is an oddity in his middle class milieu. There is a much stronger element in the Pakistani academia, in the press, in hospitals, in the general population, which sees the looming Talibanization as ominous and intolerable. They fear that extremist religious leaders, with the help of some Zia trained junior Army officers, will stage a violent uprising, a counter-counter-coup to take over the government and bring in a radical Shariat system. My friends and colleagues in Lahore, Quetta, Hyderabad, Karachi, Islamabad, Larkana, and even far flung towns like Shahdadkot, go to work everyday, raise their children, celebrate festivals, and bury their dead; they live their lives as well as anyone in the world tries to do. But underneath the intellectual activities, professional duties and family life, underneath they are scared. Scared that on the dark, lonely road to the future, the Taliban will go bump in the night.
* When I originally submitted the article this sentence read: "Caught between conspiracies, corruption and the Qu'ran…" But the editor thought that the language was too harsh and perhaps dangerous, so he changed it to "mullahs", though "conspiracies, corruption and Qu'ran" does have a ring.
PHOTO BOXES:
Photo or Taliban officials at a news conference
Photo of Reagan, with caption: The cruel irony of US involvement through the decades is not lost. Zia reaped the rewards of his despotism in billions of dollars channeled through him to fund freedom-fighting mujahideen, while he dumped arms by the truckload in the arms of madrassah students trained to cry
"Allah-o-Akbar!" as they waged Ronald Reagan's war against the Evil Empire's incursion in Afghanistan.
Photo of Zia, with caption: General Zia executed his democratically elected predecessor, implemented draconian, oppressive Hudood Ordinances and Blasphemy Laws at home, by enacted the Eighth Amendment and an Islamisation campaign that, among other restrictions, declared it a capital offense to "criticize the Ideology of Pakistan"-all financed by American money.
This entry was posted on January 11, 2016 by yvetterosser.
https://wp.me/p5E6v3-G


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$14M paediatric intensive care unit for Hunter
Life-saving treatment for children across Northern NSW has been boosted with the opening of a $14 million Paediatric Intensive Care Unit (PICU) at John Hunter Children's Hospital.
Health Minister Brad Hazzard said the new state-of-the-art facility will enhance the capacity for critical care services for children and young people in a family-friendly environment.
"Having children in intensive care is often the most stressful time a family will ever face, so this unit has been designed specifically with families' needs in mind," Mr Hazzard said.
"More than 300 children and young people require intensive care treatment each year at John Hunter Children's Hospital – and demand is increasing. By building this unit, we are ensuring our most vulnerable patients get access to the best care available in a modern clinical facility."
Children and young people who require medical, surgical and major trauma treatment will receive care in the dedicated eight-bed unit, which complements existing neonatal intensive care services.
The unit features separate overnight accommodation and a family/parent room for some quiet time.
Dr Jorge Brieva, Staff Specialist, John Hunter Hospital Intensive Care Unit, said John Hunter Children's Hospital is the primary referral facility for more than 20 per cent of the state's children and young people.
"The everyday lives of families are quickly altered when a child becomes critically ill. I am proud that with the addition of the PICU, families can access specialised care closer to home in a dedicated unit," said Dr Brieva.
The John Hunter Hospital Emergency Department is one of the busiest in NSW, treating nearly 25,000 children and young people each year.
Work on the NSW Government-funded, $18 million Stage 2 and 3 Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU) refurbishment at John Hunter Children's Hospital is also progressing on schedule and is due to be completed mid-2018.
Page Updated: Monday 1 May 2017


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Blog "I was wrong for slapping you but I am human" is NOT an apology from Peruzzi or his boss Davido
In Music Business by Africa Music Law™ June 10, 2019 2 Comments
By now those of you in the African music ecosystem have probably heard of the viral story concerning Peruzzi (an artist signed to Davido's Nigerian record label DMW) assaulting Pamilerin Adegoke, a social media influencer. If you haven't, the facts are rather straightforward.
About six months ago, January 6, 2019, Pamilerin tweeted several tweets comparing Teni the Entertainer and Peruzzi, both emerging artists. The discussion centered around the Sound City Music Awards 'Best New Artiste' category of which Teni and Peruzzi were nominees. Teni won and Pamilerin favored her in the discussion.
Six months later, Pamilerin and Peruzzi happened to be at a concert in Bayelsa (Southern part of Nigeria). Peruzzi, still upset from the tweets of January 2019, had his "thugs,"in my view, summon and hold Pamilerin down against his will. He then proceeded to slap Pamilerin causing an injury to his eye.
Pamilerin shared this incident on social media. Given that Peruzzi is signed with Davido's record label, it only made sense the story would go viral. As expected, it did earlier today. Pamilerin and Davido have now "apologized" for the assault but I believe the "apology" is disingenuous, at best. This is because they both say Peruzzi was wrong for assaulting Pamilerin but justify his action by saying he "is human."
For this specific set of facts, I fail to see what being human has to do with the matter. When you say, yes I hit you but I am only human, all you are doing is justifying violence and it is not a true apology. This "I am human" argument perhaps (although a big stretch) would have made sense if Peruzzi was in Pamilerin's presence on January 6, 2019, when Pamilerin tweeted his opinion preferring Teni to Peruzzi. However, Peruzzi waited six months to resuscitate a dead issue at a concert with an assault on Pamilerin.
Peruzzi's behavior is the conduct of a bully unwilling to accept that people may have a difference of opinions about his craft, and that it is quite okay.
Davido, while his intentions may be well-meaning, is wrong for trying to justify the basis for the violent act. If you are going to be a leader, be a leader. Don't lead with confusion. Davido should have been clear that Peruzzi's act is unacceptable and leave it at that. The "he's human" thing is unwarranted.
Again, it is different if this incident happened in January during or right after Pamilerin's tweet. But, to wait a whole six months, and then try to sweep it under the umbrella of "I am human," is cowardice at its finest.
Folks, Nigerians and many African groups often claim that criminal laws and enforcement do not work in their countries. Safety is often cited as a major concern that causes such an exodus of citizens to western shores. But, when the test is put in front those very citizens complaining about violence, they fail time and time again. Nigerians and Africans, collectively, must be the change they wish to see.
If you justify violence in this situation, then you will find a way to justify violence against even more vulnerable members of society. It is no wonder that we see violence against women, children, and many disadvantaged groups in a country like Nigeria, and like Davido and Peruzzi's statements, someone, often men, justify those violent acts with with "I am only human" or "what you said made me hit you."
We can and must do better. Let's step up our game.
-Ms. Uduak
Peruzzi's apology
"I'm sorry for slapping you. I'm sorry for hitting you… You do not have to like my music, but please do not insult me, leave me alone."
Peruzzi's justification
"I slapped him. It was wrong, but I'm a human being. I didn't assault him o, I wanted to have a conversation with him and it didn't turn out well…"
NOTE: Under Nigerian law, Peruzzi slapping Pamilerin without Pamilerin's consent is an assault and a criminal offence under Nigeria's Criminal Code Act. In the U.S., such an act, in a state like California is a battery. Assault would be simply putting him in fear of getting slapped. Battery is the actual unlawful contact i.e. the slap.
Pamilerin's rendition of the facts
"What did I go to Bayelsa for, I had no idea I was going to come back to Lagos with a mini swollen eye, all thanks to your fav for blessing me with that. I would have stayed in my Lagos and enjoy the traffic in peace. After the event it was time to go back to Lagos and face traffic, I got into the bus that was taking us to PortHarcourt from Bayelsa, next thing I heard was, come down here, then I felt heavy hand pull me down. All I could hear was, are you AYE(cult), I could not respond because I was lost in thought. What is happening I said to myself. Then this guy dragged me where Peruzzi was standing. Ohh, it's you, I said to myself.
Next thing, your superstar Peruzzi pulled me up with the help of his bouncer holding my hands, the next thing I heard was boom. Is that from THOR I said to myself. He started screaming, don't you ever tweet about me again, you are mad, who do you think you are. This continued to about 20 minutes, everyone around was shocked and dumbfounded, he said how on earth will I compare him with Teni ???? He said he does not care, but this is you abusing me after 6 months. Bearing in mind that I tweeted on the 6th January 2019. When the whole comparison between himself and Teni surfaced online. I simply asked our gentleman not to compare himself that Teni has put in lot of work, so she deserved to be given her moment and credit."
Davido's apology
"I apologize to you @thepamilerin on behalf of my brother and artist @Peruzzi_VIBES. He was wrong for putting his hands on you but people need to realize that we artists are human beings and we see everything! You said some harsh words to my brother and sometimes this thing dey pain!"
In my opinion, I think Pamilerin hurt Peruzzi a lot with his comment on twitter, Pamilerin was so unfair in this comments about peruzzi's music, do you know how words can destroy a person's morale, Pamilerin did not do the right thing as a social media influencer, next time he should be objective with his criticism, but to say the true, Peruzzi can hold a grudge,he is definitely wrong to have slapped Pamilerin, so so wrong. I really like the way , Davido is behaving of recent, he is behaving maturely and taking responsibility of the blame.
I must commend you, Ms Uduak , you are doing a nice job, I wish you more success in your endeavor.
Agreed that words are and can be hurtful.
Pamilerin may have been wrong with his statements, although from what I see, it doesn't appear so.
However, despite that, it is not a reason to strike or cause others to beat him up, especially when you consider the fact that he waits 6 months later to beat up Pamilerin for the criticism of his work.
There really is and should be no place for this kind of conduct in the business of music. Beyond the harm to victims like Pamilerin, it is overall bad for business.
Thank you for the compliment and thanks for reading.


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OIA Sports
HPU Sharks
SUPER(FRESH)MAN: Gilmore's 28 leads Mustangs to Exciting Win at Farrington
By: Paul Brecht
KALIHI — Right from the tip-off, the energy at Farrington High School was electric.
The Kalaheo Mustangs (9-11, 5-4 OIA East) picked up a huge win over the Farrington Governors (2-9, 2-7 OIA East), as Mustangs guard CJ Bostic calmly knocked down a pair of free throws with just over six seconds remaining to lift the visitors, 64-63.
It was a back-and-forth affair all Wednesday evening, as each team had a counter to a run the other was having. Kalaheo took an early lead to open the first quarter, before Farrington used its full court press to knot it up at 12-12 to end the opening frame.
The press sped the game up on both ends, as each team found themselves playing at a speed that forced turnovers and bad shots. The frantic pace caused transition layups to reign supreme, much to the delight of Farrington and the dismay of Kalaheo.
Farrington found themselves getting open looks on fast break chances and speeding up a talented Kalaheo team into some unforced errors. While mistakes plagued the Mustangs in the second quarter, the visitors found themselves down just one, 26-25, going into the locker rooms.
The Farrington first-half attack was led by sophomore Ernest Rodriguez, whose on-court chemistry with senior Gerald Gallardo was on display. The two guards ran wild in transition, looking for each other on the break. The pair combined for 14 of the 26 first-half Governors points.
It was superstar freshman Jaron Gilmore who led the Mustangs' charge through the night, as the 6'2 freshman guard knifed his way through the Farrington press all evening. When Gilmore couldn't finish around the rim, it was energetic junior forward Toa Tevaga making his presence known. The 6'3 springy reserve snatched offensive rebound after offensive rebound and chipped in his own personal 6-0 run for the Mustangs in the second quarter.
Gilmore exploded in the third quarter, chipping in 11 of his 28 total points in the frame. The visiting Mustangs, fighting for their playoff lives, needed every bit of the performance from the freshman.
Gilmore opened his second half scoring with a triple, added a trio of layups to go along with a 2/4 performance from the free throw line. While Kalaheo got a few baskets from the supporting cast, it was the guard who kept the Mustangs within striking distance heading into the fourth quarter.
Farrington's dynamic guard duo kept up the attack in the third quarter, scoring 11 of the team's 18 points to keep the OIA Division 2 school knotted up at 44 with OIA Division 1 Kalaheo for a winner-take-all final quarter.
The teams continued to throw metaphorical punches in the final frame, as each school found the lead only to lose in again moments later. In the end, the heroics of Gilmore and sophomore guard CJ Bostic proved to be too much for Farrington.
Gilmore contributed seven points in the fourth, knocking down his second triple of the night. Bostic scored 11 of his 18 points on the night in the final quarter, going a perfect 4-4 from the line in the waning moments of the game to put it on ice and lead the Mustangs to victory, 64-63.
Farrington, who has now lost two straight heartbreakers, was led by Ernest Rodriguez's 16 points. Gerald Gallardo chipped in 15 in the losing effort, while Jacob Lorenzo scored 12 points for the Governors.
Kalaheo was led by Gilmore's game-high 28 points, 18 of which came in the second half. Bostic scored 18 points for the visitors, and Toa Tevaga ended the night with 8 points for the Mustangs.
Farrington, who has already clinched a playoff spot, looks to get back on track Saturday, January 21 when they travel to Moanalua for the team's regular season finale. Kalaheo hosts Kalani on January 21, trying to extend the team's winning streak to four games.
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Alan Miya, Program Director
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Beer Bacon Chocolate Chili – YUM!
Have you noticed how everyone's been posting fall comfort foods this week? I think it's because in many parts of the country the weather has suddenly changed practically overnight, from summer to fall. Here in the midwest it's been between the high 40s – mid 70s all week. The wind's been blowing and the leaves are starting to turn yellow.
I love fall, so today when it was chilly and raining out, I decided to make a pot of chili. Not just any chili but Beer Bacon Chocolate Chili.
Over the summer I happened to connect with Renee on Linkedin, and read how she had been on The Today Show for this recipe she created. I viewed the recipe and knew I had to try it just as soon as the hot temperatures broke. Today was that day.
I followed Renee's recipe but made a few slight changes based upon ingredients that I had on hand.
Oh my goodness, this chili is out of this world DELICIOUS!!!
I typically make a sweet chili since I tend to love sweets. However, this is a robust chili, I guess you'd say. It's thick, meaty, and packed with flavor. You can spice it up however you like and of course, as with any recipe, make the changes to suit your tastes.
Here's Renee's version, and in red, is how I changed it. I've also added my photos that follow the directions. Try the recipe below, you'll love it!
Add meat to the bacon drippings and brown well.
You may need to drain the meat in the middle of browning.
Once the meat is brown, remove it from the pan and set aside.
Add the peppers to the pot and cook until they start to brown, approximately 3 minutes.
Add onions to the peppers and continue to brown until the onions just start to become translucent.
Add the meat and bacon to the onions and peppers and brown for an additional 5 – 8 minutes.
Add the diced tomatoes to the mixture and stir well.
Over medium-high cook until the mixture just starts to boil.
Add the beans to the pot and cook until it just starts to boil again.
Add the crushed tomatoes and cook, again, until it just starts to boil.
Stir in the chili powder and brown sugar.
When the mixture JUST starts to boil again, stir in shaved chocolate I put 3 broken squares, of the Vosges, into the pot.
Bring to a slow boil and salt to taste. Make sure not to over-salt, as flavors will develop as the chili simmers.
Reduce heat to simmer, cover and let simmer (stirring occasionally) for approximately 2 hours.
This was so good, I didn't add a thing. I could have eaten the entire pot but I refrained so I wouldn't end up sick.
If you love chili you owe it to yourself to try this recipe. It's amazing! At least I think so.
I can see how this is OH, MY delicious! It looks amazing! I was never a chili fan, until I started making my own! GOOD chili is a thing of beauty!
This is really good chili. I kept going back for spoonfuls. It would be easy to cut the calories. You could use tenderloin, which is lower in fat but higher priced. You could use a light beer and I suppose leave out the chocolate or reduce it the flavor would be different but still good.
I loved that chocolate bar I used. It had chipotle peppers and chilies in it with a hint of cinnamon. It definitely added to the richness of the broth.
Thank you for adding yourself to Google Friend Connect. You put me over the 100th person. Hurray!
Hi Vicki! I'm here for the first time and thanks Ann for sending you to my blog first. 🙂 Oh I believe you! This chili looks so delicious. I'm going to take your words and bookmarked already. It looks really delicious!
Thank you so much for trying my recipe! I am so glad that you let me know so I can now follow your blog, it's beautiful! You are about the 5th person who has let me know they tried this recipe and lived it, which makes me so, so happy! As a blogger I often wonder if my recipes come out as good for others as they do for me, so thanks for the validation, it feels great!
I just added you to my google reader, so I will definitely stay in touch!
You're right Renee it was their loss, it's delicious. I'm like you, it's so nice to hear when people make comments about the recipes we post after they've attempted them as well. It's a great feeling to know you were able to share something that others like as well.
I'm going to try and control myself from having the chili for breakfast this morning. I literally thought about it all night it was that good. Thanks again for sharing it. Have a great weekend.
Hi Nami so glad you stopped by. I hope when you try the recipe you enjoy it as much as we have.
This is a beautiful and delicious dish with all the quality ingredients you have put into it. I love chilli and this is just right up my alley! Thanks for sharing!
@chopinandmysaucepan – yes the ingredients are high quality and it shows in the flavor. If you don't want to purchase the Vosges chocolate feel free to use what you like or have on hand, I know you'll love it. My husband and I just had some more with lunch.
I love the piece you wrote about 9/11 and the world on your blog, it was beautiful!
@Desi – Thank you for following me Desi. I'll definitely check out your blog. Please try the chili, it's delicious and perfect for fall.
Wow, this chili sounds so good with beer bacon and chocolate, awesome!
i am making this as we speak. but alas, because i am a neophyte cook, i didn't drain the beans! it is now simmering and i have the lid cocked a little so it won't be too thin. crazy thing is, it's actually pretty thick and still tastes great! also THANKS FOR THE STEP BY STEP PHOTOS! i know what all the ingredients should look like before they go in the pot. essential for me when i don't know the difference between chop and julienne! thanks!!
Not to worry hollyjolly about not draining the beans. I do it mostly to reduce the sodium content. The chili will still taste perfect. Let me know what you think. Thank you for your comment.


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Charles Osmond (1859 – 20 October 1937) was a New Zealand cricketer. He played two first-class matches for Auckland in 1884/85.

See also
 List of Auckland representative cricketers

References

External links

1859 births
1937 deaths
New Zealand cricketers
Auckland cricketers
Cricketers from Devon

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia